huffpost--2020-06-06--Allow Yvonne Orji To Reintroduce Herself

If you ’ re West African , you likely know the cadence and the tone of “ A whole me ?
” without even having to hear it , so ingrained is the phrase in the culture .
And that ’ s what makes the moment so brilliant , a call and response that highlights an African cultural specificity that has rarely been at the center of such a major stage .
This is what makes Orji ’ s comedy special debut exciting : It is as much an arrival for her as it is for first-generation Africans .
Orji @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the HBO series “ Insecure , ” now in its fourth season .
If you ’ re familiar with the show and the discourse around it , you ’ ll know that Molly is possibly one of the most maligned — and perhaps misunderstood — characters on TV right now .
She plays Issa ’ s best friend , a perennially single , career-focused lawyer with what can only be described as a tendency toward being negative .
In the current season of “ Insecure , ” Molly has especially been criticized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the breakdown and possible end of their friendship .
But Orji isn ’ t Molly , and on Saturday , when her comedy special airs , she will be reintroducing herself as the daughter of hardworking Nigerian immigrants , a woman whose ambition is as much fueled by her own personal drive as it is by the immigrant hustle imbued into the children of so many first-generation Nigerians .
She ’ s also introducing herself as an observer of two cultures , a Black woman who engages with the African and American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her accent throughout the set .
Orji is excited about people getting to see a different side of her .
“ Right now , [ the fans ] are mad at Molly .
They ’ re really not trying to mess with her , ” Orji says in a phone conversation with HuffPost .
“ And I ’ m like , ‘ I need y ’ all to rap with Yvonne , though.
’ Before there was Molly , there was Yvonne Anuli Orji .
I was the person in the comedy session @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people met me as Molly .
I ’ m excited for people to rediscover me anew.
” Prior to getting her big break playing Molly on “ Insecure ” in 2016 , Orji had been doing comedy for several years .
She abandoned the prospect of a career in medicine — she received her master ’ s degree in public health from George Washington University — for a career in stand-up .
Orji has toured the country with her set and even opened for Chris Rock during his “ Total Blackout ” tour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and conversational , like a kiki with a girlfriend over drinks .
In the special , filmed at The Howard Theatre in Washington , Orji covers everything from finances ( “ Don ’ t let these HBO checks fool you !
” ) to the Nigerian love of haggling to dealing with the high expectations of Nigerian parents .
It toggles back and forth from Orji ’ s comedy set in The Howard Theatre to documentary-style footage of her with her parents and talking to fellow Nigerians in the streets of Lagos .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ the special ] shows the world is that Black is not a monolith , ” Orji says .
“ I mean , we say it and say it and say it .
But sometimes it takes someone showing you .
There ’ s the West Indian experience .
There ’ s the Caribbean experience .
There ’ s the African experience .
There ’ s the African American experience .
I am excited for that young Nigerian girl to be like , ’ Oh , snap .
So I can be fully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can be celebrated and appreciated ?
’ ” “ Suddenly my mom was like , ‘ Your friend has one.
’ I was like , ‘ She don ’ t know me.
’ But just seeing that Kenyan woman in the fullness of who she is , my mom was like , ‘ Oh , OK. Well , maybe my daughter can .
I understand what she wants to do.
’ It ’ s as quick as that kind of representation , ” Orji says .
“ Hopefully the next Nigerian writer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whatever — director , creative — they can see the special , and their mom can call them , like , ‘ Oh , we got your friend on television.
’ ” The special is airing at an interesting moment in America .
We ’ re all desperately in need of a laugh .
We ’ re all also ( if we ’ re paying attention , that is ) deeply contemplating what it means to be Black in America .
Orji may play an African American woman on one of the Blackest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life , she was born in Nigeria and grew up in Maryland .
The Blackness she explores in the special , then , exists in the in-between .
Many of her first-generation Nigerian peers in entertainment and media have been called out for anti-Blackness in the past .
It ’ s a tension that continues to plague the diaspora , a tension that Orji says she is aware of .
“ Our parents ’ generation , especially the ones that came from Nigeria , a lot of their messaging was like , ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You can be in America , but not of America , ’ ” Orji says .
She says that she remembers once telling her father she identifies as Nigerian American , a concept he didn ’ t understand .
To her father ’ s generation , Orji says , seeing the way Black people are treated in America has created a kind of distance .
But Yvonne wants to bridge the gap .
“ I rep my Nigerianness to the fullest .
I love my country .
I love being African .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ flaws , I love it .
At the same time , I ’ m badly well aware that America has afforded me the ability to even have a dream , to be a successful female comedian , ” she says .
What is that ?
“ That ’ s not a thing that in Nigeria where I could be like , ‘ You know what I ’ m going to make a living off of ?
Telling jokes.
’ In doing the special , I ’ m grateful that I got to kiss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A nice little Hershey Kiss moment of being like , ‘ Yo , I honor my lineage .
I honor my heritage .
I also honor this moment of Blackness.
’ ” In this current moment of protest and hyperawareness around the realities of anti-Blackness in America , Orji says that Africans need to pull up for their African American counterparts .
“ It ’ s a good time to remind our African brothers and sisters that , like , hey , this fight in America is also ours .
How Black people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very similar .
You know what I mean ?
We saw what was happening to Blacks and Africans in China when coronavirus first hit .
It ’ s like , hey , just because it ’ s not in America , it doesn ’ t mean it ’ s not your problem .
We were all colonized.
” There ’ s a great joke in the documentary side of the special where Orji says that to Nigerian parents , you can either be a doctor , a lawyer , an engineer or a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursue comedy , then , was a true leap of faith for Orji — one that clearly paid off .
There ’ s the show , the speciala and a memoir on the way .
But even though the special is called “ Momma , I Made It !
” does she still experience the pressure of being the child of African immigrant parents ?
“ I think I ’ m scratching the surface .
It ’ s like , ‘ OK .
You have done everything .
That ’ s good .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ You ’ re like , ‘ God , dang it .
Just give me a second to enjoy something I ’ ve been trying to do.
’ And it ’ s not even from parents .
It ’ s from everybody else .
It ’ s like , ‘ Well , the sacrifice for her making it is that she ’ s lonely.
’ It ’ s like , ‘ Guys , I might be OK. ’ ” For Orji , the “ pendulum is always swinging.
” She ’ s worked hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but she believes God has much , much more in store .
In that sense , “ Momma , I Made It !
” is a fun comedy debut , but more than that , it ’ s laying the foundation and the groundwork for Orji ’ s next move , for life after “ Insecure , ” life after Molly .
Whatever moves she makes , she wants them to be big .

Yvonne Orji makes her comedy special debut in HBO's "Momma, I Made It!" Jessica Dao
There’s a moment in Yvonne’s Orji’s new HBO comedy special, “Momma, I Made It!” where the 36-year-old comic tells a joke about how African Americans curse people out while Nigerians “put curses” on people. In the setup to the joke, in a thick Nigerian accent, Orji says one word: “Me?”
The audience responds in unison, laughing: “A whole me?”
If you’re West African, you likely know the cadence and the tone of “A whole me?” without even having to hear it, so ingrained is the phrase in the culture. And that’s what makes the moment so brilliant, a call and response that highlights an African cultural specificity that has rarely been at the center of such a major stage. This is what makes Orji’s comedy special debut exciting: It is as much an arrival for her as it is for first-generation Africans.
Advertisement
Orji is best known for playing Molly Carter on the HBO series “Insecure,” now in its fourth season. If you’re familiar with the show and the discourse around it, you’ll know that Molly is possibly one of the most maligned — and perhaps misunderstood — characters on TV right now. She plays Issa’s best friend, a perennially single, career-focused lawyer with what can only be described as a tendency toward being negative. In the current season of “Insecure,” Molly has especially been criticized for how she’s treated Issa during the breakdown and possible end of their friendship.
But Orji isn’t Molly, and on Saturday, when her comedy special airs, she will be reintroducing herself as the daughter of hardworking Nigerian immigrants, a woman whose ambition is as much fueled by her own personal drive as it is by the immigrant hustle imbued into the children of so many first-generation Nigerians. She’s also introducing herself as an observer of two cultures, a Black woman who engages with the African and American experience as fluidly as she switches up her accent throughout the set. Orji is excited about people getting to see a different side of her.
“Right now, [the fans] are mad at Molly. They’re really not trying to mess with her,” Orji says in a phone conversation with HuffPost. “And I’m like, ‘I need y’all to rap with Yvonne, though.’ Before there was Molly, there was Yvonne Anuli Orji. I was the person in the comedy session before I was Molly, but most people met me as Molly. I’m excited for people to rediscover me anew.”
Prior to getting her big break playing Molly on “Insecure” in 2016, Orji had been doing comedy for several years. She abandoned the prospect of a career in medicine — she received her master’s degree in public health from George Washington University — for a career in stand-up. Orji has toured the country with her set and even opened for Chris Rock during his “Total Blackout” tour in 2018. Her style is observational and conversational, like a kiki with a girlfriend over drinks.
Advertisement
In the special, filmed at The Howard Theatre in Washington, Orji covers everything from finances (“Don’t let these HBO checks fool you!”) to the Nigerian love of haggling to dealing with the high expectations of Nigerian parents. It toggles back and forth from Orji’s comedy set in The Howard Theatre to documentary-style footage of her with her parents and talking to fellow Nigerians in the streets of Lagos.
“You know, I think what [the special] shows the world is that Black is not a monolith,” Orji says. “I mean, we say it and say it and say it. But sometimes it takes someone showing you. There’s the West Indian experience. There’s the Caribbean experience. There’s the African experience. There’s the African American experience. I am excited for that young Nigerian girl to be like, ’Oh, snap. So I can be fully, wholly, totally myself? And it can be celebrated and appreciated?’”
Orji recalls seeing that kind of shift in understanding in her own parents when Kenyan Mexican actor Lupita Nyong’o won her Oscar in 2014.
“Suddenly my mom was like, ‘Your friend has one.’ I was like, ‘She don’t know me.’ But just seeing that Kenyan woman in the fullness of who she is, my mom was like, ‘Oh, OK. Well, maybe my daughter can. I understand what she wants to do.’ It’s as quick as that kind of representation,” Orji says. “Hopefully the next Nigerian writer or TV writer or TV actor or whatever — director, creative — they can see the special, and their mom can call them, like, ‘Oh, we got your friend on television.’”
“Orji says that to Nigerian parents, you can either be a doctor, a lawyer, an engineer or a ‘disappointment.’”
Advertisement
The special is airing at an interesting moment in America. We’re all desperately in need of a laugh. We’re all also (if we’re paying attention, that is) deeply contemplating what it means to be Black in America. Orji may play an African American woman on one of the Blackest shows on TV, but in real life, she was born in Nigeria and grew up in Maryland. The Blackness she explores in the special, then, exists in the in-between. Many of her first-generation Nigerian peers in entertainment and media have been called out for anti-Blackness in the past. It’s a tension that continues to plague the diaspora, a tension that Orji says she is aware of.
“Our parents’ generation, especially the ones that came from Nigeria, a lot of their messaging was like, ’OK, you can go to America. You can be in America, but not of America,’” Orji says. She says that she remembers once telling her father she identifies as Nigerian American, a concept he didn’t understand. To her father’s generation, Orji says, seeing the way Black people are treated in America has created a kind of distance.
But Yvonne wants to bridge the gap. “I rep my Nigerianness to the fullest. I love my country. I love being African. I love it. Even in our flaws, I love it. At the same time, I’m badly well aware that America has afforded me the ability to even have a dream, to be a successful female comedian,” she says. What is that? “That’s not a thing that in Nigeria where I could be like, ‘You know what I’m going to make a living off of? Telling jokes.’ In doing the special, I’m grateful that I got to kiss both of those worlds in one. A nice little Hershey Kiss moment of being like, ‘Yo, I honor my lineage. I honor my heritage. I also honor this moment of Blackness.’”
In this current moment of protest and hyperawareness around the realities of anti-Blackness in America, Orji says that Africans need to pull up for their African American counterparts. “It’s a good time to remind our African brothers and sisters that, like, hey, this fight in America is also ours. How Black people are seen anywhere in the world is very similar. You know what I mean? We saw what was happening to Blacks and Africans in China when coronavirus first hit. It’s like, hey, just because it’s not in America, it doesn’t mean it’s not your problem. We were all colonized.”
There’s a great joke in the documentary side of the special where Orji says that to Nigerian parents, you can either be a doctor, a lawyer, an engineer or a “disappointment.” Abandoning her degree to pursue comedy, then, was a true leap of faith for Orji — one that clearly paid off. There’s the show, the speciala and a memoir on the way. But even though the special is called “Momma, I Made It!” does she still experience the pressure of being the child of African immigrant parents?
Advertisement
“I think I’m scratching the surface. It’s like, ‘OK. You have done everything. That’s good. Now can you get married?’ You’re like, ‘God, dang it. Just give me a second to enjoy something I’ve been trying to do.’ And it’s not even from parents. It’s from everybody else. It’s like, ‘Well, the sacrifice for her making it is that she’s lonely.’ It’s like, ‘Guys, I might be OK.’”
For Orji, the “pendulum is always swinging.” She’s worked hard to get to where she is, but she believes God has much, much more in store. In that sense, “Momma, I Made It!” is a fun comedy debut, but more than that, it’s laying the foundation and the groundwork for Orji’s next move, for life after “Insecure,” life after Molly. Whatever moves she makes, she wants them to be big.


huffpost--2020-06-05--Playdates? Camp? What's 'Safe' — And Not — For Kids This Summer

Medical groups like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Academy of Pediatrics ( AAP ) have put out “ considerations ” for various scenarios , but in the absence of concrete , national guidelines parents have to make their own decisions .
Unfortunately , the stakes are high , and what we know about COVID-19 changes by the day .
Thankfully , experts seem to agree on a few basic principles : Outdoor activities are better than indoor activities .
Smaller groups are better than bigger ones .
Shorter visits are better than longer ones .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s kind of the wild west .
“ This is tough , because we ’ re all navigating things in real time , ” said Dr. Mary Caserta , a professor of pediatrics in the division of pediatric infectious diseases with the University of Rochester Medical Center .
“ I ’ m grateful my own children are grown , ” she admitted .
Wondering WTF you ’ re going to do with your own kids this summer ?
HuffPost Parents spoke with four medical experts to break down some more common scenarios @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Going to the beach

Medical groups like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) have put out “considerations” for various scenarios, but in the absence of concrete, national guidelines parents have to make their own decisions. Unfortunately, the stakes are high, and what we know about COVID-19 changes by the day.
Thankfully, experts seem to agree on a few basic principles: Outdoor activities are better than indoor activities. Smaller groups are better than bigger ones. Shorter visits are better than longer ones. Masks help.
Beyond that, it’s kind of the wild west.
“This is tough, because we’re all navigating things in real time,” said Dr. Mary Caserta, a professor of pediatrics in the division of pediatric infectious diseases with the University of Rochester Medical Center.
“I’m grateful my own children are grown,” she admitted.
Wondering WTF you’re going to do with your own kids this summer? HuffPost Parents spoke with four medical experts to break down some more common scenarios and how risky each of them is.
Going to the beach


huffpost--2020-06-06--Twitter Locks Account That Posts Trump's Tweets Verbatim After Less Than 3 Days

The Twitter account @ SuspendThePres , which tweets the exact same words as President Donald Trump , was set up to determine if Twitter ’ s algorithms would flag it as inappropriate .
It achieved its goal in less than three days , after posting Trump ’ s May 29 tweet describing protesters as “ THUGS ” and threatening violent intervention in Minneapolis .
Twitter hit the account with a 12-hour lock approximately 68 hours later and deleted its version of the president ’ s “ THUGS ” tweet .
According to the account holder , who also tweets as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the violation was “ glorifying violence.
” Trump ’ s tweet was flagged for the same reason , but it remains online — albeit branded with a disclaimer indicating that “ it may be in the public ’ s interest for the tweet to remain accessible.
” There ’ s also a disclaimer on the official White House account ’ s version of the tweet , which was cross-posted from Trump ’ s account .
A Twitter spokesperson told HuffPost that Trump ’ s status as a world leader made his tweet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s rules , and cited two blog posts from Twitter detailing its policies on the subject .
“ This isn ’ t a Trump rule — we ’ ve applied this previously , ” the spokesperson said , citing an example from April in which Brazilian politician Osmar Terra tweeted that quarantine measures would only increase cases of COVID-19 .
This echoes the statement the @ TwitterComms account supplied in May , which argued that “ it is important that the public still be able to see the tweet given its relevance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The @ SuspendThePres account , which encourages followers to “ report my rule violating tweets , ” began tweeting on May 29 .
In private messages exchanged with HuffPost , the account holder clarified that they are a U.S. citizen and preferred to remain anonymous “ to allow the experiment to stand for itself.
” They said the impetus for the account was Trump ’ s executive order against social media companies .
“ The order in question would strip media platforms big and small alike from liability protections , which in effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them , ” they noted , adding , “ If I ran a blog the first thing I ’ d do is cut off commenting ...
It would in effect be large scale internet censorship.
” “ I decided to run this experiment right after that executive order , ” they said .
“ I wanted to see for myself if [ Trump ] was indeed violating the [ terms of service ] .
What better way to test out the hypothesis than to see if they suspended me for the exact same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ holder said the company ’ s response has “ raised a whole host of additional questions , ” including , “ Will Twitter continue to find the tweets in violation ?
How many times ?
How long does it take in general to remove offending content from the platform ?
Will Twitter shutdown the experiment permanently ?
Will Twitter be more/less/equally lenient towards future presidents ?
” Asked about Twitter ’ s decision to categorize Trump ’ s tweets as within the public interest , the account holder called the situation “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ platform and social media as a whole.
” “ On one side you have to have community standards for the masses that need to be followed , and on the other side you have people of such significance using the same platform that the rules are bent for .
It makes sense that Twitter wants the world to be aware of what ’ s going on ...
I definitely understand the pushback as well - the argument of ‘ why should regular social media users be held to a higher standard than world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty big conversation and I ’ m sure it will be discussed for years to come .
”

LOADING ERROR LOADING
The Twitter account @SuspendThePres, which tweets the exact same words as President Donald Trump, was set up to determine if Twitter’s algorithms would flag it as inappropriate.
It achieved its goal in less than three days, after posting Trump’s May 29 tweet describing protesters as “THUGS” and threatening violent intervention in Minneapolis.
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Twitter hit the account with a 12-hour lock approximately 68 hours later and deleted its version of the president’s “THUGS” tweet. According to the account holder, who also tweets as @BizarreLazer, Twitter’s reasoning for the violation was “glorifying violence.”
Experiment Update - Account just now coming off a 12 hour suspension. Took roughly 68 hours for Twitter to suspend me. The violating tweet has been deleted. Twitters reasoning for the violation? Glorifying violence. Experiment will continue. DMs will remain open. Thank you. https://t.co/fuxJFMERgP — Will they suspend me? (@SuspendThePres) June 2, 2020
Trump’s tweet was flagged for the same reason, but it remains online — albeit branded with a disclaimer indicating that “it may be in the public’s interest for the tweet to remain accessible.” There’s also a disclaimer on the official White House account’s version of the tweet, which was cross-posted from Trump’s account.
A Twitter spokesperson told HuffPost that Trump’s status as a world leader made his tweet of public interest despite violating the platform’s rules, and cited two blog posts from Twitter detailing its policies on the subject.
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“This isn’t a Trump rule — we’ve applied this previously,” the spokesperson said, citing an example from April in which Brazilian politician Osmar Terra tweeted that quarantine measures would only increase cases of COVID-19.
This echoes the statement the @TwitterComms account supplied in May, which argued that “it is important that the public still be able to see the tweet given its relevance to ongoing matters of public importance.”
We've taken action in the interest of preventing others from being inspired to commit violent acts, but have kept the Tweet on Twitter because it is important that the public still be able to see the Tweet given its relevance to ongoing matters of public importance. — Twitter Comms (@TwitterComms) May 29, 2020
The @SuspendThePres account, which encourages followers to “report my rule violating tweets,” began tweeting on May 29. In private messages exchanged with HuffPost, the account holder clarified that they are a U.S. citizen and preferred to remain anonymous “to allow the experiment to stand for itself.” They said the impetus for the account was Trump’s executive order against social media companies.
“The order in question would strip media platforms big and small alike from liability protections, which in effect could shut down a significant portion of them,” they noted, adding, “If I ran a blog the first thing I’d do is cut off commenting ... It would in effect be large scale internet censorship.”
Advertisement
“I decided to run this experiment right after that executive order,” they said. “I wanted to see for myself if [Trump] was indeed violating the [terms of service]. What better way to test out the hypothesis than to see if they suspended me for the exact same language?”
@SuspendThePres’ account holder said the company’s response has “raised a whole host of additional questions,” including, “Will Twitter continue to find the tweets in violation? How many times? How long does it take in general to remove offending content from the platform? Will Twitter shutdown the experiment permanently? Will Twitter be more/less/equally lenient towards future presidents?”
Asked about Twitter’s decision to categorize Trump’s tweets as within the public interest, the account holder called the situation “a rock and a hard place for the platform and social media as a whole.”
“On one side you have to have community standards for the masses that need to be followed, and on the other side you have people of such significance using the same platform that the rules are bent for. It makes sense that Twitter wants the world to be aware of what’s going on... I definitely understand the pushback as well - the argument of ‘why should regular social media users be held to a higher standard than world leaders?’ It’s a pretty big conversation and I’m sure it will be discussed for years to come.”
In the meantime, @SuspendThePres will continue tweeting Trump’s words, and on Thursday, announced its intention to expand the experiment to another social network — the one owned by Mark Zuckerberg.
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Experiment Update - A lot of people have asked if Facebook will do the same thing. Good question. Well, let’s find out shall we?https://t.co/0RmRYebtgq — Will they suspend me? (@SuspendThePres) June 4, 2020


huffpost--2020-06-05--A New York Democrat Who Aligned With Republicans Could Be Headed To Congress

David Carlucci for Congress/Facebook New York state Sen. David Carlucci ( center ) is a Democrat , but until 2018 he was part of a group that helped keep Republicans in power .
The survey , conducted by the progressive think tank Data for Progress from May 28 to June 3 , found that state Sen. David Carlucci has 15 % support among likely voters in the June 23 Democratic primary for New York ’ s 17th Congressional District .
Former Obama Pentagon official Evelyn Farkas and former federal prosecutor Adam Schleifer each have 13 % , and attorney Mondaire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 % .
Data for Progress nonetheless found that the race is fluid .
Carlucci ’ s lead is within the margin of error of 5.7 percentage points .
And 38 % of the 302 respondents said they were “ unsure ” for whom they would vote .
Still , Carlucci ’ s high standing is enough to spook Democrats troubled by his political history .
From 2011 to 2018 , Carlucci was a member of the New York state Senate ’ s Independent Democratic Conference ( IDC ) , a faction of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party leadership and had a power-sharing arrangement with the chamber ’ s Republicans .
For a time after the 2016 election of President Donald Trump , the votes of the eight-member IDC and another renegade Democrat unaffiliated with the bloc kept the state Senate in Republican control , despite Democrats ’ numerical majority .
Locking Democrats out of power prevented bills to enshrine women ’ s reproductive rights in state law , expand voting rights , increase protections for renters and tackle climate change from coming up for a vote .
In exchange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gave the IDC members leadership positions that provided them with higher salaries .
New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo ( D ) brokered a deal that dissolved the IDC in April 2018 .
But progressive activists and a significant number of mainstream Democrats , who had mobilized to unseat the renegade Democrats , stuck with their efforts and managed to oust six of the ex-IDC members in the September 2018 primaries .
Carlucci was one of two ex-IDC members who survived the insurgent wave .
McElwee supports Jones and called on 17th District @ @ @ @ @ @ @ best alternative to Carlucci ― although he emphasized that his think tank does not have financial ties to Jones ’ campaign and conducted its poll independently .
The poll also found that 55 % of those surveyed hadn ’ t heard of the IDC .
When informed by the pollster that the IDC is a group of Democrats who caucused with Republicans , 21 % said they had a “ very unfavorable ” opinion of the group and 17 % said they had a “ somewhat unfavorable ” opinion of it .
Ivanya @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ad hoc anti-Carlucci group No IDC in DC , said she and others are working to educate people with a direct mail and robocall campaign informing voters about Carlucci ’ s record .
The effort began this week after the poll was conducted , she said .
“ We need Democrats in office who have a record of being held accountable to their constituents and thinking about their constituents ’ best interests , ” Kang said .
“ David Carlucci thought about his career when he was in the state Senate .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more transactional.
” The support for Carlucci likely reflects his name recognition in the district from his years representing Rockland and Westchester counties in the state legislature .
Of the six candidates tested in the Data for Progress poll , Carlucci got the smallest percentage of respondents saying they “ hadn ’ t heard enough to say ” whether they ’ d vote for him .
Vanessa Pahucki , a domestic violence survivor and advocate from Nyack who is supporting Carlucci , credited him with championing the cause of domestic abuse survivors in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the introduction of a bill that would require family court judges to forbid parents accused of domestic abuse from visiting their children without supervision until their case is complete .
Jones , who was raised by an impoverished single mother and would be the first openly gay Black man in Congress , began his run as a challenger against Lowey .
Other candidates jumped in after her announcement , enticed by the prospect of occupying a safe Democratic seat in the affluent New York City suburbs .
Jones ’ bid is one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist left to make its mark on the next Congress ― and progressive lawmakers are starting to take notice .
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-N.Y. ) endorsed him on Friday , citing the way that Jones ’ humble roots inform his views .

New York state Sen. David Carlucci (center) is a Democrat, but until 2018 he was part of a group that helped keep Republicans in power. David Carlucci for Congress/Facebook
A New York Democrat whose alliance with Republicans helped block progressive measures in the state legislature is in a strong position to win the primary for a solidly Democratic district in Congress, according to a new poll.
The survey, conducted by the progressive think tank Data for Progress from May 28 to June 3, found that state Sen. David Carlucci has 15% support among likely voters in the June 23 Democratic primary for New York’s 17th Congressional District. Former Obama Pentagon official Evelyn Farkas and former federal prosecutor Adam Schleifer each have 13%, and attorney Mondaire Jones, the progressive favorite, has 12%.
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Data for Progress nonetheless found that the race is fluid. Carlucci’s lead is within the margin of error of 5.7 percentage points. And 38% of the 302 respondents said they were “unsure” for whom they would vote.
Still, Carlucci’s high standing is enough to spook Democrats troubled by his political history. From 2011 to 2018, Carlucci was a member of the New York state Senate’s Independent Democratic Conference (IDC), a faction of Democrats who refused to back the mainstream party leadership and had a power-sharing arrangement with the chamber’s Republicans.
For a time after the 2016 election of President Donald Trump, the votes of the eight-member IDC and another renegade Democrat unaffiliated with the bloc kept the state Senate in Republican control, despite Democrats’ numerical majority. Locking Democrats out of power prevented bills to enshrine women’s reproductive rights in state law, expand voting rights, increase protections for renters and tackle climate change from coming up for a vote. In exchange for keeping them in power, Republicans gave the IDC members leadership positions that provided them with higher salaries.
New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D) brokered a deal that dissolved the IDC in April 2018. But progressive activists and a significant number of mainstream Democrats, who had mobilized to unseat the renegade Democrats, stuck with their efforts and managed to oust six of the ex-IDC members in the September 2018 primaries. Carlucci was one of two ex-IDC members who survived the insurgent wave.
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“Two years after defeating the IDC in the state Senate, we are dangerously at risk of sending a member of the IDC to Congress,” said Sean McElwee, a co-founder of Data for Progress.
In a statement, Carlucci argued that voters consistently elected him “because I deliver results for our community.”
“My record shows that I have, and will continue to deliver for Rockland and Westchester,” he added.
“We need Democrats in office who have a record of being held accountable to their constituents and thinking about their constituents’ best interests.” - Susan Kang, a co-founder of No IDC NY
McElwee supports Jones and called on 17th District residents to rally behind him as the best alternative to Carlucci ― although he emphasized that his think tank does not have financial ties to Jones’ campaign and conducted its poll independently.
The poll also found that 55% of those surveyed hadn’t heard of the IDC. When informed by the pollster that the IDC is a group of Democrats who caucused with Republicans, 21% said they had a “very unfavorable” opinion of the group and 17% said they had a “somewhat unfavorable” opinion of it.
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Ivanya Alpert, a pediatrician active in the ad hoc anti-Carlucci group No IDC in DC, said she and others are working to educate people with a direct mail and robocall campaign informing voters about Carlucci’s record. The effort began this week after the poll was conducted, she said.
Susan Kang, a co-founder of No IDC NY, a grassroots group that helped oust those six ex-IDC members, said that the compounding crises of the COVID-19 pandemic and racist policing practices made stopping Carlucci that much more essential.
“We need Democrats in office who have a record of being held accountable to their constituents and thinking about their constituents’ best interests,” Kang said. “David Carlucci thought about his career when he was in the state Senate. And rather than be transformative, he was more transactional.”
In exchange for higher pay and other perks, she added, “he made vulnerable New Yorkers suffer.”
As of the end of March, Carlucci trailed Schleifer, Farkas and Jones in fundraising by a wide margin. (Schleifer, the son of a pharmaceutical company founder, is self-funding his bid.)
Attorney Mondaire Jones, the progressive favorite in the Democratic primary for New York's 17th District, would be the first openly gay Black man in Congress. Mondaire Jones for Congress
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The support for Carlucci likely reflects his name recognition in the district from his years representing Rockland and Westchester counties in the state legislature. Of the six candidates tested in the Data for Progress poll, Carlucci got the smallest percentage of respondents saying they “hadn’t heard enough to say” whether they’d vote for him.
Vanessa Pahucki, a domestic violence survivor and advocate from Nyack who is supporting Carlucci, credited him with championing the cause of domestic abuse survivors in the legislature. She worked with him on the introduction of a bill that would require family court judges to forbid parents accused of domestic abuse from visiting their children without supervision until their case is complete.
“David and his staff have been the consummate example of how I believe legislators should work with the people,” Pahucki said.
The 17th District, which encompasses all of Rockland County and parts of Westchester County just north of New York City, became a hotly contested primary battleground when Rep. Nita Lowey (D) announced her plans to retire after 16 terms in Congress.
Jones, who was raised by an impoverished single mother and would be the first openly gay Black man in Congress, began his run as a challenger against Lowey. Other candidates jumped in after her announcement, enticed by the prospect of occupying a safe Democratic seat in the affluent New York City suburbs.
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Jones’ bid is one of the few remaining opportunities for the activist left to make its mark on the next Congress ― and progressive lawmakers are starting to take notice. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) endorsed him on Friday, citing the way that Jones’ humble roots inform his views.
“Mondaire had spoken up for racial justice long before the present national outcry and personally understands this country’s existential problems,” she said.
Alpert, who is also a leader of the grassroots progressive group Rockland United, made a more pragmatic pitch for Jones. She argued that his connection to Rockland County ― where he lives and grew up ― means he has a better chance of defeating the Rockland-based Carlucci. The other major candidates hail from Westchester, across the Hudson River.


huffpost--2020-06-06--Trump's Approval Among White Catholics Has Slipped

The president ’ s approval rating among white evangelical Protestants , a key constituency , also dropped , from March ’ s peak of 77 % to 62 % in May .
This is about the same as his average favorability among this group throughout 2019 , which was 64 % .
March ’ s bump in favorability among white Catholics and white evangelicals was prompted by a patriotic “ rally ’ round the flag ” effect brought on by the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic , according to PRRI .
The PRRI survey was conducted via telephone from May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reacted to the May 25 police killing of George Floyd , a Black man who died after a white Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck for almost nine minutes .
PRRI recorded a shift in opinion among all white Christians within the time that the survey was conducted .
During the first half of the survey period , Trump ’ s favorability was 57 % among white Christians .
By the second half , as Trump pushed a militaristic response to protests , it had slipped down to 46 % .
These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same time that the Republican Party ’ s white evangelical base is shrinking .
The religious group was 21 % of the U.S. population in 2008 ; today it makes up just 15 % of the country , according to PRRI .
Catholics made up 17 % of the electorate in 2008 and are just 12 % today , according to the Jesuit magazine America .
Trump needs both white Catholics and white evangelicals to show up for him in November if he ’ s to win reelection .
These two groups were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election than any other religious groups , according to the Pew Research Center .
White Catholics , in particular , tend to be swing voters .
Many live in Rust Belt states that are key for the president .
On Monday , Trump posed with a Bible in front of an Episcopal church near the White House after federal law enforcement officers aggressively cleared the area of peaceful protesters .
On Tuesday , the president and his wife , Melania Trump , who identifies as Catholic , visited an important Roman Catholic shrine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harshly criticized by both the Episcopal and Roman Catholic prelates of Washington .
But Trump ’ s closest evangelical allies have stuck by his side , praising him for his “ law and order ” approach to the civil unrest across the country .
In addition , favorability ratings may not necessarily indicate how these groups will vote on Election Day , given their longstanding ties to the GOP .
Over the course of his tenure at the White House , Trump has delivered on issues that are important to both of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of American evangelicalism at Messiah College , told HuffPost on Thursday that he believes even though some rank-and-file white evangelicals are disgusted by Trump ’ s photo-op in front of the Episcopal church , many will still vote for him in November because he shared their views on social issues that they believe are non-negotiable ― such as abortion and the appointment of conservative judges .
“ Trump holds them captive .
They must support Trump because they need him to win in November so that their more important social issues such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an attempt to ‘ make America great again , ’ code for ‘ make America a Christian nation again .
’ ”

LOADING ERROR LOADING
President Donald Trump’s favorability ratings have recently dipped among two religious groups that make up a core part of his religious base: white Catholics and white evangelicals.
Only 37% of white Catholics held a favorable view of Trump in May, down from a peak of 60% in March, according to a Public Religion Research Institute survey published Friday.
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The low rating is even starker when compared to the fact that Trump managed to maintain an average favorability of 49% among white Catholics throughout 2019.
The president’s approval rating among white evangelical Protestants, a key constituency, also dropped, from March’s peak of 77% to 62% in May. This is about the same as his average favorability among this group throughout 2019, which was 64%.
March’s bump in favorability among white Catholics and white evangelicals was prompted by a patriotic “rally ’round the flag” effect brought on by the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic, according to PRRI.
But as the pandemic continued and protests over police brutality toward Black Americans erupted around the country, that wave of support began to recede.
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President Donald Trump and first lady Melania Trump visit St. John Paul II National Shrine on Tuesday in Washington. Patrick Semansky/Associated Press
The PRRI survey was conducted via telephone from May 26 through May 31 as the country reacted to the May 25 police killing of George Floyd, a Black man who died after a white Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck for almost nine minutes. PRRI recorded a shift in opinion among all white Christians within the time that the survey was conducted. During the first half of the survey period, Trump’s favorability was 57% among white Christians. By the second half, as Trump pushed a militaristic response to protests, it had slipped down to 46%.
These drops in favorability are happening at the same time that the Republican Party’s white evangelical base is shrinking. The religious group was 21% of the U.S. population in 2008; today it makes up just 15% of the country, according to PRRI. Catholics made up 17% of the electorate in 2008 and are just 12% today, according to the Jesuit magazine America.
Trump needs both white Catholics and white evangelicals to show up for him in November if he’s to win reelection. These two groups were more supportive of him in the 2016 election than any other religious groups, according to the Pew Research Center. White Catholics, in particular, tend to be swing voters. Many live in Rust Belt states that are key for the president.
Trump made a nod to both these groups during controversial photo-ops at two Washington, D.C., churches this week.
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On Monday, Trump posed with a Bible in front of an Episcopal church near the White House after federal law enforcement officers aggressively cleared the area of peaceful protesters. On Tuesday, the president and his wife, Melania Trump, who identifies as Catholic, visited an important Roman Catholic shrine in the city.
The visits were harshly criticized by both the Episcopal and Roman Catholic prelates of Washington. But Trump’s closest evangelical allies have stuck by his side, praising him for his “law and order” approach to the civil unrest across the country.
Notably, the PRRI survey concluded before these visits took place and don’t measure the effect they had on Trump’s favorability among white evangelicals and white Catholics.
Sister Quincy Howard, center, a Dominican nun, protests the arrival Tuesday of President Donald Trump at the St. John Paul II National Shrine in Washington. AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin
In addition, favorability ratings may not necessarily indicate how these groups will vote on Election Day, given their longstanding ties to the GOP. Over the course of his tenure at the White House, Trump has delivered on issues that are important to both of these groups.
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John Fea, a historian of American evangelicalism at Messiah College, told HuffPost on Thursday that he believes even though some rank-and-file white evangelicals are disgusted by Trump’s photo-op in front of the Episcopal church, many will still vote for him in November because he shared their views on social issues that they believe are non-negotiable ― such as abortion and the appointment of conservative judges.
Since the turn of the 20th century, conservative evangelicals have believed that converting people through evangelism and winning the culture wars are more important than questions of social justice, Fea said.


huffpost--2020-06-06--Village People Singer Asks Trump To No Longer Play Their Music At Rallies

“ If Trump orders the U.S. military to fire on his own citizens ( on U.S. soil ) , Americans @ @ @ @ @ numbers outside of the White House that he might be forced out of office prior @ @ @ @ @ Don ’ t do it Mr. President !
And I ask that you no longer @ @ @ @ @ at your rallies especially ‘ Y.M.C.A.
’ and ‘ Macho Man .
’

“If Trump orders the U.S. military to fire on his own citizens (on U.S. soil), Americans will rise up in such numbers outside of the White House that he might be forced out of office prior to the election.
“Don’t do it Mr. President! And I ask that you no longer use any of my music at your rallies especially ‘Y.M.C.A.’ and ‘Macho Man.’
“Sorry, but I can’t support what you’re proposing.”


huffpost--2020-06-06--Alaska’s Rural Fishing Communities Are Now On The Front Lines Of COVID-19

Seafood industry workers are under 14-day quarantine orders once they arrive in Alaska from elsewhere .
Cannery workers are being quarantined either in hotels in Anchorage before they arrive at the bay , or with a group of other newly arrived employees at their facility , so they can start work while in quarantine together .
Fishermen are expected to quarantine on their vessels , either in the boatyard or on the water ― or they can stay in their seasonal cabins or homes around the bay , as long as they are self-isolated .
Their work is vital to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , Bristol Bay ’ s salmon industry and its workers generated $ 300 million in revenue .
But this year , there ’ s concern that the thousands of people who travel here for seasonal work could bring the coronavirus with them .
As of May 31 , Bristol Bay has had five confirmed cases of COVID-19 .
Many are worried that the close quarters on boats and in canneries are the perfect environment for spread , which would create a dangerous situation in a region with limited medical resources .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , often weakly enforced , could make the situation worse .
The fishing industry is trying to find ways to keep working under the new parameters .
The state says independent fishermen can quarantine on their vessels with other crew members , so long as they start their 14-day quarantine at the same time .
They also say anyone showing any symptoms “ should be isolated ” ― but that may be difficult to put into practice , especially on a small boat .
The state has issued various guidelines for the fishing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tribal mandates , all of which rely heavily on self-enforcement .
As of June 6 , for example , most people arriving in Alaska will be allowed to skip the 14-day quarantine if they can show a negative COVID-19 test from within the previous 72 hours .
But that won ’ t apply to seafood workers , who must still quarantine for two weeks .
Many towns and tribal governments in the region also have their own policies to sort through .
Dillingham is requiring a 14-day quarantine , in addition to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of quarantine and another one at the end .
The Bristol Bay Borough , which represents the towns of Naknek , South Naknek and King Salmon , is not requiring testing or enforcing quarantines for new arrivals .
But the communities ’ local tribal councils have instituted mandatory 14-day quarantines .
And while most seafood processing companies in the area are requiring testing for workers , the borough does not require independent fishermen to test negative for COVID-19 .
But there are already signs that this might not be enough .
The Bristol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on May 15 when a nonresident seafood worker was tested at the end of their 14-day quarantine .
May 20 saw the first positive local case in the Chignik area .
On May 29 , two people tested positive in Naknek , and an out-of-state seafood industry worker tested positive in Dillingham on May 30 .

In a normal season, the village of Naknek in southwestern Alaska would be bustling by the end of May, with people arriving from all over the world to work Bristol Bay’s renowned salmon run.
The village’s population of around 500 swells as over 13,000 workers come to Bristol Bay to spend about six weeks fishing, canning and cleaning the products of the world’s primary source of wild-caught sockeye salmon.
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This year, with the season opening just days away, “it still feels like a ghost town,” said Nels Ure, a second-generation Bristol Bay fisherman. Because of the pandemic, “it’s not business as usual.”
Seafood industry workers are under 14-day quarantine orders once they arrive in Alaska from elsewhere. Cannery workers are being quarantined either in hotels in Anchorage before they arrive at the bay, or with a group of other newly arrived employees at their facility, so they can start work while in quarantine together. Fishermen are expected to quarantine on their vessels, either in the boatyard or on the water ― or they can stay in their seasonal cabins or homes around the bay, as long as they are self-isolated.
Their work is vital to the region’s economy. Last year, Bristol Bay’s salmon industry and its workers generated $300 million in revenue. But this year, there’s concern that the thousands of people who travel here for seasonal work could bring the coronavirus with them. As of May 31, Bristol Bay has had five confirmed cases of COVID-19. Many are worried that the close quarters on boats and in canneries are the perfect environment for spread, which would create a dangerous situation in a region with limited medical resources. A confusing jumble of state and local guidelines, often weakly enforced, could make the situation worse.
Workers clean salmon carcasses on a cleaning line at the Alitak Cannery in Alitak, Alaska, in 2008. Lucas Jackson / Reuters
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In early April, concerned community and tribal leaders around Bristol Bay wrote to Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy (R), asking him not to open the commercial fishing season at all. But fishing is considered an essential industry in Alaska, generating more than $5 billion a year in economic activity statewide. The pandemic has damaged Alaska’s economy, which relies heavily on tourism, oil and gas ― putting additional pressure on this year’s fishing season.
Bristol Bay’s remoteness has largely protected it from the coronavirus so far. But now it’s facing the same challenges that have plagued meatpacking facilities in the Lower 48, where almost 5,000 workers have contracted COVID-19.
Bristol Bay’s main hub, Dillingham, has a year-round population of just 2,300. Its hospital has 16 beds, two ventilators and no ICU. City manager Tod Larson said he’s had trouble even securing basic personal protective equipment. While the fishing industry is fairly self-contained, Larson said, it relies on regional medical infrastructure when things go wrong.
“It won’t take much to overwhelm the system,” he said.
Navigating A New Normal
The fishing industry is trying to find ways to keep working under the new parameters. The state says independent fishermen can quarantine on their vessels with other crew members, so long as they start their 14-day quarantine at the same time. They also say anyone showing any symptoms “should be isolated” ― but that may be difficult to put into practice, especially on a small boat.
The Bristol Bay Regional Seafood Development Association, an economic organization representing fishermen in the region, is handing out flags so boats can note their crews’ status. A black and yellow checkered Lima flag means the boat is in quarantine; a solid yellow Quebec flag means the vessel is in the clear.
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The state has issued various guidelines for the fishing industry that overlap confusingly with local and tribal mandates, all of which rely heavily on self-enforcement. As of June 6, for example, most people arriving in Alaska will be allowed to skip the 14-day quarantine if they can show a negative COVID-19 test from within the previous 72 hours. But that won’t apply to seafood workers, who must still quarantine for two weeks.
Setnet cabins near Pederson Point in Alaska. Nels Ure
Many towns and tribal governments in the region also have their own policies to sort through. Dillingham is requiring a 14-day quarantine, in addition to a negative COVID-19 test result at the beginning of quarantine and another one at the end. The Bristol Bay Borough, which represents the towns of Naknek, South Naknek and King Salmon, is not requiring testing or enforcing quarantines for new arrivals. But the communities’ local tribal councils have instituted mandatory 14-day quarantines. And while most seafood processing companies in the area are requiring testing for workers, the borough does not require independent fishermen to test negative for COVID-19.
Kendra Gottschalk, an administrative assistant at the Naknek Native Village Council, said she wishes there were one uniform set of restrictions around the bay.
“It’s just ever-changing,” Gottschalk said. Communicating what is required “has been a really gray area.”
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Testing A Region’s Capacity
In order to increase the amount of testing available in Dillingham, the Animal Control Building has been converted to a testing site that Capstone Clinic, a family medical practice based in Anchorage, is running.
Carey Perry, who is coordinating the logistics for the site with Fairweather, LLC, said he feels they are “well-equipped.” As of June 4, they had conducted 640 tests, running 101 tests on the clinic’s busiest day so far. Perry says they anticipate needing to run 300 to 400 tests a day shortly as charter flights with seafood industry workers begin to arrive. He estimates they will conduct 8,500 tests during the season.
Dillingham, Naknek and several other communities around Bristol Bay now have testing available in village clinics.
But Larson remains worried about the seafood processing facilities in Dillingham. The state required the major companies operating around the bay to submit independent COVID-19 protocols, but some are more comprehensive than others. Even with new protocols, Larson said, “it’s still a lot of people in a small area.”
A Bristol Bay drift boat making a set during golden hour. Nels Ure
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“There are certain aspects of the processing line that make it difficult to maintain social distancing, but that’s the idea behind having everyone tested negative before the season starts,” said Miles Sturm, a safety coordinator who works at a Peter Pan Seafoods processing facility in Dillingham.
Sturm said workers will also be required to remain within the fenced-in facilities, and a guard is stationed at the gate 24 hours a day. “There is always the fear of something getting in,” he said, “but it is being taken very seriously.”
About 60 Peter Pan workers arrived in Dillingham the third week of May, and were shuttled directly to the processing facility for a “working quarantine.” Everyone in the facility is supposed to wear a mask and observe social distancing guidelines. The mess hall is no longer self-service, and employees now eat in their rooms.
“Even in a normal year, people spend almost all their time at the facility,” Sturm said. Capstone tested all of them on May 22 and found no positive cases. They were to be tested a second time at the end of their quarantine period this week.
But there are already signs that this might not be enough. The Bristol Bay region had its first COVID case on May 15 when a nonresident seafood worker was tested at the end of their 14-day quarantine. May 20 saw the first positive local case in the Chignik area. On May 29, two people tested positive in Naknek, and an out-of-state seafood industry worker tested positive in Dillingham on May 30.
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Other places are already seeing COVID-19 cases among fishing industry workers. On May 29, a crew member on an American Seafoods factory trawler scheduled to arrive in Alaska’s Bering Sea later this summer was admitted to the hospital in Seattle. Testing revealed 85 cases among crew members ― showing just how quickly the virus can spread in the close quarters of the fishing industry.
On June 4, Alaska reported 17 new cases in seafood workers around the state. Ten of those new cases were reported in a single processing facility in Whittier.” As of June 5, there had been 33 confirmed cases among nonresident seafood workers.
A fishing vessel on the Naknek River. Nels Ure
‘The Virus Doesn’t Make Exceptions’
Even before the pandemic, rural Alaskan communities, which are predominantly Alaska Native, lacked health care infrastructure, said Alannah Hurley, the executive director of United Tribes of Bristol Bay. Many people rely on the periodic visits of traveling health aides, or must travel to larger urban centers for care.
Some communities lack running water, and housing is in short supply. “Overcrowding is a really big issue in Bristol Bay,” Hurley said. “And then just culturally, a lot of us live in intergenerational homes.” Food insecurity is also a concern; 38% of people in the area are eligible for federal food assistance.
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“We struggle with diseases of a modern society that include chronic illnesses such as cancer, diabetes and heart disease,” notes the Bristol Bay Area Health Corporation. These conditions have been linked to higher risk of severe coronavirus cases. And hanging over COVID-19 concerns is the shadow of past health crises: The 1919 flu pandemic killed as much as 40% of the adult population around Bristol Bay.
“The people that are alive now are the children and grandchildren of the orphans who survived,” Hurley said.
But economic concerns also weigh heavily. For many here, the salmon season represents one of their main employment opportunities. Hurley, who is also a fisherman, says that’s why it was so significant that some communities suggested calling the season off.
“Our people are going to be left with whatever happens this summer,” Hurley said.
Gottschalk said it feels like the region is “being forced into this scary pandemic” ― a situation that might have been avoided if the fishery had closed down.
In this 2009 file photo, fishermen work to remove sockeye salmon from their net in the Egegik district of the Bristol Bay, Alaska, sockeye salmon fishery. Klas Stolpe/AP
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Some residents are concerned that the economy is being put first. “For us, it’s lives over money,” said Ralph Andersen, president and CEO of the Bristol Bay Native Association. Tribal organizations have been coordinating with communities around the bay to provide information, develop safety plans and call on the state for help expanding medical capacity and law enforcement.
The state has not said how many positive cases in an individual seafood cannery would be enough to raise the possibility of shutting it down.
“It’s going to depend on a number of factors,” Charles Pelton, from the Department of Public Health emergency programs, education and outreach with the Alaska Department of Health and Social Services, said on a public conference call on May 29. “Clearly, our number one priority will be the health of the community.” The department did not respond to multiple follow-up requests for clarification.
Around 13,000 people are expected to arrive in the area by mid-June, and relying on individuals or companies to voluntarily follow quarantine and testing instructions seems outlandish, Hurley said. “We were seeing people come straight off the plane, ignoring local quarantine ordinances and going to local grocery stores,” she said.
Larson said that Dillingham’s police force has written a handful of citations for quarantine violations so far. State troopers won’t be enforcing Dillingham’s quarantine requirements, either, Lt. Paul Fussy, the state troopers’ liaison for emergency management, said on the May 29 call.
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“As state troopers, we do not enforce local mandates,” he said. “We are encouraging people to self-police with the state mandates.” Starting June 8, the state is paying for three members of the private security firm Denali Universal Services to bolster the six-person police force in Dillingham.
But as more industry workers arrive, knowing who is and isn’t complying with local restrictions will be increasingly difficult ― and, for smaller communities around the bay and its river systems that don’t have their own police, almost impossible.
“We can put into place all kinds of laws and regulations and mandates, but none of them are any good without enforcement,” Andersen said. “The virus doesn’t make exceptions, nor should we.”
Ure, the second-generation fisherman, is preparing for the arrival of several crew members from other parts of Alaska. He said that even though it isn’t currently required in his location, he will make sure they get tested.
“One thing that COVID-19 has shown us over these last couple of months is that one person makes a difference,” he said.
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huffpost--2020-06-06--New Jobs Report Diminishes GOP Appetite For More Virus Aid

WASHINGTON ( AP ) — A stronger than expected jobs report could further scramble an already uncertain picture for passing a fifth and possibly final coronavirus aid bill .
The positive statistics are feeding the wait-and-see approach of the White House and its GOP allies in Congress .
Republicans say the numbers vindicate their decision to take a pause and assess the almost $ 3 trillion in assistance they already have approved .
The White House was already showing little urgency about pursing another trillion-dollar response bill , much less the $ 3.5 trillion measure passed by the House last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reopening the economy .
The coming weeks are expected to bring difficult negotiations over what the package should contain , just months before an election where the White House and control of Congress are at stake .
For lawmakers , tough decisions loom about how much money to allocate to states , how to extend unemployment benefits for millions of people and whether to create lawsuit protections for businesses and schools as they reopen during the pandemic .
Friday ’ s jobs report showed a 2.5 million gain instead of an expected loss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the aid talks .
Trump is difficult to gauge , but talks often of pursing public works spending and a payroll tax cut , which is a nonstarter on Capitol Hill .
“ They are less than urgent , less than inclined for another package , ” said Rep. Patrick McHenry , R-N.C. , a GOP leader when his party was in the majority .
“ There is less urgency to go strike a hard deal — and this one would be a hard deal .
Doesn ’ t mean it won ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urgency is far lessened.
” Democrats looked at the jobs report and saw job losses for 600,000 public employees that are likely to worsen if Washington doesn ’ t help cash-starved state and local governments .
Despite the positive jobs news , unemployment nationwide is at 13 % , so the looming expiration of a supplemental $ 600 per week jobless benefit promises to provide a catalyst for action .
Top Democrats such as Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York are united behind the $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which contains party priorities such as jobless aid , another round of $ 1,200 checks and money for essential workers , local schools , colleges and people missing mortgages and rent payments .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and other Republicans are opposed to the Democratic plan .
But they are struggling with their own divisions , with more pragmatic lawmakers favoring aid to states and local governments and recognizing that additional jobless aid is inevitable if there is to be an agreement .
GOP Sens .
Mitt Romney of Utah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gardner of Colorado back a significant state aid package , and there ’ s strong support across Congress for help for smaller municipalities .
But concerns about piling additional trillions of dollars onto the national debt have risen , and some Republicans believe Congress has done enough .
McConnell has already said Republicans won ’ t extend the $ 600 per week supplemental unemployment benefit , which they say is taking away incentive for people to return to the job market .
A recent Congressional Budget Office report estimated that 5 out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to receive the higher benefits than returning to work and that extending the benefit would harm the economy next year .
What is plain is that the enormous sense of urgency that produced the first four aid bills has faded , along with the freewheeling dynamic that inflated the price tags .
That dynamic helped Democrats to win gains in the $ 2 trillion CARES Act in March that they might not have gotten through a more deliberate process .
“ Unlike the CARES Act , where we really did need to act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have a little bit of luxury of time , but that time is not indefinite , ” said Neil Bradley , chief policy officer at the U.S Chamber of Commerce .
“ We don ’ t have months.
” Now , Republicans have set a goal of keeping the cost of the next bill below $ 1 trillion .
That ’ s going to be a hard sell for Pelosi , who devoted almost $ 1 trillion just to states and localities .
Supporters of a deal had hoped to reach an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual August recess is now looking more like the informal deadline .
For starters , leadership aides in both parties acknowledge there have been virtually no bipartisan talks so far , with Pelosi and McConnell communicating through their public statements .

LOADING ERROR LOADING
WASHINGTON (AP) — A stronger than expected jobs report could further scramble an already uncertain picture for passing a fifth and possibly final coronavirus aid bill. The positive statistics are feeding the wait-and-see approach of the White House and its GOP allies in Congress.
Republicans say the numbers vindicate their decision to take a pause and assess the almost $3 trillion in assistance they already have approved. The White House was already showing little urgency about pursing another trillion-dollar response bill, much less the $3.5 trillion measure passed by the House last month, and prefers to concentrate on reopening the economy.
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The coming weeks are expected to bring difficult negotiations over what the package should contain, just months before an election where the White House and control of Congress are at stake.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, arrives for a Republican luncheon on Capitol Hill in Washington on June 4. AP Photo/Susan Walsh
For lawmakers, tough decisions loom about how much money to allocate to states, how to extend unemployment benefits for millions of people and whether to create lawsuit protections for businesses and schools as they reopen during the pandemic.
Friday’s jobs report showed a 2.5 million gain instead of an expected loss of millions more, complicating prospects for the aid talks. Trump is difficult to gauge, but talks often of pursing public works spending and a payroll tax cut, which is a nonstarter on Capitol Hill.
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“They are less than urgent, less than inclined for another package,” said Rep. Patrick McHenry, R-N.C., a GOP leader when his party was in the majority. “There is less urgency to go strike a hard deal — and this one would be a hard deal. Doesn’t mean it won’t happen, I just think the urgency is far lessened.”
Democrats looked at the jobs report and saw job losses for 600,000 public employees that are likely to worsen if Washington doesn’t help cash-starved state and local governments. Despite the positive jobs news, unemployment nationwide is at 13%, so the looming expiration of a supplemental $600 per week jobless benefit promises to provide a catalyst for action.
Top Democrats such as Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York are united behind the $3.5 trillion “HEROES Act,” which contains party priorities such as jobless aid, another round of $1,200 checks and money for essential workers, local schools, colleges and people missing mortgages and rent payments.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and other Republicans are opposed to the Democratic plan. But they are struggling with their own divisions, with more pragmatic lawmakers favoring aid to states and local governments and recognizing that additional jobless aid is inevitable if there is to be an agreement.
GOP Sens. Mitt Romney of Utah, Susan Collins of Maine and Cory Gardner of Colorado back a significant state aid package, and there’s strong support across Congress for help for smaller municipalities. But concerns about piling additional trillions of dollars onto the national debt have risen, and some Republicans believe Congress has done enough.
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McConnell has already said Republicans won’t extend the $600 per week supplemental unemployment benefit, which they say is taking away incentive for people to return to the job market. A recent Congressional Budget Office report estimated that 5 out of 6 people would earn more by continuing to receive the higher benefits than returning to work and that extending the benefit would harm the economy next year.
What is plain is that the enormous sense of urgency that produced the first four aid bills has faded, along with the freewheeling dynamic that inflated the price tags. That dynamic helped Democrats to win gains in the $2 trillion CARES Act in March that they might not have gotten through a more deliberate process.
“Unlike the CARES Act, where we really did need to act in a matter of days, here we have a little bit of luxury of time, but that time is not indefinite,” said Neil Bradley, chief policy officer at the U.S Chamber of Commerce. “We don’t have months.”
Now, Republicans have set a goal of keeping the cost of the next bill below $1 trillion. That’s going to be a hard sell for Pelosi, who devoted almost $1 trillion just to states and localities.
Supporters of a deal had hoped to reach an agreement this month, but acknowledge the annual August recess is now looking more like the informal deadline. For starters, leadership aides in both parties acknowledge there have been virtually no bipartisan talks so far, with Pelosi and McConnell communicating through their public statements.
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huffpost--2020-03-28--At 34, I Won’t Be Fertile Forever. Should I Get Pregnant Amid The Coronavirus Crisis?

Three years ago , I had a miscarriage .
It happened while I was on a family vacation in California , causing my husband and me to trade wine tours and beach days for blood draws and ultrasounds .
Then , two years ago , my textbook pregnancy took a high-risk turn , requiring months of bedrest , weekly scans and a long stay in the hospital .
So if anyone knows the importance of being able to roll into an emergency room in the middle of a pregnancy crisis , it ’ s me .
Good reasons abound to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time , and I force myself to write them down , as if the act of committing them to paper could exert the same force as goal-setting or a daily to-do list .
To record it is to make it real .
I write each reason down dutifully , but they ’ re like invisible ink : wiped out , in an instant , by the compulsion to throw caution to the wind .
I cast my journal aside and sidle up to my husband in the kitchen .
“ Should we just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him .
I wake late and lie in bed listening to conference calls on mute while we talk about trying to have a kid .
At night , after our son has gone to sleep , we debate pros and cons while simultaneously staring down into our phones , absorbing our daily allotment of bad news .
Work and parenting and the virus and my fertility have all mixed together into something formless and confusing , and it ’ s hard to understand what ’ s driving my desires .
My first thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of time it would be .
I ’ m at home , and could be for weeks or even months .
Why not spend that time doing more than trying in vain to stop my son from climbing into my lap during Skype calls , watching bad TV , and devising increasingly inventive ways to cook rice ?
I could also spend it growing a baby .
I think part of me is also craving a countervailing force .
A light in the darkness .
Something to look forward to .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home when this is all over , after months of neck-up video chats with my co-workers .
“ Surprise !
” I ’ d say , jubilantly cradling the beginning of a baby bump .
Or if it didn ’ t go that way , if this could-be pregnancy ended in another miscarriage , at least I could grieve privately this time .
Unlike when I miscarried in full view of my 20-something brothers .
Unlike when I stood up from a conference room table at work while pregnant and noticed I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a chair .
These reasons -– productivity , positivity and privacy -– started small , but then they began to bounce back and forth against the walls of our cloistered apartment , growing longer like a game of Snake .
Soon I was re-installing my ovulation tracking app .
Soon I was considering tossing my Nuvaring in the trash .
Soon I was not-so-casually Googling “ giving birth during a pandemic ” and learning , to my horror , that my husband might not even be allowed to come to the hospital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is akin to standing on the precipice of a cliff and feeling tempted to leap off of it ― it ’ s crazy , but l can ’ t help myself .
And maybe , I think , the persistence of this urge , despite the potential of draconian delivery-room restrictions , is itself a sign .
My husband feels the urge-to-try as well , though his reasons are more rational , less virus-specific .
It would be nice for our son to have a playmate , he says .
At 34 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And if we wait , he adds , we ’ d be waiting for a return to normal that may never come .

The author, her husband and their son. Photo Credit Alex Neary of Wild Eyed Photography
Three years ago, I had a miscarriage. It happened while I was on a family vacation in California, causing my husband and me to trade wine tours and beach days for blood draws and ultrasounds. Then, two years ago, my textbook pregnancy took a high-risk turn, requiring months of bedrest, weekly scans and a long stay in the hospital. So if anyone knows the importance of being able to roll into an emergency room in the middle of a pregnancy crisis, it’s me.
And yet, in the eye of a pandemic, when there’s never been a worse time to leave home, let alone to need medical care, a dangerous thought has been burrowing in my brain.
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Should we try to get pregnant again?
As my husband, Emmett, and I walk slowly up and down our block with our 18-month-old toddler in tow, I raise the question.
“Have you seen those articles about how people expect there to be a COVID baby boom in nine months?” I ask, by way of an opener.
“Yeah, and they’ll all name their kids Corona,” he laughs.
“Well, what do you think of that?”
He stops mid-stride and looks up at me. “What, you want to have a baby named Corona?”
“Maybe,” I say. I’m trying to be coy, but it comes out sounding vaguely threatening. Of course I don’t want to name this hypothetical infant after a global pandemic. Or a beer brand, for that matter. I’m a reasonable person.
Or am I? Because what reasonable person, given my medical history and the moment we’re living in, would ever consider this?
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Good reasons abound to not try to get pregnant at this time, and I force myself to write them down, as if the act of committing them to paper could exert the same force as goal-setting or a daily to-do list. To record it is to make it real.
Imagine, I scrawl, how terrifying it would be to be in a hospital right now, every interaction tinged with the possibility of infection.
Imagine, I continue, being pregnant at a time when grocery stores are denuded of diapers and when the risk of eating sushi might pale in comparison to the risk of close contact with the person who delivers it to your door.
Imagine, I go on, adding another stressor to our already perilous days, much of which my stay-at-home-husband spends shooing my son away from the bedroom door behind which I now work.
Imagine, finally, bringing a child into this world. To do what? To cower in his or her home with the rest of us, hiding from an unseen killer?
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“As the lucky among us retreat to our homes and watch the structure of our days dissolve, there’s nothing but time.”
I write each reason down dutifully, but they’re like invisible ink: wiped out, in an instant, by the compulsion to throw caution to the wind. I cast my journal aside and sidle up to my husband in the kitchen. “Should we just go for it?” I ask him.
What we do, instead, is talk about it.
It’s a ‘talk about it’ kind of time for the world at large. As the lucky among us retreat to our homes and watch the structure of our days dissolve, there’s nothing but time.
I wake late and lie in bed listening to conference calls on mute while we talk about trying to have a kid. At night, after our son has gone to sleep, we debate pros and cons while simultaneously staring down into our phones, absorbing our daily allotment of bad news. Work and parenting and the virus and my fertility have all mixed together into something formless and confusing, and it’s hard to understand what’s driving my desires.
My first thought, always, is what a productive use of time it would be. I’m at home, and could be for weeks or even months. Why not spend that time doing more than trying in vain to stop my son from climbing into my lap during Skype calls, watching bad TV, and devising increasingly inventive ways to cook rice? I could also spend it growing a baby.
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I think part of me is also craving a countervailing force. A light in the darkness. Something to look forward to. I have persistent fantasies about emerging from my home when this is all over, after months of neck-up video chats with my co-workers. “Surprise!” I’d say, jubilantly cradling the beginning of a baby bump.
“At 34, I won’t be fertile forever. And if we wait, we’d be waiting for a return to normal that may never come.”
Or if it didn’t go that way, if this could-be pregnancy ended in another miscarriage, at least I could grieve privately this time. Unlike when I miscarried in full view of my 20-something brothers. Unlike when I stood up from a conference room table at work while pregnant and noticed I’d left a spot of blood behind on a chair.
These reasons -– productivity, positivity and privacy -– started small, but then they began to bounce back and forth against the walls of our cloistered apartment, growing longer like a game of Snake. Soon I was re-installing my ovulation tracking app. Soon I was considering tossing my Nuvaring in the trash. Soon I was not-so-casually Googling “giving birth during a pandemic” and learning, to my horror, that my husband might not even be allowed to come to the hospital with me. Each of these impulses is akin to standing on the precipice of a cliff and feeling tempted to leap off of it ― it’s crazy, but l can’t help myself. And maybe, I think, the persistence of this urge, despite the potential of draconian delivery-room restrictions, is itself a sign.
“While a baby might give me something tangible and explicable to pour all my anxiety into, it can’t bring normal back.”
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My husband feels the urge-to-try as well, though his reasons are more rational, less virus-specific. It would be nice for our son to have a playmate, he says. At 34, I won’t be fertile forever. And if we wait, he adds, we’d be waiting for a return to normal that may never come.
And I guess that’s the crux of it.
Baby or no baby, normal is gone now. Everything ― even my apartment and my sunny street and the family walks we take up and down it several times a day ― feels chaotic and charged with menace. And while a baby might give me something tangible and explicable to pour all my anxiety into, it can’t bring normal back.
So we continue to stand on the precipice of that cliff. I read the news, pace around my living room, wave to my neighbors from shouting distance and make bargains with myself. The biggest one I’ve struck is this: If we do step off that cliff, I won’t expect a baby to make it all better.