theintercept--2020-08-20--Effort to Spread Alex Morse Accusations Was Wider Than Previously Known

to ensure allegations of misconduct against Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse , who is vying for the Democratic nomination for Congress in Massachusetts ’ s 1st Congressional District against incumbent Rep. Richard Neal , was more extensive than has previously been reported , targeting progressive organizations that had endorsed the primary insurgent as well as journalists for months before the the claims finally landed in a college newspaper earlier this month .
Vague allegations of misconduct roiled the primary contest between Morse , a 31-year-old progressive , and Neal , a three-decade incumbent who chairs the powerful House Ways and Means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the UMass College Democrats group uncomfortable and pursued them after political events formed the basis for the College Democrats of Massachusetts , or CDMA , banning him from future events , a decision first made public by the UMass Amherst newspaper Daily Collegian on August 7 .
Morse readily admitted to having used dating apps like Tinder and Grindr to find dates and notes that makes him no different than any other young gay man in America .
“ I won ’ t apologize for being gay and using gay dating apps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men , ” Morse has said .
“ I won ’ t apologize for being human.
” Reporting from The Intercept in the wake of the letter ’ s publication quickly showed , however , that the allegations were part of a scheme by at least two members of UMass College Democrats leadership , Andrew Abramson and Timothy Ennis , to entrap and take down Morse , that had been contemplated for nearly a year , with Ennis hoping to curry favor with Neal .
The CDMA in early August sent a letter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer welcome at events , a policy that the CDMA had put in place in June but had not made official or public , sources in the group told The Intercept .
But the quest to damage Morse ’ s reputation was in motion months before — at least as early as April .
An email was sent to reporter Grace Panetta late that month from the address “ [ email protected ] , ” claiming that the allegations were an open secret and that the story was ready to be told .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the email to Panetta , obtained by The Intercept , sent April 29 .
Alex Morse has a bad habit of using his position as a popular politician in Western Mass to hook up with college kids at UMass 10+ years younger than him .
It ’ s creepy and the power dynamics are terrible : most of the people he tries to hook up with look up to him and are involved in activism or other political work with him .
There ’ s a story to be told here and if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Insta story or statements on the record from the folks below , it will totally upend the MA-01 race .
It ’ s already an open secret within certain circles in the area , but just hasn ’ t been covered yet .
To start I recommend reaching out to : The letter then lists three names — Abramson , Ennis , and a third student — with contact information for all three .
The note ends by including the email address for the CDMA president , Hayley Fleming , for “ [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the record.
” Panetta didn ’ t bite .
In June , Politico reporter Alex Thompson got a similar tip that involved Instagram messages but didn ’ t publish a story until the Daily Collegian ran its version in August .
In between , the effort to smear Morse continued unabated as progressive groups were approached by anonymous sources spreading rumors and innuendos about the mayor .
Primaries for Progress , a project of the polling firm Data for Progress , received an anonymous message in late June about the Morse allegations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weird predatorial behavior ” was “ extremely alarming.
” That letter ’ s writer identified themselves as “ a staunch progressive ( socialist , activist , also queer ) , ” and claimed that they and their peers intended to vote for Neal because of Morse ’ s behavior .
“ I think if some of this comes out , worse allegations will surface , ” the letter said of Morse ’ s use of dating apps and Instagram to meet people , adding , “ A lot of people are afraid to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but he was just predatorial and got involved with people that he had an unfair power dynamic with.
” The language of the tip hints at a strategy by those looking to take Morse down , rooted in the hope that “ worse allegations will surface ” after initial , vague rumors are made public .
Often in the case of # MeToo stories , the first allegation will be followed by other survivors willing to come forward once the silence has been broken .
The Morse case has not followed that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet come forward on the record to make a claim of harm .
The Primaries for Progress team investigated the allegations , they told The Intercept , but found nothing to back up the claims .
“ The anonymous tip we got seemed like it was from one of the [ College Dems ] who were acting as free agents trying to entrap Morse , ” Primaries for Progress said in a statement .
The LGBTQ Victory Fund , a national organization that focuses on promoting gay and lesbian candidates , heard about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endorse Morse on July 5 , according to two sources at the organization , speaking on condition of anonymity .
A Victory Fund staffer was contacted by a well-connected Massachusetts political operative who said there were allegations about Morse that would soon come out .
The operative told the staffer a number of details that would not come to light for over a month , including that Morse would be officially banned from College Democrat events .
According to the Morse campaign , a Victory Fund senior staffer contacted the mayor and warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would do more than end his congressional run — they would destroy his life as well as his career for the sin of going up against the powerful and well-connected Neal .
“ There was a pattern of every time we received an endorsement from a state or national organization , someone would contact them and inform them that something was in the works behind the scenes on college students , ” Morse told The Intercept on Sunday .
On August 14 , The Intercept reported , based on documents and call records @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic State Committee and CDMA members , that the Massachusetts Democratic Party leadership acted to assist the students .
MassDems leadership — chair Gus Bickford and executive director Veronica Martinez — were involved in the effort to promote the smear , recommending CDMA members use the state party ’ s general counsel , a powerful DNC committee co-chair and grandson of Franklin D. Roosevelt , Jim Roosevelt , as a resource in the development of the letter .
Roosevelt would take an active role in assisting with the letter , reviewing the content @ @ @ @ @ @ @ source close to the matter .
Roosevelt ’ s involvement in the letter ’ s development makes the state party ’ s behavior even more troubling , Samuel Biagetti , who is running for state representative in Worcester ’ s 5th District , told The Intercept , citing Roosevelt ’ s time as an executive at Tufts Health Plan against a candidate who supports Medicare for All .
“ I questioned how Roosevelt could be impartial as a powerful member of the DNC and Tufts Health Plan CEO , ” Biagetti said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought , was supposed to be private , and was sent to Morse and his campaign on Thursday , August 6 .
Morse responded that day .
But it was leaked to the Collegian on Friday , August 7 , a move that came as a surprise to many CDMA board members who , chat logs show and sources tell The Intercept , still do not know who passed it to the student paper .
Martinez , as reported by The Intercept on Monday , told students to delete communications between her and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s reporting gained steam , though the executive director denied doing so to The Intercept on August 14 .
Martinez has not replied to further requests for comment .
MassDems have initiated a review of the behavior of the group ’ s leadership , assigning the task of identifying an impartial investigator to vice chairs Deb Kozikowski and Leon Brathwaite , and Personnel Committee Chair Mark DiSalvo .
“ The inquiry shall take the time necessary to thoroughly complete although it is our intent that it be completed within 45 days of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ email to the DSC Thursday .
The timing of the investigation has upset some DSC members , who have said publicly that they want it done before the primary to get all the facts out in the open .
One member said that the investigation was unlikely to reveal the full extent of MassDems leadership ’ s involvement in the scheme .
“ People are beginning to ask questions like how much we ’ re going to pay for this , where the money is going to come from , and whether it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us anything if they ’ ve deleted their messages .
We can ’ t afford a vanity exercise , ” the DSC member said .
Questions remain for members on the full extent of party leadership ’ s involvement in the scheme , but one DSC member told The Intercept that they doubted the letter would even have been written if the allegations had been about the incumbent .
“ I have a hard time believing that if allegations had been brought forward about Congressman Neal , the MassDems leadership wouldn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call instead of a letter and tried to handle them as swiftly and as quietly as possible , ” the member said .
Morse said that he did not hear from the MassDems leadership about any concerns , either over the phone or by email .
A poll of unknown origin is targeting Morse , using the allegations from CDMA against him and even referring to false elements of the attack , such as accusations that Morse dated his students — an attack that was not made in the CDMA letter or anywhere @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the effect that Morse had actually contacted a student he had taught and used salacious language in an effort to solicit sexual favors , ” said Jim Palermo , a Southampton , Massachusetts , Democrat who was polled .
“ I interrupted and said there was no allegation on that.
” Palermo told The Intercept that he admired the young mayor ’ s openness and refusal to back down from who he is and for being forthcoming about his dating life , though he emphasized that the attacks that led to those comments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unacceptable .
“ I ’ m sorry this is happening to him , ” said Palermo .
“ It seems like a smear campaign.
” Western Massachusetts is not accustomed to seeing competitive Democratic primaries .
Beginning with the election of 1952 , the area had been represented in Congress by Ed Boland , who became a Neal ally .
In 1988 , Boland decided not to run for a 19th term , but kept that decision secret to nearly everyone but Neal , who used the inside information to begin quietly building @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get on the ballot .
When Boland stunned the western Massachusetts political world by announcing his retirement , it was Neal who pounced on the ballot and won the election effectively unopposed .
It was the same route taken to Congress by Joe Crowley , who similarly was installed unopposed on ballots in Queens , New York , a decade later , as well as by Rep. Dan Lipinski , who was gifted an Illinois seat in that fashion by his father .
Both Crowley and Lipinski have since been defeated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the state was redistricted — he was moved from the 2nd Congressional District to the 1st — and Neal had to fend off two challengers for the new seat .
He faced an underfunded primary challenger from the left in 2018 , but otherwise has served a comfortable 16 terms .

A concerted effort to spread allegations of misconduct against Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse, who is vying for the Democratic nomination for Congress in Massachusetts’s 1st Congressional District against incumbent Rep. Richard Neal, was more extensive than has previously been reported, targeting progressive organizations that had endorsed the primary insurgent as well as journalists for months before the the claims finally landed in a college newspaper earlier this month.
Vague allegations of misconduct roiled the primary contest between Morse, a 31-year-old progressive, and Neal, a three-decade incumbent who chairs the powerful House Ways and Means Committee. Accusations that Morse made students in the UMass College Democrats group uncomfortable and pursued them after political events formed the basis for the College Democrats of Massachusetts, or CDMA, banning him from future events, a decision first made public by the UMass Amherst newspaper Daily Collegian on August 7.
Morse readily admitted to having used dating apps like Tinder and Grindr to find dates and notes that makes him no different than any other young gay man in America. “I won’t apologize for being gay and using gay dating apps and going on dates with other adult men,” Morse has said. “I won’t apologize for being human.”
Reporting from The Intercept in the wake of the letter’s publication quickly showed, however, that the allegations were part of a scheme by at least two members of UMass College Democrats leadership, Andrew Abramson and Timothy Ennis, to entrap and take down Morse, that had been contemplated for nearly a year, with Ennis hoping to curry favor with Neal. The CDMA in early August sent a letter to Morse informing him he was no longer welcome at events, a policy that the CDMA had put in place in June but had not made official or public, sources in the group told The Intercept.
But the quest to damage Morse’s reputation was in motion months before — at least as early as April. An email was sent to reporter Grace Panetta late that month from the address “creepyalexmorse@protonmail.com,” claiming that the allegations were an open secret and that the story was ready to be told.
“Sad but true,” begins the email to Panetta, obtained by The Intercept, sent April 29.
Alex Morse has a bad habit of using his position as a popular politician in Western Mass to hook up with college kids at UMass 10+ years younger than him. It’s creepy and the power dynamics are terrible: most of the people he tries to hook up with look up to him and are involved in activism or other political work with him. There’s a story to be told here and if you can get screenshots of his private Insta story or statements on the record from the folks below, it will totally upend the MA-01 race. It’s already an open secret within certain circles in the area, but just hasn’t been covered yet. To start I recommend reaching out to:
The letter then lists three names — Abramson, Ennis, and a third student — with contact information for all three. The note ends by including the email address for the CDMA president, Hayley Fleming, for “[o]nce you already have someone on the record.”
Panetta didn’t bite. In June, Politico reporter Alex Thompson got a similar tip that involved Instagram messages but didn’t publish a story until the Daily Collegian ran its version in August. In between, the effort to smear Morse continued unabated as progressive groups were approached by anonymous sources spreading rumors and innuendos about the mayor.
Primaries for Progress, a project of the polling firm Data for Progress, received an anonymous message in late June about the Morse allegations claiming that the mayor’s “weird predatorial behavior” was “extremely alarming.” That letter’s writer identified themselves as “a staunch progressive (socialist, activist, also queer),” and claimed that they and their peers intended to vote for Neal because of Morse’s behavior.
“I think if some of this comes out, worse allegations will surface,” the letter said of Morse’s use of dating apps and Instagram to meet people, adding, “A lot of people are afraid to come forward because no laws were broken, but he was just predatorial and got involved with people that he had an unfair power dynamic with.”
The language of the tip hints at a strategy by those looking to take Morse down, rooted in the hope that “worse allegations will surface” after initial, vague rumors are made public. Often in the case of #MeToo stories, the first allegation will be followed by other survivors willing to come forward once the silence has been broken. The Morse case has not followed that pattern, however, as nobody has yet come forward on the record to make a claim of harm.
The Primaries for Progress team investigated the allegations, they told The Intercept, but found nothing to back up the claims. “The anonymous tip we got seemed like it was from one of the [College Dems] who were acting as free agents trying to entrap Morse,” Primaries for Progress said in a statement.
The LGBTQ Victory Fund, a national organization that focuses on promoting gay and lesbian candidates, heard about the allegations after the group voted to endorse Morse on July 5, according to two sources at the organization, speaking on condition of anonymity. A Victory Fund staffer was contacted by a well-connected Massachusetts political operative who said there were allegations about Morse that would soon come out. The operative told the staffer a number of details that would not come to light for over a month, including that Morse would be officially banned from College Democrat events.
According to the Morse campaign, a Victory Fund senior staffer contacted the mayor and warned him that those opposed to his campaign would do more than end his congressional run — they would destroy his life as well as his career for the sin of going up against the powerful and well-connected Neal. “There was a pattern of every time we received an endorsement from a state or national organization, someone would contact them and inform them that something was in the works behind the scenes on college students,” Morse told The Intercept on Sunday.
On August 14, The Intercept reported, based on documents and call records, as well as accounts from Massachusetts Democratic State Committee and CDMA members, that the Massachusetts Democratic Party leadership acted to assist the students.
Two members of MassDems leadership — chair Gus Bickford and executive director Veronica Martinez — were involved in the effort to promote the smear, recommending CDMA members use the state party’s general counsel, a powerful DNC committee co-chair and grandson of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jim Roosevelt, as a resource in the development of the letter. Roosevelt would take an active role in assisting with the letter, reviewing the content for legal protections, according to a source close to the matter.
Roosevelt’s involvement in the letter’s development makes the state party’s behavior even more troubling, Samuel Biagetti, who is running for state representative in Worcester’s 5th District, told The Intercept, citing Roosevelt’s time as an executive at Tufts Health Plan against a candidate who supports Medicare for All. “I questioned how Roosevelt could be impartial as a powerful member of the DNC and Tufts Health Plan CEO,” Biagetti said.
The letter, some of the students thought, was supposed to be private, and was sent to Morse and his campaign on Thursday, August 6. Morse responded that day. But it was leaked to the Collegian on Friday, August 7, a move that came as a surprise to many CDMA board members who, chat logs show and sources tell The Intercept, still do not know who passed it to the student paper.
Martinez, as reported by The Intercept on Monday, told students to delete communications between her and them last week as The Intercept’s reporting gained steam, though the executive director denied doing so to The Intercept on August 14. Martinez has not replied to further requests for comment.
MassDems have initiated a review of the behavior of the group’s leadership, assigning the task of identifying an impartial investigator to vice chairs Deb Kozikowski and Leon Brathwaite, and Personnel Committee Chair Mark DiSalvo. “The inquiry shall take the time necessary to thoroughly complete although it is our intent that it be completed within 45 days of its assignment,” Kozikowski said in an email to the DSC Thursday.
The timing of the investigation has upset some DSC members, who have said publicly that they want it done before the primary to get all the facts out in the open. One member said that the investigation was unlikely to reveal the full extent of MassDems leadership’s involvement in the scheme. “People are beginning to ask questions like how much we’re going to pay for this, where the money is going to come from, and whether it’ll even be able to tell us anything if they’ve deleted their messages. We can’t afford a vanity exercise,” the DSC member said.
Questions remain for members on the full extent of party leadership’s involvement in the scheme, but one DSC member told The Intercept that they doubted the letter would even have been written if the allegations had been about the incumbent. “I have a hard time believing that if allegations had been brought forward about Congressman Neal, the MassDems leadership wouldn’t have pushed the matter to a phone call instead of a letter and tried to handle them as swiftly and as quietly as possible,” the member said. Morse said that he did not hear from the MassDems leadership about any concerns, either over the phone or by email.
A poll of unknown origin is targeting Morse, using the allegations from CDMA against him and even referring to false elements of the attack, such as accusations that Morse dated his students — an attack that was not made in the CDMA letter or anywhere else. “They said words to the effect that Morse had actually contacted a student he had taught and used salacious language in an effort to solicit sexual favors,” said Jim Palermo, a Southampton, Massachusetts, Democrat who was polled. “I interrupted and said there was no allegation on that.”
Palermo told The Intercept that he admired the young mayor’s openness and refusal to back down from who he is and for being forthcoming about his dating life, though he emphasized that the attacks that led to those comments being made in the first place were unacceptable. “I’m sorry this is happening to him,” said Palermo. “It seems like a smear campaign.”
Western Massachusetts is not accustomed to seeing competitive Democratic primaries. Beginning with the election of 1952, the area had been represented in Congress by Ed Boland, who became a Neal ally. In 1988, Boland decided not to run for a 19th term, but kept that decision secret to nearly everyone but Neal, who used the inside information to begin quietly building a campaign war chest and acquiring signatures to get on the ballot. When Boland stunned the western Massachusetts political world by announcing his retirement, it was Neal who pounced on the ballot and won the election effectively unopposed. It was the same route taken to Congress by Joe Crowley, who similarly was installed unopposed on ballots in Queens, New York, a decade later, as well as by Rep. Dan Lipinski, who was gifted an Illinois seat in that fashion by his father. Both Crowley and Lipinski have since been defeated by insurgent challengers. After the 2010 Census, the state was redistricted — he was moved from the 2nd Congressional District to the 1st — and Neal had to fend off two challengers for the new seat. He faced an underfunded primary challenger from the left in 2018, but otherwise has served a comfortable 16 terms.
CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
The scandal around the MassDems and CDMA coordination has brought outsized national attention and grassroots money to the race. Morse has raised over $400,000 since the scandal broke, the campaign said, far outpacing his previous fundraising numbers, and has released internal polling numbers showing an increasingly narrowing gap between himself and the incumbent. National and progressive groups like Justice Democrats and the Sunrise Movement have reasserted their backing of his campaign as The Intercept’s reporting revealed the extent of the smear effort. Local endorsements, including a total eight of 11 members of the Pittsfield, Massachusetts, City Council, are pouring in. The progressive insurgent’s candidacy is benefiting from the kind of volunteer energy that was seen earlier this month when activist Cori Bush, in a huge upset, unseated two-decade incumbent Rep. Lacy Clay in Missouri’s 1st Congressional District primary.
With that renewed energy and attention, however, has come a spate of attacks from groups supporting Neal. The Democratic Majority for Israel, a super PAC run by Democratic pollster and American Israel Public Affairs Committee consultant Mark Mellman, has jumped into the race on the side of Neal. DMFI, which previously invested in efforts to protect Rep. Eliot Engel from a successful primary challenge from Jamaal Bowman and relentlessly attacked Sen. Bernie Sanders during his presidential run earlier this year, is running a 30-second spot hitting Morse for absenteeism in school committee meetings.
A version of the same ad was previously run by another super PAC coordinating with DMFI, called American Working Families. Combined, the two super PACs have spent close to a half a million dollars hitting Morse on his education record, which was also the centerpiece of Neal’s debate strategy Monday evening.
The assault, though, could force Neal to defend his own record as mayor, a four-year tenure that left Springfield with a $6.4-million deficit and prosecutors digging into contracts with Neal allies.
Once the eye-popping tab of Neal’s time as mayor became clear, the administration of Gov. Michael Dukakis launched an investigation in 1989 into the deficit’s root causes, drafting former Department of Revenue auditor Newell Cook to lead the inquiry. The resulting document, known as the Cook Report, was brutal, finding the city’s finances in even worse condition than they appeared from the outside.
Cook and his team found that the city employees’ health insurance had been systematically underfunded. “The failure of the City to recognize the ‘true costs’ in its budgets over the past five years is inexplicable,” the report said unsparingly. “Not only was the budget preparation and financial reporting woefully at variance with reality, none of the parties to the City’s fiscal management applied a reasonableness test to the rate of growth of the expense. While for 1986 and 1987 the ‘true costs’ were rising between 20% and 30% per year and the media was full of stories of the rapid increase in health care costs, the City blithely budgeted increases of only 5%.” The city fudged the books, the report explained, and, as a result, more than 850 city workers were cut from the payroll as the city faced bankruptcy, according to a December 13, 1989, article, in the Boston Herald.
Neal was elected mayor of Springfield in 1983 after spending six years on the city council, and quickly began a spending spree that would make him extremely popular. His major priority — “beautifying the city” — involved a widely lauded litter-reduction program and the careful placement of flowers around town, and is still listed as Neal’s premier mayoral accomplishment on his Wikipedia page. Neal racked up huge city bills to contractors, but the problem, which would only come to light after Neal left his post as mayor to become a member of Congress, was that the city didn’t actually have the money he was spending.
Part of that was a result of the no-bid contract Neal had signed with Paul Tinsley, a close associate of Neal’s and founder of the Insurance Cost Control consultancy, which had been hired by the city to bring down insurance costs. In 1989, the city council voted to open an investigation into the $480,000 ICC contract after the spiraling deficit crept into sight. That investigation ultimately revealed that ICC had done nothing to save the city on health insurance costs. Tinsley would be convicted by Attorney General Scott Harshbarger on public corruption charges in 1994. As part of a far-reaching probe in the early 1990s into corruption in Springfield, which included Neal’s time as mayor, a Hampden County grand jury looked into contracts the city let out to businesses connected to Charlie Kingston, a longtime ally of Neal’s, but brought no charges.
Ultimately, the responsibility of cleaning up after Neal’s mess fell on the city’s first female mayor, Mary Hurley, who struggled over her brief two-year term to balance the city budget. (While Neal has attacked Alex Morse for Holyoke schools being placed under receivership, the entire city of Springfield was given special oversight by the state beginning the year after Neal left office).
Neal’s penchant for loose financial management continued in Congress. Despite leaving Springfield behind in 1989, Neal’s efforts to preserve his public image took a hit in the years immediately following his departure for Washington. In 1992, during the House banking scandal in which hundreds of members of Congress were caught writing bad checks through their House accounts — effectively utilizing interest-free loans at taxpayers’ expense — Neal made headlines for bouncing 87 checks, earning the nickname “Rubber Richie.” Neal claimed, “At no time was I ever notified there was an overdraft.”
The new congressman began paying fealty to the banking industry that would later pay his campaign bills not long after arriving in Washington. In the early ’90s, he opposed an effort by then-Rep. Ed Markey to pass the Government Securities Offering Enforcement Act of 1991, which aimed to prevent the misleading marketing of government-backed securities. In 1995, Neal voted for the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act, which attempted to bar shareholders from suing companies for securities fraud. He then voted yes on an override of Bill Clinton’s veto of the bill, and in 2000 voted yes again on the Commodity Futures Modernization Act, opening the floodgates for investors to engage in the kind of risky derivatives trading that led to the 2008 crash. In 2002, amid the fallout of the Enron scandal, Neal voted against an amendment to the Corporate and Auditing Accountability, Responsibility, and Transparency Act, raised by Dennis Kucinich, which would have cleared the way for regular audits of publicly traded companies by the SEC.
By 2008, Neal’s two-decade war against Wall Street regulations finally caught up with America’s middle class as the Great Recession swept the country. After all his work cutting loose the last chains tethering Wall Street to some semblance of government oversight, Neal stepped into the spotlight to vote yes on the $700 billion in bank bailouts.
Neal has received hundreds of thousands in donations throughout his career from officials and PACs at the very same banks over his career. He’s taken $12,500 from AIG, $112,000 from Bank of America, $78,500 from Citigroup, $53,000 from JPMorgan Chase, $56,500 from Morgan Stanley, $36,000 from Goldman Sachs, and $79,500 from Capital One.
But Neal didn’t stop in 2008. In 2016, Neal sponsored a bill to weaken the Obama-era protections preventing financial advisers from steering people with savings accounts into risky investments. As the Globe then reported, Neal’s bill would have protected MassMutual — the representative’s single largest donor — from the consumer protection regulations.
During Monday’s debate, Neal attacked Morse for saying that he would have voted against the CARES Act. But Morse had good reason to take a stand against the $2.2 trillion bailout: The bill that Neal helped write is something of a replay of 2008, this time with even higher stakes. It throws cash hand over fist to bail out CEOs, without any guarantees for the essential workers struggling to make ends meet in the midst of a global pandemic.
Nurses at hospitals across the 1st Congressional District are being forced to use vacation time for coronavirus-related sick leave, face 12-hour shift requirements, work with up to 50 percent cuts to cleaning staff crucial to lifesaving hospital sanitation, and report unsafe working conditions, which have continued since the American Prospect reported on them in June:
Neal benefits directly from these hospital’s windfalls. CEOs like Mark Keroack of Baystate Health have donated thousands to the hospital lobby which is also a major backer of Neal. Public records show that Keroack donated $4,500 to Neal directly, and another $3,000 to the American Hospital Association, which in turn has donated $7,000 to his campaign. From just doctors groups and hospital associations, Neal has raised well over $200,000 in the past two election cycles. As one hand washes the other at the executive level, nurses I spoke with throughout western Massachusetts report layoffs, intimidation, lack of PPE, and unsafe working conditions, including being forced to work between COVID wards and general hospital populations without adequate time or supplies to safely disinfect.
Neal’s alliance with the hospitals and Wall Street reached its zenith in September 2019, when he cashed nearly $50,000 worth of campaign checks from executives at Blackstone, which runs a line of business that profits heavily from so-called surprise billing. Just because a hospital is in a certain insurance network doesn’t mean that all of its doctors are: If someone visits an out-of-network doctor in that hospital, Blackstone can then charge exorbitant out-of-network costs. The process is so outrageous that a bipartisan group in Congress came together last year to end it. But at the last minute, and not long after the funding from Blackstone, Neal claimed jurisdiction for the Ways and Means Committee that he chairs — on the shakiest of grounds — and presented a counterproposal that blew up the negotiations, startling those involved.
On Monday, members of the Massachusetts Nurses Association are set to picket Mercy Hospital in Springfield, one of the many local employers Neal claimed to be fighting to protect with the passage of the CARES Act. Their main complaints are unsafe working conditions, unfair compensation, and unfair bargaining practices. The nurses have endorsed Morse.
When reached for comment, Kate Norton, a spokesperson for Neal’s campaign, wrote, “Richie Neal has been a leader and a champion for the people in this district, consistently delivering on COVID-19 relief, access to healthcare, and equity and opportunity. He’s fighting Donald Trump every day to protect working families everywhere.”
As the race speeds toward the September 1 primary, Neal’s record is starting to cost him back home. Six-figure ad buys launched by Fight Corporate Monopolies have excoriated the representative for his Blackstone affiliation and his efforts to kill surprise medical billing reform, while major endorsers like the Working Families Party, Sunrise Movement, and Justice Democrats have jumped back into the race to enthusiastically support Morse. The two will meet Thursday evening for their second debate.


theintercept--2020-08-20--Facebook's Ban on Far-Left Pages Is an Extension of Trump Propaganda

Facebook announced an expansion of its “ Dangerous Individuals and Organizations policy , ” removing or restricting hundreds of pages associated with groups that it claims promote violence .
Nearly 800 QAnon groups , committed to pernicious disinformation and potentially deadly conspiracy theories , have been removed .
Facebook also shut down the pages of far-right militias , like the New Mexico Civil Guard , an armed vigilante organization , whose leaders sport swastika tattoos .
Alongside groups openly committed to genocidal white supremacy , which constitute a very real threat to Black and Indigenous communities , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shut down the pages of numerous antifascist , anti-capitalist news , organizing , and information sites .
The move follows a pattern now well-established by the Trump administration — and unchallenged by most every mainstream media outlet — that draws indefensible false equivalences between organized , racist fascists , and the antifascists who vigorously oppose them .
Among the pages removed were those of antifascist news and research site , It ’ s Going Down , a media platform that publishes news , analysis , and reports on social struggles , as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and neo-Nazi networks .
Crimethinc , a bastion of left-wing , anarchist publishing and thought since the 1990s , saw its Facebook page removed too .
The pages of groups organizing around the ongoing and potent antiracist uprisings were also shut down , including the PNW Youth Liberation Front , a network of youth collectives in the Northwest committed to direct action protest .
“ Lumping anarchists and anti-fascists together with far-right militias who explicitly support the current administration is a strategic move to muddy the issue , ” said a statement from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ This is the same operation that William Barr ” — the attorney general — “ performed in creating a Department of Justice task force focused on ‘ anti-government extremists ’ that targets self-proclaimed fascists and anti-fascists alike .
In the case of the Department of Justice , this enables them to point to far-right and militia attacks in order to demand resources with which to crack down on those who are on the front lines of defending communities against such attacks.
” Both rhetorically and through specific policies , the government has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supremacist extremism , while sensationalizing the risks posed by the far left .
With its latest bans , Facebook is following this same playbook .
The demonization of antifascists has become a centerpiece of President Donald Trump ’ s reelection propaganda , which functions both to criminalize dissent and delegitimize Black liberation struggle .
Following the intolerable events of the Charlottesville , Virginia , “ Unite the Right ” rally in 2017 , Trump famously praised “ very fine ” members of the white supremacist coalition and blamed “ both sides ” for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a stance that ’ s since been crystallized in his policies .
Facebook ’ s decision to treat leftist social justice platforms as equivalent to racist militia groups is merely an extension of the government ’ s position .
“ For months , Donald Trump has demanded this crackdown in a series of social media posts explicitly blaming anarchists and anti-fascists for the countrywide wave of protests precipitated by persistent police violence in the United States , ” said the Crimethinc statement .
, as I wrote , Sen. Ted Cruz , R-Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hearing on “ stopping anarchist violence.
” The senator repeatedly chastised Democrats for failing to condemn “ antifa ” for a murder that was in fact carried out by the far right — and refused to be corrected .
Both It ’ s Going Down and Crimethinc were mentioned during the hearing , within baseless overtures on the threat of the far left .
In the three decades since Crimethinc ’ s founding , the Facebook ban is “ the first thing like this that has occurred , ” said a participant in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of concern for far-right retaliation and state scrutiny .
Of course , none of the antifascist groups removed by Facebook expected any better from the social media leviathan .
“ We ultimately aren ’ t surprised by this move and personally all hate Facebook , ” the It ’ s Going Down Twitter account said , noting that it was nonetheless a “ vehicle to connect with people.
” At stake is not the moral standing of Mark Zuckerburg ’ s turpitudinous monopoly , but rather the further entrenching of a false @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a time of emboldened state and movement fascism .
It bears repeating , ad nauseam , that the far right has carried out 329 murders in the last three decades ; none have been attributed to antifa .
Between 2009 and 2018 , white supremacist and far-right extremists were responsible for 73 percent of extremist murders in the U.S. And that ’ s not even to mention the state-sanctioned , racist killings carried out by the police .
There ’ s no doubt that a number of the leftist platforms removed in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protest .
Antifa practice certainly involves a willingness to physically confront organized white supremacists in the streets .
But Facebook ’ s bans , echoing Trump ’ s myths , equate the “ violence ” of disruptive antiracist protest with the violence of neo-Nazis murdering immigrants and people of color .
“ This line of thinking continues to equate protest disruption and property destruction with far-right movements who fundamentally want to harm and kill large segments of the public , ” It ’ s Going Down tweeted .
For Facebook to treat even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a violence comparable to that of white supremacist militias is a statement , in no uncertain terms , about which lives it deems to matter .

Photo: Josh Edelson/AFP/Getty Images
On Wednesday, Facebook announced an expansion of its “Dangerous Individuals and Organizations policy,” removing or restricting hundreds of pages associated with groups that it claims promote violence. Nearly 800 QAnon groups, committed to pernicious disinformation and potentially deadly conspiracy theories, have been removed. Facebook also shut down the pages of far-right militias, like the New Mexico Civil Guard, an armed vigilante organization, whose leaders sport swastika tattoos.
Alongside groups openly committed to genocidal white supremacy, which constitute a very real threat to Black and Indigenous communities, as well as other people of color, Facebook also shut down the pages of numerous antifascist, anti-capitalist news, organizing, and information sites. The move follows a pattern now well-established by the Trump administration — and unchallenged by most every mainstream media outlet — that draws indefensible false equivalences between organized, racist fascists, and the antifascists who vigorously oppose them.
Among the pages removed were those of antifascist news and research site, It’s Going Down, a media platform that publishes news, analysis, and reports on social struggles, as well as investigative work to expose white supremacist and neo-Nazi networks. Crimethinc, a bastion of left-wing, anarchist publishing and thought since the 1990s, saw its Facebook page removed too. The pages of groups organizing around the ongoing and potent antiracist uprisings were also shut down, including the PNW Youth Liberation Front, a network of youth collectives in the Northwest committed to direct action protest.
“Lumping anarchists and anti-fascists together with far-right militias who explicitly support the current administration is a strategic move to muddy the issue,” said a statement from Crimethinc in response to the bans. “This is the same operation that William Barr” — the attorney general — “performed in creating a Department of Justice task force focused on ‘anti-government extremists’ that targets self-proclaimed fascists and anti-fascists alike. In the case of the Department of Justice, this enables them to point to far-right and militia attacks in order to demand resources with which to crack down on those who are on the front lines of defending communities against such attacks.”
Both rhetorically and through specific policies, the government has obfuscated and downplayed the threat of white supremacist extremism, while sensationalizing the risks posed by the far left.
With its latest bans, Facebook is following this same playbook.
With its latest bans, Facebook is following the government’s playbook.
The demonization of antifascists has become a centerpiece of President Donald Trump’s reelection propaganda, which functions both to criminalize dissent and delegitimize Black liberation struggle. Following the intolerable events of the Charlottesville, Virginia, “Unite the Right” rally in 2017, Trump famously praised “very fine” members of the white supremacist coalition and blamed “both sides” for the murderous far-right violence that occurred — a stance that’s since been crystallized in his policies.
Facebook’s decision to treat leftist social justice platforms as equivalent to racist militia groups is merely an extension of the government’s position. “For months, Donald Trump has demanded this crackdown in a series of social media posts explicitly blaming anarchists and anti-fascists for the countrywide wave of protests precipitated by persistent police violence in the United States,” said the Crimethinc statement.
Earlier this month , as I wrote, Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, chaired a farcical Senate Judiciary Subcommittee hearing on “stopping anarchist violence.” The senator repeatedly chastised Democrats for failing to condemn “antifa” for a murder that was in fact carried out by the far right — and refused to be corrected. Both It’s Going Down and Crimethinc were mentioned during the hearing, within baseless overtures on the threat of the far left.
In the three decades since Crimethinc’s founding, the Facebook ban is “the first thing like this that has occurred,” said a participant in the collective, who asked for anonymity out of concern for far-right retaliation and state scrutiny. Of course, none of the antifascist groups removed by Facebook expected any better from the social media leviathan. “We ultimately aren’t surprised by this move and personally all hate Facebook,” the It’s Going Down Twitter account said, noting that it was nonetheless a “vehicle to connect with people.”
At stake is not the moral standing of Mark Zuckerburg’s turpitudinous monopoly, but rather the further entrenching of a false equivalence, which stifles antifascist dissent at a time of emboldened state and movement fascism.
It bears repeating, ad nauseam, that the far right has carried out 329 murders in the last three decades; none have been attributed to antifa. Between 2009 and 2018, white supremacist and far-right extremists were responsible for 73 percent of extremist murders in the U.S. And that’s not even to mention the state-sanctioned, racist killings carried out by the police.
There’s no doubt that a number of the leftist platforms removed in the Facebook sweep advocate for disruptive dissent and protest. Antifa practice certainly involves a willingness to physically confront organized white supremacists in the streets. But Facebook’s bans, echoing Trump’s myths, equate the “violence” of disruptive antiracist protest with the violence of neo-Nazis murdering immigrants and people of color.
“This line of thinking continues to equate protest disruption and property destruction with far-right movements who fundamentally want to harm and kill large segments of the public,” It’s Going Down tweeted.
For Facebook to treat even militant, antiracist, antifascist organizing as a violence comparable to that of white supremacist militias is a statement, in no uncertain terms, about which lives it deems to matter.


theintercept--2020-08-20--Trump Comes Up Empty When Pressed for Evidence of Election Fraud in Court

campaign , ordered by a federal court judge in Pennsylvania to back up its claims of fraud in the state ’ s vote-by-mail system , has documented only a handful of cases of election fraud in recent years — none of which involved mail-in ballots .
The revelation , which came in the form of a partially redacted 524-page document produced by the Trump campaign last week , undermines the claim by Trump team operatives that mail-in ballot fraud is a grave risk to Pennsylvania voters .
The campaign is suing Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar and each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boards to prevent election administrators from providing secure drop boxes for mail-in ballot returns .
These drop boxes allow voters to return their mail-in ballots by hand , without sending them through the postal system and risking delays .
The Trump campaign alleges that the practice “ provides fraudsters an easy opportunity to engage in ballot harvesting , manipulate or destroy ballots , manufacture duplicitous votes , and sow chaos.
” In a motion last week , Citizens for Pennsylvania ’ s Future and the Sierra Club called on the Trump campaign to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud , arguing that the campaign ’ s lawsuit was “ replete with salacious allegations and dire warnings ” about Pennsylvania ’ s elections and that they “ must either be compelled to provide discovery concerning their fraud-based allegations or be precluded from pursuing these claims going forward.
” Judge J. Nicholas Ranjan granted the motion , ordering the campaign to “ produce such evidence in their possession , and if they have none , state as much.
” The response provided by the Trump campaign to the opposing counsel , which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , contains a few scant examples of election fraud — but none of the instances in the 524-page discovery document involved mail-in ballots .
“ Not only did the campaign fail to provide evidence that voter fraud was a widespread problem in Pennsylvania , they failed to provide any evidence that any misconduct occurred in the primary election or that so-called voter fraud is any sort of regular problem in Pennsylvania , ” said Suzanne Almeida , interim director of Common Cause PA , one of the parties in the lawsuit .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a request for comment for this story .
The non-redacted portion of the Trump campaign ’ s response consists in large part of news reports and copies of the campaign ’ s open records requests to counties .
It contains no new evidence of fraud beyond what local news outlets have previously reported .
The examples of fraud that it does provide include the case of four poll workers who admitted to harassment and intimidation of voters at one polling place during a special election in 2017 .
It also includes an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polling place between 2014 and 2016 at the behest of a political consultant .
And while the amended complaint brought by the campaign cites a few incidents of mail-in fraud , none were mentioned in the discovery document .
This is far from the first time that Republicans have failed to substantiate their frequent claims that voter fraud is a persistent problem in American elections .
In 2018 , one of U.S. ’ s most prominent crusaders against voter fraud , then-Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach , was asked by a district @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting in his home state of Kansas .
Kobach brought forth witnesses , but their testimony fell apart on cross examination .
Judge Julie Robinson wrote in her opinion that “ evidence that the voter rolls include ineligible citizens is weak .
At most , 39 [ non ] citizens have found their way onto the Kansas voter rolls in the last 19 years.
” The rare known cases of voter fraud were not the tip of the iceberg , she concluded , “ there is no iceberg ; only an icicle , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” After taking office , Trump established a controversial presidential commission to study voter fraud .
The commission met only twice before disbanding without producing evidence of widespread voter fraud in U.S. elections .
With state Democrats simultaneously suing to affirm the legality of Pennsylvania ’ s drop boxes , Boockvar has asked the state Supreme Court to settle the relevant questions of election law before the federal trial is completed .
Mail-in ballots will start going out to voters in mid-September .

President Donald Trump’s campaign, ordered by a federal court judge in Pennsylvania to back up its claims of fraud in the state’s vote-by-mail system, has documented only a handful of cases of election fraud in recent years — none of which involved mail-in ballots. The revelation, which came in the form of a partially redacted 524-page document produced by the Trump campaign last week, undermines the claim by Trump team operatives that mail-in ballot fraud is a grave risk to Pennsylvania voters.
The campaign is suing Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar and each of the state’s county election boards to prevent election administrators from providing secure drop boxes for mail-in ballot returns. These drop boxes allow voters to return their mail-in ballots by hand, without sending them through the postal system and risking delays. The Trump campaign alleges that the practice “provides fraudsters an easy opportunity to engage in ballot harvesting, manipulate or destroy ballots, manufacture duplicitous votes, and sow chaos.”
In a motion last week, Citizens for Pennsylvania’s Future and the Sierra Club called on the Trump campaign to provide evidence of the existence of voter fraud, arguing that the campaign’s lawsuit was “replete with salacious allegations and dire warnings” about Pennsylvania’s elections and that they “must either be compelled to provide discovery concerning their fraud-based allegations or be precluded from pursuing these claims going forward.” Judge J. Nicholas Ranjan granted the motion, ordering the campaign to “produce such evidence in their possession, and if they have none, state as much.”
The response provided by the Trump campaign to the opposing counsel, which was shared with The Intercept and Type Investigations, contains a few scant examples of election fraud — but none of the instances in the 524-page discovery document involved mail-in ballots.
“Not only did the campaign fail to provide evidence that voter fraud was a widespread problem in Pennsylvania, they failed to provide any evidence that any misconduct occurred in the primary election or that so-called voter fraud is any sort of regular problem in Pennsylvania,” said Suzanne Almeida, interim director of Common Cause PA, one of the parties in the lawsuit. The Trump campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment for this story.
The non-redacted portion of the Trump campaign’s response consists in large part of news reports and copies of the campaign’s open records requests to counties. It contains no new evidence of fraud beyond what local news outlets have previously reported. The examples of fraud that it does provide include the case of four poll workers who admitted to harassment and intimidation of voters at one polling place during a special election in 2017. It also includes an election judge who altered vote totals in his polling place between 2014 and 2016 at the behest of a political consultant. And while the amended complaint brought by the campaign cites a few incidents of mail-in fraud, none were mentioned in the discovery document.
“Not only did the campaign fail to provide evidence that voter fraud was a widespread problem in Pennsylvania, they failed to provide any evidence that any misconduct occurred in the primary election.”
This is far from the first time that Republicans have failed to substantiate their frequent claims that voter fraud is a persistent problem in American elections. In 2018, one of U.S.’s most prominent crusaders against voter fraud, then-Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, was asked by a district court to produce evidence that noncitizens were voting in his home state of Kansas. Kobach brought forth witnesses, but their testimony fell apart on cross examination. Judge Julie Robinson wrote in her opinion that “evidence that the voter rolls include ineligible citizens is weak. At most, 39 [non]citizens have found their way onto the Kansas voter rolls in the last 19 years.” The rare known cases of voter fraud were not the tip of the iceberg, she concluded, “there is no iceberg; only an icicle, largely created by confusion and administrative error.”
After taking office, Trump established a controversial presidential commission to study voter fraud. The commission met only twice before disbanding without producing evidence of widespread voter fraud in U.S. elections.
With state Democrats simultaneously suing to affirm the legality of Pennsylvania’s drop boxes, Boockvar has asked the state Supreme Court to settle the relevant questions of election law before the federal trial is completed. Mail-in ballots will start going out to voters in mid-September.


theintercept--2020-08-20--Gina Haspel Hangs on at CIA, With Little Support From Trump or Democrats

Director Gina Haspel is a rarity in the Trump administration ’ s national security apparatus : a career professional who has beaten the odds and survived repeated personnel purges .
The president is on his fourth director of national intelligence and sixth national security adviser , including all the “ acting ” officials to hold those positions .
But while he traffics in conspiracy theories about the so-called deep state and often says the U.S. intelligence community is out to get him , Trump has never fired a CIA director .
Still , Haspel ’ s hold on her job @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in fact , several current and former government officials suggested that Trump was likely to fire her sometime before the election , adding that Haspel privately shared those fears .
Earlier this summer , Haspel confided to a former colleague that she wouldn ’ t be surprised if Trump replaced her by September , according to the person who spoke with her .
Haspel has apparently angered Trump by being unwilling to publicly dispute reports about intelligence and national security matters that have made him look bad , including refusing to deny reports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to kill American troops in Afghanistan , the current and former officials said .
She has also upset the president by failing to publicly discredit intelligence reports showing that Russia has interfered in the U.S. electoral system to help him win reelection in 2020 , a repeat of Moscow ’ s 2016 intervention .
Haspel has no significant support among Democrats either , because of her involvement in the CIA ’ s torture program during the George W. Bush administration .
Sen. Kamala Harris was one of her biggest critics during her 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nominee Joe Biden and Harris , now his vice presidential running mate , win the election , Haspel will certainly be out .
As a result , Haspel is a CIA director without any base of political support , and she must walk a tightrope every day .
the CIA since May 2018 , a century in Trump time .
But her inability to sufficiently placate the president fueled discussions at the White House as recently as mid-July about whether Trump should replace Haspel or FBI Director Christopher Wray , according to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite the questions swirling in the national security community about her status , Haspel now appears likely to remain in her job at least until the November election .
One former senior intelligence official said that may be thanks to the intervention of key Republican senators , who , apparently worried that the president was about to fire both Haspel and Secretary of Defense Mark Esper , have urged Trump not to oust either one before the election .
Esper angered Trump in June by resisting the deployment of the military across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wake of George Floyd ’ s killing by Minneapolis police .
The senators advised Trump that getting rid of two top officials in such sensitive posts so close to the election would damage him politically , noting that the Senate would be unlikely to confirm replacements before November , said the former senior intelligence official , who asked not to be identified in order to discuss confidential conversations .
“ Haspel was anxious [ that she was about to lose her job ] for like two months , ” the former official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has dodged the bullet , but she is still laying low .
I think she is probably in there until the election.
” The president is , of course , volatile and unpredictable when it comes to personnel matters .
“ With Trump , you never know , he could change his mind again , ” the former senior official said .
Wray , for example , was once again in the hot seat last week , when Trump publicly criticized him for failing to be sufficiently cooperative with federal prosecutor John Durham @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s investigation of alleged Russian involvement in Trump ’ s 2016 campaign .
And last weekend , Trump publicly mocked Esper in response to reports that he plans to fire him after the election , adding that he “ considers firing everybody.
” If Trump wins in November , Haspel , like Esper , is likely to be removed , the current and former officials said .
Once she is gone , Trump will be free to place a partisan loyalist in charge of the CIA .
“ There ’ s so much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t even know where to begin , ” said Nicole de Haay , a CIA spokesperson , who declined further comment .
The White House did not respond to a request for comment .
Trump has already elevated a political supporter to be director of national intelligence , installing John Ratcliffe , a former Republican congressman from Texas .
The president initially tried to give Ratcliffe the DNI job last year but backed off because even some Senate Republicans thought Ratcliffe — who misrepresented his role in an anti-terrorism case that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and would politicize intelligence .
In February , Trump tried again , and the Senate finally gave in and confirmed Ratcliffe in May by a vote of 49 to 44 , the narrowest margin in a confirmation vote for any DNI since the post was created .
the Trump administration ’ s second CIA director ; the first , Mike Pompeo , was promoted to secretary of state .
At first , she seemed like the perfect choice to lead the agency under Trump .
Before he tapped her for the job , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the CIA ’ s torture regime , when she briefly oversaw a secret CIA prison in Thailand .
During the 2016 campaign , Trump repeatedly expressed support for the use of torture against terrorism suspects , and after he won , there was widespread concern that he planned to revive the long-shuttered CIA torture program .
While he stopped short of that , his decision to name Haspel deputy CIA director in 2017 was seen as a rebuke to Democrats and human rights advocates who had opposed the use of torture .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2018 , Trump ’ s nomination of Haspel to succeed him stirred such an outcry that she considered withdrawing until White House officials persuaded her to stick with the confirmation process .
Her nomination ultimately made it through the Republican-controlled Senate , but she had to endure an intense grilling from Harris , which helped raise Harris ’ s national profile and establish her as one of the most effective interrogators of Trump administration officials in Congress .
Throughout her tenure , Haspel has faced conflicting objectives : convincing Trump that she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same time trying to insulate the CIA from the potential for excessive politicization .
Interviews with several former CIA officials reveal that Haspel has relied on Pompeo — one of the only people in the national security arena who has the president ’ s trust — to help her try to ingratiate herself with Trump and stay out of his erratic line of fire .
“ Pompeo taught Gina how to interact with Trump , ” said Douglas London , a former senior CIA officer who retired last year .
“ He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president , how not to ruffle Trump ’ s feathers .
Gina adopted Pompeo ’ s style of messaging to the White House , which focuses on not upsetting the president and making this better for the CIA , rather than worse .
That has become her litmus test in dealing with the president.
” Early in Haspel ’ s tenure as director , Pompeo introduced her to Sean Hannity , the Fox News pundit and ardent Trump supporter , according to a former Trump White House official and a current White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump administration officials as something of a shadow chief of staff to the president : in frequent contact with him and host of a nightly show that serves as a feedback loop for Trump and Republican talking points .
A spokesperson for Hannity confirmed that he and Haspel met , but described it as a chance encounter .
But Haspel ’ s efforts to appease Trump while shielding the CIA have come at a high cost .
Critics say that the agency , like the rest of the U.S. intelligence community , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence that might be viewed as politically dangerous and likely to anger Trump and the White House .
Despite Trump ’ s public hectoring , the CIA has continued to collect useful intelligence about Russia ’ s efforts to intervene in the 2020 election , according to the former senior intelligence official .
But the political danger begins once those findings are shared with the White House and the rest of the Trump administration .
“ Nobody has been told to stand down , ” said a former senior intelligence official , referring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on sensitive targets like Russia .
“ But nobody is really all that eager to go up the chain of command with it.
” The CIA ’ s caution and bureaucratic inertia under Haspel ’ s leadership have at times irritated other officials in the intelligence community .
Last year , a senior intelligence official in the Defense Department expressed frustration that the CIA had not acted on several proposals from the Pentagon , according to another former senior intelligence official who discussed the matter with him .
The Covid-19 pandemic has added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At headquarters , CIA personnel have altered their work schedules to reduce the spread of the virus , while the agency ’ s strict procedures for dealing with classified information make it difficult for CIA employees to work from home .
In some cases , the agency ’ s intelligence work overseas has also been disrupted .
One active-duty intelligence officer recently told a former colleague that he had returned from his overseas assignment because of the pandemic .
to placate Trump , she has nonetheless angered him because she has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has sought to maintain her credibility inside the CIA by largely avoiding public statements that actively support Trump ’ s lies .
One glaring example has been Haspel ’ s handling of the fallout from the June 26 New York Times story disclosing that Russia paid bounties to the Taliban to kill American soldiers in Afghanistan .
Facing intense criticism for having failed to do anything to protect American troops , Trump falsely claimed both that he was never briefed on the matter and that the story was “ fake news ” and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials were soon under pressure to support Trump ’ s falsehoods , while congressional Democrats demanded classified briefings to force those same officials to tell them the truth .
There was a subtle but noticeable difference between the way Haspel and Ratcliffe , the pro-Trump DNI , handled these competing demands .
Within days of the Russian bounties story , Ratcliffe reportedly arranged for a memo to be generated by the National Intelligence Council , which reports to him .
The memo , which claimed that the intelligence about the bounties wasn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but still seemed designed to placate Trump by raising doubts about the story .
Haspel , by contrast , issued a vague statement in late June that complained about leaks of classified information but did not deny the bounty story .
“ Hostile states ’ use of proxies in war zones to inflict damage on U.S. interests and troops is a constant , longstanding concern , ” Haspel said in the statement .
“ CIA will continue to pursue every lead ; analyze the information we collect with critical , objective eyes ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces deployed around the world.
” Meanwhile , Haspel privately confirmed that the intelligence was shared with the White House , according to a person who spoke with her about the bounties .
Haspel ’ s refusal to raise doubts about the Russian bounty story may have angered Trump , but the current and former officials say her public statement represented a search for some elusive middle ground .
“ She would have a lot of unhappy people in her building if she said that was a hoax , ” a former senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , U.S. intelligence officials have also given a series of classified briefings to Congress about Russian election meddling that have angered congressional Democrats with their vagueness and for failing to emphasize that Russia is interfering with the specific aim of helping Trump win .
Democratic congressional leaders have also been frustrated that top intelligence officials , including Haspel , have said little in public to raise the alarm about threats to the upcoming election from Russia and other adversaries .
During a classified briefing on July 31 , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the National Counterintelligence and Security Center , of failing to adequately warn the American public , Politico reported .
Under pressure , Evanina responded on August 7 with a public statement about foreign election interference that once again appeared to downplay evidence that Russia is trying to help Trump win .
The statement also repeated anti-Biden disinformation from pro-Russian figures in Ukraine without making it clear that the information was false or that the disinformation campaign had its roots in the Trump camp .
Evanina ’ s statement further sought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to election meddling by China and Iran .
The statement said that China wants Trump to lose but acknowledged that China ’ s efforts were “ largely rhetorical , ” and that Beijing has not engaged in intensive election intervention like Russia .
Pelosi and House Intelligence Committee Chair Adam Schiff immediately blasted Evanina ’ s latest statement , saying that it “ treats three actors of differing intent and capability as equal threats to our democratic elections.
” For now , Haspel seems to be trying to let Evanina and Ratcliffe take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election interference .
But as the presidential campaign enters its closing days , it will be increasingly difficult for the CIA director to maintain her silence .

CIA Director Gina Haspel is a rarity in the Trump administration’s national security apparatus: a career professional who has beaten the odds and survived repeated personnel purges. The president is on his fourth director of national intelligence and sixth national security adviser, including all the “acting” officials to hold those positions. But while he traffics in conspiracy theories about the so-called deep state and often says the U.S. intelligence community is out to get him, Trump has never fired a CIA director.
Still, Haspel’s hold on her job now appears tenuous. Until recently, in fact, several current and former government officials suggested that Trump was likely to fire her sometime before the election, adding that Haspel privately shared those fears. Earlier this summer, Haspel confided to a former colleague that she wouldn’t be surprised if Trump replaced her by September, according to the person who spoke with her.
Haspel has apparently angered Trump by being unwilling to publicly dispute reports about intelligence and national security matters that have made him look bad, including refusing to deny reports that Russia paid bounties to the Taliban to kill American troops in Afghanistan, the current and former officials said. She has also upset the president by failing to publicly discredit intelligence reports showing that Russia has interfered in the U.S. electoral system to help him win reelection in 2020, a repeat of Moscow’s 2016 intervention.
Haspel has no significant support among Democrats either, because of her involvement in the CIA’s torture program during the George W. Bush administration. Sen. Kamala Harris was one of her biggest critics during her 2018 confirmation hearings, and if Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and Harris, now his vice presidential running mate, win the election, Haspel will certainly be out.
As a result, Haspel is a CIA director without any base of political support, and she must walk a tightrope every day.
Haspel, 63, has led the CIA since May 2018, a century in Trump time. But her inability to sufficiently placate the president fueled discussions at the White House as recently as mid-July about whether Trump should replace Haspel or FBI Director Christopher Wray, according to a former intelligence official familiar with the matter.
Despite the questions swirling in the national security community about her status, Haspel now appears likely to remain in her job at least until the November election. One former senior intelligence official said that may be thanks to the intervention of key Republican senators, who, apparently worried that the president was about to fire both Haspel and Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, have urged Trump not to oust either one before the election. Esper angered Trump in June by resisting the deployment of the military across the country during racial justice protests in the wake of George Floyd’s killing by Minneapolis police.
The senators advised Trump that getting rid of two top officials in such sensitive posts so close to the election would damage him politically, noting that the Senate would be unlikely to confirm replacements before November, said the former senior intelligence official, who asked not to be identified in order to discuss confidential conversations.
“Haspel was anxious [that she was about to lose her job] for like two months,” the former official said. “Now she thinks she has dodged the bullet, but she is still laying low. I think she is probably in there until the election.”
The president is, of course, volatile and unpredictable when it comes to personnel matters. “With Trump, you never know, he could change his mind again,” the former senior official said.
Wray, for example, was once again in the hot seat last week, when Trump publicly criticized him for failing to be sufficiently cooperative with federal prosecutor John Durham’s inquiry into the FBI’s investigation of alleged Russian involvement in Trump’s 2016 campaign. And last weekend, Trump publicly mocked Esper in response to reports that he plans to fire him after the election, adding that he “considers firing everybody.”
“[Haspel] thinks she has dodged the bullet, but she is still laying low.”
If Trump wins in November, Haspel, like Esper, is likely to be removed, the current and former officials said. Once she is gone, Trump will be free to place a partisan loyalist in charge of the CIA.
“There’s so much wrong with this story, I don’t even know where to begin,” said Nicole de Haay, a CIA spokesperson, who declined further comment. The White House did not respond to a request for comment.
Trump has already elevated a political supporter to be director of national intelligence, installing John Ratcliffe, a former Republican congressman from Texas. The president initially tried to give Ratcliffe the DNI job last year but backed off because even some Senate Republicans thought Ratcliffe — who misrepresented his role in an anti-terrorism case that he cited among his credentials — lacked experience and would politicize intelligence. In February, Trump tried again, and the Senate finally gave in and confirmed Ratcliffe in May by a vote of 49 to 44, the narrowest margin in a confirmation vote for any DNI since the post was created.
Photo: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images
Haspel is only the Trump administration’s second CIA director; the first, Mike Pompeo, was promoted to secretary of state.
At first, she seemed like the perfect choice to lead the agency under Trump. Before he tapped her for the job, she was best known for her connections to the CIA’s torture regime, when she briefly oversaw a secret CIA prison in Thailand. During the 2016 campaign, Trump repeatedly expressed support for the use of torture against terrorism suspects, and after he won, there was widespread concern that he planned to revive the long-shuttered CIA torture program. While he stopped short of that, his decision to name Haspel deputy CIA director in 2017 was seen as a rebuke to Democrats and human rights advocates who had opposed the use of torture.
When Pompeo was named secretary of state in 2018, Trump’s nomination of Haspel to succeed him stirred such an outcry that she considered withdrawing until White House officials persuaded her to stick with the confirmation process. Her nomination ultimately made it through the Republican-controlled Senate, but she had to endure an intense grilling from Harris, which helped raise Harris’s national profile and establish her as one of the most effective interrogators of Trump administration officials in Congress.
Throughout her tenure, Haspel has faced conflicting objectives: convincing Trump that she is a team player, while at the same time trying to insulate the CIA from the potential for excessive politicization.
Interviews with several former CIA officials reveal that Haspel has relied on Pompeo — one of the only people in the national security arena who has the president’s trust — to help her try to ingratiate herself with Trump and stay out of his erratic line of fire.
“Pompeo taught Gina how to interact with Trump. He taught her how not to antagonize the president, how not to ruffle Trump’s feathers.”
“Pompeo taught Gina how to interact with Trump,” said Douglas London, a former senior CIA officer who retired last year. “He taught her how not to antagonize the president, how not to ruffle Trump’s feathers. Gina adopted Pompeo’s style of messaging to the White House, which focuses on not upsetting the president and making this better for the CIA, rather than worse. That has become her litmus test in dealing with the president.”
Early in Haspel’s tenure as director, Pompeo introduced her to Sean Hannity, the Fox News pundit and ardent Trump supporter, according to a former Trump White House official and a current White House adviser. Hannity has been viewed by Trump administration officials as something of a shadow chief of staff to the president: in frequent contact with him and host of a nightly show that serves as a feedback loop for Trump and Republican talking points. A spokesperson for Hannity confirmed that he and Haspel met, but described it as a chance encounter.
But Haspel’s efforts to appease Trump while shielding the CIA have come at a high cost. Critics say that the agency, like the rest of the U.S. intelligence community, has become increasingly risk-averse and reluctant to disseminate intelligence that might be viewed as politically dangerous and likely to anger Trump and the White House.
Despite Trump’s public hectoring, the CIA has continued to collect useful intelligence about Russia’s efforts to intervene in the 2020 election, according to the former senior intelligence official. But the political danger begins once those findings are shared with the White House and the rest of the Trump administration.
“Nobody has been told to stand down,” said a former senior intelligence official, referring to CIA officers in the field working on sensitive targets like Russia. “But nobody is really all that eager to go up the chain of command with it.”
Haspel’s efforts to appease Trump while shielding the CIA have come at a high cost.
The CIA’s caution and bureaucratic inertia under Haspel’s leadership have at times irritated other officials in the intelligence community. Last year, a senior intelligence official in the Defense Department expressed frustration that the CIA had not acted on several proposals from the Pentagon, according to another former senior intelligence official who discussed the matter with him.
The Covid-19 pandemic has added another layer of complexity for the CIA. At headquarters, CIA personnel have altered their work schedules to reduce the spread of the virus, while the agency’s strict procedures for dealing with classified information make it difficult for CIA employees to work from home.
In some cases, the agency’s intelligence work overseas has also been disrupted. One active-duty intelligence officer recently told a former colleague that he had returned from his overseas assignment because of the pandemic.
Despite Haspel’s attempts to placate Trump, she has nonetheless angered him because she has been unwilling to cross certain lines. She has sought to maintain her credibility inside the CIA by largely avoiding public statements that actively support Trump’s lies.
One glaring example has been Haspel’s handling of the fallout from the June 26 New York Times story disclosing that Russia paid bounties to the Taliban to kill American soldiers in Afghanistan. Facing intense criticism for having failed to do anything to protect American troops, Trump falsely claimed both that he was never briefed on the matter and that the story was “fake news” and a “hoax.”
Senior U.S. intelligence officials were soon under pressure to support Trump’s falsehoods, while congressional Democrats demanded classified briefings to force those same officials to tell them the truth.
There was a subtle but noticeable difference between the way Haspel and Ratcliffe, the pro-Trump DNI, handled these competing demands.
Photo: Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
Within days of the Russian bounties story, Ratcliffe reportedly arranged for a memo to be generated by the National Intelligence Council, which reports to him. The memo, which claimed that the intelligence about the bounties wasn’t conclusive, was not made public but still seemed designed to placate Trump by raising doubts about the story.
Haspel, by contrast, issued a vague statement in late June that complained about leaks of classified information but did not deny the bounty story. “Hostile states’ use of proxies in war zones to inflict damage on U.S. interests and troops is a constant, longstanding concern,” Haspel said in the statement. “CIA will continue to pursue every lead; analyze the information we collect with critical, objective eyes; and brief reliable intelligence to protect U.S. forces deployed around the world.” Meanwhile, Haspel privately confirmed that the intelligence was shared with the White House, according to a person who spoke with her about the bounties.
Haspel’s refusal to raise doubts about the Russian bounty story may have angered Trump, but the current and former officials say her public statement represented a search for some elusive middle ground. “She would have a lot of unhappy people in her building if she said that was a hoax,” a former senior intelligence official said.
In recent weeks, U.S. intelligence officials have also given a series of classified briefings to Congress about Russian election meddling that have angered congressional Democrats with their vagueness and for failing to emphasize that Russia is interfering with the specific aim of helping Trump win.
Democratic congressional leaders have also been frustrated that top intelligence officials, including Haspel, have said little in public to raise the alarm about threats to the upcoming election from Russia and other adversaries. During a classified briefing on July 31, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other House Democrats accused William Evanina, director of the National Counterintelligence and Security Center, of failing to adequately warn the American public, Politico reported.
Under pressure, Evanina responded on August 7 with a public statement about foreign election interference that once again appeared to downplay evidence that Russia is trying to help Trump win. The statement also repeated anti-Biden disinformation from pro-Russian figures in Ukraine without making it clear that the information was false or that the disinformation campaign had its roots in the Trump camp.
Evanina’s statement further sought to muddy the waters by adding passages devoted to election meddling by China and Iran. The statement said that China wants Trump to lose but acknowledged that China’s efforts were “largely rhetorical,” and that Beijing has not engaged in intensive election intervention like Russia. Pelosi and House Intelligence Committee Chair Adam Schiff immediately blasted Evanina’s latest statement, saying that it “treats three actors of differing intent and capability as equal threats to our democratic elections.”
For now, Haspel seems to be trying to let Evanina and Ratcliffe take the lead in public statements on Russian election interference. But as the presidential campaign enters its closing days, it will be increasingly difficult for the CIA director to maintain her silence.


theintercept--2020-08-19--SEAL Who Shot Bin Laden Banned From Delta Air Lines for Not Wearing Coronavirus Mask

who claims he killed Osama bin Laden was banned from Delta Air Lines after he tweeted a photo of himself failing to wear a mask — in contravention of airline policy that all passengers must use face coverings to fight the spread of coronavirus on flights .
On Wednesday , Robert O ’ Neill , a former member of SEAL Team 6 who fired several shots into bin Laden during the 2011 raid which killed the Al Qaeda leader , tweeted a photo of himself maskless on a plane with what appeared to be a Delta logo on the seats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pussy , ” O ’ Neill wrote in the tweet alongside the photo .
O ’ Neill , who spent the better part of two days griping about the attention for his tweet attracted , announced Thursday afternoon on Twitter that Delta Air Lines had banned him from flights .
The tweet was later deleted .
A subsequent tweet said O ’ Neill ’ s wife took the picture down .
Later , O ’ Neill said it was an “ attempt at a joke , ” but he has previously tweeted out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was on were “ sheep ” for abiding by the mask requirement .
Later in the afternoon , he tweeted , “ I am not the bad guy .
I killed the bad guy.
” Earlier , on Wednesday , Delta Air Lines told The Intercept that O ’ Neill faced a ban .
“ We ’ re aware of this customer ’ s tweet and are reviewing this event , ” a spokesperson for Delta told The Intercept .
“ All customers who don ’ t comply with our mask-wearing requirement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the future .
Medical research tells us that wearing a mask is one of the most effective ways to reduce the COVID-19 infection rate.
” A spokesperson for O ’ Neill did not immediately respond to a request for comment .
In his tweets , O ’ Neill has repeatedly cast doubt on the seriousness of Covid-19 , the virus that has already killed roughly 170,000 Americans since it began spreading in the U.S. , and the efficacy of masks — which he has called a “ novelty ” — in combating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ started requiring masks for travel in the spring , though enforcement was reportedly lax .
Airlines have come under increasing pressure to enforce the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention-recommended mask mandates for flying , particularly after outraged passengers posted pictures of people not wearing masks onboard to social media .
In response , airlines have become stricter in recent weeks about enforcing compliance , as well as dictating what type of masks meet their requirements .
In addition to removing noncompliant passengers from individual flights , several airlines , including Delta , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ban passengers for life .
Last Friday , Delta CEO Ed Bastian told CNN the airline had already banned dozens of people for refusing to wear masks .
“ We ’ ve had well over 100 people that have refused to keep their mask on during the flight , ” Bastian said .
A consensus has developed among scientists and health experts that wearing a mask is one of the best tools for impeding the spread of coronavirus .
But masks have been politicized by right-wing political figures , not least President Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Navy , O ’ Neill was fired from his team shortly after the bin Laden raid , after SEAL Team 6 discovered he was frequenting Virginia Beach bars and openly bragging that he was the man who killed bin Laden .
The Intercept previously reported that O ’ Neill has misstated and embellished his role in bin Laden ’ s death .
O ’ Neill is a polarizing figure even in the tight-knit Navy SEAL community .
His former teammates credit another SEAL with fatally wounding bin Laden before O ’ Neill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the terrorist leader ’ s face .
Following his separation from the Navy , O ’ Neill ’ s name was added to SEAL Team 6 ’ s “ rock of shame , ” an unofficial list of unit pariahs , and he was banned from the team ’ s Virginia Beach headquarters .
After he left the Navy , O ’ Neill became a right-wing celebrity , including gigs as a paid Fox News contributor and popular public speaker .
The former Navy SEAL frequently uses Twitter to troll “ libs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to hit on far-right themes .
For instance , O ’ Neill has used Twitter to decry social activism in the wake of George Floyd ’ s killing by Minneapolis police in May .
During the George Floyd protests O ’ Neill tweeted , “ Rubber bullets might as well be white flags .
Shoot .
Or you don ’ t shoot.
” He then referred to police who “ retreated ” during protests as “ pussies.
” He later compared activists pushing to take down statues of Confederate officers with “ ISIS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ His tweets against wearing masks amid the coronavirus pandemic have also sometimes been tinged with racism .
Update : August 20 , 2020 This post has been updated to reflect that , on Thursday , O ’ Neill tweeted that he had been banned from Delta Air Lines .

The Navy SEAL who claims he killed Osama bin Laden was banned from Delta Air Lines after he tweeted a photo of himself failing to wear a mask — in contravention of airline policy that all passengers must use face coverings to fight the spread of coronavirus on flights.
On Wednesday, Robert O’Neill, a former member of SEAL Team 6 who fired several shots into bin Laden during the 2011 raid which killed the Al Qaeda leader, tweeted a photo of himself maskless on a plane with what appeared to be a Delta logo on the seats. “I’m not a pussy,” O’Neill wrote in the tweet alongside the photo.
O’Neill, who spent the better part of two days griping about the attention for his tweet attracted, announced Thursday afternoon on Twitter that Delta Air Lines had banned him from flights.
I just got banned from @Delta for posting a picture. Wow. — Robert J. O'Neill (@mchooyah) August 20, 2020
The tweet was later deleted. A subsequent tweet said O’Neill’s wife took the picture down. Later, O’Neill said it was an “attempt at a joke,” but he has previously tweeted out that airline passengers on a different flight he was on were “sheep” for abiding by the mask requirement. Later in the afternoon, he tweeted, “I am not the bad guy. I killed the bad guy.”
Earlier, on Wednesday, Delta Air Lines told The Intercept that O’Neill faced a ban. “We’re aware of this customer’s tweet and are reviewing this event,” a spokesperson for Delta told The Intercept. “All customers who don’t comply with our mask-wearing requirement risk losing their ability to fly Delta in the future. Medical research tells us that wearing a mask is one of the most effective ways to reduce the COVID-19 infection rate.”
A spokesperson for O’Neill did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
In his tweets, O’Neill has repeatedly cast doubt on the seriousness of Covid-19, the virus that has already killed roughly 170,000 Americans since it began spreading in the U.S., and the efficacy of masks — which he has called a “novelty” — in combating the spread of the virus.
Airlines started requiring masks for travel in the spring, though enforcement was reportedly lax. Airlines have come under increasing pressure to enforce the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention-recommended mask mandates for flying, particularly after outraged passengers posted pictures of people not wearing masks onboard to social media. In response, airlines have become stricter in recent weeks about enforcing compliance, as well as dictating what type of masks meet their requirements. In addition to removing noncompliant passengers from individual flights, several airlines, including Delta, have said they will in some cases ban passengers for life.
Last Friday, Delta CEO Ed Bastian told CNN the airline had already banned dozens of people for refusing to wear masks. “We’ve had well over 100 people that have refused to keep their mask on during the flight,” Bastian said.
A consensus has developed among scientists and health experts that wearing a mask is one of the best tools for impeding the spread of coronavirus. But masks have been politicized by right-wing political figures, not least President Donald Trump.
After serving 16 years in the Navy, O’Neill was fired from his team shortly after the bin Laden raid, after SEAL Team 6 discovered he was frequenting Virginia Beach bars and openly bragging that he was the man who killed bin Laden. The Intercept previously reported that O’Neill has misstated and embellished his role in bin Laden’s death.
O’Neill is a polarizing figure even in the tight-knit Navy SEAL community. His former teammates credit another SEAL with fatally wounding bin Laden before O’Neill entered the room and fired several shots into the terrorist leader’s face. Following his separation from the Navy, O’Neill’s name was added to SEAL Team 6’s “rock of shame,” an unofficial list of unit pariahs, and he was banned from the team’s Virginia Beach headquarters.
After he left the Navy, O’Neill became a right-wing celebrity, including gigs as a paid Fox News contributor and popular public speaker. The former Navy SEAL frequently uses Twitter to troll “libs” — liberals — as well as to hit on far-right themes.
These are not protesters. These are terrorists. — Robert J. O'Neill (@mchooyah) June 2, 2020
For instance, O’Neill has used Twitter to decry social activism in the wake of George Floyd’s killing by Minneapolis police in May. During the George Floyd protests O’Neill tweeted, “Rubber bullets might as well be white flags. Shoot. Or you don’t shoot.” He then referred to police who “retreated” during protests as “pussies.” He later compared activists pushing to take down statues of Confederate officers with “ISIS, al Qaeda and the Taliban.”
His tweets against wearing masks amid the coronavirus pandemic have also sometimes been tinged with racism.
Update: August 20, 2020
This post has been updated to reflect that, on Thursday, O’Neill tweeted that he had been banned from Delta Air Lines.