theintercept--2020-09-28--Prisoners Describe Official Missteps at the Center of Michigan’s Worst Coronavirus Outbreak

inside a church at the end of July at the Muskegon Correctional Facility in Michigan .
He had regularly attended services since joining a faith-based dormitory at the prison for inmates within a few years of their release date .
Men from the prison ’ s other units were also in attendance , all wearing face masks .
Shulick wasn ’ t concerned about becoming infected by the coronavirus that morning .
The Muskegon prison , which has 1,319 beds set up mostly in two-man cells , had remained unscathed by the pandemic , recording zero infections even as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison system earlier in the year .
More than 5,000 prisoners at other facilities had been infected , and 68 had died .
“ We had dodged it so long , and out of a general trust for the administration , I assumed it was safe to go to these programs , ” Shulick told The Intercept .
But unbeknownst to him , the virus was quietly spreading at Muskegon , which would soon become the site of the state ’ s worst prison outbreak .
On July 31 , after several weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entire prison system , the Michigan Department of Corrections reported six positive Covid-19 cases at Muskegon .
The prison then commenced testing everyone at the facility , sending the number of cases skyrocketing .
By late September , 997 prisoners — more than 75 percent of those in custody — had tested positive for the virus , in addition to 27 staff members .
The Intercept spoke with Shulick and two other men at the prison , and collected the accounts of two others .
They describe a situation in which the Michigan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ start , by shuffling prisoners between units in a haphazard attempt to separate the confirmed infected from both the uninfected and possibly infected .
The institutional errors they cite include the frequent mixing of potentially infected and uninfected prisoners ; inadequate sanitation of prison cells between occupants ; and at least one improper transfer of a person who was not known to be infected to a unit full of infected prisoners .
That person , Ruben Jordan , tested positive for the virus within days and died two weeks later at a local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death of a Michigan prisoner since June 2 , and the 69th overall .
The Michigan DOC confirmed that Jordan , who also worked as a groundskeeper at the prison , had been “ inadvertently ” moved to the unit for infected prisoners after his roommate tested positive , then sent back to his original unit the same day — potentially carrying the virus with him .
Three others who had originally been incarcerated at Muskegon died from the virus in September .
Advocates say that in addition to incompetence by prison staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison system added to the difficulty of separating prisoners in time to stem the outbreak .
And prisoners say these institutional flubs were aided by some correction officers ’ callous disregard for their lives .
In response to questions from The Intercept , Michigan DOC spokesperson Chris Gautz said the prison couldn ’ t verify the source of the outbreak .
But because visitors have not been allowed into the prisons since early March and transfers have been rare , it likely came from prison staff , who Michigan Department of Health and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the principal vector for Covid-19 to enter a prison facility.
” On August 22 , well into the outbreak , Gordon issued an executive order mandating that all staff working at facilities with an infected prisoner be tested each week .
Staff at Muskegon weren ’ t tested for the virus until August 25 .
By the time officials there discovered the outbreak , there were so many positive cases that the DOC ’ s Correctional Facilities Administration deputy director , Ken McKee , decided to quarantine entire units at the prison based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmed uninfected , and potentially infected ( prisoners who ’ d had close contact with confirmed infected ) .
A Michigan DOC flow chart indicates that infected prisoners are normally transferred to one of several designated facilities , but officials did not follow this protocol at Muskegon because the outbreak was so widespread .
Prisoners who spoke with The Intercept believe that rather than contain the virus , officials ’ actions contributed to its spread .
In a handwritten letter obtained by The Intercept , one prisoner who had not tested positive for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of others were forced to move from a unit with only two confirmed cases to a unit with more than 50 confirmed cases .
The prisoner was transferred to a cell where sick prisoners had been staying less than 24 hours before , he said .
“ The majority of rooms we were moved to had positive case people moved out of it the same day , without sanitation of rooms until we were forced to move in , ” wrote the prisoner , who did not want his name published for fear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was provided with rubber gloves and bleach to clean the cell himself — a task normally relegated to cleaning staff .
According to Michigan DOC protocol , officials are “ recommended ” to close off areas used by ill prisoners and wait up to 24 hours before cleaning and disinfection .
Gautz , the spokesperson , confirmed to The Intercept that some units “ were not properly cleaned ” but noted that the issue was “ promptly addressed to ensure it would not happen again.
” A week after he was moved , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive for the virus .
Another prisoner who spoke with The Intercept , Larry Cowan , said that he was moved to a new unit in early August after being informed that he had come into close contact with somebody who tested positive .
But rather than being isolated , he was moved to a cell with a bunkmate in a unit with infected prisoners .
“ They said we could only shower every other day , ” Cowan said .
“ They were treating us like we ’ re in the hole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said , prison officials started bringing him back and forth between two units at the prison until he was finally kept in his original unit , which by then had been designated for infected prisoners .
Cowan had also tested positive by that point , 10 days after his initial move .
For at least one night , the unit was kept on lockdown for 18 hours , and prisoners couldn ’ t leave their cells even to use the bathroom .
Sick prisoners “ were beating on their doors ” to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They eventually resorted to urinating and defecating in trash bags .
“ They didn ’ t tell us why we were being locked down.
” Another prisoner at Muskegon , who preferred to use the pseudonym Adam , was transferred out of his unit after his bunkmate tested positive for the virus .
When Adam spoke to The Intercept , he was being held at a unit for those suspected of coming into contact with the virus , where prisoners were free to move around in common areas .
“ Every time they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exposing potentially infected prisoners to whole new groups of people , ” he complained .
“ They sent me over here and gave me another bunkmate , so now I ’ m being exposed to this guy and everyone this guy was exposed to.
” Shulick , the prisoner who ’ d been at church in late July , was at first moved inexplicably from his unit to another one with his bunkmate .
After that bunkmate tested positive for the virus , Shulick was moved again , this time to the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hasn ’ t tested positive but fears it ’ s inevitable .
“ I feel like this prison had plenty of time to learn from the mistakes of other prisons , ” he told The Intercept .
He says that one guard told him that prisoners in his current unit should “ hurry up and test positive ” so the prison could resume normal operations without the constant transfers .
“ There ’ s a feeling among prisoners that the strategy is now just to let it run its course or maybe even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The problems at Muskegon were part of a broader year of mishaps by the Michigan DOC to properly handle the pandemic in its facilities .
In April , people incarcerated at four Michigan prisons hardest hit by the virus filed a class-action lawsuit alleging that the DOC neglected to move infected prisoners out of their cells , electing instead to quarantine entire units with both infected and non-infected prisoners .
Prisoners also alleged that officers did not change their clothing in between visits to infected and non-infected units ; that they did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that they did not properly sanitize nurse ’ s offices .
In June , officials mixed up more than 100 coronavirus test results at the Macomb Correctional Facility , leading them to house infected and non-infected people together in the same units .
Several people in custody at the Michigan Reformatory prison facility also reported to The Intercept that the DOC lost track of their tests results , though this doesn ’ t appear to have seeded an outbreak .
Daniel Manville , the lead lawyer suing the Michigan DOC , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of times ” that prison officials at other facilities moved prisoners around in a similar fashion as at Muskegon .
“ It doesn ’ t make any sense , because Covid-19 is in the air , it ’ s on the beds , it ’ s on whatever [ in ] the housing unit , ” Manville said .
One place where Manville , people in custody , and the Michigan DOC agree is that the prison system ’ s extreme overcrowding makes it impossible to effectively separate prisoners or practice social distancing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem .
The state passed a truth-in-sentencing law in 1998 that mandated people serve their full minimum prison sentence , greatly reducing the number who could be eligible for early release .
According to the Michigan DOC , few of its 37,000-plus prisoners are parole-eligible ; 4,797 people since March have been released on parole .
A lawsuit that aimed to put the repeal of truth-in-sentencing to a ballot vote in November was dismissed by a federal judge in June .
Relief for prisoners at Muskegon and elsewhere in Michigan is not likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s lawsuit stalled after an injunction approved by a U.S. district judge was stayed by the U.S. 6th Circuit Court of Appeals .
The stay was prompted after another appeals court denied relief in a similar lawsuit against the federal Bureau of Prisons .
And Michigan Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer , who has the power to release prisoners via executive order , has declined to do so and shown no indication of changing her mind .

Thomas Shulick prayed inside a church at the end of July at the Muskegon Correctional Facility in Michigan. He had regularly attended services since joining a faith-based dormitory at the prison for inmates within a few years of their release date. Men from the prison’s other units were also in attendance, all wearing face masks.
Shulick wasn’t concerned about becoming infected by the coronavirus that morning. The Muskegon prison, which has 1,319 beds set up mostly in two-man cells, had remained unscathed by the pandemic, recording zero infections even as the virus ripped through the state’s prison system earlier in the year. More than 5,000 prisoners at other facilities had been infected, and 68 had died.
“We had dodged it so long, and out of a general trust for the administration, I assumed it was safe to go to these programs,” Shulick told The Intercept. But unbeknownst to him, the virus was quietly spreading at Muskegon, which would soon become the site of the state’s worst prison outbreak.
On July 31, after several weeks with no reported new infections across the entire prison system, the Michigan Department of Corrections reported six positive Covid-19 cases at Muskegon. The prison then commenced testing everyone at the facility, sending the number of cases skyrocketing. By late September, 997 prisoners — more than 75 percent of those in custody — had tested positive for the virus, in addition to 27 staff members.
The Intercept spoke with Shulick and two other men at the prison, and collected the accounts of two others. They describe a situation in which the Michigan DOC exacerbated the incipient outbreak from the start, by shuffling prisoners between units in a haphazard attempt to separate the confirmed infected from both the uninfected and possibly infected.
“I feel like this prison had plenty of time to learn from the mistakes of other prisons.”
The institutional errors they cite include the frequent mixing of potentially infected and uninfected prisoners; inadequate sanitation of prison cells between occupants; and at least one improper transfer of a person who was not known to be infected to a unit full of infected prisoners.
That person, Ruben Jordan, tested positive for the virus within days and died two weeks later at a local hospital. His was the first Covid-19 death of a Michigan prisoner since June 2, and the 69th overall. The Michigan DOC confirmed that Jordan, who also worked as a groundskeeper at the prison, had been “inadvertently” moved to the unit for infected prisoners after his roommate tested positive, then sent back to his original unit the same day — potentially carrying the virus with him. Three others who had originally been incarcerated at Muskegon died from the virus in September.
Advocates say that in addition to incompetence by prison staff, the state’s severely overcrowded prison system added to the difficulty of separating prisoners in time to stem the outbreak. And prisoners say these institutional flubs were aided by some correction officers’ callous disregard for their lives.
Cells “Were Not Properly Cleaned”
In response to questions from The Intercept, Michigan DOC spokesperson Chris Gautz said the prison couldn’t verify the source of the outbreak. But because visitors have not been allowed into the prisons since early March and transfers have been rare, it likely came from prison staff, who Michigan Department of Health and Human Services Director Robert Gordon called “the principal vector for Covid-19 to enter a prison facility.” On August 22, well into the outbreak, Gordon issued an executive order mandating that all staff working at facilities with an infected prisoner be tested each week.
Staff at Muskegon weren’t tested for the virus until August 25.
By the time officials there discovered the outbreak, there were so many positive cases that the DOC’s Correctional Facilities Administration deputy director, Ken McKee, decided to quarantine entire units at the prison based on three designations: confirmed infected, confirmed uninfected, and potentially infected (prisoners who’d had close contact with confirmed infected). A Michigan DOC flow chart indicates that infected prisoners are normally transferred to one of several designated facilities, but officials did not follow this protocol at Muskegon because the outbreak was so widespread.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
Prisoners who spoke with The Intercept believe that rather than contain the virus, officials’ actions contributed to its spread. In a handwritten letter obtained by The Intercept, one prisoner who had not tested positive for the virus said that he and dozens of others were forced to move from a unit with only two confirmed cases to a unit with more than 50 confirmed cases. The prisoner was transferred to a cell where sick prisoners had been staying less than 24 hours before, he said.
“The majority of rooms we were moved to had positive case people moved out of it the same day, without sanitation of rooms until we were forced to move in,” wrote the prisoner, who did not want his name published for fear of retribution. He wrote that he was provided with rubber gloves and bleach to clean the cell himself — a task normally relegated to cleaning staff.
According to Michigan DOC protocol, officials are “recommended” to close off areas used by ill prisoners and wait up to 24 hours before cleaning and disinfection.
Gautz, the spokesperson, confirmed to The Intercept that some units “were not properly cleaned” but noted that the issue was “promptly addressed to ensure it would not happen again.”
A week after he was moved, the prisoner who wrote the letter tested positive for the virus.
“Hurry Up and Test Positive”
Another prisoner who spoke with The Intercept, Larry Cowan, said that he was moved to a new unit in early August after being informed that he had come into close contact with somebody who tested positive. But rather than being isolated, he was moved to a cell with a bunkmate in a unit with infected prisoners.
“They said we could only shower every other day,” Cowan said. “They were treating us like we’re in the hole or did something wrong.”
Then, he said, prison officials started bringing him back and forth between two units at the prison until he was finally kept in his original unit, which by then had been designated for infected prisoners. Cowan had also tested positive by that point, 10 days after his initial move. For at least one night, the unit was kept on lockdown for 18 hours, and prisoners couldn’t leave their cells even to use the bathroom.
Sick prisoners “were beating on their doors” to use the bathroom, Cowan recalled. They eventually resorted to urinating and defecating in trash bags. “They didn’t tell us why we were being locked down.”
“There’s a feeling among prisoners that the strategy is now just to let it run its course or maybe even help it along.”
Another prisoner at Muskegon, who preferred to use the pseudonym Adam, was transferred out of his unit after his bunkmate tested positive for the virus. When Adam spoke to The Intercept, he was being held at a unit for those suspected of coming into contact with the virus, where prisoners were free to move around in common areas.
“Every time they bring new people in, they are exposing potentially infected prisoners to whole new groups of people,” he complained. “They sent me over here and gave me another bunkmate, so now I’m being exposed to this guy and everyone this guy was exposed to.”
Shulick, the prisoner who’d been at church in late July, was at first moved inexplicably from his unit to another one with his bunkmate. After that bunkmate tested positive for the virus, Shulick was moved again, this time to the same close contact unit as Adam. He hasn’t tested positive but fears it’s inevitable.
“I feel like this prison had plenty of time to learn from the mistakes of other prisons,” he told The Intercept. He says that one guard told him that prisoners in his current unit should “hurry up and test positive” so the prison could resume normal operations without the constant transfers.
Adam echoed this perspective.
“There’s a feeling among prisoners that the strategy is now just to let it run its course or maybe even help it along,” he stated.
Little Hope for Relief
The problems at Muskegon were part of a broader year of mishaps by the Michigan DOC to properly handle the pandemic in its facilities.
In April, people incarcerated at four Michigan prisons hardest hit by the virus filed a class-action lawsuit alleging that the DOC neglected to move infected prisoners out of their cells, electing instead to quarantine entire units with both infected and non-infected prisoners.
Prisoners also alleged that officers did not change their clothing in between visits to infected and non-infected units; that they did not make cleaning supplies readily available; and that they did not properly sanitize nurse’s offices.
In June, officials mixed up more than 100 coronavirus test results at the Macomb Correctional Facility, leading them to house infected and non-infected people together in the same units. Several people in custody at the Michigan Reformatory prison facility also reported to The Intercept that the DOC lost track of their tests results, though this doesn’t appear to have seeded an outbreak.
Daniel Manville, the lead lawyer suing the Michigan DOC, said he’s heard “a number of times” that prison officials at other facilities moved prisoners around in a similar fashion as at Muskegon.
“It doesn’t make any sense, because Covid-19 is in the air, it’s on the beds, it’s on whatever [in] the housing unit,” Manville said.
Do you have a coronavirus story you want to share? Email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com or use one of these secure methods to contact a reporter.
One place where Manville, people in custody, and the Michigan DOC agree is that the prison system’s extreme overcrowding makes it impossible to effectively separate prisoners or practice social distancing. Several factors have contributed to this problem.
The state passed a truth-in-sentencing law in 1998 that mandated people serve their full minimum prison sentence, greatly reducing the number who could be eligible for early release. According to the Michigan DOC, few of its 37,000-plus prisoners are parole-eligible; 4,797 people since March have been released on parole. A lawsuit that aimed to put the repeal of truth-in-sentencing to a ballot vote in November was dismissed by a federal judge in June.
Relief for prisoners at Muskegon and elsewhere in Michigan is not likely to come any time soon.
Manville’s lawsuit stalled after an injunction approved by a U.S. district judge was stayed by the U.S. 6th Circuit Court of Appeals. The stay was prompted after another appeals court denied relief in a similar lawsuit against the federal Bureau of Prisons.
And Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, who has the power to release prisoners via executive order, has declined to do so and shown no indication of changing her mind.


theintercept--2020-09-28--Proud Boys Rally Fizzled but Portland’s Cops Went on the Attack

claimed that they would bring legions of dedicated patriots to the city of Portland , Oregon , in a powerful show of strength against their anti-fascist foes , but when the moment of truth came on Saturday , the right-wing gang failed to deliver .
Despite weeks of hype and deep concerns over the possibility of severe and deadly violence , the organization , which the Southern Poverty Law Center lists as a hate group , drew a modest crowd of angry men and women , whose brief gathering mostly consisted of swilling cheap beer and hard seltzers and assaulting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of town .
The absence of large-scale violence , which has so often defined the group ’ s forays into Portland over the past few years , came as a relief to a city that has been blanketed in wildfire smoke in recent weeks and targeted by the Trump administration as an “ anarchist jurisdiction ” for its nightly protests against police brutality .
In the run-up to the rally , Gov .
Kate Brown declared a state of emergency and established a law enforcement task force led by the Oregon State Police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to police the event .
At most , several hundred people turned out for the demonstration , a far cry from the 20,000 participants and observers the Proud Boys had estimated in their request for a permit — the city denied the request , citing coronavirus restrictions that cap group gatherings at 50 people .
“ The events over the weekend show that law enforcement knew how to keep the far-right groups from unleashing violence in Portland all along , they simply chose not to in previous instances , ” Michael German , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Brennan Center , said in an email to The Intercept .
What the event lacked in numbers , it made up for in paranoia and talk of persecution .
Billed as demonstration against “ domestic terrorism , ” the day ’ s speakers focused their rage against the left broadly and against the anti-fascist movement known as antifa in particular .
Kyle Rittenhouse , the 17-year-old who was charged with two counts of murder after killing two Black Lives Matter protesters and wounding a third in Kenosha , Wisconsin , came up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a supporter of the far-right group Patriot Prayer , who was shot and killed by a self-described anti-fascist in Portland last month .
“ This is a war , folks , and we have got to fight back , ” Carol Leek , the founder of Oregon Women for Trump , told the crowd .
Connecting the day ’ s events to President Donald Trump ’ s reelection efforts , Leek railed against the threat of encroaching Marxism and the dangers of “ Black supremacy , ” while self-styled Proud Boy security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about their affiliations and attempting to intimidate those whose answers they found unsatisfactory .
Police in tactical gear were mustered near overpasses outside Delta Park on the northern edge of the city , but with the exception of occasional visits from a handful of liaison officers , the Proud Boys were largely permitted to police themselves .
Attendees were well-armed : carrying rifles , sidearms , knives , bats , bear spray , and at least one electrified Taser shield .
Nearly all of the demonstrators wore some type of tactical gear .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ abbreviation for “ right-wing death squads , ” were commonly seen on patches , and there was an abundance of pro-police “ Thin Blue Line ” flags fixed to pickup trucks , body armor , and the merchandise table .
A handful of gunmen ran a checkpoint near an entrance to the park , and an RV in a Walmart parking lot appeared to serve as a weapons and body armor depot for some of the protesters .
Neither attracted attention from the police .
Demonstrators also received a load of branded shields @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who said he was with a group called American Wolf .
One of the shields was scooped up by a man who looked to be a middle-aged skinhead , dressed in heavy black boots with white laces .
Another shield ended up in the back of a truck that was later pulled over by police .
Law enforcement seized several guns from the vehicle and a third shield spray painted with the words “ FUCK BLM.
” Two of the men in the truck were given criminal citations for possession of loaded firearms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were investigating an incident in which a man was filmed kicking a livestreamer in the face — one of at least three instances in which demonstrators were recorded putting their hands on members of the media .
The victim said he was also punched in the head and received a concussion .
The assailant , who was also photographed chatting with state police , gave a casual TV interview after the attack .
German , who has closely tracked law enforcement response to far-right violence in Portland under the Trump administration said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long clear .
“ It ’ s not as if it required aggressive police action , just proper planning , a presence , and a few token citations and weapons seizures made a huge difference , ” he said .
“ Yet , law enforcement still left room for criticism .
Allowing the militants to man armed checkpoints and harass and beat journalists and others without interference reinforces the idea that the police condone these armed out-of-state groups coming into Portland and intimidating , threatening , and assaulting residents.
” Days before the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guardian and Bellingcat , an investigative journalism organization , reported on a trove of leaked chats obtained by anti-fascists in Eugene , Oregon , which showed a network of Pacific Northwest-based pro-Trump and pro-law enforcement activists planning to engage in acts of targeted political violence , including the assassination of elected officials .
“ People will get shot , stabbed and beat , ” one of the members of the so-called Patriot Coalition said in a leaked message .
On Saturday , one of the participants in the chat group , a man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal advocates and the press as “ targets , ” threatened a reporter while holding a paintball gun .
Shane Burley , the experienced Portland-based journalist and author whom Willis targeted , later described the demonstration as “ the most paranoid far right-rally I have ever been to.
” Despite the low turnout , the Proud Boys sought to paint a picture of a mission accomplished .
Standing on the stage with a sunburned face and wide grin , Proud Boy leader Joe Biggs said the rally gave him a “ boner , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a more measured tone , praising the governor ’ s decision to declare a state of emergency in interviews with reporters .
Both men were involved in ordering the physical removal of an independent journalist .
According to a detailed , firsthand account published by Courthouse News Service , the two men and their organization engaged in extensive collaboration with law enforcement throughout the day , including meeting with the FBI Saturday morning to discuss the violent chats that had leaked online .
Biggs told the news service “ They ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ participants in the chat , and said the meeting with the bureau was part of an ongoing dialogue with the feds .
“ We ’ ve talked to state and federal law enforcement for every event we do , ” he said .
“ The feds say , ‘ you ’ re the only group out there that ’ s willing to sit down and tell us stuff.
’ They know every move we do before we do it because we tell them.
” The demonstration wrapped up ahead of schedule and many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lines to celebrate their demonstration in Washington state .
Two separate anti-facist and anti-racist demonstrations a short drive from the scene drew considerably larger crowds .
Last month , a caravan of amped-up Trump supporters drove into downtown Portland and opened fire on counterprotesters with bear spray , paintballs , and live rounds .
As day turned to night , speculation swirled as to whether the Proud Boys would return to the city in similar fashion — they did not .
In the end , it was the local police who were responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dozens of riot cops chased protesters and the press from Multnomah County Justice Center downtown and pummeled them with fists and clubs following an order to a disperse .
Ahead of Saturday ’ s rally , roughly 50 police officers assigned to the Portland Police Bureau ’ s Rapid Response were In the end , it was the local police who were responsible for violence in the streets , as dozens of riot cops chased protesters and the press from Multnomah County Justice Center downtown and pummeled them with fists and clubs following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Saturday ’ s rally , roughly 50 police officers assigned to the Portland Police Bureau ’ s Rapid Response were deputized as federal marshals , allowing members the local police to bring federal charges against individuals accused of assaulting an officer .
The move is seen as an end-run around District Attorney Mike Schmidt , who in August established a policy in which his office would decline to prosecute certain protest related offenses .
“ The perception that the police favor the far-right agitators was further informed by the sharp contrast with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence and racism later that day , ” German , the former FBI agent , said .
“ That they would modify the law enforcement command structure specifically to avoid restraints on police violence ordered by courts and local political leaders demonstrates complete disregard for the law , democratic restraints on police power , and the security of Portland residents from unaccountable law enforcement actions.
” Among the members of the media who received the worst of the authorities ’ treatment on Saturday night was 73-year-old John Rudoff , a beloved local photojournalist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on video .
In a statement posted on Facebook Sunday , the veteran journalist said the helmet he was wearing may have saved his life .
“ The cops need to understand that an action like this — shoving a guy down on the cement with no warning — can fracture a hip or an arm or a skull , and can be a life-ending or career-mobility ending move , ” Rudoff wrote .
“ Actions have consequences ; and they should gauge some of their less-warranted actions accordingly .
”

The Proud Boys claimed that they would bring legions of dedicated patriots to the city of Portland, Oregon, in a powerful show of strength against their anti-fascist foes, but when the moment of truth came on Saturday, the right-wing gang failed to deliver.
Despite weeks of hype and deep concerns over the possibility of severe and deadly violence, the organization, which the Southern Poverty Law Center lists as a hate group, drew a modest crowd of angry men and women, whose brief gathering mostly consisted of swilling cheap beer and hard seltzers and assaulting journalists in a park on the edge of town. The absence of large-scale violence, which has so often defined the group’s forays into Portland over the past few years, came as a relief to a city that has been blanketed in wildfire smoke in recent weeks and targeted by the Trump administration as an “anarchist jurisdiction” for its nightly protests against police brutality.
In the run-up to the rally, Gov. Kate Brown declared a state of emergency and established a law enforcement task force led by the Oregon State Police, which reportedly deployed approximately 500 officers to police the event. At most, several hundred people turned out for the demonstration, a far cry from the 20,000 participants and observers the Proud Boys had estimated in their request for a permit — the city denied the request, citing coronavirus restrictions that cap group gatherings at 50 people.
“The events over the weekend show that law enforcement knew how to keep the far-right groups from unleashing violence in Portland all along, they simply chose not to in previous instances,” Michael German, a former FBI agent, now at the Brennan Center, said in an email to The Intercept.
What the event lacked in numbers, it made up for in paranoia and talk of persecution. Billed as demonstration against “domestic terrorism,” the day’s speakers focused their rage against the left broadly and against the anti-fascist movement known as antifa in particular. Kyle Rittenhouse, the 17-year-old who was charged with two counts of murder after killing two Black Lives Matter protesters and wounding a third in Kenosha, Wisconsin, came up often, as did Aaron Jay Danielson, a supporter of the far-right group Patriot Prayer, who was shot and killed by a self-described anti-fascist in Portland last month.
“This is a war, folks, and we have got to fight back,” Carol Leek, the founder of Oregon Women for Trump, told the crowd. Connecting the day’s events to President Donald Trump’s reelection efforts, Leek railed against the threat of encroaching Marxism and the dangers of “Black supremacy,” while self-styled Proud Boy security guards roamed through the crowd questioning journalists about their affiliations and attempting to intimidate those whose answers they found unsatisfactory.
Police in tactical gear were mustered near overpasses outside Delta Park on the northern edge of the city, but with the exception of occasional visits from a handful of liaison officers, the Proud Boys were largely permitted to police themselves. Attendees were well-armed: carrying rifles, sidearms, knives, bats, bear spray, and at least one electrified Taser shield. Nearly all of the demonstrators wore some type of tactical gear. The letters “RWDS,” an abbreviation for “right-wing death squads,” were commonly seen on patches, and there was an abundance of pro-police “Thin Blue Line” flags fixed to pickup trucks, body armor, and the merchandise table.
A handful of gunmen ran a checkpoint near an entrance to the park, and an RV in a Walmart parking lot appeared to serve as a weapons and body armor depot for some of the protesters. Neither attracted attention from the police. Demonstrators also received a load of branded shields from a man driving a box truck who said he was with a group called American Wolf. One of the shields was scooped up by a man who looked to be a middle-aged skinhead, dressed in heavy black boots with white laces. Another shield ended up in the back of a truck that was later pulled over by police. Law enforcement seized several guns from the vehicle and a third shield spray painted with the words “FUCK BLM.” Two of the men in the truck were given criminal citations for possession of loaded firearms in public.
Authorities also said they were investigating an incident in which a man was filmed kicking a livestreamer in the face — one of at least three instances in which demonstrators were recorded putting their hands on members of the media. The victim said he was also punched in the head and received a concussion. The assailant, who was also photographed chatting with state police, gave a casual TV interview after the attack.
German, who has closely tracked law enforcement response to far-right violence in Portland under the Trump administration said the means for protecting the public have been long clear. “It’s not as if it required aggressive police action, just proper planning, a presence, and a few token citations and weapons seizures made a huge difference,” he said. “Yet, law enforcement still left room for criticism. Allowing the militants to man armed checkpoints and harass and beat journalists and others without interference reinforces the idea that the police condone these armed out-of-state groups coming into Portland and intimidating, threatening, and assaulting residents.”
Days before the Proud Boys rally took place, The Guardian and Bellingcat, an investigative journalism organization, reported on a trove of leaked chats obtained by anti-fascists in Eugene, Oregon, which showed a network of Pacific Northwest-based pro-Trump and pro-law enforcement activists planning to engage in acts of targeted political violence, including the assassination of elected officials. “People will get shot, stabbed and beat,” one of the members of the so-called Patriot Coalition said in a leaked message. On Saturday, one of the participants in the chat group, a man named David Willis, who had identified legal advocates and the press as “targets,” threatened a reporter while holding a paintball gun. Shane Burley, the experienced Portland-based journalist and author whom Willis targeted, later described the demonstration as “the most paranoid far right-rally I have ever been to.”
Read Our Complete Coverage Protests for Black Lives
Despite the low turnout, the Proud Boys sought to paint a picture of a mission accomplished. Standing on the stage with a sunburned face and wide grin, Proud Boy leader Joe Biggs said the rally gave him a “boner,” while National Chair Enrique Tarrio opted for a more measured tone, praising the governor’s decision to declare a state of emergency in interviews with reporters. Both men were involved in ordering the physical removal of an independent journalist. According to a detailed, firsthand account published by Courthouse News Service, the two men and their organization engaged in extensive collaboration with law enforcement throughout the day, including meeting with the FBI Saturday morning to discuss the violent chats that had leaked online. Biggs told the news service “They’re not with us,” referring to participants in the chat, and said the meeting with the bureau was part of an ongoing dialogue with the feds.
“We’ve talked to state and federal law enforcement for every event we do,” he said. “The feds say, ‘you’re the only group out there that’s willing to sit down and tell us stuff.’ They know every move we do before we do it because we tell them.”
The demonstration wrapped up ahead of schedule and many of the Proud Boys drove across state lines to celebrate their demonstration in Washington state. Two separate anti-facist and anti-racist demonstrations a short drive from the scene drew considerably larger crowds.
Last month, a caravan of amped-up Trump supporters drove into downtown Portland and opened fire on counterprotesters with bear spray, paintballs, and live rounds. As day turned to night, speculation swirled as to whether the Proud Boys would return to the city in similar fashion — they did not.
Portland police disperse a crowd of protesters on September 26, 2020 in Portland, Oregon. Photo: Nathan Howard/Getty Images
In the end, it was the local police who were responsible for violence in the streets, as dozens of riot cops chased protesters and the press from Multnomah County Justice Center downtown and pummeled them with fists and clubs following an order to disperse. Ahead of Saturday’s rally, roughly 50 police officers assigned to the Portland Police Bureau’s Rapid Response were deputized as federal marshals, allowing members the local police to bring federal charges against individuals accused of assaulting an officer. The move is seen as an end-run around District Attorney Mike Schmidt, who in August established a policy in which his office would decline to prosecute certain protest related offenses.
“The perception that the police favor the far-right agitators was further informed by the sharp contrast with how the police treated those protesting police violence and racism later that day,” German, the former FBI agent, said. “That they would modify the law enforcement command structure specifically to avoid restraints on police violence ordered by courts and local political leaders demonstrates complete disregard for the law, democratic restraints on police power, and the security of Portland residents from unaccountable law enforcement actions.”
Among the members of the media who received the worst of the authorities’ treatment on Saturday night was 73-year-old John Rudoff, a beloved local photojournalist, who was tossed onto the concrete on video. In a statement posted on Facebook Sunday, the veteran journalist said the helmet he was wearing may have saved his life.
“The cops need to understand that an action like this — shoving a guy down on the cement with no warning — can fracture a hip or an arm or a skull, and can be a life-ending or career-mobility ending move,” Rudoff wrote. “Actions have consequences; and they should gauge some of their less-warranted actions accordingly.”


theintercept--2020-09-28--Trump’s Taxes: A Thousand Scandals in One

Trump ’ s taxes , revealed at last by the New York Times on Sunday , are not a scandal .
Instead , they are an explosion of many scandals , like a huge fireworks display on the Fourth of July .
Gigantic scandals , teeny scandals , medium-sized scandals — so many scandals that it ’ s hard to keep track of every individual act of malfeasance .
Let ’ s give it a shot , though .
Here ’ s a list of the various appalling aspects of Trump ’ s taxes , and how they rate in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scandal Everyone Gets According to the Times , Trump paid $ 750 in federal income taxes in 2016 and 2017 .
The total of $ 1,500 is enough to purchase a 1996 Ford Aerostar van with 70,000 miles .
In addition , says the Times , when all was said and done , Trump “ paid no income taxes at all in 10 of the previous 15 years.
” There are two possibilities here .
Maybe the various write-offs Trump used to slash his tax liability are all legitimate and represent real losses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no money in the past decade and a half .
In that case , he ’ s far poorer than he claims .
Or his write-offs are largely bogus , and in fact he is a billionaire — even if his net worth is less than he constantly brags it is .
While it ’ s fun to ridicule Trump for being a spectacular business failure — and , indeed , in a sense he is ( see below ) — the answer is almost certainly the latter .
Forbes reporter Dan Alexander @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book about Trump ’ s tacky empire , estimates that Trump has $ 3.66 billion in assets and $ 1.13 billion in debt , leaving him $ 2.5 billion in the black .
Everyone can therefore understand that Trump ’ s tax avoidance is morally wrong .
It doesn ’ t matter whether he followed whatever the “ rules ” are , because people like Trump make the rules .
A society that allows anyone who ’ s ultra-wealthy to get away with this is not functioning .
Moreover , we should not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all the super-wealthy get away with this .
They do not .
According to IRS data , the highest 400 earners in the U.S. pay an average of over 20 percent in federal income taxes .
That ’ s not as much as it should be , but it ’ s not nothing .
As the Times points out , if Trump paid taxes like a normal 1 percenter during this period , he ’ d have sent at least $ 100 million more to the U.S. Treasury .
Scandals That Could Hold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engage in tax avoidance , in which their teams of lawyers keep them on the right side of the law .
The Trump family has a history of engaging in what appears to be tax evasion , in which they violate the few clear rules that do exist in the financial stratosphere .
During Trump ’ s childhood , his father Fred transferred huge sums of money to Trump and his siblings , in ways that an expert believes could constitute criminal tax fraud .
The IRS limits the amount of money that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having to pay taxes on it .
But Fred Trump set up a company legally owned by Donald Trump , his siblings , and a cousin .
Fred Trump then had his own company buy all its supplies from his children ’ s company at inflated prices .
The new Times story identifies what appears to be a similar present-day set up , in which Trump both employed his daughter Ivanka and appears to have paid a company she co-owns $ 747,622 in “ consulting fees.
” ( Though the Times didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revealed a consulting fee in that amount and , in her own financial disclosure for her government job , Ivanka Trump declared having been paid exactly that sum as a consultant . )
The IRS forbids consulting payments to staff employees , in order to avoid tax dodging .
The Times story also identifies many other aspects of Trump ’ s taxes that cry out for a criminal investigation .
Trump wrote off millions in property taxes on what seems to be a Trump residence as business expenses .
He ’ s claimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in political matters as business expenses .
Even the hush money he paid to Stormy Daniels may be concealed as a business expense .
The Scandal That Trump Merely Took Advantage Of It ’ s no secret that the U.S. has what amounts to two separate tax systems , one for the ultra-wealthy and one for everyone else .
Regular wage-earners have their taxes garnished directly from their paychecks .
For billionaires , the question of what they owe the government is more the start of a friendly discussion .
Decades of Republican-led @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had led to a preposterous situation in which people who claim the earned income tax credit , making an average of $ 20,000 per year , are more likely to be audited than those who make far more .
Meanwhile , according to one estimate , $ 7.5 trillion in taxes will go uncollected in the next decade because the IRS simply doesn ’ t have the means or motive to enforce the law on powerful people .
In such an environment , Trump and his lawyers had every incentive to push the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and no incentives not to .
The Scandal That Seems Bigger Than It Is As the Times story notes , Trump ’ s taxes show he owes hundreds of millions of dollars to creditors .
Many people on Twitter were surprised by this information and expressed suspicion that Trump is being controlled by shadowy forces to whom he ’ s in hock .
In fact , Trump ’ s outstanding loans have always appeared in the public financial disclosure report that executive branch personnel are required to file .
His 2019 form is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 41 .
It doesn ’ t make his finances completely transparent , but it does provide a great deal of detail , including who he owes money to ( mostly Deutsche Bank and an American company called Ladder Capital ) and the loan terms .
In other words , he ’ s not beholden to the Central Bank of Russia , just regular financial corporations .
This does inevitably create conflicts of interest , especially since some of the loans are coming due soon .
But they are regular , grubby conflicts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind .
Everyone who ’ s been alive the past few years understands how Trump ’ s gone bankrupt six times .
He is completely incompetent at everything except tweeting and being on TV — though that turned out to be enough to be elected president .
Trump is especially bad at business , as his taxes demonstrate .
What ’ s remarkable about his fortune is not how big it is but how small .
He received over $ 400 million from his father throughout his lifetime .
It ’ s difficult @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had simply put that money into a low-cost stock market index fund , he ’ d have something like $ 10 billion today .
Instead , thanks to a lifetime of frenzied , catastrophic activity , he only has the estimated $ 2.5 billion .
The Biggest and Worst Scandal of All The most dangerous and most subtle scandal about Trump ’ s taxes isn ’ t about Trump , but about us .
In a late September 2016 debate with Trump , Hillary Clinton asked why he hadn ’ t followed tradition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maybe , ” she said , “ he doesn ’ t want the American people , all of you watching tonight , to know that he ’ s paid nothing in federal taxes.
” Trump didn ’ t deny that he had paid no taxes .
Instead , he just responded : “ That makes me smart.
” In a working democracy , filled with people who considered themselves citizens who are part of something larger than themselves , that would have immediately ended Trump ’ s campaign .
Everyone would have naturally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re a sucker if you don ’ t spend your life trying to screw everyone else .
Instead , tens of millions of voters had so little respect for themselves and the place they live that they affirmatively chose Trump .
Exactly four years later , we now know that Trump wasn ’ t kidding about his contempt for America and everyone in it .
We also know this confirmation won ’ t stop tens of millions of us from voting for him again .
We can dream of passing laws requiring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taxes , or prosecuting Trump for tax evasion , or reforming the entire tax code .
But none of that will matter if we can ’ t solve the largest problem , which is that large swaths of America hate the basic idea that we ’ re one country that ’ s all in it together .

Photo: Oliver Contreras/The New York Times/Bloomberg via Getty Images
President Donald Trump’s taxes, revealed at last by the New York Times on Sunday, are not a scandal.
Instead, they are an explosion of many scandals, like a huge fireworks display on the Fourth of July. Gigantic scandals, teeny scandals, medium-sized scandals — so many scandals that it’s hard to keep track of every individual act of malfeasance.
Let’s give it a shot, though. Here’s a list of the various appalling aspects of Trump’s taxes, and how they rate in comparison with each other.
The Horrifying Scandal Everyone Gets
According to the Times, Trump paid $750 in federal income taxes in 2016 and 2017. The total of $1,500 is enough to purchase a 1996 Ford Aerostar van with 70,000 miles.
In addition, says the Times, when all was said and done, Trump “paid no income taxes at all in 10 of the previous 15 years.”
There are two possibilities here. Maybe the various write-offs Trump used to slash his tax liability are all legitimate and represent real losses, and he’s made almost no money in the past decade and a half. In that case, he’s far poorer than he claims. Or his write-offs are largely bogus, and in fact he is a billionaire — even if his net worth is less than he constantly brags it is.
Everyone can understand that Trump’s tax avoidance is morally wrong.
While it’s fun to ridicule Trump for being a spectacular business failure — and, indeed, in a sense he is (see below) — the answer is almost certainly the latter. Forbes reporter Dan Alexander, who’s written an entire book about Trump’s tacky empire, estimates that Trump has $3.66 billion in assets and $1.13 billion in debt, leaving him $2.5 billion in the black.
Everyone can therefore understand that Trump’s tax avoidance is morally wrong. It doesn’t matter whether he followed whatever the “rules” are, because people like Trump make the rules. A society that allows anyone who’s ultra-wealthy to get away with this is not functioning.
Moreover, we should not fall into the faux-sophistication of believing that all the super-wealthy get away with this. They do not. According to IRS data, the highest 400 earners in the U.S. pay an average of over 20 percent in federal income taxes. That’s not as much as it should be, but it’s not nothing. As the Times points out, if Trump paid taxes like a normal 1 percenter during this period, he’d have sent at least $100 million more to the U.S. Treasury.
Scandals That Could Hold Consequences for the Trumps
The super-rich generally engage in tax avoidance, in which their teams of lawyers keep them on the right side of the law. The Trump family has a history of engaging in what appears to be tax evasion, in which they violate the few clear rules that do exist in the financial stratosphere.
During Trump’s childhood, his father Fred transferred huge sums of money to Trump and his siblings, in ways that an expert believes could constitute criminal tax fraud. The IRS limits the amount of money that anyone can receive as a gift without having to pay taxes on it. But Fred Trump set up a company legally owned by Donald Trump, his siblings, and a cousin. Fred Trump then had his own company buy all its supplies from his children’s company at inflated prices.
The new Times story identifies what appears to be a similar present-day set up, in which Trump both employed his daughter Ivanka and appears to have paid a company she co-owns $747,622 in “consulting fees.” (Though the Times didn’t make that connection, their story revealed a consulting fee in that amount and, in her own financial disclosure for her government job, Ivanka Trump declared having been paid exactly that sum as a consultant.) The IRS forbids consulting payments to staff employees, in order to avoid tax dodging.
The Times story also identifies many other aspects of Trump’s taxes that cry out for a criminal investigation. Trump wrote off millions in property taxes on what seems to be a Trump residence as business expenses. He’s claimed legal fees paid to lawyers representing him in political matters as business expenses. Even the hush money he paid to Stormy Daniels may be concealed as a business expense.
The Scandal That Trump Merely Took Advantage Of
It’s no secret that the U.S. has what amounts to two separate tax systems, one for the ultra-wealthy and one for everyone else. Regular wage-earners have their taxes garnished directly from their paychecks. For billionaires, the question of what they owe the government is more the start of a friendly discussion.
Decades of Republican-led attacks on and defunding of the IRS had led to a preposterous situation in which people who claim the earned income tax credit, making an average of $20,000 per year, are more likely to be audited than those who make far more. Meanwhile, according to one estimate, $7.5 trillion in taxes will go uncollected in the next decade because the IRS simply doesn’t have the means or motive to enforce the law on powerful people.
In such an environment, Trump and his lawyers had every incentive to push the rules as far as they could, and no incentives not to.
The Scandal That Seems Bigger Than It Is
As the Times story notes, Trump’s taxes show he owes hundreds of millions of dollars to creditors. Many people on Twitter were surprised by this information and expressed suspicion that Trump is being controlled by shadowy forces to whom he’s in hock.
Who does Donald Trump owe $300,000,000? — The Lincoln Project (@ProjectLincoln) September 27, 2020
In fact, Trump’s outstanding loans have always appeared in the public financial disclosure report that executive branch personnel are required to file. His 2019 form is here; the loans are on page 41. It doesn’t make his finances completely transparent, but it does provide a great deal of detail, including who he owes money to (mostly Deutsche Bank and an American company called Ladder Capital) and the loan terms.
In other words, he’s not beholden to the Central Bank of Russia, just regular financial corporations. This does inevitably create conflicts of interest, especially since some of the loans are coming due soon. But they are regular, grubby conflicts of interest, not the exciting international espionage kind.
The Scandal of Trump’s Incompetence
Everyone who’s been alive the past few years understands how Trump’s gone bankrupt six times. He is completely incompetent at everything except tweeting and being on TV — though that turned out to be enough to be elected president.
Trump is especially bad at business, as his taxes demonstrate. What’s remarkable about his fortune is not how big it is but how small. He received over $400 million from his father throughout his lifetime. It’s difficult to calculate precisely, but if Trump had simply put that money into a low-cost stock market index fund, he’d have something like $10 billion today. Instead, thanks to a lifetime of frenzied, catastrophic activity, he only has the estimated $2.5 billion.
The Biggest and Worst Scandal of All
The most dangerous and most subtle scandal about Trump’s taxes isn’t about Trump, but about us.
In a late September 2016 debate with Trump, Hillary Clinton asked why he hadn’t followed tradition and released his tax returns. “Maybe,” she said, “he doesn’t want the American people, all of you watching tonight, to know that he’s paid nothing in federal taxes.” Trump didn’t deny that he had paid no taxes. Instead, he just responded: “That makes me smart.”
“We now know that Trump wasn’t kidding about his contempt for America and everyone in it.”
In a working democracy, filled with people who considered themselves citizens who are part of something larger than themselves, that would have immediately ended Trump’s campaign. Everyone would have naturally recoiled from a candidate announcing that you’re a sucker if you don’t spend your life trying to screw everyone else. Instead, tens of millions of voters had so little respect for themselves and the place they live that they affirmatively chose Trump.
Exactly four years later, we now know that Trump wasn’t kidding about his contempt for America and everyone in it. We also know this confirmation won’t stop tens of millions of us from voting for him again.
We can dream of passing laws requiring everyone running for president to disclose their taxes, or prosecuting Trump for tax evasion, or reforming the entire tax code. But none of that will matter if we can’t solve the largest problem, which is that large swaths of America hate the basic idea that we’re one country that’s all in it together.


theintercept--2020-09-30--Excess Mortality Data Shows Trump Is Lying About Covid Being More Deadly in Europe

At an ABC News town hall two weeks ago , Trump said the confirmed Covid-19 death toll , showing the U.S. harder hit than any nation , should be ignored because , “ There ’ s a chart that just came out a little while ago : excess mortality rate is compared to Europe , compared to other places , it ’ s about 25 percent better .
In one case , it ’ s over 60 percent better.
” He did not provide the chart .
The president has said four times that Europe has recorded 40 percent more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said the figure was 33 percent twice .
He put the difference at 38 percent on one occasion .
A week later , he said it was 24 percent twice .
Trump ’ s false claim about the pandemic being worse in Europe has been central to his effort to deflect questions about why the U.S. leads the world in confirmed Covid-19 deaths since August 11 , when he first claimed that “ Europe has experienced a nearly 40 percent higher excess mortality rate than the United States ” during the pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ again in the weeks since , but never offered any explanation of how the statistic was calculated , or by whom , or why the percentage by which he claims the rise in deaths in Europe is higher than in the U.S. keeps changing .
Excess mortality is a measure used by epidemiologists to account for the real toll of a pandemic by comparing the total number of deaths from all causes each week to the average number of deaths in a typical , non-pandemic year in that country or region .
Reporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , because Americans have in fact died at a greater rate than Europeans since March , according to new data provided to The Intercept by Danish researchers who monitor excess mortality in Europe , and a separate analysis of deaths during the pandemic from Oxford University economists published on Tuesday .
Without once citing a source for the statistic , President Donald Trump has complained at least 20 times since early August about the media refusing to report his claim that the Covid-19 pandemic has been far more deadly in Europe than in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presses Pres .
Trump on his claim that the U.S. is doing better in mortality when it comes to COVID-19 than other countries : “ We ’ re not at the top of the list.
” Trump defends U.S. mortality rate , saying “ we also have a very big country.
” https : //t.co/ztM30WXxPT pic.twitter.com/BwhwogrL5Q Four days after that , he said the gap with Europe was 30 percent .
Last week , he said it was 30 percent two more times , and then switched again , telling rally-goers in Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign “ don ’ t want to tell you ” that “ Europe has had almost a 50 percent greater excess mortality rate than the United States.
” Not only were all of the president ’ s numbers wrong , but the true figures on deaths from all causes during the pandemic , compiled by researchers in Denmark and England , show that the U.S. has done significantly worse than Europe , not better , at keeping its citizens alive during the pandemic .
From February to September , excess deaths in Europe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysis carried out at the request of The Intercept by the European Mortality Monitoring Project , a team of Danish scientists who track mortality in 24 European nations or regions .
Lasse Vestergaard , the EuroMOMO project coordinator , and a senior medical officer in the Department of Infectious Disease Epidemiology and Prevention at Denmark ’ s Statens Serum Institut , said in an email that this figure can be compared to CDC data on excess deaths for the same period which shows that the spike in mortality in the U.S. was about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysis of the CDC ’ s excess death statistics for a slightly different time period — from March 15 to September 5 — arrived at a similar figure for the U.S. showing 266,900 more deaths than normal , which is an increase of 20 percent .
Data provided by Vestergaard showed that at the height of the pandemic in Europe , from March to June , excess deaths spiked by 25.6 percent .
What brought the overall figure down so much was a sharp and sustained drop in deaths across the region from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just 2.2 percent above normal .
Although a September 12 Trump campaign statement claiming that “ Europe experienced a 24 % higher excess mortality rate than the United States ” linked to the EuroMOMO website as evidence , Vestergaard told me in a Skype interview that the idea that their data supported this claim was “ rubbish.
” A separate study of excess deaths in Europe and the U.S. released on Tuesday reached a similar conclusion .
The Oxford University economists Janine Aron and John Muellbauer , who compared the CDC data to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Human Mortality Database , reported that “ Europe ’ s cumulative excess mortality rate from March to July is 28 percent lower than the US rate.
” Aron and Muellbauer found that excess deaths from the start of March to the end of July increased by 12.4 percent in the 28 European nations they tracked , compared to 17.2 percent in the U.S. during that period .
Since the region the economists looked at — including most of the European Union plus the United Kingdom , Iceland , Norway , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in it than the U.S. their measure of the excess mortality rate corrects for population .
The economists , who were spurred to dive into the data by Trump ’ s patently false claims about excess mortality in the U.S. and Europe , observed last month in a previous study that the comparison is even more damning for the Trump administration when you consider that the pandemic hit Europe first and the continent has an older population than the U.S. living in more densely populated countries .
“ U.S .
policy-makers have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as Italy and Spain , in responding to the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic .
First , there was more time to react , ” Aron and Muellbauer wrote in August .
“ Second , Europe is disadvantaged by having an older population than the U.S. and the population density is also far higher in Europe and the large cities in Europe have higher population densities than large cities in the U.S. ” In their August paper , which looked at excess mortality from March to June , Aron and Muellbauer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than normal in the U.S. and 15.94 percent higher in Europe for the same period .
That means , despite Trump ’ s claims , excess mortality for the first part of the pandemic in the U.S. was 22 percent worse , not better , than in Europe .
While Trump has never mentioned where he got the incorrect excess mortality stats he ’ s been hawking , it seems likely that they came from Dr. Scott Atlas , the Fox News commentator the president added to his coronavirus task force the day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Europe .
Atlas has frequently cited the same metric in media interviews and claimed to have done the calculations himself .
In an interview published on the Wall Street Journal opinion page on September 4 , Atlas told Tunku Varadarajan , his colleague at the conservative Hoover Institution think tank at Stanford , that the U.S. was “ doing much better than Europe.
” “ By his own calculations , ” Varadarajan reported of Atlas , “ the U.S. has had 38 % fewer ‘ excess mortality deaths ’ — fatalities over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a nonpandemic year — for people over 65 than Europe .
( The data include most of the European Union plus Norway , Switzerland and the U.K. ) .
” In a press briefing two hours after that interview was published , Trump — who has never said that he was referring only to the deaths of people over 65 — told reporters that “ the nations of Europe have experienced a 38 percent greater excess mortality than the United States.
” Atlas , who is a radiologist , not an infectious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defended Trump by telling the BBC that Europe had “ done 28 percent worse than the United States in excess mortality.
” In a subsequent White House briefing , Trump ’ s press secretary , Kayleigh McEnany , told another BBC reporter , who asked why the U.S. has “ 4 percent of the global population and 24 percent of the coronavirus deaths , ” that Europe “ has experienced a 28 percent higher excess mortality rate than the United States .
”

Without once citing a source for the statistic, President Donald Trump has complained at least 20 times since early August about the media refusing to report his claim that the Covid-19 pandemic has been far more deadly in Europe than in the United States.
Reporters were right not to trust the president, because Americans have in fact died at a greater rate than Europeans since March, according to new data provided to The Intercept by Danish researchers who monitor excess mortality in Europe, and a separate analysis of deaths during the pandemic from Oxford University economists published on Tuesday.
Excess mortality is a measure used by epidemiologists to account for the real toll of a pandemic by comparing the total number of deaths from all causes each week to the average number of deaths in a typical, non-pandemic year in that country or region.
Trump’s false claim about the pandemic being worse in Europe has been central to his effort to deflect questions about why the U.S. leads the world in confirmed Covid-19 deaths since August 11, when he first claimed that “Europe has experienced a nearly 40 percent higher excess mortality rate than the United States” during the pandemic. He has made the comparison again and again in the weeks since, but never offered any explanation of how the statistic was calculated, or by whom, or why the percentage by which he claims the rise in deaths in Europe is higher than in the U.S. keeps changing.
The president has said four times that Europe has recorded 40 percent more deaths than the U.S. He’s said the figure was 33 percent twice. He put the difference at 38 percent on one occasion. A week later, he said it was 24 percent twice.
At an ABC News town hall two weeks ago, Trump said the confirmed Covid-19 death toll, showing the U.S. harder hit than any nation, should be ignored because, “There’s a chart that just came out a little while ago: excess mortality rate is compared to Europe, compared to other places, it’s about 25 percent better. In one case, it’s over 60 percent better.” He did not provide the chart.
.@GStephanopoulos presses Pres. Trump on his claim that the U.S. is doing better in mortality when it comes to COVID-19 than other countries: “We’re not at the top of the list.” Trump defends U.S. mortality rate, saying “we also have a very big country.” https://t.co/ztM30WXxPT pic.twitter.com/BwhwogrL5Q — ABC News (@ABC) September 16, 2020
Four days after that, he said the gap with Europe was 30 percent. Last week, he said it was 30 percent two more times, and then switched again, telling rally-goers in Pennsylvania and Florida that the reporters covering his campaign “don’t want to tell you” that “Europe has had almost a 50 percent greater excess mortality rate than the United States.”
Not only were all of the president’s numbers wrong, but the true figures on deaths from all causes during the pandemic, compiled by researchers in Denmark and England, show that the U.S. has done significantly worse than Europe, not better, at keeping its citizens alive during the pandemic.
From February to September, excess deaths in Europe increased by 12 percent according to an analysis carried out at the request of The Intercept by the European Mortality Monitoring Project, a network of European public health experts who track mortality in 24 European nations or regions. Lasse Vestergaard, the EuroMOMO project coordinator, and a senior medical officer in the Department of Infectious Disease Epidemiology and Prevention at Denmark’s Statens Serum Institut, said in an email that this figure can be compared to CDC data on excess deaths for the same period which shows that the spike in mortality in the U.S. was about 19 percent.
A New York Times analysis of the CDC’s excess death statistics for a slightly different time period — from March 15 to September 5 — arrived at a similar figure for the U.S. showing 266,900 more deaths than normal, which is an increase of 20 percent.
Data provided by Vestergaard showed that at the height of the pandemic in Europe, from March to June, excess deaths spiked by 25.6 percent. What brought the overall figure down so much was a sharp and sustained drop in deaths across the region from June into September, when mortality was just 2.2 percent above normal.
Although a September 12 Trump campaign statement claiming that “Europe experienced a 24% higher excess mortality rate than the United States” linked to the EuroMOMO website as evidence, Vestergaard told me in a Skype interview that the idea that their data supported this claim was “incorrect.”
A separate study of excess deaths in Europe and the U.S. released on Tuesday reached a similar conclusion. The Oxford University economists Janine Aron and John Muellbauer, who compared the CDC data to data for a larger portion of Europe from the Human Mortality Database, reported that “Europe’s cumulative excess mortality rate from March to July is 28 percent lower than the US rate.”
Aron and Muellbauer found that excess deaths from the start of March to the end of July increased by 12.4 percent in the 28 European nations they tracked, compared to 17.2 percent in the U.S. during that period. Since the region the economists looked at — including most of the European Union plus the United Kingdom, Iceland, Norway, and Switzerland — has nearly 200 million more people in it than the U.S. their measure of the excess mortality rate corrects for population.
The economists, who were spurred to dive into the data by Trump’s patently false claims about excess mortality in the U.S. and Europe, observed last month in a previous study that the comparison is even more damning for the Trump administration when you consider that the pandemic hit Europe first and the continent has an older population than the U.S. living in more densely populated countries.
“U.S. policy-makers have had multiple advantages over European countries, such as Italy and Spain, in responding to the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. First, there was more time to react,” Aron and Muellbauer wrote in August. “Second, Europe is disadvantaged by having an older population than the U.S. and the population density is also far higher in Europe and the large cities in Europe have higher population densities than large cities in the U.S.”
In their August paper, which looked at excess mortality from March to June, Aron and Muellbauer found that it was 20.31 percent higher than normal in the U.S. and 15.94 percent higher in Europe for the same period. That means, despite Trump’s claims, excess mortality for the first part of the pandemic in the U.S. was 22 percent worse, not better, than in Europe.
While Trump has never mentioned where he got the incorrect excess mortality stats he’s been hawking, it seems likely that they came from Dr. Scott Atlas, the Fox News commentator the president added to his coronavirus task force the day before he started making the false comparison to Europe. Atlas has frequently cited the same metric in media interviews and claimed to have done the calculations himself.
In an interview published on the Wall Street Journal opinion page on September 4, Atlas told Tunku Varadarajan, his colleague at the conservative Hoover Institution think tank at Stanford, that the U.S. was “doing much better than Europe.”
“By his own calculations,” Varadarajan reported of Atlas, “the U.S. has had 38% fewer ‘excess mortality deaths’ — fatalities over and above those that would have occurred in a nonpandemic year — for people over 65 than Europe. (The data include most of the European Union plus Norway, Switzerland and the U.K.).”
In a press briefing two hours after that interview was published, Trump — who has never said that he was referring only to the deaths of people over 65 — told reporters that “the nations of Europe have experienced a 38 percent greater excess mortality than the United States.”
Atlas, who is a radiologist, not an infectious disease expert or an epidemiologist, then defended Trump by telling the BBC that Europe had “done 28 percent worse than the United States in excess mortality.” In a subsequent White House briefing, Trump’s press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, told another BBC reporter, who asked why the U.S. has “4 percent of the global population and 24 percent of the coronavirus deaths,” that Europe “has experienced a 28 percent higher excess mortality rate than the United States.”
“On the great success story you talked about, about COVID, in the richest country in the world, you have 4% of the global population and 24% of the coronavirus deaths. How is that a success story?” pic.twitter.com/223Pgk6Krl — Pod Save America (@PodSaveAmerica) September 16, 2020
“Excess mortality is an indicator that takes into account the percent deaths above what would occur without a pandemic,” McEnany said. “You have to look at this holistically.”
Although Atlas failed to respond to multiple requests from The Intercept to explain what sources he was using, he seemed to suggest in a video interview with the Daily Caller last week that he used the EuroMOMO excess mortality data for Europe. Explaining his calculations, he told the interviewers that “the data is available for a set of 24 countries,” which matches the region tracked by the Danish team that runs the EuroMOMO project.
Atlas did not tell the Daily Caller what figure he was using for Europe, but he said that excess mortality in the U.S. during the pandemic was 19.9 percent higher than normal, which seems to indicate that he has been using CDC data correctly, but somehow distorting the figures for Europe.
The fact that Atlas appears to have been feeding Trump misleading or incorrect statistics on excess mortality echoes criticism of his role from the federal government’s most senior immunologist, Dr. Anthony Fauci, who told the AIDS activist Peter Staley on Friday that, “he’s a smart guy, no doubt about it, but he tends to cherry-pick data.”
The same day, an NBC journalist overheard the CDC director, Dr. Robert Redfield, criticizing Atlas in a phone call to a colleague. “Everything he says is false,” Redfield told his colleague.
Asked by CNN on Monday if he was worried about what Atlas was telling the president, Fauci said, “I’m concerned that sometimes things are said that are really taken either out of context or are actually incorrect.”
Fauci suggests there is an "outlier" on White House coronavirus task force when asked about CDC director Dr. Robert Redfield's concerns that Dr. Scott Atlas is sharing misleading information with President Trump on COVID-19 pic.twitter.com/YydIhtj4YE — Talking Points Memo (@TPM) September 28, 2020
Throughout the pandemic, Trump has used a series of misleading or incorrect statistics to deflect attention from his failure to respond to the outbreak as well as other leaders. In April, for instance, he repeatedly cited a misleading bar chart that compared the U.S. deaths per capita to just a handful of European nations that were, at that time, struggling to contain the virus.
After most European countries succeeded in bringing down infections and deaths in June, but the U.S. did not, Trump started dodging questions about the spiking U.S. mortality rate by insisting that reporters look instead at another metric: the case fatality rate, a largely irrelevant statistic measuring death from Covid as a percentage of confirmed cases.
Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
That effort was first undermined when Trump demonstrated in an interview with Chris Wallace of Fox News that he did not understand the metric himself.
Two weeks later, Trump’s effort to distract attention from the mounting Covid-19 death toll by pointing to the case fatality rate had to be abandoned after he was humiliated by Jonathan Swan of Axios in a television interview that made the attempted sleigh-of-hand embarrassingly obvious.
.@jonathanvswan: “Oh, you’re doing death as a proportion of cases. I’m talking about death as a proportion of population. That’s where the U.S. is really bad. Much worse than South Korea, Germany, etc.”@realdonaldtrump: “You can’t do that.” Swan: “Why can’t I do that?” pic.twitter.com/MStySfkV39 — Axios (@axios) August 4, 2020
“Take a look at some of these charts,” Trump said to Swan during the most excruciating segment of the interview. “Here is one. Well, right here, the United States is lowest in… numerous categories. We’re lower than… the world.”
“Lower than the world?” Swan asked. “What does that mean?”
“We’re lower than Europe,” Trump continued.
“In what?” Swan asked.
“Take a look,” Trump said, handing Swan a chart of case fatality rates. “Right here. Here is case death.”
Taking the chart, Swan looked digested it quickly and said: “Oh, you’re doing death as a proportion of cases. I’m talking about death as a proportion of population. That’s where the U.S. is really bad, much worse than South Korea, Germany, et cetera.”
A stunned Trump’s only reply was: “You can’t do that.”
One week after that interview was broadcast, Trump introduced Scott Atlas at a White House briefing and started making his entirely false claims about excess mortality in the United States being far lower than in Europe.
At a rally in Duluth, Minnesota on Wednesday night, Trump made the false comparison for at least the 21st time. “Europe is almost a 50 per cent greater excess mortality rate than the United States,” Trump said, reading from his prepared remarks. Looking away from the teleprompter he complained to his supporters that this statistic was not being reported. “You don’t hear that,” he said.
Updated: Thursday, Oct. 1, 4:10 p.m. PDT
This article was updated to report that President Donald Trump lied to his supporters about excess mortality during the pandemic again on Wednesday.