theintercept--2020-05-03--"Exceptionally Dire": Secondary Impacts of Covid-19 Could Increase Global Poverty and Hunger

240,000 people worldwide have already died of Covid-19 , and before the pandemic finishes , it could kill hundreds of thousands , even millions , more .
But the final toll is destined to be far higher than just those who die of Covid-19 .
Experts warn that deaths from secondary impacts — poverty , hunger , diseases , and violence exacerbated by the pandemic — may dwarf the number of those who die of the novel coronavirus itself .
A new analysis by researchers from King ’ s College London and Australian National University , under the aegis of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Development Economics Research , for example , warns that the economic contraction caused by Covid-19 could push an additional 500 million people — about 8 percent of the Earth ’ s population — into poverty , reversing 30 years of economic improvement .
“ We were surprised at the sheer scale of the potential poverty tsunami that could follow Covid-19 in developing countries , ” said Andy Sumner , one of the study ’ s authors .
Not surprisingly , such financial fallout has grim knock-on effects .
“ I want to stress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global health pandemic but also a global humanitarian catastrophe , ” warned David Beasley , the executive director of the United Nations World Food Program .
“ Millions of civilians living in conflict-scarred nations , including many women and children , face being pushed to the brink of starvation , with the specter of famine a very real and dangerous possibility.
” A new study by the WFP found that lockdowns and the economic recession caused by Covid-19 may exacerbate an already dire worldwide hunger crisis , almost doubling the number of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ total of 265 million people to the brink of starvation by the end of the year .
Meanwhile , the World Health Organization notes that a diversion of resources could have especially devastating effects on the fight against malaria .
Under a worst-case scenario , in which all insecticide-treated bed net campaigns are suspended , and there is a 75 % reduction in access to effective antimalarial medicines , fatalities from the mosquito-borne illness could reach 769,000 — double the number of deaths in 2018 — effectively wiping out 20 years of gains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new analysis by researchers at Imperial College London found that in low- and middle-income countries , disruptions to health services could cause deaths from HIV , tuberculosis , and malaria to increase by up to 10 , 20 , and 36 percent respectively over five years .
“ As Covid-19 cases surge worldwide , the survival of pregnant women and children is at great risk due to strained healthcare systems , and the disruption of life-saving health services , ” said Dr. Stefan Peterson , associate director and global chief of health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Emergency Fund .
In fact , researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health warn , for example , that the impact of the pandemic to newborn , child , and adolescent health and nutrition services might lead to the deaths of 1.2 million children — a 45 percent increase over existing child mortality levels .
The overall death toll among the young may actually be exponentially higher according to a recent report from the Christian aid organization , World Vision .
An analysis of 24 countries with existing humanitarian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found that as many as 30 million children ’ s lives are at risk from other diseases , like diphtheria , whooping cough , and tetanus , if health care systems are swamped by the pandemic and resources are diverted from immunizations .
“ We are wrong if we think this is not a children ’ s disease , ” said Andrew Morley , World Vision ’ s president and chief executive .
“ Experience tells us that when epidemics overwhelm health systems , the impact on children is deadly.
” Among youths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a recent analysis by Plan International , an aid organization that advocates for children ’ s rights and equality for girls .
Since women and girls undertake more than three-quarters of unpaid care and , in rural communities and low-income countries , spend up to 14 hours a day on such work , girls will likely be at greater risk of infection .
But this is just one type of collateral damage .
“ Covid-19 shutdowns will disrupt early learning , formal education and livelihoods , ” according to the report .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existing inequalities , forcing girls out of school and placing them at heightened risk of violence in their home.
” UNHCR , the United Nations ’ refugee agency , notes that even before the Covid-19 pandemic , an estimated one in three women had experienced physical or sexual abuse .
Confinement , lockdowns , and quarantines coupled with deteriorating socioeconomic conditions have now created a perfect storm .
“ These factors significantly increase the risks of intimate partner violence , with refugees , internally displaced and stateless persons among the most vulnerable , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ shadow pandemic ” of violence against girls and women extends far beyond refugees and displaced war victims , with reports of domestic violence having increased by 30 % in France , while calls to help lines have jumped 30 % in Cyprus and 33 % in Singapore .
The United Nations study forecasts that the greatest economic impact of Covid-19 will be in sub-Saharan Africa , where cases are rapidly increasing and , if projections prove accurate , “ up to half of the new poor will live.
” There , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and maternal mortality , undernutrition , malnourishment , and educational achievement , among other indicators .
Alexandra Lamarche , senior advocate for West and Central Africa at Refugees International , explained that preventative measures aimed at countering Covid-19 were also impediments to humanitarian aid , leaving poor people without access to food .
“ We ’ re going to see significant impacts on malnutrition rates , ” she told The Intercept .
“ And we ’ re seeing all sorts of secondary impacts .
For example , there ’ s a polio outbreak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Between hunger and disease , poverty and violence , the follow-on effects of Covid-19 threaten to be as wide-ranging as they are lethal .
“ There are just so many different unexpected consequences , ” said Lamarche .
“ It ’ s extremely disheartening .
And it ’ s going to be exceptionally dire .
”

More than 240,000 people worldwide have already died of Covid-19, and before the pandemic finishes, it could kill hundreds of thousands, even millions, more. But the final toll is destined to be far higher than just those who die of Covid-19. Experts warn that deaths from secondary impacts — poverty, hunger, diseases, and violence exacerbated by the pandemic — may dwarf the number of those who die of the novel coronavirus itself.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
A new analysis by researchers from King’s College London and Australian National University, under the aegis of the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research, for example, warns that the economic contraction caused by Covid-19 could push an additional 500 million people — about 8 percent of the Earth’s population — into poverty, reversing 30 years of economic improvement. “We were surprised at the sheer scale of the potential poverty tsunami that could follow Covid-19 in developing countries,” said Andy Sumner, one of the study’s authors.
Not surprisingly, such financial fallout has grim knock-on effects. “I want to stress that we are not only facing a global health pandemic but also a global humanitarian catastrophe,” warned David Beasley, the executive director of the United Nations World Food Program. “Millions of civilians living in conflict-scarred nations, including many women and children, face being pushed to the brink of starvation, with the specter of famine a very real and dangerous possibility.” A new study by the WFP found that lockdowns and the economic recession caused by Covid-19 may exacerbate an already dire worldwide hunger crisis, almost doubling the number of people who could go hungry, pushing a total of 265 million people to the brink of starvation by the end of the year.
Meanwhile, the World Health Organization notes that a diversion of resources could have especially devastating effects on the fight against malaria. Under a worst-case scenario, in which all insecticide-treated bed net campaigns are suspended, and there is a 75% reduction in access to effective antimalarial medicines, fatalities from the mosquito-borne illness could reach 769,000 — double the number of deaths in 2018 — effectively wiping out 20 years of gains in suppressing malaria mortality. Similarly, a new analysis by researchers at Imperial College London found that in low- and middle-income countries, disruptions to health services could cause deaths from HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria to increase by up to 10, 20, and 36 percent respectively over five years.
“As Covid-19 cases surge worldwide, the survival of pregnant women and children is at great risk due to strained healthcare systems, and the disruption of life-saving health services,” said Dr. Stefan Peterson, associate director and global chief of health at the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. In fact, researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health warn, for example, that the impact of the pandemic to newborn, child, and adolescent health and nutrition services might lead to the deaths of 1.2 million children — a 45 percent increase over existing child mortality levels.
The overall death toll among the young may actually be exponentially higher according to a recent report from the Christian aid organization, World Vision. An analysis of 24 countries with existing humanitarian crises — from Afghanistan to Yemen — found that as many as 30 million children’s lives are at risk from other diseases, like diphtheria, whooping cough, and tetanus, if health care systems are swamped by the pandemic and resources are diverted from immunizations. “We are wrong if we think this is not a children’s disease,” said Andrew Morley, World Vision’s president and chief executive. “Experience tells us that when epidemics overwhelm health systems, the impact on children is deadly.”
Among youths, girls will suffer most according to a recent analysis by Plan International, an aid organization that advocates for children’s rights and equality for girls. Since women and girls undertake more than three-quarters of unpaid care and, in rural communities and low-income countries, spend up to 14 hours a day on such work, girls will likely be at greater risk of infection. But this is just one type of collateral damage. “Covid-19 shutdowns will disrupt early learning, formal education and livelihoods,” according to the report. “Measures to curb the disease have worsened existing inequalities, forcing girls out of school and placing them at heightened risk of violence in their home.”
UNHCR, the United Nations’ refugee agency, notes that even before the Covid-19 pandemic, an estimated one in three women had experienced physical or sexual abuse. Confinement, lockdowns, and quarantines coupled with deteriorating socioeconomic conditions have now created a perfect storm. “These factors significantly increase the risks of intimate partner violence, with refugees, internally displaced and stateless persons among the most vulnerable,” according to the agency. But the “shadow pandemic” of violence against girls and women extends far beyond refugees and displaced war victims, with reports of domestic violence having increased by 30% in France, while calls to help lines have jumped 30% in Cyprus and 33% in Singapore.
Share Your Coronavirus Story Click here to learn about contacting a reporter securely, or email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com
The United Nations study forecasts that the greatest economic impact of Covid-19 will be in sub-Saharan Africa, where cases are rapidly increasing and, if projections prove accurate, “up to half of the new poor will live.” There, the effects will be felt in infant and maternal mortality, undernutrition, malnourishment, and educational achievement, among other indicators.
Alexandra Lamarche, senior advocate for West and Central Africa at Refugees International, explained that preventative measures aimed at countering Covid-19 were also impediments to humanitarian aid, leaving poor people without access to food. “We’re going to see significant impacts on malnutrition rates,” she told The Intercept. “And we’re seeing all sorts of secondary impacts. For example, there’s a polio outbreak in Niger because they stopped vaccinating.” Between hunger and disease, poverty and violence, the follow-on effects of Covid-19 threaten to be as wide-ranging as they are lethal. “There are just so many different unexpected consequences,” said Lamarche. “It’s extremely disheartening. And it’s going to be exceptionally dire.”


theintercept--2020-05-03--"It's Like Purgatory": How the U.S. Has Undermined the Promise of Asylum

The Trump administration has upended the asylum system as we knew it , slashing refugee admissions and placing endless roadblocks in the way of people who arrive at the border to ask for safety .
But the promise of asylum has always been political , situated uneasily between human compassion and national interest , as reporter John Washington explains in his book “ The Dispossessed : A Story of Asylum at the U.S.-Mexico Border and Beyond , ” published this week by Verso .
Washington ’ s book traces the history of the concept of asylum from ancient Greek city-states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telling the story of the asylum-seekers he has met along the way .
In this excerpt , Washington explains how the U.S. uses prolonged detention as a way to pressure people to give up their cases and accept deportation .
weigh competing emotions — the current misery of confinement , the fear of future death — as detained asylum-seekers are forced to do .
Humans recoil from death as well as from captivity .
We want to live and we want to live free .
We want both .
Since detention standards were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in direct refutation to the 1951 Refugee Convention , has locked up hundreds of thousands of asylum-seekers who have broken neither domestic nor international law .
The idea is to use them as an example of the misery the government is willing to draw on the bodies and minds of those seeking its protection , in order to convince future asylum-seekers from even trying .
When former White House chief of staff John Kelly first introduced the idea of separating migrant families in 2017 , he said , “ Yes , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in order to deter more movement along this terribly dangerous network .
I am considering exactly that.
” But deterrence — prolonged detention , family separation , or forcing migrants to walk through the remote deserts — doesn ’ t work .
Bertha , for example , a 63-year-old Honduran grandmother fleeing to save her and her granddaughter ’ s life , came to the United States knowing that they would likely be detained .
And they were .
Even after Bertha ’ s granddaughter was released , Immigration and Customs Enforcement kept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I met Bertha in a small echoic room in the El Paso Processing Center , in her 18th month of detention .
Boggled as to why ICE would detain , for such a long time , a shy grandmother with developing health complications who poses neither flight risk nor security concern , I asked her lawyer , Ed Beckett , if he knew why the government hadn ’ t released her .
They ’ re just assholes , Beckett told me .
Cruel and unusual punishment , that ’ s about it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prime example of deterrence .
At her first asylum hearing in the low-ceilinged court inside the El Paso Processing Center , Bertha was denied asylum but was offered protection and relief from deportation through the Convention Against Torture .
But then , a few days after the hearing , and before she was released , the judge suddenly changed his mind and reversed his decision .
As Beckett helped Bertha appeal , she was kept in detention .
I ’ ve been in here 18 months , she told me in the spartan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the department of Cortés .
I came to the bridge on November 18 .
We were in the hielera — an icebox , and the common Spanish name for freezing-cold holding cells — for one day , and then they sent us here .
I came … I fled .
We came together .
My granddaughter was only 14 , her name is Yariela .
The gangsters wanted her to be their wife .
But I couldn ’ t let that happen .
And then they wanted to kill me .
They said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We left the next day .
I knew … well , I ’ m scared to return to my country , that ’ s what I told them .
I asked her what the security situation was like in her hometown .
I lost my grandson on October 11 , 2013 .
They disappeared him .
We don ’ t know where he is .
I raised them both .
Their mom was already here , in Houston .
And when we had to leave , we just left , without hardly anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guatemala .
We had to go asking for money , asking for alms , for food .
I was asking God for help .
We traveled by bus .
I wouldn ’ t know how to take a train .
We were hungry sometimes , but people treated us OK .
They gave us food .
They respected me because of my age .
An abuelita .
A little grandmother .
That ’ s why we left .
Because a gangster was trying to make my granddaughter his wife .
I turn to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there .
I came to ask for protection .
I didn ’ t kill anyone , she says .
She began counting on her fingers , starting with her thumb , then index finger .
I didn ’ t rob anyone .
I don ’ t do drugs , don ’ t have anything to do with drugs .
She held up all five fingers to me , and then dropped her hand .
I ’ m clean .
A good woman .
My daughter is the only one who helps me with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for phone calls , but I can ’ t stand anything from the vending machines anymore .
I can ’ t stand the soda … I ’ m just asking God to get me out of here .
And my granddaughter .
She asks me , she ’ s so sad , she asks me , Mami , she calls me , why don ’ t they let you out ?
And she starts to cry .
You raised me .
Please come here with me .
You can ’ t make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back in Honduras , Bertha told me , because they ’ ll know .
They have a system , they can track you .
I was looking for my grandson after he disappeared , but trying not to make too much noise .
And we never found him .
I imagine that they killed him , dropped him off somewhere , in some ditch , that ’ s how they do it .
You can ’ t try to talk to the police or they ’ ll disappear you .
If you see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ zipped her lips with a finger .
I don ’ t know why there ’ s so much violence .
I can ’ t explain it .
It started around , around 2000 .
It wasn ’ t like this when I was a girl .
Everything was much calmer .
But it ’ s so bad now .
Everybody , so many people are leaving .
They told me they had to separate us , but they didn ’ t tell me where they were taking her .
I was so … @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long .
To kill time I read the Bible .
I also like to play Monopoly .
I used to play with this other woman , from Honduras .
We played a game last night .
But she left today .
She smiled , embarrassed .
I did , she said .
I ’ ll miss her a lot .
She went back to Honduras , just today .
I lie in bed and read the Bible .
The Psalms .
My dad died when he was 91 years old , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , your tongue , she said , and stuck out her tongue , they ’ ll kill you … for talking , for saying what you see .
The gangs , they were taking money , war taxes .
They charge you for everything .
There wasn ’ t any more money for food .
Here , in detention , we wake up at five , we have breakfast .
Lunch at 11 .
And dinner at 4:30 .
But sometimes I ’ m hungry at night .
At home we ate at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Sometimes I buy something from the vending machine , but I don ’ t like those crackers or cookies anymore .
I don ’ t even like soda .
I go to bed hungry .
Lights out at nine o ’ clock .
There ’ s count three times a day .
At 10 in the morning , at 3:30 , and at nine .
At count we have to be quiet .
We have to lie in our beds and we can ’ t talk .
If we make noise we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s hard to sleep .
If someone ’ s snoring , she says , laughing and putting her hands on her cheeks , we have to deal with it .
There ’ s always someone in the barracks with us .
One of the guards .
They ’ re not mean , but they talk strong if we ’ re loud , if someone ’ s talking during count .
She paused to think .
Sometimes , to pass the time , I draw .
I draw flowers , princesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Curlicues .
Just to pass the time .
It ’ s not good to be in here .
This situation … it ’ s like a purgatory .
It ’ s like we ’ re never going to leave .
I just think I ’ m never going to leave .
If I get out I ’ m going to do what I always do , follow the right path .
Be good .
Do right .
We ’ re all the same .
You have to treat people nice .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States .
They have no heart .
We ’ re people .
We ’ re old women .
We can ’ t be here .
I don ’ t know why they don ’ t let us go .
I just don ’ t know why .
Bertha started telling me about her favorite Psalms , but then one of the guards interrupted us .
Our time was up .
I told her I would read a couple of her recommendations , and , as I scribbled into my notebook and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told me to read Psalms 23 , 91 , 102 , 27 , and 71 .
It had been a long time since I read any of them , and , at my hostel later that night , as I began to read them on my computer , I wondered at first if all the Psalms referred to danger and searching for refuge in times of trouble and old age , or if she had just selected those that so precisely fit her situation .
I will say of the Lord , He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Surely He shall deliver you from the snare of the fowler .
He shall cover you with His feathers , and under his wings you shall take refuge .
You shall not be afraid of the terror by night , nor of the arrow that flies by day , nor of the pestilence that walks in darkness , nor of the destruction that lays waste at noonday .
For my days are consumed like smoke , and my bones are burned like a hearth .
My heart is stricken and withered like grass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my bread .
My bones cling to my skin .
I am like a pelican of the wilderness , I am like an owl of the desert .
I lie awake , and am like a sparrow alone on the housetop .
Do not cast me off in the time of old age .
Do not forsake me when my strength fails .
You prepare a table before me .
You anoint my head with oil .
My cup runs over .
In the summer of 2018 , after 20 months of detention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deported alone back to Honduras .
When I think of her now , I think of another poem , the line from Keats — “ Where but to think is to be full of sorrow ” — and of Saint Oscar Romero , who was reading the 23rd Psalm , one of Bertha ’ s recommendations , during mass on the day he was assassinated in the cathedral in El Salvador ’ s capital .
“ May God have mercy on the assassins ” were the archbishop ’ s last words .
Sixteen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the trigger and killed Romero , on March 24 , 1980 , the U.S. House Foreign Operations Subcommittee began hearings on the $ 5.7 million in military aid that the archbishop had begged President Jimmy Carter not to send , which Romero said would “ surely increase injustice here and sharpen the repression that has been unleashed.
” Though the vote was postponed , the military aid was eventually approved .
Joan Didion described the administration ’ s account of the Salvadoran government ’ s progress toward human rights , on which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The adjective also would apply to ICE ’ s self-proclaimed compliance with its own standard of guaranteeing “ safe , secure , and humane environments ” for what it calls “ custodial supervision .
”

The Trump administration has upended the asylum system as we knew it, slashing refugee admissions and placing endless roadblocks in the way of people who arrive at the border to ask for safety. But the promise of asylum has always been political, situated uneasily between human compassion and national interest, as reporter John Washington explains in his book “The Dispossessed: A Story of Asylum at the U.S.-Mexico Border and Beyond,” published this week by Verso. Washington’s book traces the history of the concept of asylum from ancient Greek city-states to today’s militarized borders, telling the story of the asylum-seekers he has met along the way. In this excerpt, Washington explains how the U.S. uses prolonged detention as a way to pressure people to give up their cases and accept deportation.
It’s hard to weigh competing emotions — the current misery of confinement, the fear of future death — as detained asylum-seekers are forced to do. Humans recoil from death as well as from captivity. We want to live and we want to live free. We want both.
Since detention standards were changed in 1996, the U.S. government, in direct refutation to the 1951 Refugee Convention, has locked up hundreds of thousands of asylum-seekers who have broken neither domestic nor international law. The idea is to use them as an example of the misery the government is willing to draw on the bodies and minds of those seeking its protection, in order to convince future asylum-seekers from even trying.
When former White House chief of staff John Kelly first introduced the idea of separating migrant families in 2017, he said, “Yes, I’m considering” family separation “in order to deter more movement along this terribly dangerous network. I am considering exactly that.” But deterrence — prolonged detention, family separation, or forcing migrants to walk through the remote deserts — doesn’t work. Bertha, for example, a 63-year-old Honduran grandmother fleeing to save her and her granddaughter’s life, came to the United States knowing that they would likely be detained. And they were. Even after Bertha’s granddaughter was released, Immigration and Customs Enforcement kept Bertha locked up for almost two years.
Humans recoil from death as well as from captivity. We want to live and we want to live free. We want both.
I met Bertha in a small echoic room in the El Paso Processing Center, in her 18th month of detention. Boggled as to why ICE would detain, for such a long time, a shy grandmother with developing health complications who poses neither flight risk nor security concern, I asked her lawyer, Ed Beckett, if he knew why the government hadn’t released her.
They’re just assholes, Beckett told me. Cruel and unusual punishment, that’s about it. I think she’s a prime example of deterrence.
At her first asylum hearing in the low-ceilinged court inside the El Paso Processing Center, Bertha was denied asylum but was offered protection and relief from deportation through the Convention Against Torture. But then, a few days after the hearing, and before she was released, the judge suddenly changed his mind and reversed his decision. As Beckett helped Bertha appeal, she was kept in detention.
I’ve been in here 18 months, she told me in the spartan interview room. I’m from the department of Cortés. I came to the bridge on November 18. We were in the hielera — an icebox, and the common Spanish name for freezing-cold holding cells — for one day, and then they sent us here. I came … I fled. We came together. My granddaughter was only 14, her name is Yariela. The gangsters wanted her to be their wife. But I couldn’t let that happen. And then they wanted to kill me. They said they were going to kill me. We left the next day. I knew … well, I’m scared to return to my country, that’s what I told them.
I asked her what the security situation was like in her hometown.
I lost my grandson on October 11, 2013. They disappeared him. We don’t know where he is. I raised them both. Their mom was already here, in Houston. And when we had to leave, we just left, without hardly anything. We ran out of money in Guatemala. We had to go asking for money, asking for alms, for food. I was asking God for help. We traveled by bus. I wouldn’t know how to take a train. We were hungry sometimes, but people treated us OK. They gave us food.
They respected me because of my age. An abuelita. A little grandmother.
That’s why we left. Because a gangster was trying to make my granddaughter his wife. I turn to ice when I think about going back there.
Join Our Newsletter Original reporting. Fearless journalism. Delivered to you. I'm in
I came to ask for protection. I didn’t kill anyone, she says. She began counting on her fingers, starting with her thumb, then index finger. I didn’t rob anyone. I don’t do drugs, don’t have anything to do with drugs. She held up all five fingers to me, and then dropped her hand. I’m clean. A good woman. My daughter is the only one who helps me with some money, for the vending machine, for phone calls, but I can’t stand anything from the vending machines anymore. I can’t stand the soda … I’m just asking God to get me out of here. And my granddaughter. She asks me, she’s so sad, she asks me, Mami, she calls me, why don’t they let you out? And she starts to cry. You raised me. Please come here with me.
You can’t make a complaint or go to the police back in Honduras, Bertha told me, because they’ll know. They have a system, they can track you. I was looking for my grandson after he disappeared, but trying not to make too much noise. And we never found him. I imagine that they killed him, dropped him off somewhere, in some ditch, that’s how they do it. You can’t try to talk to the police or they’ll disappear you. If you see something, she said, and then zipped her lips with a finger.
I don’t know why there’s so much violence. I can’t explain it. It started around, around 2000. It wasn’t like this when I was a girl. Everything was much calmer. But it’s so bad now. Everybody, so many people are leaving. They told me they had to separate us, but they didn’t tell me where they were taking her. I was so … I never expected to be here so long.
To kill time I read the Bible. I also like to play Monopoly. I used to play with this other woman, from Honduras. We played a game last night. But she left today.
I asked her who won.
She smiled, embarrassed. I did, she said. I’ll miss her a lot. She went back to Honduras, just today. I lie in bed and read the Bible. The Psalms. My dad died when he was 91 years old, and he told me, hija, for this, your tongue, she said, and stuck out her tongue, they’ll kill you … for talking, for saying what you see. The gangs, they were taking money, war taxes. They charge you for everything. There wasn’t any more money for food.
Image: Courtesy of Verso
Here, in detention, we wake up at five, we have breakfast. Lunch at 11. And dinner at 4:30. But sometimes I’m hungry at night. At home we ate at nine. I get hungry at midnight. Sometimes I buy something from the vending machine, but I don’t like those crackers or cookies anymore. I don’t even like soda. I go to bed hungry. Lights out at nine o’clock. There’s count three times a day. At 10 in the morning, at 3:30, and at nine. At count we have to be quiet. We have to lie in our beds and we can’t talk. If we make noise we get in trouble. At night though, it’s hard to sleep. If someone’s snoring, she says, laughing and putting her hands on her cheeks, we have to deal with it. There’s always someone in the barracks with us. One of the guards. They’re not mean, but they talk strong if we’re loud, if someone’s talking during count. She paused to think. Sometimes, to pass the time, I draw. I draw flowers, princesses, little animals, things like that. Curlicues. Just to pass the time.
It’s not good to be in here. This situation … it’s like a purgatory. It’s like we’re never going to leave. I just think I’m never going to leave. If I get out I’m going to do what I always do, follow the right path. Be good. Do right. We’re all the same. You have to treat people nice. I hope, I hope that God forgives the United States. They have no heart. We’re people. We’re old women. We can’t be here. I don’t know why they don’t let us go. I just don’t know why.
Bertha started telling me about her favorite Psalms, but then one of the guards interrupted us. Our time was up. I told her I would read a couple of her recommendations, and, as I scribbled into my notebook and the guard stood watching us, she told me to read Psalms 23, 91, 102, 27, and 71.
“This situation … it’s like a purgatory. It’s like we’re never going to leave.”
It had been a long time since I read any of them, and, at my hostel later that night, as I began to read them on my computer, I wondered at first if all the Psalms referred to danger and searching for refuge in times of trouble and old age, or if she had just selected those that so precisely fit her situation.
I will say of the Lord, He is my refuge and my fortress. Surely He shall deliver you from the snare of the fowler. He shall cover you with His feathers, and under his wings you shall take refuge. You shall not be afraid of the terror by night, nor of the arrow that flies by day, nor of the pestilence that walks in darkness, nor of the destruction that lays waste at noonday. For my days are consumed like smoke, and my bones are burned like a hearth. My heart is stricken and withered like grass, so that I forget to eat my bread. My bones cling to my skin. I am like a pelican of the wilderness, I am like an owl of the desert. I lie awake, and am like a sparrow alone on the housetop. Do not cast me off in the time of old age. Do not forsake me when my strength fails. You prepare a table before me. You anoint my head with oil. My cup runs over.
Read Our Complete Coverage The War on Immigrants
In the summer of 2018, after 20 months of detention, Bertha lost her appeal and was deported alone back to Honduras. When I think of her now, I think of another poem, the line from Keats — “Where but to think is to be full of sorrow” — and of Saint Oscar Romero, who was reading the 23rd Psalm, one of Bertha’s recommendations, during mass on the day he was assassinated in the cathedral in El Salvador’s capital. “May God have mercy on the assassins” were the archbishop’s last words.
Sixteen hours after a Salvadoran army sniper pulled the trigger and killed Romero, on March 24, 1980, the U.S. House Foreign Operations Subcommittee began hearings on the $5.7 million in military aid that the archbishop had begged President Jimmy Carter not to send, which Romero said would “surely increase injustice here and sharpen the repression that has been unleashed.”
Though the vote was postponed, the military aid was eventually approved.
Joan Didion described the administration’s account of the Salvadoran government’s progress toward human rights, on which the U.S. aid depended, as hallucinatory. The adjective also would apply to ICE’s self-proclaimed compliance with its own standard of guaranteeing “safe, secure, and humane environments” for what it calls “custodial supervision.”


theintercept--2020-05-03--Through Creative Accounting, Trump Tries to Cast America's Death Toll as an Achievement

where the number of Americans killed by Covid-19 passed 66,000 , Donald Trump assured us that this death toll , looked at from the right angle , is really proof of how great he is at his job .
Asked on Thursday to account for his son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner ’ s description of the federal government ’ s chaotic response to the coronavirus pandemic as “ a great success story ” that “ needs to be told , ” the president said that he agreed .
“ We ’ ve solved every problem , ” he claimed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I don ’ t think anybody has done a better job — with testing , with ventilators , with all of the things that we ’ ve done , ” Trump added .
“ And our death totals , our numbers per million people , are really very , very strong .
We ’ re very proud of the job we ’ ve done.
” Trump ’ s strange boast about the “ very , very strong ” death toll puzzled many viewers , but it helps to know that , for weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adviser , Dr. Deborah Birx , have been urging Americans to consider that , on a per capita basis , the U.S. mortality rate is lower than that of several of the worst-hit countries in Western Europe .
On April 10 , for instance , Trump asserted that “ we ’ ve kept our fatality rate very , very low compared to other countries.
” Later in the same briefing , Birx said that he was right .
“ As the President noted , our mortality in the United States is significantly less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you correct them for our population.
” “ The United States has achieved a significant lower mortality rate than almost all other countries , ” Trump said at another briefing six days later .
“ While we mourn the tragic loss of life — and you can ’ t mourn it any stronger than we ’ re mourning it , ” Trump said at the start of a briefing on April 18 , “ the United States has produced dramatically better health outcomes than any other country , with the possible exception of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re as good or better.
” Birx then presented a bar chart comparing the death toll in the U.S. , expressed as a share of population , to the far higher rates of death in six European nations : Belgium , Spain , Italy , France , the United Kingdom and the Netherlands .
After she did so , Trump interrupted her presentation to point to the far lower reported mortality rate of another country on the chart , China , and suggested that the authorities there must have lied about their death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the data presented by Birx showed , as of mid-April , Americans were more than twice as likely as Germans to have died from Covid-19 .
While the U.S. had recorded 11.24 deaths per 100,000 people then , Germany , which had a high rate of infection , had kept deaths down to 5.25 per 100,000 .
Today , Americans are faring even worse in comparison to Germans .
According to updated mortality rates compiled on May 2 by Johns Hopkins researchers for the 10 countries with the most confirmed cases of Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ per 100,000 , compared to 8.21 in Germany .
Expressed in Trump ’ s preferred metric of deaths per million , for every 203 Americans lost to Covid-19 so far , just 82 Germans have perished .
What this means is that if the federal government in Washington had been as successful at keeping its citizens alive as the one in Berlin , the death toll in the U.S. would not be , as it is today , more than 66,000 , but less than 27,000 .
In other words , Trump and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of statistical sleight-of-hand , one that seems designed to distract attention from the fact that tens of thousands of Americans would still be alive today had their government managed the crisis as well as the German one .
At no point in the April 18 briefing did either Trump or Birx explain why Americans should be satisfied with being less likely to die of Covid-19 than citizens of Britain or France , but in so much more danger than Germans .
There are also other ways in which it is misleading to compare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those of the six European nations with the worst mortality rates .
To start with , by focusing just on other hard-hit countries , Trump distracts attention from the fact that there are dozens of other countries , in Europe and other parts of the world , that have far lower mortality rates than the U.S. — like Greece , Austria , Denmark , Portugal , Canada and Japan .
Most notably , South Korea , which was so successful at suppressing the outbreak through early action and widespread testing that it has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate of 0.48 per 100,000 — was also not included in the ranking presented by Birx .
If the U.S. had matched South Korea , just over 1,500 Americans would have died to date .
Despite this , Trump has continued to incorrectly refer to that chart from the April 18 briefing as proof that the United States is “ right at the top ” of world rankings .
Speaking to the press on Thursday during an Oval Office meeting with New Jersey ’ s governor , Phil Murphy , Trump asked Birx @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claiming that it showed “ we ’ re the leader of the world , we ’ re really the leader , in this case , the leader of the world .
And we ’ ve done better , if you look at our deaths , if you look at mortality rates… .
I ’ m going to get a chart , because it ’ s maybe the most impressive thing — right ?
— how we ’ ve done.
” Then there is the fact that all six of the most affected European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. , and population density appears to make it harder to stop the spread of the virus .
That Germany and South Korea are also densely populated indicates that there are other factors at play , but the first wave of outbreaks in Europe and the U.S. have been most intense in major cities and their surrounding metropolitan areas .
Even the least densely populated of the six European nations that have been hit the hardest by the outbreak , Spain , is more densely settled than it might seem .
Alasdair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and planning at the University of Sheffield , noted in 2018 that Spain ’ s population density of 93 people per square kilometer is misleading , since only about 13 percent of the country ’ s territory is actually lived in .
Barcelona , along with Madrid , has been one of the two Spanish cities most affected by the pandemic .
As Rae pointed out , “ more than 53,000 people inhabit a single square kilometer area in Barcelona , ” making it the most densely populated square kilometer in Europe .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ density created this week by Rae shows , the worst affected areas of Europe — northern Italy , Belgium , the Netherlands , northern France and southern England — are among the continent ’ s most tightly packed regions .
The U.S. by contrast , has a much higher rural population than Western Europe .
For that reason , it might be more appropriate to compare the mortality rates of those European nations to that of the seven badly hit northeastern American states that have formed an interstate compact to collaborate on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states — New York , New Jersey , Connecticut , Massachusetts , Rhode Island , Pennsylvania and Delaware — have recorded 35,718 deaths out of a combined population of about 53.6 million .
That mortality rate of 66.6 per 100,000 for the region exceeds the current figure for every European country except Belgium , which , unlike the U.S. , includes in its count a large number of deaths in nursing homes that are suspected of being virus-related , but have not been confirmed by testing .
While Belgium ’ s coronavirus emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure for including so many suspected cases — nearly half the nation ’ s total deaths — health officials have refused to change their method , describing surveillance of the disease as more important than negative publicity .
One Belgian government minister , Denis Ducarme , noticed and was not happy about the chart of national mortality rates displayed by Birx and Trump last month to bolster their argument that the U.S. was doing relatively well in handling the pandemic .
“ Our method of counting is the most exhaustive possible , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ realDonaldTrump makes a macabre ranking , by pointing the finger at Belgium to give the impression that all is well in the U.S.A .
I find it disgraceful , the basest of politics.
” Updated : Sunday , May 3 , 11:01 a.m. PDT This article was updated with the latest mortality rate data , as of May 2 , for 10 nations , including the United States and Germany .

In a week where the number of Americans killed by Covid-19 passed 66,000, Donald Trump assured us that this death toll, looked at from the right angle, is really proof of how great he is at his job.
Asked on Thursday to account for his son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner’s description of the federal government’s chaotic response to the coronavirus pandemic as “a great success story” that “needs to be told,” the president said that he agreed. “We’ve solved every problem,” he claimed. “We solved it quickly.”
“I don’t think anybody has done a better job — with testing, with ventilators, with all of the things that we’ve done,” Trump added. “And our death totals, our numbers per million people, are really very, very strong. We’re very proud of the job we’ve done.”
Trump today: "Our death totals, our numbers, per million people, are really very, very strong. We're very proud of the job we've done." Via CSPAN pic.twitter.com/gOi7DIJIQX — Kyle Griffin (@kylegriffin1) April 30, 2020
Trump’s strange boast about the “very, very strong” death toll puzzled many viewers, but it helps to know that, for weeks, the president and his senior medical adviser, Dr. Deborah Birx, have been urging Americans to consider that, on a per capita basis, the U.S. mortality rate is lower than that of several of the worst-hit countries in Western Europe.
On April 10, for instance, Trump asserted that “we’ve kept our fatality rate very, very low compared to other countries.” Later in the same briefing, Birx said that he was right. “As the President noted, our mortality in the United States is significantly less than many of the other countries when you correct them for our population.”
Dr. Birx says that the covid19 mortality rate in the United States is "significantly less" than that of other countries when adjusted for population pic.twitter.com/jmixmm36gS — Daily Caller (@DailyCaller) April 10, 2020
“The United States has achieved a significant lower mortality rate than almost all other countries,” Trump said at another briefing six days later.
“While we mourn the tragic loss of life — and you can’t mourn it any stronger than we’re mourning it,” Trump said at the start of a briefing on April 18, “the United States has produced dramatically better health outcomes than any other country, with the possible exception of Germany — and I think we’re as good or better.”
Birx then presented a bar chart comparing the death toll in the U.S., expressed as a share of population, to the far higher rates of death in six European nations: Belgium, Spain, Italy, France, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. After she did so, Trump interrupted her presentation to point to the far lower reported mortality rate of another country on the chart, China, and suggested that the authorities there must have lied about their death toll to produce that statistic.
But that chart also included evidence that it is profoundly misleading to cast the U.S. response as a success by comparing it to just those six countries. That’s because the data also showed that Germany, whose success Trump had downplayed, had a far lower mortality rate than the U.S.
Photo: CSPAN, via YouTube
As the data presented by Birx showed, as of mid-April, Americans were more than twice as likely as Germans to have died from Covid-19. While the U.S. had recorded 11.24 deaths per 100,000 people then, Germany, which had a high rate of infection, had kept deaths down to 5.25 per 100,000.
Today, Americans are faring even worse in comparison to Germans. According to updated mortality rates compiled on May 10 by Johns Hopkins researchers for the 10 countries with the most confirmed cases of Covid-19, the U.S. now has 24.31 deaths per 100,000, compared to 9.13 in Germany.
Photo: Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center
Expressed in Trump’s preferred metric of deaths per million, for every 243 Americans lost to Covid-19 so far, just 91 Germans have perished. What this means is that if the federal government in Washington had been as successful at keeping its citizens alive as the one in Berlin, the death toll in the U.S. would not be, as it was on May 10, 80,087, but 30,077.
In other words, Trump and Birx have been engaged in a kind of statistical sleight-of-hand, one that seems designed to distract attention from the fact that tens of thousands of Americans would still be alive today had their government managed the crisis as well as the German one.
At no point in the April 18 briefing did either Trump or Birx explain why Americans should be satisfied with being less likely to die of Covid-19 than citizens of Britain or France, but in so much more danger than Germans.
There are also other ways in which it is misleading to compare deaths in the U.S. so far to those of the six European nations with the worst mortality rates. To start with, by focusing just on other hard-hit countries, Trump distracts attention from the fact that, as of May 10, 131 countries had lower mortality rates than the U.S. — including Greece, Austria, Denmark, Portugal, Canada and Japan.
Most notably, South Korea, which was so successful at suppressing the outbreak through early action and widespread testing that it has recorded just 256 deaths — a mortality rate of 0.50 per 100,000 on May 10 — was also not included in the ranking presented by Birx. If the U.S. had matched South Korea, just over 1,500 Americans would have died to date.
Despite this, Trump has continued to incorrectly refer to that chart from the April 18 briefing as proof that the United States is “right at the top” of world rankings. Speaking to the press on Thursday during an Oval Office meeting with New Jersey’s governor, Phil Murphy, Trump asked Birx to get out the chart, falsely claiming that it showed “we’re the leader of the world, we’re really the leader, in this case, the leader of the world. And we’ve done better, if you look at our deaths, if you look at mortality rates…. I’m going to get a chart, because it’s maybe the most impressive thing — right? — how we’ve done.”
Then there is the fact that all six of the most affected European countries are much more densely populated than the U.S., and population density appears to make it harder to stop the spread of the virus.
Photo: World Bank
That Germany and South Korea are also densely populated indicates that there are other factors at play, but the first wave of outbreaks in Europe and the U.S. have been most intense in major cities and their surrounding metropolitan areas.
Even the least densely populated of the six European nations that have been hit the hardest by the outbreak, Spain, is more densely settled than it might seem. Alasdair Rae, a professor of urban studies and planning at the University of Sheffield, noted in 2018 that Spain’s population density of 93 people per square kilometer is misleading, since only about 13 percent of the country’s territory is actually lived in. Barcelona, along with Madrid, has been one of the two Spanish cities most affected by the pandemic. As Rae pointed out, “more than 53,000 people inhabit a single square kilometer area in Barcelona,” making it the most densely populated square kilometer in Europe.
As a series of visualization of population density created this week by Rae shows, the worst affected areas of Europe — northern Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, northern France and southern England — are among the continent’s most tightly packed regions.
The U.S. by contrast, has a much higher rural population than Western Europe. For that reason, it might be more appropriate to compare the mortality rates of those European nations to that of the seven badly hit northeastern American states that have formed an interstate compact to collaborate on the phased reopening of their economies.
Those states — New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and Delaware — have recorded 35,718 deaths out of a combined population of about 53.6 million. That mortality rate of 66.6 per 100,000 for the region exceeds the current figure for every European country except Belgium, which, unlike the U.S., includes in its count a large number of deaths in nursing homes that are suspected of being virus-related, but have not been confirmed by testing.
While Belgium’s coronavirus emergency task force has come under some political pressure for including so many suspected cases — nearly half the nation’s total deaths — health officials have refused to change their method, describing surveillance of the disease as more important than negative publicity.
One Belgian government minister, Denis Ducarme, noticed and was not happy about the chart of national mortality rates displayed by Birx and Trump last month to bolster their argument that the U.S. was doing relatively well in handling the pandemic. “Our method of counting is the most exhaustive possible,” Ducarme wrote on Twitter. “When @realDonaldTrump makes a macabre ranking, by pointing the finger at Belgium to give the impression that all is well in the U.S.A. I find it disgraceful, the basest of politics.”
Last Updated: Monday, May 10, 2:21 p.m. PDT
This article was updated with the latest mortality rate data, as of May 10, for 10 nations, including the United States and Germany.


theintercept--2020-05-01--Coronavirus Has Mexico's Workers Pinned Between U.S. Business Interests and Their President's Obsess

Coronavirus Has Mexico's Workers Pinned Between U.S. Business Interests and Their President's Obsessive Austerity

and Mexico are each enveloped in their own stumbling , disjointed response to the new coronavirus pandemic .
The crisis is revealing the failures of the U.S.-Mexico relationship , and the cynical ways in which interest groups , corporations , and plutocrats take advantage of it .
The neighboring countries could deploy a coordinated response to the pandemic , because their contagion curves are weeks apart .
A bold and creative plan that would establish a collaborative protocol to look out for cases at the border , or strategically increase the production of medical equipment , could pool the resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives .
Instead , the coronavirus crisis has been used to further restrict immigration , violate labor rights , protect defense contractors , and double down on inflammatory and dangerous political rhetoric .
The pandemic shows how easily business interests are placed above the lives of Mexican workers .
The U.S. National Association of Manufacturers , weapons makers and U.S. officials have urged the Mexican government to open its economy in order to minimize the disruption of North American supply chains .
They need Mexico ’ s labor because final products rely on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unfortunately , the pressure seems to be working .
Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador declared that he will open Mexico ’ s manufacturing sector days before America ’ s automotive industry opens .
This could be a huge mistake with major ramifications for workers .
The coronavirus spread in Mexico later than in the U.S. and is evolving at a different pace .
Mexico expects cases to pick up until the first or second week of May and thus , may need to stay closed longer than the United States .
Failing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curve and quarantine may mean even more suffering and death .
Mexican officials from the border state of Chihuahua testified in mid-March that 13 of the state ’ s 16 fatalities from Covid-19 , the disease caused by the novel coronavirus , were workers at a factory owned by the U.S. automotive company Lear .
Strikes have popped up in factories along the border , demanding a halt to production , yet , in Juaréz , to take one example , 30 percent of manufacturers remain open .
Organizers fighting for their lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As El País reported , Electrolux , a corporation that makes laundry machines in Juaréz for American consumers , paused operations only after one of their workers died .
migration front , the pandemic has become the perfect excuse to advance xenophobic agendas .
U.S. President Donald Trump has decided that immigrants are a risk to U.S. labor markets and has barred people from receiving green cards , suspended family-based immigration , and put in place mechanisms for fast deportations .
In addition , asylum hearings have been canceled , leaving thousands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camps at Mexican border towns .
More than 200 people have tested positive for Covid-19 in U.S. immigrant detention centers that hold almost 30,000 people in overcrowded and unsanitary facilities .
The United Nations , human rights groups , and members of the U.S. Congress have called for the immediate release of migrants amid this humanitarian catastrophe .
But the Trump administration still callously refuses to let the vast majority of them go .
Fast-tracked deportations have taken a particularly harsh toll by increasing the reach of the deadly virus .
The more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the U.S. under new coronavirus regulations have brought the virus to countries where health care systems are more precarious .
Journalist Camilo Montoya-Galvez estimated this week that 20 percent of the total Covid-19 cases in Guatemala are deported migrants .
In Mexico , 10 percent of cases in the border state of Tamaulipas have been deportees , according reports from local authorities on April 20 .
These measures are supposedly temporary , but Trump ’ s advisers have declared that they see them as just a first step toward curbing immigration in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico ’ s most vulnerable lack proper protection and economic support from their own government .
López Obrador is a hardcore austerity proponent who refuses to increase his country ’ s public debt in the face of economic disaster and whose social programs reach less than half of the poor population .
His response to the crisis has been limited to implementing his regular social agenda and providing $ 1,000 credits at a 6 percent interest rate to 3 million businesses in the formal and informal sectors .
Unsurprisingly , wealthy Mexicans remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ López Obrador refused to use public resources to bail out Mexican plutocrats , corporations have been given credit directly from the Inter-American Development Bank .
Business organizations representing Mexico ’ s wealthiest corporations had previously held several meetings with López Obrador and his cabinet to propose a heavily regressive economic relief package .
They requested unconditional tax privileges , access to new oil contracts , loans at preferable rates , and even had the audacity to propose freezing all tax audits — a sweet gift for tax evaders .
Meanwhile , the Mexican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have practically no defense against the obsessive austerity of López Obrador , Mexican plutocrats , and elite-driven U.S.-Mexico diplomacy .
Drug cartels have been picking up the slack .
Criminal organizations including the Sinaloa cartel are delivering food packages in vulnerable areas affected by the pandemic .
This should not be taken as purely altruistic , of course ; the cartels know this is how they become even more influential and entrenched in the communities they “ serve.
” The American public has not been informed of the tremendous failure of the U.S.-Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right-wing columnists that Mexico ’ s president is “ using the coronavirus crisis to advance his socialist agenda , ” and open support for Mexican elites to “ press [ their plan ] upon their president , ” few U.S. media outlets have shown interest in exposing the critical role that U.S. and Mexican establishments are playing in empowering organized crime , killing workers , and spreading the virus at the border .
It is not too late to change course and hold the powerful of both countries accountable .
America and Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and instead collaborate on an intelligent , socially ambitious partnership — to improve links among laboratories , engage in a constructive dialogue regarding the development of rapid testing , and coordinate the eventual distribution of a Covid-19 vaccine .
Mexican authorities say they are going after companies that refused to close production lines even as their workers fell ill and died .
The U.S. should support this initiative and do the same for U.S.-based employers that risked the lives of Mexican immigrants .
Advancing unionization of workforces on both sides of the border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry .
In addition , both countries should regulate the export of heavily processed food to Mexico to help prevent diabetes and other conditions that are risk factors that increase the mortality rate of respiratory diseases like Covid-19 .
The wealthy , well-connected , and powerful of both nations can not continue to take advantage of the Covid-19 crisis to further enrich themselves and push a heartless , xenophobic agenda .

Photo: Cheney Orr/Bloomberg/Getty Images
The United States and Mexico are each enveloped in their own stumbling, disjointed response to the new coronavirus pandemic. The crisis is revealing the failures of the U.S.-Mexico relationship, and the cynical ways in which interest groups, corporations, and plutocrats take advantage of it.
The neighboring countries could deploy a coordinated response to the pandemic, because their contagion curves are weeks apart. A bold and creative plan that would establish a collaborative protocol to look out for cases at the border, or strategically increase the production of medical equipment, could pool the resources of both nations and save many more lives.
Instead, the coronavirus crisis has been used to further restrict immigration, violate labor rights, protect defense contractors, and double down on inflammatory and dangerous political rhetoric.
The pandemic shows how easily business interests are placed above the lives of Mexican workers.
The pandemic shows how easily business interests are placed above the lives of Mexican workers. The U.S. National Association of Manufacturers, weapons makers and U.S. officials have urged the Mexican government to open its economy in order to minimize the disruption of North American supply chains. They need Mexico’s labor because final products rely on components produced south of the border.
Unfortunately, the pressure seems to be working. Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador declared that he will open Mexico’s manufacturing sector days before America’s automotive industry opens. This could be a huge mistake with major ramifications for workers. The coronavirus spread in Mexico later than in the U.S. and is evolving at a different pace. Mexico expects cases to pick up until the first or second week of May and thus, may need to stay closed longer than the United States.
Failing to allow Mexico to follow its natural curve and quarantine may mean even more suffering and death. Mexican officials from the border state of Chihuahua testified in mid-March that 13 of the state’s 16 fatalities from Covid-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, were workers at a factory owned by the U.S. automotive company Lear. Strikes have popped up in factories along the border, demanding a halt to production, yet, in Juaréz, to take one example, 30 percent of manufacturers remain open. Organizers fighting for their lives get fired and production continues as normal. As El País reported, Electrolux, a corporation that makes laundry machines in Juaréz for American consumers, paused operations only after one of their workers died.
On the migration front, the pandemic has become the perfect excuse to advance xenophobic agendas. U.S. President Donald Trump has decided that immigrants are a risk to U.S. labor markets and has barred people from receiving green cards, suspended family-based immigration, and put in place mechanisms for fast deportations. In addition, asylum hearings have been canceled, leaving thousands of people stranded and exposed in refugee camps at Mexican border towns.
More than 200 people have tested positive for Covid-19 in U.S. immigrant detention centers that hold almost 30,000 people in overcrowded and unsanitary facilities. The United Nations, human rights groups, and members of the U.S. Congress have called for the immediate release of migrants amid this humanitarian catastrophe. But the Trump administration still callously refuses to let the vast majority of them go.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
Fast-tracked deportations have taken a particularly harsh toll by increasing the reach of the deadly virus. The more than 10,000 migrants who have been expelled from the U.S. under new coronavirus regulations have brought the virus to countries where health care systems are more precarious. Journalist Camilo Montoya-Galvez estimated this week that 20 percent of the total Covid-19 cases in Guatemala are deported migrants. In Mexico, 10 percent of cases in the border state of Tamaulipas have been deportees, according reports from local authorities on April 20.
These measures are supposedly temporary, but Trump’s advisers have declared that they see them as just a first step toward curbing immigration in the long term.
Amid all of these challenges, Mexico’s most vulnerable lack proper protection and economic support from their own government.
López Obrador is a hardcore austerity proponent who refuses to increase his country’s public debt in the face of economic disaster and whose social programs reach less than half of the poor population. His response to the crisis has been limited to implementing his regular social agenda and providing $1,000 credits at a 6 percent interest rate to 3 million businesses in the formal and informal sectors.
Unsurprisingly, wealthy Mexicans remain better insulated from the crisis. After López Obrador refused to use public resources to bail out Mexican plutocrats, corporations have been given credit directly from the Inter-American Development Bank.
Business organizations representing Mexico’s wealthiest corporations had previously held several meetings with López Obrador and his cabinet to propose a heavily regressive economic relief package. They requested unconditional tax privileges, access to new oil contracts, loans at preferable rates, and even had the audacity to propose freezing all tax audits — a sweet gift for tax evaders.
Meanwhile, the Mexican middle classes and most of the poor have practically no defense against the obsessive austerity of López Obrador, Mexican plutocrats, and elite-driven U.S.-Mexico diplomacy.
The Mexican middle classes and most of the poor have practically no defense against the obsessive austerity of López Obrador, Mexican plutocrats, and elite-driven U.S.-Mexico diplomacy.
Drug cartels have been picking up the slack. Criminal organizations including the Sinaloa cartel are delivering food packages in vulnerable areas affected by the pandemic. This should not be taken as purely altruistic, of course; the cartels know this is how they become even more influential and entrenched in the communities they “serve.”
The American public has not been informed of the tremendous failure of the U.S.-Mexico Covid-19 response. Between ludicrous accusations by right-wing columnists that Mexico’s president is “using the coronavirus crisis to advance his socialist agenda,” and open support for Mexican elites to “press [their plan] upon their president,” few U.S. media outlets have shown interest in exposing the critical role that U.S. and Mexican establishments are playing in empowering organized crime, killing workers, and spreading the virus at the border.
Share Your Coronavirus Story Click here to learn about contacting a reporter securely, or email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com
It is not too late to change course and hold the powerful of both countries accountable. America and Mexico need to graduate from backroom bilateral negotiations and instead collaborate on an intelligent, socially ambitious partnership — to improve links among laboratories, engage in a constructive dialogue regarding the development of rapid testing, and coordinate the eventual distribution of a Covid-19 vaccine.
Mexican authorities say they are going after companies that refused to close production lines even as their workers fell ill and died. The U.S. should support this initiative and do the same for U.S.-based employers that risked the lives of Mexican immigrants.
Advancing unionization of workforces on both sides of the border could improve working conditions in the manufacturing industry. In addition, both countries should regulate the export of heavily processed food to Mexico to help prevent diabetes and other conditions that are risk factors that increase the mortality rate of respiratory diseases like Covid-19.
The wealthy, well-connected, and powerful of both nations cannot continue to take advantage of the Covid-19 crisis to further enrich themselves and push a heartless, xenophobic agenda.