huffpost--2020-06-10--To Make ‘The King Of Staten Island,’ Judd Apatow Mined Pete Davidson’s Grief

Yeah .
When we made this movie , one of the main motivations was for Pete to pay tribute to his mom , who was an emergency nurse for his entire childhood , and his father , who was a firefighter .
We knew we were telling a story about sudden trauma and grief , but we also wanted to talk about heroes and people who are willing to take great risks to help other people .
And that ’ s one of the reasons why we were excited to get the movie out now .
We thought people need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also it might help them process some of the trauma we ’ re all experiencing at this moment .
It ’ s certainly an important time and scary time , and I certainly hope productive things come of it .
We ’ re just doing our best to put something positive into the world .
I produced one of the first original movies for Netflix , which was “ Pee-wee ’ s Big Holiday , ” and we had a great experience doing that , so I ’ ve always felt like that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work going forward .
Some movies will be in the theaters ; some movies will be on streaming or video on demand .
The world is changing and each project will have its own distribution .
Obviously , when you make a comedy , you prefer that it ’ s in the theater , but it didn ’ t seem appropriate to hoard the movie for a year in order to have that experience .
I had an intense feeling that this movie is supposed to come out now .
It did .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a story which required every aspect of it to be credible and authentic .
It isn ’ t the kind of movie where I can suddenly cut to a giant , comedic , silly set piece .
I wanted to tell the story well , knowing that it will be funny at moments but that wasn ’ t the highest priority .
A lot of the editing process was me and our editors trying to decide how funny it should be .
And when does comedy distract from our dramatic story ?
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being hungry for the laugh .
And one of the most gratifying parts of this process was we showed a bunch of audiences while we were still editing and none of them said , “ It ’ s less funny than the other movies.
” I met him when he was 20 years old when he did a cameo in “ Trainwreck , ” and we were all very impressed at how hilarious he was at such a young age .
I did stand-up at that age .
I was terrible .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fascinating person with a very unique life story .
I feel like people really feel for him .
They root for him .
I didn ’ t have any doubt that he could carry something like this .
What was most gratifying was that he was a very courageous writer , that he never held back .
He never said , “ I ’ m uncomfortable talking about this.
” He was open to deep exploration , and a lot of it is very tough stuff .
It is a movie about loss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you and how it can hold you back .
He was very open to spending years considering it and turning it into fiction .
I think that there ’ s multiple reasons why that happened .
One is the spec-script market , for the most part , went away .
Every day you would read the trades , and someone had sold a screenplay or bits for a screenplay .
At some point , the studios decided they didn ’ t want to work that way .
There ’ s still some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same time , DVD went away , and that was a way a lot of these movies made money .
And at the same time , streaming took off and a lot of writers found enormous success not by writing screenplays but by creating series .
I feel like streaming has siphoned off a lot of the great comedic talent , both in writing and acting .
I don ’ t hear a lot of my friends say , “ I ’ m going to write a movie.
” They all say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pilot .

"The King of Staten Island," directed by Judd Apatow and starring Pete Davidson, debuts June 12 on VOD. Illustration: Damon Dahlen/HuffPost; Photos: Universal Pictures/Getty
Judd Apatow has been at the forefront of many careers, having directed Steve Carell, Seth Rogen and Amy Schumer in their first headlining movie roles. His latest gamble is Pete Davidson, the self-deprecating “Saturday Night Live” breakout whose tabloid-friendly romances and interpersonal grievances sometimes supersede his comedy.
“The King of Staten Island,” which Apatow co-wrote with Davidson and Dave Sirus, isn’t technically Davidson’s first lead. That distinction goes to a different arrested-development dramedy, “Big Time Adolescence,” which premiered on Hulu in March. But “Staten Island” marks Davidson’s inaugural foray into traditional big-screen Hollywood stardom — or at least it would if the COVID-19 pandemic hadn’t relegated the film to video-on-demand platforms.
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Inspired by his own life, Davidson plays Scott, a slacker in his mid-20s who lives with his frustrated mother (Marisa Tomei), smokes a ton of weed and makes a hobby out of giving neighborhood pals regrettable tattoos. His essence will be familiar to anyone who has paid attention to Davidson since he landed on “SNL” in 2014. The root of the story, however, stems from Scott’s grief. Like Davidson’s father, his dad was a firefighter who died on the job years earlier. Scott still hasn’t overcome the loss. “The King of Staten Island” chronicles his messy journey toward maturity, a common Apatowian theme.
“I just always wanted to show where I’m coming from,” Davidson told CBS. “Pretty much how a tragedy affects a family. And I think, like, there hasn’t been many of those movies that are, like, really honest and transparent.”
“Staten Island” is one of many comedies to hit VOD while theaters remain closed, whereas movies in most other genres have seen their releases delayed until after the health crisis passes. By phone last week, I asked Apatow what he thinks that says about comedy’s stature within the film industry and what it was like to mine Davidson’s emotional wounds.
You were already going to be promoting this movie in the midst of a global health pandemic. Now you’re also promoting it in the midst of a very different type of crisis. Does it feel weird to talk about comedy right now?
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Yeah. When we made this movie, one of the main motivations was for Pete to pay tribute to his mom, who was an emergency nurse for his entire childhood, and his father, who was a firefighter. We knew we were telling a story about sudden trauma and grief, but we also wanted to talk about heroes and people who are willing to take great risks to help other people. And that’s one of the reasons why we were excited to get the movie out now. We thought people need a break and a laugh, but also it might help them process some of the trauma we’re all experiencing at this moment. It’s certainly an important time and scary time, and I certainly hope productive things come of it. We’re just doing our best to put something positive into the world.
Marisa Tomei and Pete Davidson in "The King of Staten Island." Universal Pictures
The reason “The King of Staten Island” is premiering on VOD is due to COVID-19, but did some part of you think it was inevitable that eventually you’d be directing a movie for VOD or streaming platforms?
I produced one of the first original movies for Netflix, which was “Pee-wee’s Big Holiday,” and we had a great experience doing that, so I’ve always felt like that was going to be part of my work going forward. Some movies will be in the theaters; some movies will be on streaming or video on demand. The world is changing and each project will have its own distribution. Obviously, when you make a comedy, you prefer that it’s in the theater, but it didn’t seem appropriate to hoard the movie for a year in order to have that experience. I had an intense feeling that this movie is supposed to come out now.
The movie aligns with what we know about the typical Apatowian protagonist, someone who is seeking a kind of self-fulfillment and maturity process, maybe without knowing it. But it’s also different in tone, a bit gentler and more melancholy. There aren’t as many antics, if you will. Did it feel like you were doing something different from the movies you’ve made before?
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It did. I was aware that we were telling a story which required every aspect of it to be credible and authentic. It isn’t the kind of movie where I can suddenly cut to a giant, comedic, silly set piece. I wanted to tell the story well, knowing that it will be funny at moments but that wasn’t the highest priority. A lot of the editing process was me and our editors trying to decide how funny it should be. And when does comedy distract from our dramatic story? I certainly tried to be disciplined about not being hungry for the laugh. And one of the most gratifying parts of this process was we showed a bunch of audiences while we were still editing and none of them said, “It’s less funny than the other movies.”
Did you end up cutting a joke or set piece that you were particularly fond of for tonal reasons?
I didn’t cut any sequences, but within certain sequences, I was careful not to pick jokes which felt like they made any character feel sitcom-y or created for comedy’s sake. I didn’t want you ever to think that anyone was in a reality that was different than Pete and his family.
So, fewer traditional laugh lines.
It just all had to be character-driven and completely credible. I always say to everybody, “People are funny in real life,” so you still can get to those places without having it be false. You just have to be very thoughtful about creating those characters and those moments. If people feel like you’re stretching to get to it just for comedy’s sake, that’s when it ruins the movie.
Pete Davidson and Judd Apatow on the set of "The King of Staten Island." Universal Pictures
Pete has found a lot of success on “SNL” and in the stand-up world. What was it specifically that convinced you he could carry a two-hour movie? Those things don’t always translate from one to the other.
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I met him when he was 20 years old when he did a cameo in “Trainwreck,” and we were all very impressed at how hilarious he was at such a young age. I did stand-up at that age. I was terrible. He was just riotously funny and also a fascinating person with a very unique life story. I feel like people really feel for him. They root for him. I didn’t have any doubt that he could carry something like this.
What was most gratifying was that he was a very courageous writer, that he never held back. He never said, “I’m uncomfortable talking about this.” He was open to deep exploration, and a lot of it is very tough stuff. It is a movie about loss and grief and what it does to you and how it can hold you back. He was very open to spending years considering it and turning it into fiction.
Did anything about getting this movie set up look different than your previous projects? Studios don’t seem to make as many traditional wide-release comedies these days, and I wonder if anyone questioned whether Pete Davidson has enough name-brand value for a big summer vehicle. Do you feel like tides are shifting in terms of getting a green light?
I think that Universal Pictures has a long history of making very successful comedies. We’ve done the majority of our films with them. They did the “American Pie” movies, the “Meet the Parents” films. They love comedy and they have remained big supporters of our work.
One aspect of my [production] company is we like to break new talent or people who haven’t been the leads of movies before. I’ve always felt that the audience really wants that and that they love that. As a result, we’ve been able to make movies like “Bridesmaids,” “Trainwreck” and “The Big Sick,” and we’ve had a lot of success. So this really wasn’t different at all than any of the others.
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I do think something’s happening in the world of filmmaking, which is an international hit can make a billion dollars so generally the industry wants to put most of its focus on hitting a grand-slam home run. But there’s always a place for movies like ours so luckily we keep getting our shots.
What, if anything, do you think it says about the comedy landscape that almost every comedy scheduled to open in May and June pivoted to VOD, whereas most other movies opted to wait for theaters to reopen?
I think that happened because everybody feels like there’s going to be a pileup of very expensive action-superhero-spectacle movies when the theaters open and it will be hard for smaller movies to compete with that.
But there was once a time when, box office-wise, comedies wouldn’t automatically be considered small. It’s interesting to hear you talk about this because you’re probably the most famous comedy director working today. Outside of your own films, I wonder if you feel there’s a broader drought going on compared to the days when we’d get a Whoopi Goldberg movie one week, a Jim Carrey movie the next and an Albert Brooks movie after that. It feels like the comedy heyday has faded a bit.
I think that there’s multiple reasons why that happened. One is the spec-script market, for the most part, went away. Every day you would read the trades, and someone had sold a screenplay or bits for a screenplay. At some point, the studios decided they didn’t want to work that way. There’s still some of that, but way less. At the same time, DVD went away, and that was a way a lot of these movies made money. And at the same time, streaming took off and a lot of writers found enormous success not by writing screenplays but by creating series. I feel like streaming has siphoned off a lot of the great comedic talent, both in writing and acting. I don’t hear a lot of my friends say, “I’m going to write a movie.” They all say they’re going to write a pilot.
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And that wasn’t the case when you were making “The 40-Year-Old Virgin” and “Knocked Up”?
Yeah. Streaming didn’t exist and nobody who wasn’t a veteran of television was getting the opportunity to create a show. It used to be that you had to be on staff for a decade before you could create a show. [Now] a lot of people are creating successful TV series before they’ve even staffed a show. All the rules have changed.
I always say if a comedy is great, people tend to go. I feel like if somebody made the next “Hangover” today, it would make a billion dollars. If there was an equivalent to “There’s Something About Mary,” it would be gigantic. People still want it, and hopefully there’ll be some sort of adjustment where we get more of it.
For the longest time, you wrote all your own scripts. Then Amy Schumer wrote “Trainwreck,” and you collaborated with Pete Davidson and Dave Sirus on “Staten Island.” Are you itching to write something solo again?
Potentially. I like talking to people. I get bored being alone. I’ve had a great time working on television shows like “Crashing” and “Love” and “Girls.” I don’t know if I’m seeking to go alone into my office for a year or two. I enjoy being around people, but it may happen.
Pete Davidson in a 2019 episode of "Saturday Night Live." NBC via Getty Images
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Talk to me about Pete Davidson the dramatic actor. By the movie’s third act, he has to lose some of the Pete shtick that defines the premise of the movie.
He’s a great natural actor. He’s just very real and very present. He’s comfortable being vulnerable onscreen. He’s never trying hard and he’s in the moment. So if he’s surrounded by actors who are creative and the material is evolving over the course of the day, most of the time something magical tends to happen.
Was there a lot of improv going on?
For me, there’s always a lot of improv because that starts five months before we shoot. We’ll improvise at the auditions and we will do a table read and then we’ll do a rewrite based on how that went. And then we’ll do rehearsals and we’ll work on the scenes, but we’ll also improvise and punch them up, and that might happen multiple times. By the time we’re shooting, we’ve really worked the material. Everybody knows it so well, and we can shoot the scene as scripted and then begin to drift and see if something else might bubble up.
And that’s no different here than it would be on a movie that’s more joke-driven?
Improvisation isn’t all about trying to get to a joke. I remember “The Larry Sanders Show,” the first episode I ever directed. There was a scene between Garry Shandling and Illeana Douglas. They’re having a fight and he’s apologizing for something, and he improvised very emotionally, “I’m a talk show host. I’m all fucked up.” That was the best thing I ever saw happen in front of me. You wait for those moments.
This interview has been edited for clarity and length.


huffpost--2020-06-03--Trump Went Full-On Fascist For A Photo-Op. What’s He Willing To Do To Keep Power?

Authoritarianism experts who worried about Trump ’ s tendencies during his campaign and his first years in office are now sounding fresh alarms following the clearing of a park adjacent to the White House on Monday using gas , flash-bang grenades , pepper pellets and other aggressive tactics ― all so he could stand in front of a church he does not attend and be photographed holding a Bible .
“ It was everything that an autocrat is , ” said Gail Helt , who watched for signs of democratic decay in Asian countries during her dozen years as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off the reins of power .
That image of him holding the Bible .
… I don ’ t know what that was , but it was disturbing.
” In recent months , Trump has begun aggressively attacking mail voting , a process that is standard in some states now and which many others are expanding because of concerns that in-person voting could spread the coronavirus .
Trump has repeatedly claimed that expanding voting by mail will let Democrats cheat , even though he , his press secretary and a top adviser have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trump has shown at best a hazy grasp of his actual powers during his presidency and instead has made broad statements about his authority under the Constitution .
“ I have an Article II , where I have the right to do whatever I want as president , ” he told supporters last summer .
He does not appear to have any authority to undo an election loss , but his critics warn that the outcome of such assertions on his part could largely be determined by his Cabinet members and Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who oppose him worried .
“ The question is not what Trump is willing to do ; it ’ s what the people around him are willing to enable him to do .
We already know what Trump is capable of , ” said Tom Nichols , a Naval War College professor and prominent Trump critic .
“ Trump is a thug surrounded by weak men and women desperate to be near power .
Trump has no sense of right and wrong and will do anything , ” said Stuart Stevens , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of George W. Bush and Mitt Romney .
“ The burden is on the Republican Party .
In our system , parties should serve a circuit breaker role .
Republicans have proven that most will not , and it creates a very dangerous situation.
” In 1990 , following the brutal crackdown of protests in Beijing , Trump said : “ When the students poured into Tiananmen Square , the Chinese government almost blew it .
Then they were vicious , they were horrible , but they put it down with strength .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Running for president in 2015 , Trump repeatedly praised Russian leader Vladimir Putin , even calling him a better leader than President Barack Obama .
In 2016 , Trump professed respect for North Korea ’ s Kim Jong Un for murdering his uncle and others as a way to consolidate power .
“ It ’ s incredible .
He wiped out the uncle .
He wiped out this one , that one , ” he said .
In 2018 , he spoke wistfully about Chinese President Xi Jinping ’ s ability to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the number of terms he could serve .
And today he is trying to get Russia reinstated into the Group of 7 , the organization of large democratic economies , even as Putin seeks to extend his presidential term until 2036 and still retains control of a portion of Ukraine , the reason Russia was expelled from what had been the G8 in the first place .
Trump has also in his years in the White House frequently praised the use of violence .
He told police officers in 2017 that they shouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heads as they place them in patrol cars .
And on a conference call with governors on Monday , he berated them for not “ dominating ” the streets of their cities .
“ Trump is a menace .
It ’ s almost pointless to try and guess what new atrocious thing Trump will come up with , but he has certainly made it clear that there is no line , moral , legal or otherwise , that he won ’ t cross if he thinks it could help him retain power , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Priorities USA super PAC .
It was everything that an autocrat is .
Trying to show off the reins of power .
That image of him holding the Bible .
… I don ’ t know what that was , but it was disturbing .
“ This was an authoritarian spectacle , backed up by the real force of sending military into the streets , ” she said .
“ A cocktail of all the elements authoritarians have used in history : a lawless ruler attacking protesters , using religion as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own people .
”

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WASHINGTON ― If Donald Trump was willing to have Americans gassed and beaten so he could stage a photo opportunity, what will he be willing to do to retain the presidency come election time?
Authoritarianism experts who worried about Trump’s tendencies during his campaign and his first years in office are now sounding fresh alarms following the clearing of a park adjacent to the White House on Monday using gas, flash-bang grenades, pepper pellets and other aggressive tactics ― all so he could stand in front of a church he does not attend and be photographed holding a Bible.
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“It was everything that an autocrat is,” said Gail Helt, who watched for signs of democratic decay in Asian countries during her dozen years as a CIA analyst. “Trying to show off the reins of power. That image of him holding the Bible. … I don’t know what that was, but it was disturbing.”
Neither the White House nor the Trump campaign responded to HuffPost queries regarding Trump’s authoritarian tendencies and whether they might worsen the closer we get to an Election Day that may force him from office.
In recent months, Trump has begun aggressively attacking mail voting, a process that is standard in some states now and which many others are expanding because of concerns that in-person voting could spread the coronavirus. Trump has repeatedly claimed that expanding voting by mail will let Democrats cheat, even though he, his press secretary and a top adviser have all voted by mail in recent elections.
“MAIL-IN VOTING WILL LEAD TO MASSIVE FRAUD AND ABUSE,” he claimed in a statement he posted to Twitter last week.
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Trump critics, both Democrats and Republicans, believe that he is laying the groundwork to challenge the election results should he lose and that he could try to remain in office by invoking emergency powers.
Trump has shown at best a hazy grasp of his actual powers during his presidency and instead has made broad statements about his authority under the Constitution. “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president,” he told supporters last summer.
He does not appear to have any authority to undo an election loss, but his critics warn that the outcome of such assertions on his part could largely be determined by his Cabinet members and Republicans in Congress. And that has Republicans who oppose him worried.
“The question is not what Trump is willing to do; it’s what the people around him are willing to enable him to do. We already know what Trump is capable of,” said Tom Nichols, a Naval War College professor and prominent Trump critic.
“Trump is a thug surrounded by weak men and women desperate to be near power. Trump has no sense of right and wrong and will do anything,” said Stuart Stevens, a GOP consultant who worked on the campaigns of George W. Bush and Mitt Romney. “The burden is on the Republican Party. In our system, parties should serve a circuit breaker role. Republicans have proven that most will not, and it creates a very dangerous situation.”
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President Donald Trump leaves the White House to walk to St. John's Episcopal Church, across Lafayette Park from the White House, on Monday. BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images
Trump has long spoken admiringly of dictators and of violence as a tool for social control.
In 1990, following the brutal crackdown of protests in Beijing, Trump said: “When the students poured into Tiananmen Square, the Chinese government almost blew it. Then they were vicious, they were horrible, but they put it down with strength. That shows you the power of strength.”
Running for president in 2015, Trump repeatedly praised Russian leader Vladimir Putin, even calling him a better leader than President Barack Obama. In 2016, Trump professed respect for North Korea’s Kim Jong Un for murdering his uncle and others as a way to consolidate power. “It’s incredible. He wiped out the uncle. He wiped out this one, that one,” he said.
In 2018, he spoke wistfully about Chinese President Xi Jinping’s ability to change the constitution and scrap limits on the number of terms he could serve. And today he is trying to get Russia reinstated into the Group of 7, the organization of large democratic economies, even as Putin seeks to extend his presidential term until 2036 and still retains control of a portion of Ukraine, the reason Russia was expelled from what had been the G8 in the first place.
Trump has also in his years in the White House frequently praised the use of violence. He told police officers in 2017 that they shouldn’t worry about hitting suspects’ heads as they place them in patrol cars. And on a conference call with governors on Monday, he berated them for not “dominating” the streets of their cities.
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“If you don’t dominate, you’re wasting your time. They’re going to run all over you. You’ll look like a bunch of jerks,” he told them.
“I am your president of law and order,” he declared hours later from the White House Rose Garden as police and troops were clearing a park of protesters so he could walk through to take his Bible photo.
“Trump is a menace. It’s almost pointless to try and guess what new atrocious thing Trump will come up with, but he has certainly made it clear that there is no line, moral, legal or otherwise, that he won’t cross if he thinks it could help him retain power,” said Daniela Martins, press secretary of the Priorities USA super PAC.
“It was everything that an autocrat is. Trying to show off the reins of power. That image of him holding the Bible. … I don’t know what that was, but it was disturbing.” - Gail Helt, former CIA analyst
Ruth Ben-Ghiat, an authoritarianism expert at New York University, said Trump’s clearing of Lafayette Square on Monday was a textbook case.
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“This was an authoritarian spectacle, backed up by the real force of sending military into the streets,” she said. “A cocktail of all the elements authoritarians have used in history: a lawless ruler attacking protesters, using religion as a prop and declaring war on his own people.”
She said what made it even more worrisome was the presence and support of Attorney General William Barr and Defense Secretary Mark Esper.
“They are his willing tools now,” Ben-Ghiat said. “He will do whatever he needs to to be reelected, starting with the military interventions he’s started with the aim of ending the protests.”
Helt, who now runs the Securities and Intelligence Studies program at King University in Bristol, Tennessee, said she saw democracy fall apart in Malaysia starting in 2011 following anti-government protests. She said she never dreamed it could happen here.
“To watch the president be the most pressing danger that we have is really unnerving,” she said.


huffpost--2020-06-03--I'm Black. My Mom Is White. This Is The Talk We Had To Have About George Floyd's Murder.

Courtesy of Kimberly J. Miller One of the marches last week in Minneapolis protesting the death of George Floyd when one of the city 's white police officers knelt on the Black man 's neck for several minutes .
I ’ m nearly 60 years old , but even today my mother has a hard time accepting for what it is the racism I experience .
When I bring it up , her first reaction , like so many other white people ’ s , is often to question me .
“ Why do you say racist ?
” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s what they meant ?
” It is hard work to get her to see the world through my eyes , even when the facts are staring her right in the face ― or in the neighborhood where we both lived .
Last week , once the images of rioters and buildings on fire hit the news , I heard from many friends .
My mother texted me too , expressing her outrage and concern .
Like many of the other white people I talked to , she seemed much more upset @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd ’ s death .
Others sounded the same , clearly more outraged by the threat to their neighborhoods and property than by the killing itself .
My feelings were the opposite .
That ’ s the crux of the whole problem .
If you were more outraged by property being destroyed than the moment you saw or heard about the killing of Floyd , you see yourself as separate and different from Black Americans .
That is the very essence of white privilege .
It ’ s a luxury to feel safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where people die regularly at the hands of those we pay to protect us .
To feel sad but unafraid in your own community , even in the face of lethal violence against a fellow citizen , is only possible if you believe you are not at risk .
At this moment it may be wise for us all to remember that rioters who threw tea into a Boston harbor helped foment the revolution that founded this country .
I studied U.S. history at a Minneapolis high school , but I had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100 years ago , most riots were attacks against black people by white mobs .
Conversely , the recent protests in Minneapolis and across the country have been made up of very diverse people .
I believe most Americans want justice for Floyd , but even convicting all four police officers who participated in his death will not make our future safe .
There have been reports that white nationalists may have infiltrated some of the protests that have taken place over the past week , traveling to these demonstrations specifically to cause @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were local people of all colors participating in the violence , as well , but who really instigated much of that burning ?
And why ?
In the context of President Donald Trump ’ s tweets that inflame rather than calm and his threat to use the military to quell the unrest in so much of the nation , we must consider what this means for our cities and our country .
And it isn ’ t just African Americans who are in danger .
Last Sunday I talked to my mother in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we met at a local park to celebrate .
With my face mask firmly in place , I opened the card she brought me and we talked about the week ’ s events .
Even though I have been hurt and disappointed in the past , I shared my feelings honestly and she listened .
I spoke my truth because she is the only mother I have .
As I felt the early summer sun soak into my bones , I heard her admit that she “ doesn ’ t get it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For me , this is where love lives ― in the never giving up .
Just as all of America is having similar conversations , my white mother and I , her black daughter , promised each other that we will keep showing up and keep listening to each other .
We also vowed that in the months to come , we would stand together and work to ensure that every vote is cast and counted .
On this , we agree : If we don ’ t do all that we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both have a knee on our neck .
My mother and I made these promises knowing that we are both of an age that makes us highly vulnerable to this pandemic .
Still , we are willing to do the work because that ’ s how she raised me .
This is what she taught me democracy is all about .
My mother taught me why Black lives matter : because they have to .
Because a world in which a man can be killed by the police just around the corner from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any of us should live in .
Because neither one of us can stand by and watch the rights we fought so hard for go up in smoke .
Because Floyd ’ s life matters just as much as ours does .

One of the marches last week in Minneapolis protesting the death of George Floyd when one of the city's white police officers knelt on the Black man's neck for several minutes. Courtesy of Kimberly J. Miller
I have been crying on and off since May 26. Between the killing of George Floyd and Amy Cooper’s Oscar-worthy performance that could have resulted in New York City cops doing the unthinkable to another Black man, I haven’t slept much either.
I’ve talked to friends, joined one of the Minneapolis rallies protesting Floyd’s death at the hands of police in that city and fielded emails, texts and calls from folks expressing concern. But the one person I wanted to talk to most, I couldn’t. It’s ironic that when I felt my most vulnerable, my mother is the last person I could call, but I have good reason.
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My mother is white. I am mixed race. A lifetime of growing up as her Black daughter has taught me that I can’t always count on her understanding. As events unfolded in my hometown of Minneapolis, a similar theme played out in many of my conversations, and it’s made me realize that my relationship with my mother is a microcosm of the relationship that most Black Americans have with white Americans.
From the first moment I watched the video of Floyd’s killing, I felt fear, anger, outrage and terror because I saw myself under attack. My mother felt sympathy. She felt sad for “them,” ― Floyd and other Black people killed in recent years by cops ― not fear for her own safety. Even though she was married to a black man and has two mixed-race children, she has never lost her ability to distance herself.
I’m nearly 60 years old, but even today my mother has a hard time accepting for what it is the racism I experience. When I bring it up, her first reaction, like so many other white people’s, is often to question me. “Why do you say racist?” she asks. “Are you sure that’s what they meant?” It is hard work to get her to see the world through my eyes, even when the facts are staring her right in the face ― or in the neighborhood where we both lived.
I grew up just around the corner from where Floyd died. I spent much of my childhood waiting for buses with my mother at the very same intersection where millions of people have now watched videos showing the life drain right out of him as a white police officer’s knee pressed against his neck. In the six years I’ve been back in Minnesota, a similar killing has occurred almost annually. I’ve been outraged every time. But the brutality of this death terrorized me.
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The author, far left, with her family in 1968. Courtesy of Kimberly J. Miller
My skin is not as dark or my hair as kinky as Floyd’s, but I felt all the anguish and terror that any Black person feels when witnessing a lynching. This was domestic terrorism, just as Cooper’s phone call from Central Park was a direct threat of violence toward a Black man who had the audacity to ask her to follow the law. I’ve known too many women just like her.
Many people assume that because they think I don’t look “as Black” as some other people, I don’t experience racism. Wrong. That’s why I’ve awakened repeatedly, haunted by the racist acts leveled at me over my life and career. The truth is that while I’m lighter skinned than my father, there is no aspect of life that isn’t potentially dangerous for me. I’m not speaking philosophically ― I mean literally.
I’ve been screamed at, called a ni**er and told to get out of my own neighborhood more than once. I’ve been refused the right to purchase a house, denied help with financial aid at a prestigious college, harassed out of jobs, homes, bars, churches, new age spiritual groups, furniture stores, the Girl Scouts, universities and schools as a student and a teacher.
I never met my great grandparents because they disowned my mother for marrying my father and having me. They rubbed it in by sending Christmas presents to everyone in the family but us. I spent half of my childhood silently watching these relatives open those gifts while expecting us not to make them uncomfortable as they did so.
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I fought for over a year with my father’s nursing home because not one, but two of his roommates threatened his life. These white men swore at him, called him names and threatened to kill him daily. Only when I began talking legal action did the administrators finally move him to a safe room. Nothing happened to the perpetrators. During all of these incidents, only the man who called me the N-word didn’t pretend his actions weren’t racist.
Last week, once the images of rioters and buildings on fire hit the news, I heard from many friends. My mother texted me too, expressing her outrage and concern. Like many of the other white people I talked to, she seemed much more upset about watching the city burn than Mr. Floyd’s death. Others sounded the same, clearly more outraged by the threat to their neighborhoods and property than by the killing itself. My feelings were the opposite. That’s the crux of the whole problem.
“Many people assume that because they think I don’t look “as Black” as some other people, I don’t experience racism. Wrong... The truth is that while I’m lighter skinned than my father, there is no aspect of life that isn’t potentially dangerous for me. I’m not speaking philosophically ― I mean literally.”
As long as you can distance yourself from a lynching or any kind of racist attack, you can remain unafraid.
Most white Americans, regardless of their politics, respond similarly. They feel bad for “them,” but not afraid until their own streets are burning. Then it becomes personal because they don’t feel safe. I, too, mourn the burning on our beautiful, vibrant Lake Street in Minneapolis. It took decades to build. However, as we move forward, this question of personal safety is paramount.
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If you think this question does not apply to you, try a little experiment. Think back to the beginning of last week. How did you feel when you first saw the videos of Floyd having the life drained out of him? Upset? Sad? Sick to your stomach? Think back to that night or the next day. Did you feel fear welling up in your gut or a tightness in your chest?
Now try to remember how you felt last Friday night after seeing footage and hearing reports of buildings burning and people throwing rocks or running from tear gas. Were you just upset ― or did you feel afraid? Did you start worrying about your own house or street? Did you start worrying about what could happen if the rioters came to your block? Did you have trouble sleeping? Did you get angry?
What did that feel like in your body? Be honest with yourself. No one else will know.
If you were more outraged by property being destroyed than the moment you saw or heard about the killing of Floyd, you see yourself as separate and different from Black Americans. That is the very essence of white privilege. It’s a luxury to feel safe in a city ― and country ― where people die regularly at the hands of those we pay to protect us. To feel sad but unafraid in your own community, even in the face of lethal violence against a fellow citizen, is only possible if you believe you are not at risk.
I have lived throughout the U.S. in cities, suburbs, small towns and rural communities. I have never lived anywhere without some fear of my white neighbors or the police. Never.
Protesters on the corner of 38th Street and Chicago Avenue in Minneapolis, where Floyd died. Courtesy of Kimberly J. Miller
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At this moment it may be wise for us all to remember that rioters who threw tea into a Boston harbor helped foment the revolution that founded this country. I studied U.S. history at a Minneapolis high school, but I had to move to South Carolina to learn that 100 years ago, most riots were attacks against Black people by white mobs. Conversely, the recent protests in Minneapolis and across the country have been made up of very diverse people. I believe most Americans want justice for Floyd, but even convicting all four police officers who participated in his death will not make our future safe.
There have been reports that white nationalists may have infiltrated some of the protests that have taken place over the past week, traveling to these demonstrations specifically to cause violence and destruction. Yes, there were local people of all colors participating in the violence, as well, but who really instigated much of that burning? And why? In the context of President Donald Trump’s tweets that inflame rather than calm and his threat to use the military to quell the unrest in so much of the nation, we must consider what this means for our cities and our country. And it isn’t just African Americans who are in danger.
With the coronavirus nipping at our heels and Trump pushing to re-open the country regardless of the potential death toll, our entire country is at risk. Billions of dollars that could have been used to help people find work and pay their bills have gone to corporations who are now busy playing roulette on Wall Street. What is going to happen as millions of people find themselves unemployed and unable to pay rent or mortgages for months or even years?
Our president may be crazy, but he’s no fool. When he said there were “very fine people” among the rioting white nationalists whose protest in Virginia resulted in the death of a young woman, he sent a clear message. When he tweeted “Liberate Michigan,” it was a test. Two days later his message to “Liberate Minnesota” and other battleground states helped spur his armed followers onto the streets to challenge our governor and others without any concern for spreading a killing virus.
Last Friday, Trump’s tweet, “when the looting starts, the shooting starts,” was strategic. He used a phrase that was infamously uttered in 1967 by a Miami police chief who went on to say, “We don’t mind being accused of police brutality... They haven’t seen anything yet.” That attitude is now evident in National Blue Lives Matter spokesperson Randy Sutton’s video on the Facebook page of BlueLivesMatter.
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Imagine life a year from now, with Trump back in office and double the number of dead from COVID-19 while half the country is unemployed and many are headed into homelessness. How does that feel? I know how it feels in my body. We are all in grave danger.
Last Sunday I talked to my mother in person. It was my birthday so we met at a local park to celebrate. With my face mask firmly in place, I opened the card she brought me and we talked about the week’s events. Even though I have been hurt and disappointed in the past, I shared my feelings honestly and she listened. I spoke my truth because she is the only mother I have. As I felt the early summer sun soak into my bones, I heard her admit that she “doesn’t get it,” but she wants to understand. For me, this is where love lives ― in the never giving up.
“I spoke my truth because she is the only mother I have. As I felt the early summer sun soak into my bones, I heard her admit that she 'doesn’t get it,' but she wants to understand. For me, this is where love lives ― in the never giving up.”
Just as all of America is having similar conversations, my white mother and I, her Black daughter, promised each other that we will keep showing up and keep listening to each other. We also vowed that in the months to come, we would stand together and work to ensure that every vote is cast and counted. On this, we agree: If we don’t do all that we can to turn the tide, we may both have a knee on our neck.
My mother and I made these promises knowing that we are both of an age that makes us highly vulnerable to this pandemic. Still, we are willing to do the work because that’s how she raised me. This is what she taught me democracy is all about. My mother taught me why Black lives matter: because they have to. Because a world in which a man can be killed by the police just around the corner from our home is not a world that any of us should live in. Because neither one of us can stand by and watch the rights we fought so hard for go up in smoke. Because Floyd’s life matters just as much as ours does.
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After a couple of hours, it was time to go. I helped her adjust her face mask, then she steadied herself with my elbow. As we slowly walked to the parking lot, I felt proud. I could not help but be grateful for all that she has taught me about right and wrong. She may never understand exactly what it’s like to live in my skin, but she is my mother.
She believes in freedom. And I am her legacy.
Kimberly J. Miller is a writer, performing artist, activist, businesswoman and a native of Minneapolis.


huffpost--2020-06-03--'This Is A Very Strange Time To Be A Black-Owned Business'

This story , as told to Janna Mandell , is from the perspective of Trinity Mouzon Wofford , the co-founder of Golde , a Brooklyn-based superfood-fueled beauty and wellness brand , which she co-founded with partner Issey Kobori in 2017 .
In a short period of time , Wofford has hit several career milestones , including being the youngest Black woman to ever launch a line at Sephora and being chosen for Forbes ’ “ 30 Under 30 ” list .
Yet she and her company still face daily obstacles , forcing her to live inside the anxiety dream .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ re on a busy sidewalk with people bustling past you , but you have to use every bone in your body to propel yourself even an inch forward .
Here at HuffPost , we think it ’ s important to give powerful voices a platform , especially one like Wofford who speaks with such naked candor and emotion .
We ’ re listening .
Like the rest of the world , I heard the news of what had happened in Minnesota sometime last week .
Just before that , I remember learning from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , about Christian Cooper , who had the cops called on him in Central Park while bird-watching , of all things .
We kind of had a laugh about it because I was like , “ Jesus Christ , Black people can ’ t even go bird-watching.
” In this situation , no one got hurt and the woman who made the 911 call got shut down real quick — and so aggressively that Cooper said something like , “ We don ’ t need to ruin her life .
I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nice for once to make that point without something devastating happening .
We started off the week with , “ Oh , this is so ridiculous.
” It was then followed by one of the most horrifying accounts of police brutality that I have experienced in my lifetime .
In order to give an honest account of what it was like to learn about George Floyd ’ s murder , I have to give some background on how I , as a Black person , process these things .
By “ these things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systematic attempts to destroy Black life and livelihood .
When these news stories surface , I often intentionally withdraw from that information — because if I allowed myself to really feel it , I don ’ t think I could function in my demanding daily life as an entrepreneur .
I don ’ t think I processed it for at least a couple of days .
I started seeing messages of solidarity streaming in on social media and I still didn ’ t process it .
By Friday night , I remember saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do something .
And we need to do it tomorrow.
” On Saturday , I knew we would donate some percentage of our weekend sales to the NAACP Legal Defense Fund , and I knew I needed to write a note addressing what we were feeling .
This wasn ’ t the first time I ’ d sent a note to our community during a challenging time — I had sent my last update just a few months prior , when COVID-19 first began to sweep across our country .
However , this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lock myself in our home office and cry for 30 minutes in order to let the words flow .
As I wrote our statement , I decided then that the weekend donation amount would be 100 % of our profits .
It was the only thing that made sense to me .
This is a very strange time to be a Black-owned business .
I ’ m seeing lots of folks who never showed any enthusiasm for my brand suddenly singing my praises from the rooftops , which I guess is a form @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re also getting a lot of retail inquiries from stores this week whom we had unsuccessfully pitched in the past [ that ] suddenly want to carry our products .
It ’ s hard to react .
One retailer actually made a typo in their email and called us The Honey Pot Company , the name of another Black-owned beauty brand .
My first response is naturally frustration .
On the other hand , do we commend them for trying to bring on more Black-owned brands ?
That being said , when I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be donating 100 % of our profits , our online sales skyrocketed .
Our sales beat out Black Friday , literally 10 times our average for three days in a row .
We sold more product on Monday , June 1 , than the entire month of March , and raised more than $ 10,000 for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund within 72 hours .
There were tons of notes attached to orders thanking us and expressing solidarity .
One kind customer offered her design services gratis , noting how impossible it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business with no time for personal healing .
It ’ s been incredible to see that response .
Genuine support is extremely moving , and then there is something else .
Something else that is hard to put your finger on .
Yesterday , I read a Slack message from a white founder looking for guidance on “ his dilemma ” — that social justice isn ’ t a part of his brand message .
I will present that without comment .
Though what I have found most frustrating has been the investors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ too early ” ( in spite of these investors having funded pre-revenue businesses from white founders ) and are now posting about Golde .
Suddenly , investors who ghosted me are asking how they can help .
I ’ m empathetic to the reality that this has been a wake-up call for a lot of folks , but it can be challenging to separate the profound from the performative .
If you ’ re in a position to help , find ways to empower founders of color so they can reach the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience fundraising was harrowing , and that ’ s coming from someone who was the youngest Black woman to launch a line at Sephora .
I hear from so many of my peers how hard it is to get support early on .
So to the people who have the power to enact that kind of change : You really need to step up .
I ’ ve been asked what people can do to support Black-owned brands .
It depends on what you have the means to do .
Talk about Black-owned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about them only if you actually support them .
If you don ’ t support any Black-owned brands currently , find a brand and buy stuff from them .
That ’ s really important .
That ’ s one of the most powerful ways you can voice your opinion in a capitalist structure .
If you ’ re a minority , you think about race all the time .
Things happen to you and you always wonder , “ Was that because … ?
” If you are in the majority , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ 12 Years a Slave ” and that really gave you something to think about for a few days .
But being forced to think about the discomfort is something that is new to most people .
If inequality is not something you ’ ve dealt with every day of your life , then the sudden oppressive weight of it can feel so shocking that you think , “ Why isn ’ t everyone onboard right now ?
Hasn ’ t everyone seen the news ?
The videos ?
Let ’ s fix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new and change will come incrementally .
But it ’ s good to be frustrated and angry .
I really do believe feeling that frustration and anger is the most important thing that anyone can do right now .
As a brand , you have to say something .
As a person , you have to say something .
It ’ s your choice whether you ’ re going to say something genuine or something that ’ s bullshit — either way , you ’ re going to have to approach it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of people to do the work they have been sidestepping their entire lives , which I think is really , really good .

This story, as told to Janna Mandell, is from the perspective of Trinity Mouzon Wofford, the co-founder of Golde, a Brooklyn-based superfood-fueled beauty and wellness brand, which she co-founded with partner Issey Kobori in 2017. In a short period of time, Wofford has hit several career milestones, including being the youngest Black woman to ever launch a line at Sephora and being chosen for Forbes’ “30 Under 30” list. Yet she and her company still face daily obstacles, forcing her to live inside the anxiety dream. You know the one — you’re on a busy sidewalk with people bustling past you, but you have to use every bone in your body to propel yourself even an inch forward. Here at HuffPost, we think it’s important to give powerful voices a platform, especially one like Wofford who speaks with such naked candor and emotion. We’re listening.
Advertisement
Like the rest of the world, I heard the news of what had happened in Minnesota sometime last week. Just before that, I remember learning from Issey, my partner [and co-founder], about Christian Cooper, who had the cops called on him in Central Park while bird-watching, of all things. We kind of had a laugh about it because I was like, “Jesus Christ, Black people can’t even go bird-watching.” In this situation, no one got hurt and the woman who made the 911 call got shut down real quick — and so aggressively that Cooper said something like, “We don’t need to ruin her life. I think she got the point.” It was nice for once to make that point without something devastating happening. We started off the week with, “Oh, this is so ridiculous.” It was then followed by one of the most horrifying accounts of police brutality that I have experienced in my lifetime.
“This is a very strange time to be a Black-owned business. I’m seeing lots of folks who never showed any enthusiasm for my brand suddenly singing my praises from the rooftops. ... It’s hard to react.”
In order to give an honest account of what it was like to learn about George Floyd’s murder, I have to give some background on how I, as a Black person, process these things. By “these things,” I mean the repeated and systematic attempts to destroy Black life and livelihood. When these news stories surface, I often intentionally withdraw from that information — because if I allowed myself to really feel it, I don’t think I could function in my demanding daily life as an entrepreneur.
Advertisement
I don’t think I processed it for at least a couple of days. I started seeing messages of solidarity streaming in on social media and I still didn’t process it. By Friday night, I remember saying to Issey, “We need to do something. And we need to do it tomorrow.” On Saturday, I knew we would donate some percentage of our weekend sales to the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, and I knew I needed to write a note addressing what we were feeling. This wasn’t the first time I’d sent a note to our community during a challenging time — I had sent my last update just a few months prior, when COVID-19 first began to sweep across our country. However, this was the first time I had to lock myself in our home office and cry for 30 minutes in order to let the words flow. As I wrote our statement, I decided then that the weekend donation amount would be 100% of our profits. It was the only thing that made sense to me.
This is a very strange time to be a Black-owned business. I’m seeing lots of folks who never showed any enthusiasm for my brand suddenly singing my praises from the rooftops, which I guess is a form of repent for them. We’re also getting a lot of retail inquiries from stores this week whom we had unsuccessfully pitched in the past [that] suddenly want to carry our products. It’s hard to react. One retailer actually made a typo in their email and called us The Honey Pot Company, the name of another Black-owned beauty brand. My first response is naturally frustration. On the other hand, do we commend them for trying to bring on more Black-owned brands?
That being said, when I sent out the note announcing that we would be donating 100% of our profits, our online sales skyrocketed. Our sales beat out Black Friday, literally 10 times our average for three days in a row. We sold more product on Monday, June 1, than the entire month of March, and raised more than $10,000 for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund within 72 hours. There were tons of notes attached to orders thanking us and expressing solidarity. One kind customer offered her design services gratis, noting how impossible it must be to continue to operate a business with no time for personal healing. It’s been incredible to see that response. Genuine support is extremely moving, and then there is something else. Something else that is hard to put your finger on.
Advertisement
“I’m empathetic to the reality that this has been a wake-up call for a lot of folks, but it can be challenging to separate the profound from the performative.”
Yesterday, I read a Slack message from a white founder looking for guidance on “his dilemma” — that social justice isn’t a part of his brand message. I will present that without comment. Though what I have found most frustrating has been the investors who passed on our deal for being “too early” (in spite of these investors having funded pre-revenue businesses from white founders) and are now posting about Golde. Suddenly, investors who ghosted me are asking how they can help. I’m empathetic to the reality that this has been a wake-up call for a lot of folks, but it can be challenging to separate the profound from the performative.
If you’re in a position to help, find ways to empower founders of color so they can reach the same success as white founders. My experience fundraising was harrowing, and that’s coming from someone who was the youngest Black woman to launch a line at Sephora. I hear from so many of my peers how hard it is to get support early on. So to the people who have the power to enact that kind of change: You really need to step up.
I’ve been asked what people can do to support Black-owned brands. It depends on what you have the means to do. Talk about Black-owned brands you love and support. But talk about them only if you actually support them. If you don’t support any Black-owned brands currently, find a brand and buy stuff from them. That’s really important. That’s one of the most powerful ways you can voice your opinion in a capitalist structure.
“If you’re in a position to help, find ways to empower founders of color so they can reach the same success as white founders.”
Advertisement
If you’re a minority, you think about race all the time. Things happen to you and you always wonder, “Was that because … ?” If you are in the majority, maybe you thought of race after watching “12 Years a Slave” and that really gave you something to think about for a few days. But being forced to think about the discomfort is something that is new to most people.
If inequality is not something you’ve dealt with every day of your life, then the sudden oppressive weight of it can feel so shocking that you think, “Why isn’t everyone onboard right now? Hasn’t everyone seen the news? The videos? Let’s fix this.” Unfortunately, this is nothing new and change will come incrementally. But it’s good to be frustrated and angry. I really do believe feeling that frustration and anger is the most important thing that anyone can do right now.


huffpost--2020-06-03--Republicans Push 'Return To Work Bonus' As Alternative To Unemployment

The “ Return to Work ” bonus would give workers up to $ 1,200 for going back to work .
The bonus money would be available until the end of July , when the extra $ 600 in federal money that Congress added to weekly unemployment checks also expires .
The extra money was designed to encourage people to stay home , since the new germ is highly transmissible , and there ’ s no good treatment for people who get severely ill. President Donald Trump , however , has said workers should be “ warriors ” and go back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With such a high number of unemployed ― and many workers now actually making more or about the same on unemployment as they were before ― Republicans are looking for ways to entice people back to their jobs .
Brady said on CNBC that Texas businesses have been calling him and that they are “ very frustrated that they can ’ t bring their workforce back.
” But Democrats — who passed legislation in the House that would extend the extra $ 600 in unemployment benefits until the end of the year — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans think a two-week bonus is the solution to a once-in-a-century pandemic and economic crisis , they are delusional about the scale of this crisis , ” Wyden said .
He added that any bonus would need to be paired with hazard pay for workers who ’ ve stayed at their jobs all along .
Democrats have signaled they might be willing to keep the extra benefits in place at a lower number than $ 600 , but they also suggest that some sort of extra compensation should remain in place as long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the benefits should automatically “ trigger ” off as conditions improve .
The $ 600 boost comes on top of whatever a claimant receives in regular state-funded benefits , and the extra money has been an important lifeline for many of the 40 million people who have become unemployed due to the coronavirus crisis .
( Congress also created special unemployment benefits with broader eligibility criteria for people not normally covered , such as Uber drivers .
Those benefits aren ’ t expiring until the end of the year . )
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expanded benefits by encouraging states to cut people off if they refuse to return to work , even though federal regulations say people are supposed to be able to keep disaster unemployment benefits if they refuse jobs that pose a risk to their health .
Brady ’ s proposal also includes a provision “ ensuring employers can report job refusals , ” which is something employers generally can do already .
Brady ’ s proposal to give workers a $ 1,200 bonus is relatively meager when compared to the expanded unemployment benefits .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect on the unemployment rate , the proposal could just be a fig leaf for GOP indifference about the financial struggles of those who have lost their jobs because of coronavirus .
Republicans seem intent on not extending those added unemployment benefits , and if they actually do hold the line and refuse to agree to even a smaller number , a proposal like Brady ’ s could be important in helping the GOP avoid charges of heartlessness .
Instead , they can point to Brady ’ s proposal and say , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encouraging jobs .
Several workers have told HuffPost they quit or refused to return to their jobs because it ’ s not worth risking exposure to the coronavirus , even if they wind up with no income at all .

With Republicans intent on letting expanded unemployment benefits expire at the end of July, a new GOP proposal would instead give workers a bonus for returning to their jobs.
The “Return to Work” bonus would give workers up to $1,200 for going back to work. The bonus money would be available until the end of July, when the extra $600 in federal money that Congress added to weekly unemployment checks also expires.
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More than 40 million Americans have filed unemployment claims since the coronavirus pandemic shuttered businesses across the country.
The extra money was designed to encourage people to stay home, since the new germ is highly transmissible, and there’s no good treatment for people who get severely ill. President Donald Trump, however, has said workers should be “warriors” and go back to their jobs despite the risk.
With such a high number of unemployed ― and many workers now actually making more or about the same on unemployment as they were before ― Republicans are looking for ways to entice people back to their jobs.
The ranking Republican on the Ways and Means Committee ― Rep. Kevin Brady of Texas ― recently introduced the return to work legislation, calling the proposal “an important part in preventing a prolonged recession.”
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Brady said on CNBC that Texas businesses have been calling him and that they are “very frustrated that they can’t bring their workforce back.”
But Democrats — who passed legislation in the House that would extend the extra $600 in unemployment benefits until the end of the year — are panning the idea.
The Senate Democrat who negotiated the higher unemployment benefits, Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), characterized the proposal as inadequate.
“If Republicans think a two-week bonus is the solution to a once-in-a-century pandemic and economic crisis, they are delusional about the scale of this crisis,” Wyden said. He added that any bonus would need to be paired with hazard pay for workers who’ve stayed at their jobs all along.
Democrats have signaled they might be willing to keep the extra benefits in place at a lower number than $600, but they also suggest that some sort of extra compensation should remain in place as long as the economy is suffering and that the benefits should automatically “trigger” off as conditions improve.
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The $600 boost comes on top of whatever a claimant receives in regular state-funded benefits, and the extra money has been an important lifeline for many of the 40 million people who have become unemployed due to the coronavirus crisis. (Congress also created special unemployment benefits with broader eligibility criteria for people not normally covered, such as Uber drivers. Those benefits aren’t expiring until the end of the year.)
But the Trump administration has already been undercutting the expanded benefits by encouraging states to cut people off if they refuse to return to work, even though federal regulations say people are supposed to be able to keep disaster unemployment benefits if they refuse jobs that pose a risk to their health. Brady’s proposal also includes a provision “ensuring employers can report job refusals,” which is something employers generally can do already.
Brady’s proposal to give workers a $1,200 bonus is relatively meager when compared to the expanded unemployment benefits. And rather than actually having a significant effect on the unemployment rate, the proposal could just be a fig leaf for GOP indifference about the financial struggles of those who have lost their jobs because of coronavirus.
Republicans seem intent on not extending those added unemployment benefits, and if they actually do hold the line and refuse to agree to even a smaller number, a proposal like Brady’s could be important in helping the GOP avoid charges of heartlessness.
Instead, they can point to Brady’s proposal and say, while Democrats are incentivizing unemployment, Republicans are encouraging jobs.
Several workers have told HuffPost they quit or refused to return to their jobs because it’s not worth risking exposure to the coronavirus, even if they wind up with no income at all.


huffpost--2020-06-03--LA Protesters Detained In Cruelly Ironic Location

UCLA and its faculty expressed outrage Tuesday that Los Angeles police detained people arrested during protests against George Floyd ’ s death at the university ’ s Jackie Robinson Stadium , named for Major League Baseball ’ s first Black player and a school alum .
“ Last evening , UCLA students were arrested for engaging in the constitutionally protected right to peacefully protest against racial injustice , which is pervasive in American policing , ” read a letter posted by UCLA urban planning professor , Ananya Roy , which she signed with more than a dozen other faculty members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a stadium on their own campus named after Jackie Robinson , an icon of the long and unfinished struggle for Black freedom.
” The university , in a separate statement on Twitter , wrote that it was “ troubled by accounts of Jackie Robinson Stadium being used as a ‘ field jail.
’ This was done without UCLA ’ s knowledge or permission .
As lessee of the stadium , we informed local agencies that UCLA will NOT grant permission should there be a request like this in the future.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held arrested protesters at the stadium , but “ was no longer using it , ” Officer Mike Lopez told NBC News .
Protests in LA and elsewhere have raged since the death of Floyd , an unarmed Black man who died after a white Minneapolis police officer kneeled into his neck for several minutes .
Robinson , a standout athlete at UCLA who played for the Brooklyn Dodgers , made his historic debut on April 15 , 1947 , against the Boston Braves .
Robinson would go on to win the rookie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1949 and bat .311 over a 10-year career that landed him in the Baseball Hall of Fame .
Every April 15 , MLB players celebrate his pioneering exploits by wearing his number , 42 .
( This year MLB postponed its season amid the coronavirus pandemic . )

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UCLA and its faculty expressed outrage Tuesday that Los Angeles police detained people arrested during protests against George Floyd’s death at the university’s Jackie Robinson Stadium, named for Major League Baseball’s first Black player and a school alum.
“Last evening, UCLA students were arrested for engaging in the constitutionally protected right to peacefully protest against racial injustice, which is pervasive in American policing,” read a letter posted by UCLA urban planning professor, Ananya Roy, which she signed with more than a dozen other faculty members. “They were detained and processed at a stadium on their own campus named after Jackie Robinson, an icon of the long and unfinished struggle for Black freedom.”
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The university, in a separate statement on Twitter, wrote that it was “troubled by accounts of Jackie Robinson Stadium being used as a ‘field jail.’ This was done without UCLA’s knowledge or permission. As lessee of the stadium, we informed local agencies that UCLA will NOT grant permission should there be a request like this in the future.”
The Los Angeles Police Department confirmed that it held arrested protesters at the stadium, but “was no longer using it,” Officer Mike Lopez told NBC News.
A 2019 game at Jackie Robinson Stadium. Jayne Kamin-Oncea via Getty Images
Protests in LA and elsewhere have raged since the death of Floyd, an unarmed Black man who died after a white Minneapolis police officer kneeled into his neck for several minutes.
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Robinson, a standout athlete at UCLA who played for the Brooklyn Dodgers, made his historic debut on April 15, 1947, against the Boston Braves. Robinson would go on to win the rookie of the year, the league MVP in 1949 and bat .311 over a 10-year career that landed him in the Baseball Hall of Fame. Every April 15, MLB players celebrate his pioneering exploits by wearing his number, 42. (This year MLB postponed its season amid the coronavirus pandemic.)
He died at age 53 in 1972.
Robinson was also active in advocating for civil rights and school integration.


huffpost--2020-06-05--As They Scream Voter Fraud, Trump And His Press Secretary May Have Voted Illegally

WASHINGTON – Even as they both attack the idea of voting by mail , President Donald Trump and his new press secretary may have voted by mail illegally , using residential addresses on their registrations that were not their residences .
Kayleigh McEnany cast Florida ballots in 2018 using her parents ’ address in Tampa , even though she lived in Washington , D.C. , and held a New Jersey driver ’ s license .
Trump cast a Florida ballot this year using a business address in Palm Beach , where he had promised the town government he would not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moving to Florida last year and used the state ’ s vote-by-mail option to cast his ballot in the March presidential primary .
He registered to vote using his Mar-a-Lago resort as the “ address where you live ” – even though he signed an agreement with the town of Palm Beach nearly three decades ago promising that it would not be used as a private residence .
Trump tried to claim 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. , the location of the White House in Washington , as his legal residence on Sept. 27 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Palm Beach County elections officials .
His revised form filed a month later gives the Mar-a-Lago address .
Both require a signature affirming that the information provided is true .
( Trump confused matters further this week when he declared on a conference call with governors : “ I live in Manhattan.
” ) Under the Aug. 10 , 1993 agreement with Palm Beach , Trump received permission to turn the estate he had bought in 1985 into a social club , but only after promising it would not be used as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the club could not have any more than 10 guest suites , that they could not be advertised or available to the public , and that members could not use them more than 21 days in a given year .
“ I think he just forgot what he promised , ” Stambaugh said .
“ Now it ’ s incumbent on the town of Palm Beach and the people of the state of Florida to remind him that Mar-a-Lago is not the appropriate residence for him to vote.
” McEnany voted in both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Florida using her parents ’ waterfront address in Tampa as her legal residence rather than the house she and her husband bought in 2017 , located a mile and half away ― all while living and working in Washington as a full-time employee of the Republican National Committee .
In February 2019 , McEnany left the RNC to join the Trump campaign , headquartered across the Potomac River in Arlington , Virginia , and was working there in March when she voted by mail in Florida ’ s presidential primary .
She joined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s fourth press secretary in as many years .
“ Absentee voting has the word absent in it for a reason .
It means you ’ re absent from the jurisdiction or unable to vote in person , ” McEnany last month told the Tampa Bay Times , which first reported her extensive use of mail ballots through the years .
“ President Trump is against the Democrat plan to politicize the coronavirus and expand mass mail-in voting without a reason , which has a high propensity for voter fraud .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fails to grasp .
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WASHINGTON – Even as they both attack the idea of voting by mail, President Donald Trump and his new press secretary may have voted by mail illegally, using residential addresses on their registrations that were not their residences.
Kayleigh McEnany cast Florida ballots in 2018 using her parents’ address in Tampa, even though she lived in Washington, D.C., and held a New Jersey driver’s license. Trump cast a Florida ballot this year using a business address in Palm Beach, where he had promised the town government he would not live.
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“If Florida is not really your primary residence, then it’s inappropriate for you to be registered as a voter in Florida,” said Ciara Torres-Spelliscy, a fellow at the Brennan Center and a professor at Stetson University in Florida.
McEnany did not respond to HuffPost queries about either her or her boss’s voter registration discrepancies. Providing false information on a registration in Florida is a felony punishable by up to five years in state prison.
Trump made a show of moving to Florida last year and used the state’s vote-by-mail option to cast his ballot in the March presidential primary. He registered to vote using his Mar-a-Lago resort as the “address where you live” – even though he signed an agreement with the town of Palm Beach nearly three decades ago promising that it would not be used as a private residence.
“It’s illegal,” Reginald Stambaugh, a Palm Beach County lawyer involved in a dispute over a dock Trump recently tried to build at Mar-a-Lago, said of Trump’s voter registration.
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Trump tried to claim 1600 Pennsylvania Ave., the location of the White House in Washington, as his legal residence on Sept. 27, 2019, but that registration was rejected by Palm Beach County elections officials. His revised form filed a month later gives the Mar-a-Lago address. Both require a signature affirming that the information provided is true. (Trump confused matters further this week when he declared on a conference call with governors: “I live in Manhattan.”)
A 1993 agreement between Trump and the Town of Palm Beach states that Trump may not use his Mar-a-Lago resort as a residence. Trump voted in the March 2020 presidential primary using Mar-a-Lago as his legal residence. Town of Palm Beach, Florida
Under the Aug. 10, 1993 agreement with Palm Beach, Trump received permission to turn the estate he had bought in 1985 into a social club, but only after promising it would not be used as a residence. The agreement specified that the club could not have any more than 10 guest suites, that they could not be advertised or available to the public, and that members could not use them more than 21 days in a given year.
“The use of guest suites shall be limited to a maximum of three (3) non-consecutive seven (7) day periods by any one member during the year,” the agreement states.
The Washington Post first reported on both the 1993 agreement as well as Trump’s registration forms.
“The use of guest suites shall be limited to a maximum of three (3) non-consecutive seven (7) day periods by any one member during the year,” the agreement states.
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The Washington Post first reported on both the 1993 agreement as well as Trump’s registration forms.
Florida law does not allow a place of business, including a social club, to be used as a residence for the purpose of registering to vote.
“I think he just forgot what he promised,” Stambaugh said. “Now it’s incumbent on the town of Palm Beach and the people of the state of Florida to remind him that Mar-a-Lago is not the appropriate residence for him to vote.”
Palm Beach Town Manager Kirk Blouin said he was not familiar with the agreement and referred questions to the town attorney, who did not respond to HuffPost queries.
Palm Beach County Supervisor of Elections Wendy Sartory Link also did not respond to queries about Trump’s voter registration and the ballot he cast in the March presidential primary.
Typically, Florida elections officials reject registrations that use addresses in areas that are zoned for commercial establishments. Mar-a-Lago’s zoning, however, is “large estate residential.” It was given a “special exception use” in 1993 that turned it into a commercial enterprise ― a designation not visible on zoning maps.
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McEnany voted in both the 2018 primary and general elections in Florida using her parents’ waterfront address in Tampa as her legal residence rather than the house she and her husband bought in 2017, located a mile and half away ― all while living and working in Washington as a full-time employee of the Republican National Committee.
At the time, McEnany’s driver’s license and car registration showed an address in Edgewater, New Jersey. Those documents can only be obtained by proving residency in that state, according to the New Jersey Motor Vehicle Commission website.
Florida law states that registered voters must be “Florida residents,” and one of the documents that can be provided as proof is a Florida driver’s license.
In August 2019, McEnany gave an interview to a Tampa radio station stating that she worked in Washington, but traveled to Tampa “pretty much every weekend.”
In November 2019, according to Hillsborough County records, she changed her legal residence from her parents’ address to that of her own house. It’s unclear how much time she has spent there since.
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In February 2019, McEnany left the RNC to join the Trump campaign, headquartered across the Potomac River in Arlington, Virginia, and was working there in March when she voted by mail in Florida’s presidential primary. She joined the White House in April as Trump’s fourth press secretary in as many years.
Through all those years, McEnany has repeated Trump’s false claims of rampant voter fraud and accusations that Democrats want undocumented immigrants to vote, and, most recently, that mail ballots increase fraud.
“They are subject to fraud, and that is extremely troubling,” she said last week from the White House briefing room.
White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany frequently repeats Trump's false claims that mail-in ballots increase fraud, but she voted by mail in Florida last year using her parents' Tampa address. ASSOCIATED PRESS
McEnany defended her own choice to vote using mail ballots because she was not in Florida at the time, but did not address why she did not vote in places where she happened to be living.
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“Absentee voting has the word absent in it for a reason. It means you’re absent from the jurisdiction or unable to vote in person,” McEnany last month told the Tampa Bay Times, which first reported her extensive use of mail ballots through the years. “President Trump is against the Democrat plan to politicize the coronavirus and expand mass mail-in voting without a reason, which has a high propensity for voter fraud. This is a simple distinction that the media fails to grasp.”
Daniel Smith, a voting rights expert at the University of Florida, said McEnany’s statements about voting are filled with hypocrisy.
“Florida doesn’t have absentee voting, we have vote by mail,” Smith said. “We don’t use the term absentee. One does not need to have an excuse or be absent to vote by mail. So it’s not just for people like her who may be temporarily out of Florida.”


huffpost--2020-06-05--GOP Senate Candidate Warns America Is 'Up Against Multiculturalism'

CORKY MESSNER U.S. SENATE SITE Bryant “ Corky ” Messner , a Republican Senate candidate in New Hampshire , told his supporters this week that `` multiculturalism and political correctness ” create a “ tribalism.
” In the midst of nationwide anti-racism protests , Bryant “ Corky ” Messner , a Republican Senate candidate in New Hampshire , warned his supporters this week about the amount of “ multiculturalism ” being taught in public schools .
“ We are essentially up against multiculturalism and the values that we know that are being taught in our public schools and universities that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beliefs that made this country great , ” Messner said Wednesday during a virtual town hall , in comments first flagged by the Democratic super PAC American Bridge 21st Century .
“ So we have a battle on our hands.
” “ We won ’ t be able to hold this country together if we don ’ t have a common culture , ” he said .
“ And that common culture is what made America great.
” Messner expanded on what he saw as the problems with multiculturalism in a follow-up interview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t want to allow different groups ― “ any kind of group , whether it ’ s a group of whites or anything ” — to “ have a mindset that creates animosity with other groups , that creates anger with other groups , that encourages divisiveness.
” “ People will group together , and a lot of times because of common culture , and that ’ s a good thing to share common culture , but it can ’ t be a way to create discrimination against other groups , animosity to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Messner said his grandparents immigrated from Lebanon , and that he grew up exposed to the culture and still cooks Lebanese food for his children .
“ The diversity is the strength of this country , ” he said .
“ And at the same time , we can have the common values that are set forth in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
” “ Conservatives and conservative young people … are afraid to say they are conservative , ” Messner said .
“ In my view of political correctness , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing .
If young people are afraid to express their opinions because they are perceived to be conservative and therefore not politically correct , that ’ s a problem.
” The candidate previously said he wants to crack down on China for its role in spreading the coronavirus by banning Chinese students from American universities .
Messner , an attorney and former Army ranger who is largely self-funding his campaign , is running against retired U.S. Army brigadier general Don Bolduc for the GOP nomination for Senate .
The winner of the Sept. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sen. Jeanne Shaheen .
Kentucky ’ s Rand Paul said this week that he endorsed Messner , becoming the first sitting senator to do so .

Bryant “Corky” Messner, a Republican Senate candidate in New Hampshire, told his supporters this week that "multiculturalism and political correctness” create a “tribalism.” CORKY MESSNER U.S. SENATE SITE
In the midst of nationwide anti-racism protests, Bryant “Corky” Messner, a Republican Senate candidate in New Hampshire, warned his supporters this week about the amount of “multiculturalism” being taught in public schools.
“We are essentially up against multiculturalism and the values that we know that are being taught in our public schools and universities that are not part of the values and beliefs that made this country great,” Messner said Wednesday during a virtual town hall, in comments first flagged by the Democratic super PAC American Bridge 21st Century. “So we have a battle on our hands.”
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“Multiculturalism and political correctness” create a “tribalism,” he argued.
“We won’t be able to hold this country together if we don’t have a common culture,” he said. “And that common culture is what made America great.”
Messner made these comments while advocating for school choice, including home-schooling and vouchers for charter schools.
Messner expanded on what he saw as the problems with multiculturalism in a follow-up interview with HuffPost, saying he didn’t want to allow different groups ― “any kind of group, whether it’s a group of whites or anything” — to “have a mindset that creates animosity with other groups, that creates anger with other groups, that encourages divisiveness.”
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“People will group together, and a lot of times because of common culture, and that’s a good thing to share common culture, but it can’t be a way to create discrimination against other groups, animosity to other groups,” he added.
Messner said his grandparents immigrated from Lebanon, and that he grew up exposed to the culture and still cooks Lebanese food for his children.
“The diversity is the strength of this country,” he said. “And at the same time, we can have the common values that are set forth in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.”
Messner also said conservatives now live with a culture of fear due to political correctness.
“Conservatives and conservative young people … are afraid to say they are conservative,” Messner said. “In my view of political correctness, I think that is not a good thing. If young people are afraid to express their opinions because they are perceived to be conservative and therefore not politically correct, that’s a problem.”
The candidate previously said he wants to crack down on China for its role in spreading the coronavirus by banning Chinese students from American universities.
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Messner, an attorney and former Army ranger who is largely self-funding his campaign, is running against retired U.S. Army brigadier general Don Bolduc for the GOP nomination for Senate. The winner of the Sept. 8 primary will take on Democratic incumbent Sen. Jeanne Shaheen.