theintercept--2020-05-01--Medical Expert: Federal Jail Intentionally Destroying Medical Records and Hiding Extent of Coronavir

Medical Expert: Federal Jail Intentionally Destroying Medical Records and Hiding Extent of Coronavirus Behind Bars

in Brooklyn , New York , that houses roughly 1,700 people is destroying medical records as part of a deliberate effort to obscure the number of incarcerated people infected with the coronavirus and to avoid providing them adequate care , alleges the report of a medical expert who toured the facility April 23 as part of a court-ordered inspection .
The report , filed Thursday as part of a putative class-action lawsuit by people held in custody at the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn , casts doubt on assertions by the Bureau of Prisons , which runs the jail , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Eastern District , which serves as counsel for the bureau .
The Bureau of Prisons and federal prosecutors have insisted in court that the situation at the jail is under control .
But the medical examiner ’ s report — which contradicted prison assertions that Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines were being followed — suggests that the six people in custody who have tested positive for the disease likely represent the tip of the iceberg .
“ There may be a significant number of cases of COVID-19 that are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the outbreak within the MDC—and because the MDC is not a closed system—the larger community , ” the report states , referring to the jail by its initials .
“ The MDC ’ s failures … represent gross deviations from adherence to correctional standards of care and CDC guidance.
” The report was written by Dr. Homer Venters , the former medical director for New York City ’ s jails , who oversaw that system ’ s response to the H1N1 pandemic in 2009 , as well as outbreaks of other diseases in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to contain a coronavirus outbreak , MDC ’ s practices “ put detainees and staff at grave risk of infection , serious illness and even death , ” Venters wrote .
“ Several current practices in MDC actually promote a more rapid spread of COVID-19 inside the facility.
” Venters found that MDC ’ s screening for the disease is woefully inadequate , consisting entirely of inconsistent temperature checks .
None of the men he spoke to had been screened for other symptoms .
Part of the problem , Venters learned , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ request medical care is functionally broken .
The incarcerated people he interviewed said they generally waited three to seven days after submitting a request before they were seen by medical staff .
Some people told him that they never received any response at all .
In an April 27 deposition , Stacy Vasquez , the jail ’ s health services administrator , testified that it often takes two weeks for medical requests at the jail to be addressed .
Venters reviewed the electronic sick-call requests made by incarcerated people between March 13 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ described coronavirus symptoms identified by the CDC .
In 37 of those requests , the person asking for medical care noted that this was not the first request they ’ d made .
The number of reported coronavirus symptoms far exceeds the number of tests MDC has performed .
To date , jail officials have only tested 10 incarcerated people for the disease .
Another two were tested at nearby hospitals , and an additional five people have been placed in medical isolation but have not been tested .
According to Vasquez , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on hand .
Pressed repeatedly in her deposition on what standards the jail used to determine who was tested , Vasquez would only say that the decision is a clinical one made by medical staff , declining to elaborate .
She insisted that the shortage of tests has not led to any rationing of testing and declared that she was unaware of anyone at the jail who had complained of symptoms and had not been placed in medical isolation .
The electronic medical requests , however , don ’ t tell the whole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them when they have access to the computers in the common areas of their housing units .
In recent weeks , the units have been on near-perpetual lockdown , with people confined to their cells except for one hour every few days to use showers and telephones .
More often , medical requests are written on slips of paper and passed to guards or staff .
But , according to the Vasquez deposition , the standard practice at the jail doesn ’ t retain those slips after they ’ ve been used to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff shred the slips .
“ This represents a gross deviation from basic health care standards , ” Venters noted .
Without the slips , he wrote , MDC Brooklyn has no record of how many medical requests were made or responded to — and whether any care provided was actually responsive to the initial complaint .
“ This practice , described by Ms. Vasquez , appears to be the intentional destruction of medical records , ” Venters wrote , which prevents MDC from doing basic quality assurance in its medical care .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the COVID-19 outbreak , this is a very alarming practice.
” MDC officials are making no effort to track symptoms of the disease within the facility , making it impossible to monitor its spread , Venters wrote .
“ I view this refusal to track the incidence of COVID-19 symptoms among the patients in their charge as especially egregious and intentionally designed to avoid knowing the extent of the outbreak and providing the necessary care.
” inside the jail wasn ’ t easy .
Frustrated at judges ’ reluctance to release sick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face of prosecutors ’ insistence that the jail poses no meaningful health risk , lawyers filed a habeas writ in late March in an effort to use the courts to pry some information about conditions inside from the notoriously secretive Bureau of Prisons .
As the lawsuit reached the discovery stage , they asked for an expert in correctional medicine , Venters , to tour the facility .
For weeks , government lawyers had argued that arranging for anyone to visit the prison would be an undue burden .
Besides , Assistant U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already written a declaration for the incarcerated petitioners .
What more did he expect to learn from a site visit ?
Venters ’ s first declaration had been limited to expressing his professional opinion that MDC ’ s numbers aren ’ t accurate .
Cases in New York City jails on Rikers Island exploded from two cases to 454 in the space of two weeks , he noted .
“ If a similar rise in the number of cases has not been observed in the Brooklyn Federal Detention Center , I would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accepted infection control and surveillance measures.
” Anyone exhibiting symptoms of the coronavirus should be tested , Venters wrote in his initial declaration .
Eventually , Judge Rachel Kovner sided with the petitioners and ordered that it was indeed appropriate for Venters to tour MDC .
But lawyers with the U.S. Attorney ’ s Office for the Eastern District continued to fight every step of the way .
Venters could come in the building , they suggested in a letter detailing their proposed guidelines for the visit , but “ the expert and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to talk to any inmates during the inspection.
” Alternately , they argued , if the judge were to decide that incarcerate people would be allowed to speak with the visitors , Bureau of Prisons officials should be able to listen in .
They also wanted to ensure that only Venters be allowed into the Special Housing Unit , which includes isolation cells .
Lastly , prosecutors argued , Deirdre von Dornum , the attorney-in-charge for the Federal Defenders of New York , the public defense organization that represents many of the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be allowed to join the tour .
After hearing lengthy arguments on the disputes , Kovner ruled that Venters could talk to incarcerated people .
But the federal officials did not relent : When the inspection team arrived at MDC for its tour on April 23 , it was met by U.S Attorney for the Eastern District Richard Donoghue himself — an unusual personal appearance for such a tour .
Donoghue insisted to the site-visit team that von Dornum and other lawyers were not permitted to speak to people in custody .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emergency call to Magistrate Judge Roanne Manne , who affirmed that the rest of the team could indeed speak with the people they met to help Venters in his fact-gathering .
In throwing up all these objections , government lawyers seemed to be seeking to prevent a repeat of an official inspection of MDC that had taken place 14 months earlier , which had proved a catastrophic embarrassment for the Bureau of Prisons and its lawyers .
That incident came as part of a lawsuit related to a weekslong power outage and failure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a frigid polar vortex .
Though the government had then — as now — insisted that everything was fine inside MDC , Judge Analise Torres undertook a tour of the jail herself , accompanied by von Dornum , whose familiarity with the jail made her a useful guide .
Torres spoke to incarcerated people throughout the jail , and the transcript made of her visit revealed the depths of the government ’ s lies and neglect in horrific detail : men forced to sleep under ceilings leaking like waterfalls , suicide attempts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and severe medical conditions left entirely untreated .
Amid the coronavirus pandemic , there ’ s other evidence that jail officials are trying to cover up a medical crisis at their facility .
The Federal Defenders of New York received numerous calls from women at the facility on Friday , April 17 .
A lieutenant who supervises the unit had recently tested positive for the disease , and multiple women in the open dorm-style unit were reporting coronavirus symptoms but not receiving medical care .
The following Monday , according to five phone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the meeting , an assistant warden assembled the women for a town hall meeting .
The official told them that , as a result of their calls to the Federal Defenders , they would not be permitted to get off their bunks for four days a week — not merely confined to their dorm , but confined to their closely spaced beds .
“ They said we were complaining too much to our lawyers , ” wrote Derrilyn Needham , a 52-year-old woman held at the jail , in a court declaration filed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court filing in an unrelated case , Needham , who works as a laundry orderly , washing the bedding and towels for her housing unit , lost her sense of smell , had bouts of dizziness and coughing , and felt like she was unable to get enough oxygen when she lay down — all symptoms of Covid-19 .
Needham suffers from a circulatory disorder and other serious medical conditions , so she was especially concerned .
She repeatedly requested medical attention but was simply told to drink lots of tea and stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to court documents .
When the assistant warden visited the unit on April 20 , Needham again informed her of her symptoms and asked if she could be tested , to which Flowers answered , “ No.
” According to Needham and other reports from her bunkmates collected by von Dornum , Needham suffered additional retaliation for speaking up at the meeting .
When she made her regular request for time on the unit ’ s phone to speak with the Federal Defenders , she was told that she would not be allotted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure that the lawyer ’ s office would be closed by the time she made her call .
As a result , multiple other women on the unit used their calls to inform the Federal Defenders that Needham was being silenced .
MDC Warden Derek Edge currently has six named petitioners , but the lawyers representing them — from the Cardozo Law School Civil Rights Clinic and Emery Celli Brinckerhoff & Abady , as well as Debevoise & Plimpton — are seeking class-action status .
Their suit alleges that confining people in such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitutional rights to be free from cruel and unusual punishment .
They are asking the court to order the release of medically vulnerable people from the facility and to appoint a special master empowered to impose sweeping reforms of the facility ’ s conditions .
The suit is demanding thorough coronavirus screening ; adequate sanitation and personal protective equipment for staff and people in custody ; adequate medical care ; and consistent tracking and reporting of the disease ’ s spread .
A response from the government is due May 7 , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 .
In the meantime , the men and women inside MDC Brooklyn continue to wait and worry .
“ I ’ m at my wit ’ s end , ” Kassin Rivers , a 60-year-old man with a serious heart condition awaiting trial on bank robbery charges , told The Intercept .
“ A lot of us are sitting in here waiting to die .
The crime I ’ m charged with doesn ’ t permit me to be put to death .
I ’ m not afraid of doing the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in here , on a death sentence .
”

A federal jail in Brooklyn, New York, that houses roughly 1,700 people is destroying medical records as part of a deliberate effort to obscure the number of incarcerated people infected with the coronavirus and to avoid providing them adequate care, alleges the report of a medical expert who toured the facility April 23 as part of a court-ordered inspection.
The report, filed Thursday as part of a putative class-action lawsuit by people held in custody at the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, casts doubt on assertions by the Bureau of Prisons, which runs the jail, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District, which serves as counsel for the bureau. The Bureau of Prisons and federal prosecutors have insisted in court that the situation at the jail is under control. But the medical examiner’s report — which contradicted prison assertions that Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines were being followed — suggests that the six people in custody who have tested positive for the disease likely represent the tip of the iceberg.
“There may be a significant number of cases of COVID-19 that are undetected, both propelling the pace of the outbreak within the MDC—and because the MDC is not a closed system—the larger community,” the report states, referring to the jail by its initials. “The MDC’s failures … represent gross deviations from adherence to correctional standards of care and CDC guidance.”
The report was written by Dr. Homer Venters, the former medical director for New York City’s jails, who oversaw that system’s response to the H1N1 pandemic in 2009, as well as outbreaks of other diseases in city jails.
Far from being prepared to contain a coronavirus outbreak, MDC’s practices “put detainees and staff at grave risk of infection, serious illness and even death,” Venters wrote. “Several current practices in MDC actually promote a more rapid spread of COVID-19 inside the facility.”
Venters found that MDC’s screening for the disease is woefully inadequate, consisting entirely of inconsistent temperature checks. None of the men he spoke to had been screened for other symptoms. Part of the problem, Venters learned, is that the system by which incarcerated people request medical care is functionally broken. The incarcerated people he interviewed said they generally waited three to seven days after submitting a request before they were seen by medical staff. Some people told him that they never received any response at all. In an April 27 deposition, Stacy Vasquez, the jail’s health services administrator, testified that it often takes two weeks for medical requests at the jail to be addressed.
“This practice, described by Ms. Vasquez, appears to be the intentional destruction of medical records. During a viral pandemic, such as the COVID-19 outbreak, this is a very alarming practice.”
Venters reviewed the electronic sick-call requests made by incarcerated people between March 13 and April 13 and found 147 requests that described coronavirus symptoms identified by the CDC. In 37 of those requests, the person asking for medical care noted that this was not the first request they’d made. The number of reported coronavirus symptoms far exceeds the number of tests MDC has performed. To date, jail officials have only tested 10 incarcerated people for the disease. Another two were tested at nearby hospitals, and an additional five people have been placed in medical isolation but have not been tested. According to Vasquez, the jail only has 10 Covid-19 tests on hand.
Pressed repeatedly in her deposition on what standards the jail used to determine who was tested, Vasquez would only say that the decision is a clinical one made by medical staff, declining to elaborate. She insisted that the shortage of tests has not led to any rationing of testing and declared that she was unaware of anyone at the jail who had complained of symptoms and had not been placed in medical isolation.
The electronic medical requests, however, don’t tell the whole story, because people can only file them when they have access to the computers in the common areas of their housing units. In recent weeks, the units have been on near-perpetual lockdown, with people confined to their cells except for one hour every few days to use showers and telephones. More often, medical requests are written on slips of paper and passed to guards or staff. But, according to the Vasquez deposition, the standard practice at the jail doesn’t retain those slips after they’ve been used to schedule an appointment. Instead, prison staff shred the slips.
“This represents a gross deviation from basic health care standards,” Venters noted. Without the slips, he wrote, MDC Brooklyn has no record of how many medical requests were made or responded to — and whether any care provided was actually responsive to the initial complaint.
“This practice, described by Ms. Vasquez, appears to be the intentional destruction of medical records,” Venters wrote, which prevents MDC from doing basic quality assurance in its medical care. “During a viral pandemic, such as the COVID-19 outbreak, this is a very alarming practice.”
MDC officials are making no effort to track symptoms of the disease within the facility, making it impossible to monitor its spread, Venters wrote. “I view this refusal to track the incidence of COVID-19 symptoms among the patients in their charge as especially egregious and intentionally designed to avoid knowing the extent of the outbreak and providing the necessary care.”
Getting a peek inside the jail wasn’t easy. Frustrated at judges’ reluctance to release sick and elderly patients from MDC in the face of prosecutors’ insistence that the jail poses no meaningful health risk, lawyers filed a habeas writ in late March in an effort to use the courts to pry some information about conditions inside from the notoriously secretive Bureau of Prisons. As the lawsuit reached the discovery stage, they asked for an expert in correctional medicine, Venters, to tour the facility.
For weeks, government lawyers had argued that arranging for anyone to visit the prison would be an undue burden. Besides, Assistant U.S. Attorney James Cho argued, Venters had already written a declaration for the incarcerated petitioners. What more did he expect to learn from a site visit?
Venters’s first declaration had been limited to expressing his professional opinion that MDC’s numbers aren’t accurate. Cases in New York City jails on Rikers Island exploded from two cases to 454 in the space of two weeks, he noted. “If a similar rise in the number of cases has not been observed in the Brooklyn Federal Detention Center, I would be concerned that the facility is not following accepted infection control and surveillance measures.” Anyone exhibiting symptoms of the coronavirus should be tested, Venters wrote in his initial declaration.
Eventually, Judge Rachel Kovner sided with the petitioners and ordered that it was indeed appropriate for Venters to tour MDC. But lawyers with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District continued to fight every step of the way. Venters could come in the building, they suggested in a letter detailing their proposed guidelines for the visit, but “the expert and petitioners’ attorney shall not be permitted to talk to any inmates during the inspection.”
Alternately, they argued, if the judge were to decide that incarcerate people would be allowed to speak with the visitors, Bureau of Prisons officials should be able to listen in. They also wanted to ensure that only Venters be allowed into the Special Housing Unit, which includes isolation cells. Lastly, prosecutors argued, Deirdre von Dornum, the attorney-in-charge for the Federal Defenders of New York, the public defense organization that represents many of the people held at the jail, should not be allowed to join the tour.
After hearing lengthy arguments on the disputes, Kovner ruled that Venters could talk to incarcerated people. But the federal officials did not relent: When the inspection team arrived at MDC for its tour on April 23, it was met by U.S Attorney for the Eastern District Richard Donoghue himself — an unusual personal appearance for such a tour. Donoghue insisted to the site-visit team that von Dornum and other lawyers were not permitted to speak to people in custody. The team suspended its inspection and made an emergency call to Magistrate Judge Roanne Manne, who affirmed that the rest of the team could indeed speak with the people they met to help Venters in his fact-gathering.
In throwing up all these objections, government lawyers seemed to be seeking to prevent a repeat of an official inspection of MDC that had taken place 14 months earlier, which had proved a catastrophic embarrassment for the Bureau of Prisons and its lawyers. That incident came as part of a lawsuit related to a weekslong power outage and failure of the heating system in the midst of a frigid polar vortex. Though the government had then — as now — insisted that everything was fine inside MDC, Judge Analise Torres undertook a tour of the jail herself, accompanied by von Dornum, whose familiarity with the jail made her a useful guide. Torres spoke to incarcerated people throughout the jail, and the transcript made of her visit revealed the depths of the government’s lies and neglect in horrific detail: men forced to sleep under ceilings leaking like waterfalls, suicide attempts ignored by guards, festering wounds, and severe medical conditions left entirely untreated.
Amid the coronavirus pandemic, there’s other evidence that jail officials are trying to cover up a medical crisis at their facility. The Federal Defenders of New York received numerous calls from women at the facility on Friday, April 17. A lieutenant who supervises the unit had recently tested positive for the disease, and multiple women in the open dorm-style unit were reporting coronavirus symptoms but not receiving medical care. The following Monday, according to five phone calls received by the Federal Defenders after the meeting, an assistant warden assembled the women for a town hall meeting. The official told them that, as a result of their calls to the Federal Defenders, they would not be permitted to get off their bunks for four days a week — not merely confined to their dorm, but confined to their closely spaced beds.
“They said we were complaining too much to our lawyers,” wrote Derrilyn Needham, a 52-year-old woman held at the jail, in a court declaration filed April 30.
According to a recent court filing in an unrelated case, Needham, who works as a laundry orderly, washing the bedding and towels for her housing unit, lost her sense of smell, had bouts of dizziness and coughing, and felt like she was unable to get enough oxygen when she lay down — all symptoms of Covid-19. Needham suffers from a circulatory disorder and other serious medical conditions, so she was especially concerned. She repeatedly requested medical attention but was simply told to drink lots of tea and stay away from the other inmates, according to court documents. When the assistant warden visited the unit on April 20, Needham again informed her of her symptoms and asked if she could be tested, to which Flowers answered, “No.”
According to Needham and other reports from her bunkmates collected by von Dornum, Needham suffered additional retaliation for speaking up at the meeting. When she made her regular request for time on the unit’s phone to speak with the Federal Defenders, she was told that she would not be allotted her slot until 8 p.m., to ensure that the lawyer’s office would be closed by the time she made her call. As a result, multiple other women on the unit used their calls to inform the Federal Defenders that Needham was being silenced.
“The crime I’m charged with doesn’t permit me to be put to death. I’m not afraid of doing the time; I’m afraid of dying in here, on a death sentence.”
The lawsuit against MDC Warden Derek Edge currently has six named petitioners, but the lawyers representing them — from the Cardozo Law School Civil Rights Clinic and Emery Celli Brinckerhoff & Abady, as well as Debevoise & Plimpton — are seeking class-action status. Their suit alleges that confining people in such dangerous conditions constitutes a violation of their constitutional rights to be free from cruel and unusual punishment. They are asking the court to order the release of medically vulnerable people from the facility and to appoint a special master empowered to impose sweeping reforms of the facility’s conditions. The suit is demanding thorough coronavirus screening; adequate sanitation and personal protective equipment for staff and people in custody; adequate medical care; and consistent tracking and reporting of the disease’s spread.
A response from the government is due May 7, with arguments before the court scheduled for May 12.
In the meantime, the men and women inside MDC Brooklyn continue to wait and worry.
“I’m at my wit’s end,” Kassin Rivers, a 60-year-old man with a serious heart condition awaiting trial on bank robbery charges, told The Intercept. “A lot of us are sitting in here waiting to die. The crime I’m charged with doesn’t permit me to be put to death. I’m not afraid of doing the time; I’m afraid of dying in here, on a death sentence.”


theintercept--2020-05-01--Anti-Union Operative Warns Business of Historic Rise in Labor Activism

have to confront a revitalized and militant labor movement , an influential employer relations consultant warned in a recent memo to business leaders .
The memo , sent on April 20 , anticipates the May Day protests by service sector , warehouse , and delivery workers around the country today , who have walked off the job to highlight poor work conditions and perilously low pay .
“ This is the first time since the early 1980s where I sense significant interest by employees in ‘ collective action ’ and ‘ 3rd party representation , ' ” warned Rick Berman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against labor unions on behalf of business clients for decades .
Berman warned that employees concerned about exposure to the coronavirus have taken to Facebook and other online platforms to share their concerns about the workplace , a situation that has given union organizers greater access to disgruntled workers .
The rise in digital organizing and the unprecedented stress the pandemic has imposed on workers in a range of service-sector jobs also coincide with polls that show rising support for organized labor among the 18-to-34-year-old demographic .
“ Most current HR professionals have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workforce rebellion , ” the memo noted .
“ This will most likely happen in individual companies or it could be a wider industry movement in a city or region.
” has caused soaring unemployment , which reached a total of 30 million new claims this week , while putting so-called front-line workers at a high risk of infection to make ends meet .
A growing number of grocery store clerks , delivery drivers , warehouse stockers , and agricultural workers have spoken out about dangerous working conditions and low wages .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coalition of workers from Amazon , Instacart , Whole Foods , Walmart , Target , and FedEx are planning to walk out on work Friday .
The protests are designed to bring attention to the lack of safety equipment , hazard pay , and minimal sick leave offered to workers during the pandemic .
In recent weeks , Amazon has fired employees who have spoken out about allegedly unsafe conditions at the company ’ s warehouses .
Chris Smalls , one of the fired workers , was an assistant manager at the Amazon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where he organized a small protest over worker safety in late March .
“ This is a proven fact of why they don ’ t care about their employees , to fire someone after five years for sticking up for people and trying to give them a voice , ” Smalls told Vice News .
Amazon has said that the company fired him for “ violating social distancing guidelines and putting the safety of others at risk.
” The company , meanwhile , has reportedly stepped up efforts to monitor employee sentiments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Foods , as part of a plan to prevent workers from joining a union .
Berman , in his memo , advertised his company ’ s services .
“ Our company history includes us working with major law firms and others to deny the Teamsters , SEIU , UNITE HERE , UFCW and the UAW the opening to unionize employees who do not have a full understanding of the liabilities , ” he wrote .
The memo attached articles about a recent wave of protests among fast-food workers , subway operators , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the coronavirus outbreak .
Berman operates several groups dedicated to lobbying and public relations on labor-related issues , including the Employment Policies Institute and the Center for Union Facts .
In the past , major corporations , including Marriott and Tyson Foods , have retained Berman , though his full client list is not public .
The HR Policy Network , a division of Berman ’ s lobbying company , lists Applebee ’ s , Ruth ’ s Hospitality Group , Wendy ’ s , and the Corner Bakery Cafe among its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always flattered to receive coverage and recognition for our education programs , and make no apologies for the advocacy of employees ’ rights .
The need for public education on union leaders ’ abuses of power is greater than ever , ” said Berman in a statement to The Intercept .
The memo closes on an optimistic note for corporations .
“ The good news , ” Berman claimed , “ is that most unions do not have competent union organizing staff that are skilled in managing this opportunity .
”

Corporations may soon have to confront a revitalized and militant labor movement, an influential employer relations consultant warned in a recent memo to business leaders.
The memo, sent on April 20, anticipates the May Day protests by service sector, warehouse, and delivery workers around the country today, who have walked off the job to highlight poor work conditions and perilously low pay.
“This is the first time since the early 1980s where I sense significant interest by employees in ‘collective action’ and ‘3rd party representation,'” warned Rick Berman, a lobbyist who has waged war against labor unions on behalf of business clients for decades.
Berman warned that employees concerned about exposure to the coronavirus have taken to Facebook and other online platforms to share their concerns about the workplace, a situation that has given union organizers greater access to disgruntled workers.
The rise in digital organizing and the unprecedented stress the pandemic has imposed on workers in a range of service-sector jobs also coincide with polls that show rising support for organized labor among the 18-to-34-year-old demographic.
“Most current HR professionals have no history in dealing with a partial workforce rebellion,” the memo noted. “This will most likely happen in individual companies or it could be a wider industry movement in a city or region.”
The coronavirus pandemic has caused soaring unemployment, which reached a total of 30 million new claims this week, while putting so-called front-line workers at a high risk of infection to make ends meet. A growing number of grocery store clerks, delivery drivers, warehouse stockers, and agricultural workers have spoken out about dangerous working conditions and low wages.
As The Intercept has reported, an unprecedented coalition of workers from Amazon, Instacart, Whole Foods, Walmart, Target, and FedEx are planning to walk out on work Friday. The protests are designed to bring attention to the lack of safety equipment, hazard pay, and minimal sick leave offered to workers during the pandemic.
In recent weeks, Amazon has fired employees who have spoken out about allegedly unsafe conditions at the company’s warehouses. Chris Smalls, one of the fired workers, was an assistant manager at the Amazon warehouse in Staten Island, New York, where he organized a small protest over worker safety in late March.
“This is a proven fact of why they don’t care about their employees, to fire someone after five years for sticking up for people and trying to give them a voice,” Smalls told Vice News.
Amazon has said that the company fired him for “violating social distancing guidelines and putting the safety of others at risk.”
The company, meanwhile, has reportedly stepped up efforts to monitor employee sentiments at its grocery chain subsidiary, Whole Foods, as part of a plan to prevent workers from joining a union.
Berman, in his memo, advertised his company’s services. “Our company history includes us working with major law firms and others to deny the Teamsters, SEIU, UNITE HERE, UFCW and the UAW the opening to unionize employees who do not have a full understanding of the liabilities,” he wrote.
The memo attached articles about a recent wave of protests among fast-food workers, subway operators, and other essential employees on the front lines of the coronavirus outbreak.
Berman operates several groups dedicated to lobbying and public relations on labor-related issues, including the Employment Policies Institute and the Center for Union Facts. In the past, major corporations, including Marriott and Tyson Foods, have retained Berman, though his full client list is not public. The HR Policy Network, a division of Berman’s lobbying company, lists Applebee’s, Ruth’s Hospitality Group, Wendy’s, and the Corner Bakery Cafe among its corporate supporters.
“We’re always flattered to receive coverage and recognition for our education programs, and make no apologies for the advocacy of employees’ rights. The need for public education on union leaders’ abuses of power is greater than ever,” said Berman in a statement to The Intercept.
The memo closes on an optimistic note for corporations. “The good news,” Berman claimed, “is that most unions do not have competent union organizing staff that are skilled in managing this opportunity.”


theintercept--2020-05-01--Mayor Bill de Blasio Says New York City Can’t Afford Hotel Rooms for the Homeless — but FEMA Could A

Mayor Bill de Blasio Says New York City Can’t Afford Hotel Rooms for the Homeless — but FEMA Could Actually Foot the Bill

Mayor Bill de Blasio ’ s administration is opposing legislation that would allow thousands of at-risk homeless New Yorkers to live in vacant hotel rooms for the duration of the coronavirus crisis , claiming the price tag is too hefty — but according to advocates , legislators , and City Council staff , the program could be paid for using federal government funds .
The 80,000 New Yorkers who sleep in the city ’ s shelters , streets , and subways are among the most vulnerable to Covid-19 , the disease caused by the novel coronavirus .
On Wednesday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move 1,000 people experiencing homelessness into double-occupancy hotel rooms each week going forward , in addition to the 2,500 who had already been given hotel rooms .
But homeless individuals and advocates say this isn ’ t nearly commensurate with the severity or urgency of the crisis .
City Council member Steve Levin has introduced legislation to offer all residents of congregate shelters and all unsheltered single adults — 12,000 people in total — the option to relocate to some of the 100,000 vacant private hotel rooms across the city .
On the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s “ inevitable ” that New York ’ s shelters will see the devastating outbreaks experienced by shelters in other cities .
Already , 94 of the city ’ s roughly 100 congregate shelters , where single adults live as many as 20 to a room and eat in communal areas , have seen at least one positive Covid-19 case .
De Blasio ’ s administration opposes the bill , testifying at a Council hearing that it would cost the city $ 495 million over six months .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real number , ” Levin told The Intercept .
The city has not answered the Council ’ s questions about how it arrived at the estimate but appears not to have factored in the steep drop in the market rate for hotel rooms amid the pandemic .
Levin estimates the bill will cost just $ 108 million , excluding operational and social services costs .
Regardless of the total price , it is likely that the bill can be footed by the Federal Emergency Management Agency , or FEMA , which reimburses costs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FEMA is currently funding California Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s “ Project Roomkey , ” which will eventually house tens of thousands of people in 15,000 hotel rooms .
The mayor ’ s administration , which did not respond to The Intercept ’ s repeated inquiries , has told Levin that it can not yet determine whether FEMA would reimburse New York for hotel rooms , suggesting without explanation that New York City ’ s preexisting guarantee of shelter to anyone who requests it might render the rooms ineligible for reimbursement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ displaced New Yorkers after Hurricane Sandy , the guarantee notwithstanding .
And just two weeks ago , it explicitly told New York in a letter that it would reimburse costs for moving the homeless in congregate shelters to hotels — exactly what Levin ’ s bill does .
The city ’ s testimony at the Council hearing emphasized that Levin ’ s bill incurs costs other than the rent of the rooms , including transportation , security , meals , and social and medical services .
It ’ s unclear how much these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them will be reimbursable , but Newsom has said that in California , FEMA will reimburse “ wraparound supports such as meals , security , and custodial services ” in addition to direct hotel costs .
Other federal funds are available for any costs that FEMA couldn ’ t reimburse : New York has access to $ 95 million in federal stimulus funds allocated to the state for the express purpose of protecting the homeless .
In the absence of sufficient state action , a coalition of advocates has been raising money to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who was provided a hotel room through the GoFundMe campaign , recounted his first night off the streets : “ I sat down for a while and relaxed .
Then I took a shower for half an hour .
And then I went to bed.
” is particularly concerning given current conditions at congregate shelters , which the CDC and over 500 of the city ’ s health care professionals have warned are prime sites for the virus to spread .
J.J. , who lived in the Schwartz Assessment Facility on Wards Island @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to another shelter this week , told The Intercept over Skype that the shelter was “ the most inhumane place to ever be .
There were rats , cockroaches , ants , snakes .
In a small dorm , there were 100 people squashed together .
There was no soap , no sanitizer ; the toilets were flooded all the time .
There ’ d be roughly 50 people at a time eating in the cafeteria together.
” When The Intercept pointed out that these conditions violate official city guidelines , he replied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because homeless people don ’ t have any rights.
” At the Clarke Thomas men ’ s shelter , also on Ward ’ s Island , three residents were successively assigned to sleep in a bed that was not sanitized after its previous inhabitant was hospitalized with the virus .
The bed was only sanitized after 42 residents signed a letter demanding that happen , according to Alfonso Forney , the author of the letter and a former resident of the shelter .
The shelter did not respond to The Intercept ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such conditions , thousands of unsheltered New Yorkers have judged that the streets are a safer option than the shelters .
This week , Cuomo called the sight of homeless people sleeping on subway cars “ disgusting ” and offered to hire more police to patrol the subways .
These new officers would add to an ongoing hiring spree ; the city may be spending more during the pandemic on increased policing of subways than it would cost to house everyone sleeping on subways in hotel rooms .
Cuomo could use his emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rooms without any Council legislation .
A source familiar with his view , who was not authorized to speak publicly , told The Intercept that Cuomo ’ s team is concerned about “ logistical and political challenges when the time eventually comes for people to leave the hotels.
” ( Cuomo ’ s office did not respond to The Intercept ’ s questions . )
Many advocates suggested that the prospect of future demands for permanent housing might be a primary reason the mayor and governor oppose using hotel rooms during the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The unstated concern , advocates suggested , is that there will be pressure on the city and state to continue providing housing after the pandemic for those moved to hotel rooms , rather than sending them back to the shelters and streets .
Advocates do plan to pivot to longer-term demands .
Virginia Shubert , the co-founder of Housing Works and a longtime homeless advocate , said that Covid-19 only throws into sharper relief what has been clear since at least the AIDS epidemic : that housing is health care .
Cuomo and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ afraid of establishing a precedent where the people ’ s right to housing is acknowledged and the fact that homelessness is a public health emergency is acknowledged .
”

New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio’s administration is opposing legislation that would allow thousands of at-risk homeless New Yorkers to live in vacant hotel rooms for the duration of the coronavirus crisis, claiming the price tag is too hefty — but according to advocates, legislators, and City Council staff, the program could be paid for using federal government funds.
The 80,000 New Yorkers who sleep in the city’s shelters, streets, and subways are among the most vulnerable to Covid-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus. On Wednesday, the mayor announced that the city would move 1,000 people experiencing homelessness into double-occupancy hotel rooms each week going forward, in addition to the 2,500 who had already been given hotel rooms. But homeless individuals and advocates say this isn’t nearly commensurate with the severity or urgency of the crisis.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
City Council member Steve Levin has introduced legislation to offer all residents of congregate shelters and all unsheltered single adults — 12,000 people in total — the option to relocate to some of the 100,000 vacant private hotel rooms across the city. On the current course, Levin told The Intercept, it’s “inevitable” that New York’s shelters will see the devastating outbreaks experienced by shelters in other cities. Already, 94 of the city’s roughly 100 congregate shelters, where single adults live as many as 20 to a room and eat in communal areas, have seen at least one positive Covid-19 case.
De Blasio’s administration opposes the bill, testifying at a Council hearing that it would cost the city $495 million over six months. “I don’t see that as a real number,” Levin told The Intercept. The city has not answered the Council’s questions about how it arrived at the estimate but appears not to have factored in the steep drop in the market rate for hotel rooms amid the pandemic. Levin estimates the bill will cost just $108 million, excluding operational and social services costs.
Regardless of the total price, it is likely that the bill can be footed by the Federal Emergency Management Agency, or FEMA, which reimburses costs for approved state disaster response programs. FEMA is currently funding California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s “Project Roomkey,” which will eventually house tens of thousands of people in 15,000 hotel rooms.
The agency usually reimburses 75 percent of approved state expenditures, but last week, Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced that President Donald Trump agreed to waive New York’s 25 percent FEMA cost-sharing requirement; if true, approved programs will be free for the state.
Just two weeks ago, FEMA explicitly told New York that it would reimburse costs for moving the homeless in congregate shelters to hotels.
The mayor’s administration, which did not respond to The Intercept’s repeated inquiries, has told Levin that it cannot yet determine whether FEMA would reimburse New York for hotel rooms, suggesting without explanation that New York City’s preexisting guarantee of shelter to anyone who requests it might render the rooms ineligible for reimbursement. But FEMA reimbursed hotel rooms provided to displaced New Yorkers after Hurricane Sandy, the guarantee notwithstanding. And just two weeks ago, it explicitly told New York in a letter that it would reimburse costs for moving the homeless in congregate shelters to hotels — exactly what Levin’s bill does.
The city’s testimony at the Council hearing emphasized that Levin’s bill incurs costs other than the rent of the rooms, including transportation, security, meals, and social and medical services. It’s unclear how much these costs will amount to and which of them will be reimbursable, but Newsom has said that in California, FEMA will reimburse “wraparound supports such as meals, security, and custodial services” in addition to direct hotel costs. Other federal funds are available for any costs that FEMA couldn’t reimburse: New York has access to $95 million in federal stimulus funds allocated to the state for the express purpose of protecting the homeless.
In the absence of sufficient state action, a coalition of advocates has been raising money to fund hotel rooms. Lincoln Cyrus, who was provided a hotel room through the GoFundMe campaign, recounted his first night off the streets: “I sat down for a while and relaxed. Then I took a shower for half an hour. And then I went to bed.”
The city’s inaction is particularly concerning given current conditions at congregate shelters, which the CDC and over 500 of the city’s health care professionals have warned are prime sites for the virus to spread.
J.J., who lived in the Schwartz Assessment Facility on Wards Island for six months before he was transferred to another shelter this week, told The Intercept over Skype that the shelter was “the most inhumane place to ever be. There were rats, cockroaches, ants, snakes. In a small dorm, there were 100 people squashed together. There was no soap, no sanitizer; the toilets were flooded all the time. There’d be roughly 50 people at a time eating in the cafeteria together.” When The Intercept pointed out that these conditions violate official city guidelines, he replied, “That’s OK, because homeless people don’t have any rights.”
At the Clarke Thomas men’s shelter, also on Ward’s Island, three residents were successively assigned to sleep in a bed that was not sanitized after its previous inhabitant was hospitalized with the virus. The bed was only sanitized after 42 residents signed a letter demanding that happen, according to Alfonso Forney, the author of the letter and a former resident of the shelter. The shelter did not respond to The Intercept’s request for comment.
The city may be spending more during the pandemic on increased policing of subways than it would cost to house everyone sleeping on subways in hotel rooms.
In light of such conditions, thousands of unsheltered New Yorkers have judged that the streets are a safer option than the shelters. This week, Cuomo called the sight of homeless people sleeping on subway cars “disgusting” and offered to hire more police to patrol the subways. These new officers would add to an ongoing hiring spree; the city may be spending more during the pandemic on increased policing of subways than it would cost to house everyone sleeping on subways in hotel rooms.
Cuomo could use his emergency powers to house the homeless in hotel rooms without any Council legislation. A source familiar with his view, who was not authorized to speak publicly, told The Intercept that Cuomo’s team is concerned about “logistical and political challenges when the time eventually comes for people to leave the hotels.” (Cuomo’s office did not respond to The Intercept’s questions.)
Share Your Coronavirus Story Click here to learn about contacting a reporter securely, or email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com
Many advocates suggested that the prospect of future demands for permanent housing might be a primary reason the mayor and governor oppose using hotel rooms during the pandemic, even on the federal dime. The unstated concern, advocates suggested, is that there will be pressure on the city and state to continue providing housing after the pandemic for those moved to hotel rooms, rather than sending them back to the shelters and streets.
Advocates do plan to pivot to longer-term demands. Virginia Shubert, the co-founder of Housing Works and a longtime homeless advocate, said that Covid-19 only throws into sharper relief what has been clear since at least the AIDS epidemic: that housing is health care. Cuomo and de Blasio, Shubert said, are “afraid of establishing a precedent where the people’s right to housing is acknowledged and the fact that homelessness is a public health emergency is acknowledged.”


theintercept--2020-05-01--Coronavirus Has Mexico’s Workers Pinned Between U.S. Business Interests and Their President&#8

Coronavirus Has Mexico’s Workers Pinned Between U.S. Business Interests and Their President’s Obsessive Austerity

and Mexico are each enveloped in their own stumbling , disjointed response to the new coronavirus pandemic .
The crisis is revealing the failures of the U.S.-Mexico relationship , and the cynical ways in which interest groups , corporations , and plutocrats take advantage of it .
The neighboring countries could deploy a coordinated response to the pandemic , because their contagion curves are weeks apart .
A bold and creative plan that would establish a collaborative protocol to look out for cases at the border , or strategically increase the production of medical equipment , could pool the resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives .
Instead , the coronavirus crisis has been used to further restrict immigration , violate labor rights , protect defense contractors , and double down on inflammatory and dangerous political rhetoric .
The pandemic shows how easily business interests are placed above the lives of Mexican workers .
The U.S. National Association of Manufacturers , weapons makers and U.S. officials have urged the Mexican government to open its economy in order to minimize the disruption of North American supply chains .
They need Mexico ’ s labor because final products rely on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unfortunately , the pressure seems to be working .
Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador declared that he will open Mexico ’ s manufacturing sector days before America ’ s automotive industry opens .
This could be a huge mistake with major ramifications for workers .
The coronavirus spread in Mexico later than in the U.S. and is evolving at a different pace .
Mexico expects cases to pick up until the first or second week of May and thus , may need to stay closed longer than the United States .
Failing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curve and quarantine may mean even more suffering and death .
Mexican officials from the border state of Chihuahua testified in mid-March that 13 of the state ’ s 16 fatalities from Covid-19 , the disease caused by the novel coronavirus , were workers at a factory owned by the U.S. automotive company Lear .
Strikes have popped up in factories along the border , demanding a halt to production , yet , in Juaréz , to take one example , 30 percent of manufacturers remain open .
Organizers fighting for their lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As El País reported , Electrolux , a corporation that makes laundry machines in Juaréz for American consumers , paused operations only after one of their workers died .
migration front , the pandemic has become the perfect excuse to advance xenophobic agendas .
U.S. President Donald Trump has decided that immigrants are a risk to U.S. labor markets and has barred people from receiving green cards , suspended family-based immigration , and put in place mechanisms for fast deportations .
In addition , asylum hearings have been canceled , leaving thousands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camps at Mexican border towns .
More than 200 people have tested positive for Covid-19 in U.S. immigrant detention centers that hold almost 30,000 people in overcrowded and unsanitary facilities .
The United Nations , human rights groups , and members of the U.S. Congress have called for the immediate release of migrants amid this humanitarian catastrophe .
But the Trump administration still callously refuses to let the vast majority of them go .
Fast-tracked deportations have taken a particularly harsh toll by increasing the reach of the deadly virus .
The more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the U.S. under new coronavirus regulations have brought the virus to countries where health care systems are more precarious .
Journalist Camilo Montoya-Galvez estimated this week that 20 percent of the total Covid-19 cases in Guatemala are deported migrants .
In Mexico , 10 percent of cases in the border state of Tamaulipas have been deportees , according reports from local authorities on April 20 .
These measures are supposedly temporary , but Trump ’ s advisers have declared that they see them as just a first step toward curbing immigration in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico ’ s most vulnerable lack proper protection and economic support from their own government .
López Obrador is a hardcore austerity proponent who refuses to increase his country ’ s public debt in the face of economic disaster and whose social programs reach less than half of the poor population .
His response to the crisis has been limited to implementing his regular social agenda and providing $ 1,000 credits at a 6 percent interest rate to 3 million businesses in the formal and informal sectors .
Unsurprisingly , wealthy Mexicans remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ López Obrador refused to use public resources to bail out Mexican plutocrats , corporations have been given credit directly from the Inter-American Development Bank .
Business organizations representing Mexico ’ s wealthiest corporations had previously held several meetings with López Obrador and his cabinet to propose a heavily regressive economic relief package .
They requested unconditional tax privileges , access to new oil contracts , loans at preferable rates , and even had the audacity to propose freezing all tax audits — a sweet gift for tax evaders .
Meanwhile , the Mexican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have practically no defense against the obsessive austerity of López Obrador , Mexican plutocrats , and elite-driven U.S.-Mexico diplomacy .
Drug cartels have been picking up the slack .
Criminal organizations including the Sinaloa cartel are delivering food packages in vulnerable areas affected by the pandemic .
This should not be taken as purely altruistic , of course ; the cartels know this is how they become even more influential and entrenched in the communities they “ serve.
” The American public has not been informed of the tremendous failure of the U.S.-Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right-wing columnists that Mexico ’ s president is “ using the coronavirus crisis to advance his socialist agenda , ” and open support for Mexican elites to “ press [ their plan ] upon their president , ” few U.S. media outlets have shown interest in exposing the critical role that U.S. and Mexican establishments are playing in empowering organized crime , killing workers , and spreading the virus at the border .
It is not too late to change course and hold the powerful of both countries accountable .
America and Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and instead collaborate on an intelligent , socially ambitious partnership — to improve links among laboratories , engage in a constructive dialogue regarding the development of rapid testing , and coordinate the eventual distribution of a Covid-19 vaccine .
Mexican authorities say they are going after companies that refused to close production lines even as their workers fell ill and died .
The U.S. should support this initiative and do the same for U.S.-based employers that risked the lives of Mexican immigrants .
Advancing unionization of workforces on both sides of the border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry .
In addition , both countries should regulate the export of heavily processed food to Mexico to help prevent diabetes and other conditions that are risk factors that increase the mortality rate of respiratory diseases like Covid-19 .
The wealthy , well-connected , and powerful of both nations can not continue to take advantage of the Covid-19 crisis to further enrich themselves and push a heartless , xenophobic agenda .

Photo: Cheney Orr/Bloomberg/Getty Images
The United States and Mexico are each enveloped in their own stumbling, disjointed response to the new coronavirus pandemic. The crisis is revealing the failures of the U.S.-Mexico relationship, and the cynical ways in which interest groups, corporations, and plutocrats take advantage of it.
The neighboring countries could deploy a coordinated response to the pandemic, because their contagion curves are weeks apart. A bold and creative plan that would establish a collaborative protocol to look out for cases at the border, or strategically increase the production of medical equipment, could pool the resources of both nations and save many more lives.
Instead, the coronavirus crisis has been used to further restrict immigration, violate labor rights, protect defense contractors, and double down on inflammatory and dangerous political rhetoric.
The pandemic shows how easily business interests are placed above the lives of Mexican workers.
The pandemic shows how easily business interests are placed above the lives of Mexican workers. The U.S. National Association of Manufacturers, weapons makers and U.S. officials have urged the Mexican government to open its economy in order to minimize the disruption of North American supply chains. They need Mexico’s labor because final products rely on components produced south of the border.
Unfortunately, the pressure seems to be working. Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador declared that he will open Mexico’s manufacturing sector days before America’s automotive industry opens. This could be a huge mistake with major ramifications for workers. The coronavirus spread in Mexico later than in the U.S. and is evolving at a different pace. Mexico expects cases to pick up until the first or second week of May and thus, may need to stay closed longer than the United States.
Failing to allow Mexico to follow its natural curve and quarantine may mean even more suffering and death. Mexican officials from the border state of Chihuahua testified in mid-March that 13 of the state’s 16 fatalities from Covid-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, were workers at a factory owned by the U.S. automotive company Lear. Strikes have popped up in factories along the border, demanding a halt to production, yet, in Juaréz, to take one example, 30 percent of manufacturers remain open. Organizers fighting for their lives get fired and production continues as normal. As El País reported, Electrolux, a corporation that makes laundry machines in Juaréz for American consumers, paused operations only after one of their workers died.
On the migration front, the pandemic has become the perfect excuse to advance xenophobic agendas. U.S. President Donald Trump has decided that immigrants are a risk to U.S. labor markets and has barred people from receiving green cards, suspended family-based immigration, and put in place mechanisms for fast deportations. In addition, asylum hearings have been canceled, leaving thousands of people stranded and exposed in refugee camps at Mexican border towns.
More than 200 people have tested positive for Covid-19 in U.S. immigrant detention centers that hold almost 30,000 people in overcrowded and unsanitary facilities. The United Nations, human rights groups, and members of the U.S. Congress have called for the immediate release of migrants amid this humanitarian catastrophe. But the Trump administration still callously refuses to let the vast majority of them go.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
Fast-tracked deportations have taken a particularly harsh toll by increasing the reach of the deadly virus. The more than 10,000 migrants who have been expelled from the U.S. under new coronavirus regulations have brought the virus to countries where health care systems are more precarious. Journalist Camilo Montoya-Galvez estimated this week that 20 percent of the total Covid-19 cases in Guatemala are deported migrants. In Mexico, 10 percent of cases in the border state of Tamaulipas have been deportees, according reports from local authorities on April 20.
These measures are supposedly temporary, but Trump’s advisers have declared that they see them as just a first step toward curbing immigration in the long term.
Amid all of these challenges, Mexico’s most vulnerable lack proper protection and economic support from their own government.
López Obrador is a hardcore austerity proponent who refuses to increase his country’s public debt in the face of economic disaster and whose social programs reach less than half of the poor population. His response to the crisis has been limited to implementing his regular social agenda and providing $1,000 credits at a 6 percent interest rate to 3 million businesses in the formal and informal sectors.
Unsurprisingly, wealthy Mexicans remain better insulated from the crisis. After López Obrador refused to use public resources to bail out Mexican plutocrats, corporations have been given credit directly from the Inter-American Development Bank.
Business organizations representing Mexico’s wealthiest corporations had previously held several meetings with López Obrador and his cabinet to propose a heavily regressive economic relief package. They requested unconditional tax privileges, access to new oil contracts, loans at preferable rates, and even had the audacity to propose freezing all tax audits — a sweet gift for tax evaders.
Meanwhile, the Mexican middle classes and most of the poor have practically no defense against the obsessive austerity of López Obrador, Mexican plutocrats, and elite-driven U.S.-Mexico diplomacy.
The Mexican middle classes and most of the poor have practically no defense against the obsessive austerity of López Obrador, Mexican plutocrats, and elite-driven U.S.-Mexico diplomacy.
Drug cartels have been picking up the slack. Criminal organizations including the Sinaloa cartel are delivering food packages in vulnerable areas affected by the pandemic. This should not be taken as purely altruistic, of course; the cartels know this is how they become even more influential and entrenched in the communities they “serve.”
The American public has not been informed of the tremendous failure of the U.S.-Mexico Covid-19 response. Between ludicrous accusations by right-wing columnists that Mexico’s president is “using the coronavirus crisis to advance his socialist agenda,” and open support for Mexican elites to “press [their plan] upon their president,” few U.S. media outlets have shown interest in exposing the critical role that U.S. and Mexican establishments are playing in empowering organized crime, killing workers, and spreading the virus at the border.
Share Your Coronavirus Story Click here to learn about contacting a reporter securely, or email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com
It is not too late to change course and hold the powerful of both countries accountable. America and Mexico need to graduate from backroom bilateral negotiations and instead collaborate on an intelligent, socially ambitious partnership — to improve links among laboratories, engage in a constructive dialogue regarding the development of rapid testing, and coordinate the eventual distribution of a Covid-19 vaccine.
Mexican authorities say they are going after companies that refused to close production lines even as their workers fell ill and died. The U.S. should support this initiative and do the same for U.S.-based employers that risked the lives of Mexican immigrants.
Advancing unionization of workforces on both sides of the border could improve working conditions in the manufacturing industry. In addition, both countries should regulate the export of heavily processed food to Mexico to help prevent diabetes and other conditions that are risk factors that increase the mortality rate of respiratory diseases like Covid-19.
The wealthy, well-connected, and powerful of both nations cannot continue to take advantage of the Covid-19 crisis to further enrich themselves and push a heartless, xenophobic agenda.


theintercept--2020-05-01--New Research Suggests Significant Undercount of Children With Coronavirus

In the U.S. , the vast majority of serious Covid-19 cases — and eight out of 10 deaths — occur in people who are at least 65 .
Yet newly tabulated data show that the virus is also affecting young people across the country — and in very rare cases , killing them .
At least 201 infected children under age 18 have been admitted into pediatric intensive care units in the U.S. , according to data from a national registry called Virtual Pediatric Systems .
And at least 20 people under the age of 20 have died from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which has the largest number of children severely affected by the virus , 10 children who tested positive had died as of April 30 , and at least 56 children had been admitted into pediatric intensive care units .
Across the U.S. , more than 24,000 children have tested positive for the new coronavirus , according to state health department data compiled by a new project , CovKid , which tracks the effects of Covid-19 on children .
That total represents everyone under age 20 and includes data from New York City but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which have not yet reported the age breakdown of coronavirus cases .
While most states are not reporting the race and ethnicity of children with the coronavirus , data from California and Illinois show that more than one third of 3,049 children who tested positive were Latino .
While the number of kids testing positive for the virus in the U.S. is greater than the total number of confirmed cases in many countries , including Singapore , Ireland , and Mexico , it is probably only a small fraction of all who have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tests and very limited testing of children .
“ The big question is how many kids are being tested ?
” said Elizabeth Pathak , an epidemiologist and director of the CovKid project .
Without that information , it ’ s impossible to know how many are infected .
So Pathak and several colleagues used clinical data from China to gauge infection rates in the U.S. and estimate that the total number of children infected in the U.S. is now at least 478,000 .
The newly compiled data , which has not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the emergence of an inflammatory syndrome in children that appears to be linked to coronavirus infections .
Doctors in six countries , including the U.K. , Spain , and Italy , have described clusters of inflammatory disease in children that have the coronavirus .
In the U.S. , doctors in New York , Washington , Pennsylvania , California , and Minnesota have encountered similar cases , which some news reports have described as cases of Kawasaki disease , a common and treatable illness frequently diagnosed in children .
But while the children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the same symptoms as those with Kawasaki disease , it is more likely a manifestation of the coronavirus , according to pediatrician Mark Schleiss .
“ It ’ s something that looks very much like Kawasaki , ” said Schleiss , professor of pediatrics at University of Minnesota Medical School .
Children with Kawasaki disease have a fever that lasts several days , along with at least four other symptoms that may include a rash , red eyes , swollen lymph nodes , and puffy hands and feet .
But Schleiss said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just another manifestation of the new coronavirus .
“ Some children present with what looks like aseptic meningitis .
Some present with diarrhea .
It ’ s a challenging virus because it can look like a lot of different things , ” he said .
“ Before you treat a child for Kawasaki , you now have to step back and say , ‘ Is this Covid-19 ?
’ ” The most common symptoms of coronavirus infections in children are cough and fever , which occur in over half of patients who become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throats and coughs , according to an international review of studies of Covid-19 in children published last week , which also noted that about 10 percent of children sick with the virus have diarrhea or vomiting .
As with adults , some of the children who suffer the worst effects of coronavirus seem to have particular vulnerabilities .
Among those who have died from the infection are two infants and a 16-year-old girl in Denver named Jaqueline Paisano , who had lost the ability to walk and talk at an early age after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ publicly identified victim of the coronavirus in Detroit , a 5-year-old named Skylar Herbert , did not appear to have any underlying conditions before she was diagnosed with the infection after complaining of a headache .
Because of the lack of testing , it ’ s still unclear what proportion of children with Covid-19 develop serious or life-threatening illnesses .
“ We need more testing of kids even with mild symptoms before we can know the scope of the problem in this country , ” said Pathak .
“ At some point , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back up .
Camps are already clamoring to be permitted to open .
And once that starts happening , we need to have surveillance in place so we can catch any uptick in hospitalizations and cases .
”

In the U.S. , the vast majority of serious Covid-19 cases — and eight out of 10 deaths — occur in people who are at least 65. Yet newly tabulated data show that the virus is also affecting young people across the country — and in very rare cases, killing them.
At least 201 infected children under age 18 have been admitted into pediatric intensive care units in the U.S., according to data from a national registry called Virtual Pediatric Systems. And at least 20 people under the age of 20 have died from the coronavirus. In New York state, which has the largest number of children severely affected by the virus, 10 children who tested positive had died as of April 30, and at least 56 children had been admitted into pediatric intensive care units.
Across the U.S., more than 24,000 children have tested positive for the new coronavirus, according to state health department data compiled by a new project, CovKid, which tracks the effects of Covid-19 on children. That total represents everyone under age 20 and includes data from New York City but not New York state and Nebraska, which have not yet reported the age breakdown of coronavirus cases. While most states are not reporting the race and ethnicity of children with the coronavirus, data from California and Illinois show that more than one third of 3,049 children who tested positive were Latino.
Graphic: Soohee Cho/The Intercept
While the number of kids testing positive for the virus in the U.S. is greater than the total number of confirmed cases in many countries, including Singapore, Ireland, and Mexico, it is probably only a small fraction of all who have the disease, because of a shortage of tests and very limited testing of children. “The big question is how many kids are being tested?” said Elizabeth Pathak, an epidemiologist and director of the CovKid project. Without that information, it’s impossible to know how many are infected. So Pathak and several colleagues used clinical data from China to gauge infection rates in the U.S. and estimate that the total number of children infected in the U.S. is now at least 478,000.
The newly compiled data, which has not been previously reported, comes amid reports of the emergence of an inflammatory syndrome in children that appears to be linked to coronavirus infections. Doctors in six countries, including the U.K., Spain, and Italy, have described clusters of inflammatory disease in children that have the coronavirus. In the U.S., doctors in New York, Washington, Pennsylvania, California, and Minnesota have encountered similar cases, which some news reports have described as cases of Kawasaki disease, a common and treatable illness frequently diagnosed in children.
But while the children with the new syndrome may have many of the same symptoms as those with Kawasaki disease, it is more likely a manifestation of the coronavirus, according to pediatrician Mark Schleiss. “It’s something that looks very much like Kawasaki,” said Schleiss, professor of pediatrics at University of Minnesota Medical School. Children with Kawasaki disease have a fever that lasts several days, along with at least four other symptoms that may include a rash, red eyes, swollen lymph nodes, and puffy hands and feet.
But Schleiss said that the recently described phenomenon is likely just another manifestation of the new coronavirus. “Some children present with what looks like aseptic meningitis. Some present with diarrhea. It’s a challenging virus because it can look like a lot of different things,” he said. “Before you treat a child for Kawasaki, you now have to step back and say, ‘Is this Covid-19?’”
The most common symptoms of coronavirus infections in children are cough and fever, which occur in over half of patients who become sick. Many children also have sore throats and coughs, according to an international review of studies of Covid-19 in children published last week, which also noted that about 10 percent of children sick with the virus have diarrhea or vomiting.
As with adults, some of the children who suffer the worst effects of coronavirus seem to have particular vulnerabilities. Among those who have died from the infection are two infants and a 16-year-old girl in Denver named Jaqueline Paisano, who had lost the ability to walk and talk at an early age after having a brain tumor. The youngest publicly identified victim of the coronavirus in Detroit, a 5-year-old named Skylar Herbert, did not appear to have any underlying conditions before she was diagnosed with the infection after complaining of a headache.
Because of the lack of testing, it’s still unclear what proportion of children with Covid-19 develop serious or life-threatening illnesses. “We need more testing of kids even with mild symptoms before we can know the scope of the problem in this country,” said Pathak.
“At some point, we’re going to open schools back up. Camps are already clamoring to be permitted to open. And once that starts happening, we need to have surveillance in place so we can catch any uptick in hospitalizations and cases.”


theintercept--2020-05-02--Trump’s Nationalism Advances on a Predictable Trajectory to Violence. His Supporters Will Kill When

Trump’s Nationalism Advances on a Predictable Trajectory to Violence. His Supporters Will Kill When They’re Told To.

Donald Trump declared his presidential candidacy and rank racism in 2015 , those of us who ’ d witnessed the nationalist undoing in the Balkans at the end of the last millennium have found the subsequent rise of Trumpism frighteningly familiar .
We quickly recognized a host of nationalist pathologies : the tactical importance of bigotry , since enemies must be ceaselessly identified and hated ; relentless misogyny as a means of controlling women and their bodies , because the nation is a masculinist project where women serve as wombs for national reproduction ; a profusion of lies , conspiracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reality is controlled by the enemies ( fake news , deep state , the Jews , etc . )
and must be perpetually undone and redone ; the coalescing of a diverse political field around a leader and a stupidly conceptual goal ( Greatness !
Capitalism !
Freedom ! )
; loyalist cabals who are vetted , validated , and eliminated by the leader ’ s whims ; and rampant venality combined with a criminal reconfiguration of the economy .
But the most important and troubling symptom is the open and ceaseless commitment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , cathartic violence ; this marks the beginning of collective self-actualization .
As we bear witness to armed white American militias storming or protesting outside government institutions , it is clear that the chaos and tragedy of Covid-19 are being used by Trump and the GOP to enhance the conflict and accelerate the birth of a new , greater America .
At the heart of every nationalist mythology is some kind of a rebirth , usually bloody and requiring sacrifices , preferably of the weak and the doubtful .
Because those who experienced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen the havoc nationalism wreaked in their own lives and countries , it is hard not to worry about its symptoms again — or , as a Bosnian saying goes : If you were bitten by a snake , you ’ re scared of lizards .
It would be wrong , of course , to ignore the differences between the histories , including the respective political conditions , in pre-dissolution Yugoslavia and in the United States in the last few years ( or decades ) .
Still , insisting there are no points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the root of every emanation of nationalism : that “ our ” nation is unlike any other , historically unique and incomparable .
If one is not blinded by that kind of essentialist entitlement , the common practices of nationalism become recognizable across cultures and histories .
Take the nationalist conviction that the nation is oppressed by state structures controlled by ( the ) others and is therefore unable to fulfill its unique potential , which is why state structures need to be smashed , along with those who control them .
Such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and widely shared by his supporters , not least by those brandishing assault rifles around the state legislatures of Michigan , Virginia , and Ohio , soon to arrive in your neighborhood .
Slobodan Milosevic , the Serb leader who in died in 2006 in the Hague while on trial for genocide and crimes against humanity committed in the 1990s in Croatia , Bosnia , and Kosovo , similarly framed his nationalist narrative .
He insisted that the Serbian people made sacrifices for Yugoslavia but were instead cheated out of their victorious gains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He wanted to reshape Yugoslavia so that his people could rightfully dominate it and thus make Serbia great again , or greater .
Similarly , for the Croat nationalists , led by Franjo Tudjman , once a general in the Yugoslav People ’ s Army , only an ethnically pure nation state could provide freedom and actualization .
Milosevic and Tudjman were on opposing sides , but their projects were akin .
Both strived to destroy the Yugoslav state by any means necessary .
Pursuing a conflict that would irreversibly undo civic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationalist projects .
The destructive urge was placed , however , onto the shoulders and arms of “ the people ” who needed to exhibit their anger and show that the current state could not respond to their unquenchable thirst for justice and liberty .
A crucial role in the rise of millennial Serbian nationalism was played by rallies where masses of aggrieved Serbs protested against myriad injustices .
The rallies were presented as spontaneous happenings of the people ( dešavanje naroda , in Serbian ) , but were orchestrated by Milosevic ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ performances of mass infuriation were bludgeons with which the nationalists attacked weak state structures , as well as the doubters in their own ranks .
The rallies also constituted loyalist spaces from which warriors and collaborators could be recruited for the future wars .
What was invariably promised at the rallies , implicitly or explicitly , were revenge and punishment for those who “ the people ” believed wronged them .
Milosevic ’ s nationalist project would carry out those promises , which eventually landed him at the International Criminal Tribunal for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to follow the trajectory of destructive confrontation , there was no way or reason for him to stop until he reached its logical extreme : genocide .
The conflictual essence of Trumpism was made fully evident very early , in the course of the Republican primaries in 2016 .
While all the other GOP candidates tried to validate their garden-variety bigotry by importing fancy reactionary ideas and referring gratuitously to the Bible , the Framers , or some historical figure or another , the only thing Trump consistently offered was his pathological narcissism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American exceptionalism ) and his penchant for conflict and aggression .
He promised , implicitly and explicitly , revenge and punishment for those who wronged white America .
As we now know all too well , white America ’ s response to Trumpian revenge fantasies was quick and enthusiastic , and thus the GOP graduated from a routinely racist conservative party to one unquestionably committed to white nationalism , up to and including outright white supremacy .
In the meantime , Trump , the chosen tool of undoing , has been carrying out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passionate support of the GOP and many of its rich donors .
The claims of false and foolish pundits notwithstanding , at no point was Trump going to relent , change , or metamorphose into being “ presidential , ” for the simple reason that Trumpism is nothing without the constant perpetuation of conflict .
For many of my fellow ex-Yugoslavs , it was instantly clear that once the GOP and Trump committed to conflict and destruction , they could never afford to quit , for that would constitute a tactical error leading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have no choice but to follow their trajectory to its logical extreme , which must be victory and rebirth at all cost .
They will kill if they have to , or at least let Covid-19 do it .
When armed Trumpists pretend to be a happening of good people who demand the end of the lockdown , anti-fascist ex-Yugoslavs don ’ t necessarily see an American version of murderous Serbian paramilitaries .
What we see with heart-clenching clarity is that the familiar nationalist strategy of perpetually inciting conflict is advancing along a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frightening is the hankering across the political range for a magical national correction , the indulging of a persistent fantasy that some essential American quality ( decency , reasonability , checks and balances , etc . )
will finally kick in and halt the Trumpist madness , thus allowing the country to snap out of its nightmare and revert to its good old national essence .
That was never going to happen : The ongoing conflict is not a glitch but a process that can not be stopped or resolved politically .
With @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steady destruction of checks and balances previously imagined to be fail-safe , the jelly-spined leadership of the Democratic Party , and the Soviet-grade purging of any disloyalty or disobedience in the federal systems , Trump has effectively destroyed American politics .
What the actual resolution might look like , I fear to envision , but I know it will not resemble anything Americans can remember or dare to imagine .

Illustration: Adam Maida for The Intercept
Ever since Donald Trump declared his presidential candidacy and rank racism in 2015, those of us who’d witnessed the nationalist undoing in the Balkans at the end of the last millennium have found the subsequent rise of Trumpism frighteningly familiar. We quickly recognized a host of nationalist pathologies: the tactical importance of bigotry, since enemies must be ceaselessly identified and hated; relentless misogyny as a means of controlling women and their bodies, because the nation is a masculinist project where women serve as wombs for national reproduction; a profusion of lies, conspiracy theories, and plain nonsense, since reality is controlled by the enemies (fake news, deep state, the Jews, etc.) and must be perpetually undone and redone; the coalescing of a diverse political field around a leader and a stupidly conceptual goal (Greatness! Capitalism! Freedom!); loyalist cabals who are vetted, validated, and eliminated by the leader’s whims; and rampant venality combined with a criminal reconfiguration of the economy.
But the most important and troubling symptom is the open and ceaseless commitment to conflict meant to culminate in transformative, cathartic violence; this marks the beginning of collective self-actualization. As we bear witness to armed white American militias storming or protesting outside government institutions, it is clear that the chaos and tragedy of Covid-19 are being used by Trump and the GOP to enhance the conflict and accelerate the birth of a new, greater America. At the heart of every nationalist mythology is some kind of a rebirth, usually bloody and requiring sacrifices, preferably of the weak and the doubtful.
At the heart of every nationalist mythology is some kind of rebirth, usually bloody and requiring sacrifices.
Because those who experienced the bloody undoing of Yugoslavia have already seen the havoc nationalism wreaked in their own lives and countries, it is hard not to worry about its symptoms again — or, as a Bosnian saying goes: If you were bitten by a snake, you’re scared of lizards. It would be wrong, of course, to ignore the differences between the histories, including the respective political conditions, in pre-dissolution Yugoslavia and in the United States in the last few years (or decades). Still, insisting there are no points of comparison means accepting the proposition at the root of every emanation of nationalism: that “our” nation is unlike any other, historically unique and incomparable. If one is not blinded by that kind of essentialist entitlement, the common practices of nationalism become recognizable across cultures and histories.
Take the nationalist conviction that the nation is oppressed by state structures controlled by (the) others and is therefore unable to fulfill its unique potential, which is why state structures need to be smashed, along with those who control them. Such a conviction is repeatedly fueled by Trump and widely shared by his supporters, not least by those brandishing assault rifles around the state legislatures of Michigan, Virginia, and Ohio, soon to arrive in your neighborhood.
Slobodan Milosevic, the Serb leader who in died in 2006 in the Hague while on trial for genocide and crimes against humanity committed in the 1990s in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo, similarly framed his nationalist narrative. He insisted that the Serbian people made sacrifices for Yugoslavia but were instead cheated out of their victorious gains by those who controlled the federal state. He wanted to reshape Yugoslavia so that his people could rightfully dominate it and thus make Serbia great again, or greater. Similarly, for the Croat nationalists, led by Franjo Tudjman, once a general in the Yugoslav People’s Army, only an ethnically pure nation state could provide freedom and actualization. Milosevic and Tudjman were on opposing sides, but their projects were akin. Both strived to destroy the Yugoslav state by any means necessary. Pursuing a conflict that would irreversibly undo civic and governmental structures was essential to their nationalist projects.
Photo: Jeff Kowalsky/AFP via Getty Images
The destructive urge was placed, however, onto the shoulders and arms of “the people” who needed to exhibit their anger and show that the current state could not respond to their unquenchable thirst for justice and liberty. A crucial role in the rise of millennial Serbian nationalism was played by rallies where masses of aggrieved Serbs protested against myriad injustices. The rallies were presented as spontaneous happenings of the people (dešavanje naroda, in Serbian), but were orchestrated by Milosevic’s proxies and underlings. These extra-systemic performances of mass infuriation were bludgeons with which the nationalists attacked weak state structures, as well as the doubters in their own ranks. The rallies also constituted loyalist spaces from which warriors and collaborators could be recruited for the future wars. What was invariably promised at the rallies, implicitly or explicitly, were revenge and punishment for those who “the people” believed wronged them. Milosevic’s nationalist project would carry out those promises, which eventually landed him at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Once he set out to follow the trajectory of destructive confrontation, there was no way or reason for him to stop until he reached its logical extreme: genocide.
The conflictual essence of Trumpism was made fully evident very early, in the course of the Republican primaries in 2016. While all the other GOP candidates tried to validate their garden-variety bigotry by importing fancy reactionary ideas and referring gratuitously to the Bible, the Framers, or some historical figure or another, the only thing Trump consistently offered was his pathological narcissism (exactly matching the popular belief in American exceptionalism) and his penchant for conflict and aggression. He promised, implicitly and explicitly, revenge and punishment for those who wronged white America. As we now know all too well, white America’s response to Trumpian revenge fantasies was quick and enthusiastic, and thus the GOP graduated from a routinely racist conservative party to one unquestionably committed to white nationalism, up to and including outright white supremacy.
Trumpism is nothing without the constant perpetuation of conflict.
In the meantime, Trump, the chosen tool of undoing, has been carrying out his promises, with the full and passionate support of the GOP and many of its rich donors. The claims of false and foolish pundits notwithstanding, at no point was Trump going to relent, change, or metamorphose into being “presidential,” for the simple reason that Trumpism is nothing without the constant perpetuation of conflict.
For many of my fellow ex-Yugoslavs, it was instantly clear that once the GOP and Trump committed to conflict and destruction, they could never afford to quit, for that would constitute a tactical error leading to an irreversible defeat. They now have no choice but to follow their trajectory to its logical extreme, which must be victory and rebirth at all cost. They will kill if they have to, or at least let Covid-19 do it.
When armed Trumpists pretend to be a happening of good people who demand the end of the lockdown, anti-fascist ex-Yugoslavs don’t necessarily see an American version of murderous Serbian paramilitaries. What we see with heart-clenching clarity is that the familiar nationalist strategy of perpetually inciting conflict is advancing along a predictable trajectory.
What is even more frightening is the hankering across the political range for a magical national correction, the indulging of a persistent fantasy that some essential American quality (decency, reasonability, checks and balances, etc.) will finally kick in and halt the Trumpist madness, thus allowing the country to snap out of its nightmare and revert to its good old national essence. That was never going to happen: The ongoing conflict is not a glitch but a process that cannot be stopped or resolved politically. With the GOP in death-cult mode, a steady destruction of checks and balances previously imagined to be fail-safe, the jelly-spined leadership of the Democratic Party, and the Soviet-grade purging of any disloyalty or disobedience in the federal systems, Trump has effectively destroyed American politics.
What the actual resolution might look like, I fear to envision, but I know it will not resemble anything Americans can remember or dare to imagine.