theintercept--2020-09-15--"He Just Empties You All Out”: Whistleblower Reports High Number of Hysterectomies at ICE Detention

"He Just Empties You All Out”: Whistleblower Reports High Number of Hysterectomies at ICE Detention Facility

filed this week with the Department of Homeland Security ’ s Office of the Inspector General alleges that high rates of hysterectomies — sometimes without what the complaint called “ proper informed consent ” — have been performed on women detained in a privately owned immigration jail in Georgia .
The complaint , filed by the human rights group Project South , quoted a detainee from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement ’ s Irwin County Detention Center saying that five women who had the procedure between October and December 2019 had told her that they “ reacted confused when explaining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women claimed that they did not have access to proper interpreters and that medical staff often did not speak Spanish .
The accounts in Project South ’ s complaint — which included that of the whistleblower Dawn Wooten , a licensed practical nurse at the facility — were consistent with accounts given in separate interviews conducted by The Intercept with three other current detainees at the facility , eight advocates for detainees at the prison , and a former Irwin employee , all of whom requested anonymity for fear of reprisals against themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sees has a hysterectomy — just about everybody , ” Wooten , who is being represented as a whistleblower by Project South and the Government Accountability Project , explained in the complaint .
“ I ’ ve had several inmates tell me that they ’ ve been to see the doctor , and they ’ ve had hysterectomies , and they don ’ t know why they went or why they ’ re going.
” Like many other ICE detention centers , Irwin , which is operated by the private prison firm LaSalle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medical mistreatment .
Wooten ’ s whistleblower complaint , which The Intercept reported on Monday , focused on precautions at Irwin related to the coronavirus pandemic .
The accounts of the high rates of hysterectomies , which were first reported by the legal website Law and Crime , were also included in the Project South complaint to the Office of the Inspector General .
In a statement to The Intercept , ICE said it does not comment on matters presented to the Office of Inspector General .
“ ICE takes all allegations seriously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potential investigation and/or results , ” the ICE statement said .
“ That said , in general , anonymous , unproven allegations , made without any fact-checkable specifics , should be treated with the appropriate skepticism they deserve.
” The agency maintains that the Irwin County Detention Center has been inspected multiple times , with and without warning , and that the facility has been found to be in compliance with Performance-Based National Detention Standards .
LaSalle Corrections did not respond to a request for comment .
The Department of Homeland Security ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not immediately respond to a request for comment .
On Tuesday , Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi called for an investigation into Wooten ’ s allegations .
Georgia State Rep. Bob Trammell sent a letter on Monday to the Georgia Composite Medical Board and the Georgia Board of Nursing after the complaint was published , requesting that they “ immediately suspend the licenses of the providers named in the whistleblower complaint pending a full investigation by your offices.
” Though Wooten , in an interview with The Intercept on Monday , declined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interviews with a detainee , two detainee advocates , and a former Irwin employee , the doctor is Mahendra Amin , an obstetrics and gynecology specialist based in Douglas , Georgia , near Irwin County Detention Center in Ocilla .
Amin , who has operated through at least one other practice , also has a relationship with Irwin County Hospital , where the immigration detention facility takes some detainees for treatment .
The doctor ’ s identity , which was first reported by Prism Reports , did not appear in the whistleblower ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Inspector General .
When reached by phone for comment , Amin confirmed that he conducted procedures on immigrant women brought from the facility .
He said that after he conducts exams , he requires the approval of the detention center before conducting any necessary procedures .
Amin said that he has only performed “ one or two hysterectomies in the past two [ or ] three years.
” When pressed , he did not specify whether those hysterectomies were performed on people detained in Irwin .
Amin said that allegations of performing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his reputation and affecting his practice .
“ Everything is wrong , and if you want to talk , talk to the hospital administrator , ” Amin said , referring to Irwin County Hospital , and then hung up the phone .
Reached by text message , Irwin County Hospital CEO Paige Wynn said consent was obtained for all surgical procedures .
“ We do not do any surgeries that do not have prior consent from ICE and the patients , ” Wynn said .
“ We can not specifically comment on any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obligations.
” ( Neither Wynn nor Amin responded immediately to a more specific , written requests for comment . )
The former Irwin employee said that Amin is the only OB-GYN serving the detained population in Irwin .
“ All I know is , if you go in for anything , the majority of the time , he ’ s going to suggest surgery , ” the former Irwin employee said .
“ I don ’ t know why .
I just — I don ’ t know why .
He does a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken to court for making false Medicaid claims .
In a case filed against him , other doctors , and Irwin County Hospital in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Georgia , the government alleged that the hospital was billing Medicaid for obstetric ultrasounds , even if they weren ’ t necessary .
The case was dismissed as part of a settlement , in which the hospital and nine doctors , including Amin , paid more than half a million dollars to the government , but did not admit any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the settlement , did not admit that its own claims were unfounded .
detainees whose accounts of medical visits were shared with The Intercept said they had no choice but to go to the doctor , who has become notorious among detainees for “ rough treatment ” of women during gynecological exams and performing a high number of procedures .
The accounts were consistent with the whistleblower complaint .
According to an advocate , one woman who had repeated medical visits requested deportation because she was worried that she would “ lose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choices were to see the doctor or remain untreated .
The woman was subsequently deported .
The current detainees at Irwin who spoke with The Intercept said they were pressured by the doctor to undergo partial or full hysterectomies .
One of the women estimated that as many as 20 others were recommended for an operation , in some cases undergoing surgery on the recommendations .
All of the women who spoke to The Intercept said that no interpreter was present , and they were unclear about the necessity or purpose of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Intercept on Tuesday , Wooten estimated that more than 20 women had undergone hysterectomies in the last six years .
“ People ask you why I got a hysterectomy , ” Wooten said .
“ I couldn ’ t explain it .
The only thing I have to say is that I ’ m sorry.
” Wooten described one 23-year-old woman who wasn ’ t told what the operation entailed until after the procedure .
In the Project South complaint to the inspector general , Wooten called the doctor “ the uterus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group , “ Everybody he sees , he ’ s taking all their uteruses out , or he ’ s taken their tubes out.
” One detainee told The Intercept that “ the doctor got mad when I didn ’ t want to have the surgery ” to remove a cyst .
“ No woman should go through this , ” the detainee said , through tears .
“ There ’ s something strange going on.
” Another woman who The Intercept spoke with said she simply didn ’ t understand why the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even exactly what it would be .
She had heard from other women that “ he just empties you all out.
” According to one advocate who spoke to The Intercept on the condition of anonymity to shield a detainee from reprisals , a woman detained in Irwin saw the doctor for spotting , or light vaginal bleeding .
The doctor claimed the woman had a cyst — a claim the woman was dubious about — and insisted on a procedure to remove uterine tissue .
While performing the procedure , the doctor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fallopian tube , claiming that “ it was clogged , ” according to the advocate .
The woman never gave her consent .
“ Assuming the allegations are true , I question the decisions DHS and ICDC make regarding the medical care for detained migrants , ” said Lorelei Williams , an attorney with the Southern Poverty Law Center ’ s Southeast Immigrant Freedom Initiative .
She said it appears that officials at the ICE prison “ fail to provide basic medical care , necessary lifesaving treatments , and the resources needed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — why ?
” Gregory Dober , an adjunct professor at Lake Erie College of Osteopathic Medicine and expert in health care ethics and law regarding incarcerated individuals , told The Intercept that “ medical law and ethics doesn ’ t care about the inconvenience by having to perform two procedures.
” He added that informed consent is a process , explaining that interpreters should be present .
“ The process , purpose of the procedure , risks , and benefits and alternative treatments should be discussed and noted , ” Dober said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of hysterectomies and lack of informed consent requires a full and trauma-informed investigation , ” said Amanda Klasing of the Women ’ s Rights Division of Human Rights Watch , in a statement to The Intercept .
“ Human Rights Watch research has shown consistent neglect and abuse in the health services provided in immigration detention , including failure to communicate clearly to patients , which makes these allegations particularly disturbing .
”

A whistleblower complaint filed this week with the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of the Inspector General alleges that high rates of hysterectomies — sometimes without what the complaint called “proper informed consent” — have been performed on women detained in a privately owned immigration jail in Georgia.
The complaint, filed by the human rights group Project South, quoted a detainee from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Irwin County Detention Center saying that five women who had the procedure between October and December 2019 had told her that they “reacted confused when explaining why they had one done.” Multiple women claimed that they did not have access to proper interpreters and that medical staff often did not speak Spanish.
The accounts in Project South’s complaint — which included that of the whistleblower Dawn Wooten, a licensed practical nurse at the facility — were consistent with accounts given in separate interviews conducted by The Intercept with three other current detainees at the facility, eight advocates for detainees at the prison, and a former Irwin employee, all of whom requested anonymity for fear of reprisals against themselves and their clients.
“Everybody he sees has a hysterectomy — just about everybody,” Wooten, who is being represented as a whistleblower by Project South and the Government Accountability Project, explained in the complaint. “I’ve had several inmates tell me that they’ve been to see the doctor, and they’ve had hysterectomies, and they don’t know why they went or why they’re going.”
Like many other ICE detention centers, Irwin, which is operated by the private prison firm LaSalle Corrections, has come under fire for medical mistreatment. Wooten’s whistleblower complaint, which The Intercept reported on Monday, focused on precautions at Irwin related to the coronavirus pandemic. The accounts of the high rates of hysterectomies, which were first reported by the legal website Law and Crime, were also included in the Project South complaint to the Office of the Inspector General.
In a statement to The Intercept, ICE said it does not comment on matters presented to the Office of Inspector General. “ICE takes all allegations seriously and defers to the OIG regarding any potential investigation and/or results,” the ICE statement said. “That said, in general, anonymous, unproven allegations, made without any fact-checkable specifics, should be treated with the appropriate skepticism they deserve.” The agency maintains that the Irwin County Detention Center has been inspected multiple times, with and without warning, and that the facility has been found to be in compliance with Performance-Based National Detention Standards.
In a statement sent to news media and, reportedly, Congress made after publication of this story, an ICE official said, “According to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) data, since 2018, only two individuals at Irwin County Detention Center were referred to certified, credentialed medical professionals at gynecological and obstetrical health care facilities for hysterectomies in compliance with National Commission on Correctional Health Care (NCCHC) standards. Based on their evaluations, these specialists recommended hysterectomies. These recommendations were reviewed by the facility clinical authority and approved.”
LaSalle Corrections did not respond to a request for comment. The Department of Homeland Security’s Office of the Inspector General did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
On Tuesday, Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi called for an investigation into Wooten’s allegations. Georgia State Rep. Bob Trammell sent a letter on Monday to the Georgia Composite Medical Board and the Georgia Board of Nursing after the complaint was published, requesting that they “immediately suspend the licenses of the providers named in the whistleblower complaint pending a full investigation by your offices.”
Though Wooten, in an interview with The Intercept on Monday, declined to identify the doctor, according to interviews with a detainee, two detainee advocates, and a former Irwin employee, the doctor is Mahendra Amin, an obstetrics and gynecology specialist based in Douglas, Georgia, near Irwin County Detention Center in Ocilla. Amin, who has operated through at least one other practice, also has a relationship with Irwin County Hospital, where the immigration detention facility takes some detainees for treatment. The doctor’s identity, which was first reported by Prism, did not appear in the whistleblower’s complaint to the Homeland Security Office of Inspector General.
When reached by phone for comment, Amin confirmed that he conducted procedures on immigrant women brought from the facility. He said that after he conducts exams, he requires the approval of the detention center before conducting any necessary procedures. Amin said that he has only performed “one or two hysterectomies in the past two [or] three years.” When pressed, he did not specify whether those hysterectomies were performed on people detained in Irwin.
Amin said that allegations of performing procedures without patients’ consent were ruining his reputation and affecting his practice. “Everything is wrong, and if you want to talk, talk to the hospital administrator,” Amin said, referring to Irwin County Hospital, and then hung up the phone.
In a statement made to the news media, a lawyer for Amin said the doctor “vigorously” denied the allegations. “Dr. Amin is a highly respected physician who has dedicated his adult life to treating a high-risk, underserved population in rural Georgia,” said Scott Grubman, the lawyer. “We look forward to all of the facts coming out and are confident that, once they do, Dr. Amin will be cleared of any wrongdoing.”
Reached by text message, Irwin County Hospital CEO Paige Wynn said consent was obtained for all surgical procedures. “We do not do any surgeries that do not have prior consent from ICE and the patients,” Wynn said. “We cannot specifically comment on any specific patient matter due to patient privacy obligations.” (Neither Wynn nor Amin responded immediately to a more specific, written requests for comment.)
“All I know is, if you go in for anything, the majority of the time, he’s going to suggest surgery. I don’t know why. I just — I don’t know why. He does a lot of surgeries.”
The former Irwin employee said that Amin is the only OB-GYN serving the detained population in Irwin. “All I know is, if you go in for anything, the majority of the time, he’s going to suggest surgery,” the former Irwin employee said. “I don’t know why. I just — I don’t know why. He does a lot of surgeries.”
Amin was previously taken to court for making false Medicaid claims. In a case filed against him, other doctors, and Irwin County Hospital in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Georgia, the government alleged that the hospital was billing Medicaid for obstetric ultrasounds, even if they weren’t necessary. The case was dismissed as part of a settlement, in which the hospital paid more than half a million dollars to the government, but did not admit any liability. The government, as part of the settlement, did not admit that its own claims were unfounded.
Several women detainees whose accounts of medical visits were shared with The Intercept said they had no choice but to go to the doctor, who has become notorious among detainees for “rough treatment” of women during gynecological exams and performing a high number of procedures. The accounts were consistent with the whistleblower complaint.
According to an advocate, one woman who had repeated medical visits requested deportation because she was worried that she would “lose her reproductive system” if her only choices were to see the doctor or remain untreated. The woman was subsequently deported.
The current detainees at Irwin who spoke with The Intercept said they were pressured by the doctor to undergo partial or full hysterectomies. One of the women estimated that as many as 20 others were recommended for an operation, in some cases undergoing surgery on the recommendations. All of the women who spoke to The Intercept said that no interpreter was present, and they were unclear about the necessity or purpose of the proposed treatment.
In an interview with The Intercept on Tuesday, Wooten estimated that more than 20 women had undergone hysterectomies in the last six years. “People ask you why I got a hysterectomy,” Wooten said. “I couldn’t explain it. The only thing I have to say is that I’m sorry.” Wooten described one 23-year-old woman who wasn’t told what the operation entailed until after the procedure. In the Project South complaint to the inspector general, Wooten called the doctor “the uterus collector.” She told the human rights group, “Everybody he sees, he’s taking all their uteruses out, or he’s taken their tubes out.”
One detainee told The Intercept that “the doctor got mad when I didn’t want to have the surgery” to remove a cyst. “No woman should go through this,” the detainee said, through tears. “There’s something strange going on.” Another woman who The Intercept spoke with said she simply didn’t understand why the doctor was insisting on an operation or even exactly what it would be. She had heard from other women that “he just empties you all out.”
According to one advocate who spoke to The Intercept on the condition of anonymity to shield a detainee from reprisals, a woman detained in Irwin saw the doctor for spotting, or light vaginal bleeding. The doctor claimed the woman had a cyst — a claim the woman was dubious about — and insisted on a procedure to remove uterine tissue. While performing the procedure, the doctor removed part of the woman’s fallopian tube, claiming that “it was clogged,” according to the advocate. The woman never gave her consent.
“Assuming the allegations are true, I question the decisions DHS and ICDC make regarding the medical care for detained migrants,” said Lorelei Williams, an attorney with the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Southeast Immigrant Freedom Initiative. She said it appears that officials at the ICE prison “fail to provide basic medical care, necessary lifesaving treatments, and the resources needed to protect detained migrants during the Covid-19 pandemic — why?”
Gregory Dober, an adjunct professor at Lake Erie College of Osteopathic Medicine and expert in health care ethics and law regarding incarcerated individuals, told The Intercept that “medical law and ethics doesn’t care about the inconvenience by having to perform two procedures.” He added that informed consent is a process, explaining that interpreters should be present. “The process, purpose of the procedure, risks, and benefits and alternative treatments should be discussed and noted,” Dober said.
“The allegations regarding high number of hysterectomies and lack of informed consent requires a full and trauma-informed investigation,” said Amanda Klasing of the Women’s Rights Division of Human Rights Watch, in a statement to The Intercept. “Human Rights Watch research has shown consistent neglect and abuse in the health services provided in immigration detention, including failure to communicate clearly to patients, which makes these allegations particularly disturbing.”
Update: September 18, 2020
This story has been updated to include a statement made to media after publication by a lawyer representing the doctor, as well as a statement from ICE to media made after publication claiming that two detainees at Irwin have were referred for hysterectomies since 2018, both in accordance with medical and institutional standards and policies.
Correction: September 18, 2020
Due to an editing error, an earlier version of this story said that, along with Irwin County Hospital, Amin and other doctors named as defendants in a court case over allegations of false claims to Medicaid and Medicare made payments to the government as part of a settlement. According to the settlement, as well as a subsequent statement by the hospital to the Associated Press, Irwin County Hospital alone, not the defendant doctors, were responsible for the payment as part of the settlement. The reference to the doctors making the payments has been removed from the story.


theintercept--2020-09-15--A Slate of Insurgents Is Taking on the "Delaware Way" [Updated With Results]

Incumbent Sen. Chris Coons was declared an early winner on election night , likely to finish with more than 70 percent of the vote against his challenger Jess Scarane .
But Scarane ’ s slate was headed for a rout of the establishment , with a potential statehouse sweep on the board .
In the state Senate , Marie Pinkney held a two-point lead against Sen. David McBride , who was first elected to the seat back in 1980 .
The slate ’ s three state House races were also going well , with Larry Lambert Jr. up 18 points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Morrison up by more than 20 points against Rep. Earl Jacques Jr ; and Madinah Wilson-Anton , who would be the first Muslim woman to serve in elected office in the state legislature , up slightly against incumbent Rep. John Viola .
The slate also ran two Wilmington city council candidates , and Shané Darby is poised to win her open race for the second district in a landslide .
Her ally in the first district , Coby Owens , however , was trailing as the night was closing .
Owens , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s largest Black Lives Matter protest , faced an extraordinary amount of opposition from the party establishment .
The mayor backed an independent expenditure that spent some $ 80,000 attacking him for supporting defunding the police , a staggering sum for an election whose winner will likely have fewer than 1,000 votes .
He ’ s trailing by six percentage points .
Since at least the early 1800s , Delaware ’ s political establishment has been guided by an ethos known today as “ the Delaware Way.
” The state is small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tiny .
Cooperation , including between the two parties , is the order of the day .
Spoken and unspoken pacts have long greased transitions as politicians move from one elected office to another .
The most famous maneuver is probably what ’ s known as “ The Swap ” : when the popular Republican governor , Mike Castle , switched places with the popular House member , Tom Carper , at the end of Castle ’ s tenure in 1992 .
Both glided into their new positions effectively unopposed .
When Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House in 2009 , a similar arrangement played out .
Biden ’ s longtime lieutenant , Ted Kaufman , was appointed to Biden ’ s seat for two years .
Kaufman pledged not to run for reelection , opening the way for Castle to ease from the House over to the Senate in a 2010 race not expected to be competitive .
Democrats put up only nominal opposition ; a New Castle County executive , Chris Coons , was tapped to be the sacrificial lamb .
But Delaware ’ s Republican primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party by nominating eccentric tea party conservative Christine O ’ Donnell over Castle .
O ’ Donnell ’ s general election campaign stumbled early , as she famously declared in a television ad that she was “ not a witch.
” ( She was responding to surfaced video of an appearance of hers on Bill Maher ’ s HBO show , in which she had said she “ dabbled into witchcraft.
” ) Things only got weirder from there , her polling numbers cratered , and Washington Republicans fumed at the blown opportunity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this story , telling The Intercept she had “ moved on from the 2010 campaign.
” The beneficiary of all this chaos was Coons , who was suddenly saved from a slaughter on Election Day .
“ Just the luckiest guy in the world , ” said Tom Gordon , a former New Castle County executive whose terms bookended Coons ’ s time in the office , of the man known in Delaware as “ the accidental senator.
” Coons joined Carper in the Senate , where Carper had been elected in 2000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2018 , progressives finally tried their hand at an O ’ Donnell-esque disruption of the Delaware Way , minus the weirdness , when Kerri Evelyn Harris had the temerity to challenge Carper for his Senate seat .
Harris raised very little money but got a last minute burst of national support from groups like Justice Democrats , who were feeling good after the primary win earlier that summer by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
Harris , who had the support of the Working Families Party , had campaigned for Ocasio-Cortez , and she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Delaware to rally for Harris .
Carper survived comfortably , winning 65 percent of the vote — but his total tally was just 53,000 votes , an enticingly small number .
The slate , backed by the Working Families Party , includes two candidates for Wilmington City Council ( Shané Darby in the 2nd District and Coby Owens in the 1st ) , three state House candidates ( Eric Morrison , Madinah Wilson-Anton , and Larry Lambert ) , and a state Senate candidate ( Marie Pinkney ) .
Combined , the local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes , while Scarane ’ s team believes she needs around 40,000 to top Coons .
By Monday , 60,071 Democrats had returned ballots , according to Scarane ’ s campaign .
What primary day turnout will look like given the pandemic is hard to predict .
Nothing like it has been tried in Delaware , and the members of the slate have faced intense pressure from the Delaware political community not to rock the boat .
Owens , running for a Wilmington council seat , has faced particular resistance .
Owens , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one side of his family , of the longest-serving Black man in Delaware politics , and , on the other side , the longest-serving Black woman .
But raised by a single mom in the city , he decided that the system was not serving those it needed to .
In 2018 , he bucked the Delaware Way and backed Harris , and this cycle has stepped forward on his own .
“ It ’ s been difficult , ” said Owens .
“ I ’ ve been around politics since I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Both sides of my family are very political and I ’ ve been engaged , so I ’ ve built those relationships , and I think on some ends , people have enough respect for me to understand that this isn ’ t personal — I ’ m still gon na break bread with you after I push like hell to see the embetterment of my community — but on the other side , some people are upset and think that I push too hard.
” For instance , Owens said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lives Matter rally ever held in Wilmington , but he ran into opposition when he used that energy to push for actual legislative changes .
Owens and his allies collected the information of as many people at the rally as possible , and had them demand repeal of the Law Enforcement Officers ’ Bill of Rights , as well as calling for other concrete police reforms .
Now , an independent expenditure — rare in a city council race — has popped up to combat Owens .
The IE has been sending mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Owens supports defunding the police , exploiting the gap between the national rhetoric around policing on the left and the type of police reform many voters in hard-hit cities like Wilmington say they want .
The incumbent councilmember , Linda Gray , did not respond to a request for an interview .
Though Owens has been protesting for years , and been arrested for civil disobedience , he does not engage in some of the more radical posturing that lives online .
At the Wilmington protest he organized , he successfully kept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ however , that record has been harder to ignore , as Coons has shown willingness to approve Donald Trump ’ s judicial and executive nominations — his “ present ” vote in April 2018 on Mike Pompeo ’ s nomination for secretary of state was pivotal to moving the vote out of committee and speeding up the confirmation process .
That type of political maneuvering , which led Politico to dub him “ the GOP ’ s favorite Democrat ” in 2018 , has now led to increasing criticism from the left for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Scarane .
The Scarane campaign has painted Coons as out of touch with the state and representing a corporate-funded style of politics that the Democratic Party needs to move away from .
She ’ s been relentlessly on the attack ; on Labor Day , after Coons posted on Twitter about his commitment to labor , she tweeted a video of the senator referring to his tough bargaining against unions as county executive of New Castle County .
For a politician of Coons ’ s stature in the party to be continually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scarane , shows the incumbent is out of touch .
Scarane told The Intercept that while Coons portrays himself as a compromiser and mediator between Republicans and Democrats , in practice that just means voting for GOP policies and getting nothing in return .
“ These votes are not gaining compromises , they ’ re selling us out , ” she said .
The Coons campaign sees it differently .
“ I don ’ t know what votes they ’ re pointing to but any honest accounting Senator Coons for the last several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accountable at every turn , ” said spokesperson Sean Coit .
“ At the same time , certainly Chris has been willing to work across the aisle to get things done for Delawareans.
” It could all be mooted if Joe Biden wins the presidential election .
A Biden administration could spell a cabinet position for Coons , most likely in the State Department , meaning he might now be spending millions to defend a seat he ’ ll vacate in less than six months .
But it wouldn ’ t be for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seat and then joins the Biden administration , the Delaware establishment would once again be able to appoint a replacement for the next two years until a special election can be held .
“ We don ’ t want him to spend $ 7 million so the governor can appoint someone unelected to that seat again , ” Scarane said .
“ The senator would be honored for the opportunity to serve Delaware for another term , ” said Coit when asked by The Intercept about Coons ’ s possible cabinet seat .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ million dollars on digital and TV ads to kick off September , despite taking an approach to campaigning that appears set on ignoring his challenger , whom he has not faced in a debate .
“ You can ’ t get away from his ads , but he ’ s not willing to have a conversation or debate about where we stand on the issues , ” Scarane said .
Coit rejected that claim , telling The Intercept that the Coons campaign had not heard from Scarane ’ s team about holding a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hardly something we ’ ve heard from the Scarane campaign , ” Coit said .
As for the ad buy , Coit said , “ the senator takes running for election incredibly seriously.
” about both Scarane ’ s platform and Coons ’ s record , the progressive insurgent ’ s campaign argued , voters quickly move her way .
Politicians like Coons , Scarane told The Intercept , have used their power to perpetuate a political culture in the state where the urge to maintain the power of the status @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better .
“ People are seeing what our vision of the future actually is , rather than running on ‘ better things aren ’ t possible , ' ” said Scarane , a member of the Democratic Socialists of America in Delaware .
She ’ s running on a platform that includes universal health care , abolishing ICE , conditioning aid to Israel on the treatment of the Palestinians , and many other progressive priorities .
While Scarane faces the institutional power of a well-connected senator with a huge amount of cash , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the enthusiasm from local groups who have thrown their support behind her campaign as a continuation of the work that began in 2018 to overthrow the state ’ s party establishment .
Yianni Jannelli , a member of DSA ’ s Delaware chapter , said the group backed Scarane in part because she is a member but also because she shares their goals and priorities .
The group also backed Harris in her 2018 challenge to Carper .
Jannelli told The Intercept that he believes Scarane has a good chance to take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ record of voting with Trump at a higher rate than other senators , a topic the group frequently brings up to voters during phone banking .
“ Senators better in touch with their Democrat constituents like Kamala Harris , Cory Booker , and Elizabeth Warren have barely voted with Trump 15 percent of the time on average , ” Jannelli explained .
“ By comparison , Chris Coons has voted in support of Trump ’ s interests by nearly twice that number .
A staunchly blue state , one of few left in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have such misrepresentation in the Senate.
” While the national wing of the Sunrise Movement has not gotten involved in the race , the local hub , Sunrise Newark , endorsed Scarane on June 19 .
Scarane signed the No Fossil Fuel Money Pledge , showing she is serious about climate policy , said the group ’ s president Carl Nelson-Poteet .
“ We reached out to both candidates , ” said Nelson-Poteet , “ asking them to sign the pledge and fill out a questionnaire ; she was the only one who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political officer Brant Roun added that Scarane ’ s policies align with those of the climate-focused group and that the progressive insurgent understands the magnitude of the crisis .
That is more pronounced in Delaware , a seaside state which will be — and already is being — drastically affected by climate change .
Both Nelson-Poteet and Roun told The Intercept they are sensing voters are receptive to Scarane ’ s message .
“ Her platform resonates with people , ” said Nelson-Poteet .
“ It seems every time we hear something about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive.
” Yet despite that broad-based support on the ground , an absence of national groups investing their attention and energy into the race presents challenges for the campaign .
Major groups like Justice Democrats haven ’ t gotten involved in the contest , and while Our Revolution and Sunrise Movement ’ s local hubs have backed Scarane , the national groups have not .
Media focus has only recently turned toward Delaware ’ s last-in-the-nation Democratic primary after covering dynamic campaigns in New York , Missouri , and Massachusetts for the summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much institutional support outside of her state ’ s progressive establishment .
The lack of national progressive attention to Scarane ’ s race is in contrast with the ways the Senate campaigns of Charles Booker in Kentucky and Ed Markey in Massachusetts were prioritized and has left her underfunded and without the full gamut of volunteer resources other insurgent candidates have had .
The campaign had been hopeful that with enough people on the phones , they would be able to turn out the 40,000 voters they believed Scarane needs .
( By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots , the campaign said . )
Why some races catch on nationally and some don ’ t is always a bit of a mystery , but also has a chicken-and-egg element to it .
Groups like Justice Democrats and the Sunrise Movement have limited capacity , and so they look to direct their energy where they can have the most impact .
Fundraising and media coverage can serve as a gauge of whether a campaign ’ s viability is viable enough to get behind , but without backing from those types of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donors , that fundraising , momentum , and media coverage is hard to come by .
Also hampering Scarane ’ s ability to garner national attention is her lack of a compelling , working-class backstory , which in American politics has driven public interest in candidates since before the founding of the country .
Scarane is a former digital marketing specialist who moved to Delaware 10 years ago .
It ’ s a hurdle in a state where the political culture places high value on generations-long connections to the region .
Voters in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scarane has been active in her community and in multiple causes , she has never held elected office — a limitation that held Harris back too .
Scarane staffer Will Weidner , a member of DSA Delaware , told The Intercept that he finds the lack of national attention and support frustrating .
To Weidner , Scarane ’ s push against Coons should be a bigger deal for progressive groups , especially considering that by a number of metrics the campaign is in line with other successful primary challengers with respect to volunteers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re a group of people who are pragmatic and relentless , ” said Weidner .
“ By that , I mean we think we ’ re competitive here and we ’ re not going to get down because we ’ re not getting attention from other key players.
” Because of what Scarane and Coons represent , Weidner continued , for big national groups and organizations to not be on board with the progressive ’ s campaign is confusing .
“ I don ’ t think there is a better , bigger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politicians they want than Jess and Democrats to be scared of , which is Coons , ” said Weidner .
Coit said the insurgent campaign was overly reactive and obsessed with Twitter .
In comments referring to Coons ’ s decades in Delaware as a contrast to Scarane , Coit opined that convincing voters to reject the senator was relying on “ a playbook that doesn ’ t make much sense.
” “ I think it ’ s been disorganized and not really a clear message , ” said Coit .
Mark Egerman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked on Harris ’ s Delaware Senate 2018 primary campaign , said that he understands the frustration over the lack of national attention and resources to the contest .
Calling the race a contest that “ ought to be a winnable primary , ” Egerman said a lack of sustained progressive energy and organizing between election cycles has left races like Scarane ’ s the victim of a still-developing movement .
Part of the problem that ’ s bedeviling the Scarane campaign more broadly , said Egerman , is that the progressive movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years have been surprise victories where candidates “ catch fire , ” citing the wins of Cori Bush in Missouri and Jamaal Bowman in New York , and even the high-profile loss of Alex Morse in Massachusetts .
Egerman said the singular focus on one candidate can leave organizers on the back foot when it comes to building the kind of infrastructure needed to keep the movement going in between cycles .
But Scarane told The Intercept that in her view , that ’ s just what the progressive movement is doing in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hungry for better options , but not having that infrastructure can make that hard , ” she said .
“ We built on the Kerri and Bernie runs and built up our volunteers to continue challenging establishment power.
” A further challenge for organizers and progressive insurgents , said Egerman , is that “ high salience ” elections , like the primaries in 2020 , bring out more voters .
But with more voters come more lower-information , local-level voters who will vote for the incumbent due to name recognition .
“ Last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ due to mail-in voting and high salience elections , ” said Egerman .
“ There ’ s more voting in all elections , and because of that you can ’ t necessarily get upsets like you got with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
” Still , said Connor , Scarane and her slate have gotten to a place where they can ’ t be ruled out .
“ She ’ s had enough money to effectively campaign , ” said Connor .

Update: September 15, 2020
Incumbent Sen. Chris Coons was declared an early winner on election night, likely to finish with more than 70 percent of the vote against his challenger Jess Scarane. But Scarane’s slate was headed for a rout of the establishment, with a potential statehouse sweep on the board. In the state Senate, Marie Pinkney held a two-point lead against Sen. David McBride, who was first elected to the seat back in 1980. The slate’s three state House races were also going well, with Larry Lambert Jr. up 18 points against incumbent Rep. Larry Seigfried; Eric Morrison up by more than 20 points against Rep. Earl Jacques Jr; and Madinah Wilson-Anton, who would be the first Muslim woman to serve in elected office in the state legislature, up slightly against incumbent Rep. John Viola.
The slate also ran two Wilmington city council candidates, and Shané Darby is poised to win her open race for the second district in a landslide. Her ally in the first district, Coby Owens, however, was trailing as the night was closing. Owens, a 25-year-old local activist who organized the city’s largest Black Lives Matter protest, faced an extraordinary amount of opposition from the party establishment. The mayor backed an independent expenditure that spent some $80,000 attacking him for supporting defunding the police, a staggering sum for an election whose winner will likely have fewer than 1,000 votes. He’s trailing by six percentage points.
Since at least the early 1800s, Delaware’s political establishment has been guided by an ethos known today as “the Delaware Way.” The state is small, and its inner circle of leaders tiny. Cooperation, including between the two parties, is the order of the day. Spoken and unspoken pacts have long greased transitions as politicians move from one elected office to another. The most famous maneuver is probably what’s known as “The Swap”: when the popular Republican governor, Mike Castle, switched places with the popular House member, Tom Carper, at the end of Castle’s tenure in 1992. Both glided into their new positions effectively unopposed.
When Joe Biden vacated his Senate seat for the White House in 2009, a similar arrangement played out. Biden’s longtime lieutenant, Ted Kaufman, was appointed to Biden’s seat for two years. Kaufman pledged not to run for reelection, opening the way for Castle to ease from the House over to the Senate in a 2010 race not expected to be competitive. Democrats put up only nominal opposition; a New Castle County executive, Chris Coons, was tapped to be the sacrificial lamb.
But Delaware’s Republican primary voters had other ideas and stunned the party by nominating eccentric tea party conservative Christine O’Donnell over Castle. O’Donnell’s general election campaign stumbled early, as she famously declared in a television ad that she was “not a witch.” (She was responding to surfaced video of an appearance of hers on Bill Maher’s HBO show, in which she had said she “dabbled into witchcraft.”) Things only got weirder from there, her polling numbers cratered, and Washington Republicans fumed at the blown opportunity. O’Donnell declined comment for this story, telling The Intercept she had “moved on from the 2010 campaign.”
The beneficiary of all this chaos was Coons, who was suddenly saved from a slaughter on Election Day. “Just the luckiest guy in the world,” said Tom Gordon, a former New Castle County executive whose terms bookended Coons’s time in the office, of the man known in Delaware as “the accidental senator.”
Coons joined Carper in the Senate, where Carper had been elected in 2000 after serving his two terms as governor. In 2018, progressives finally tried their hand at an O’Donnell-esque disruption of the Delaware Way, minus the weirdness, when Kerri Evelyn Harris had the temerity to challenge Carper for his Senate seat. Harris raised very little money but got a last minute burst of national support from groups like Justice Democrats, who were feeling good after the primary win earlier that summer by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Harris, who had the support of the Working Families Party, had campaigned for Ocasio-Cortez, and she returned the favor, traveling south to Delaware to rally for Harris. Carper survived comfortably, winning 65 percent of the vote — but his total tally was just 53,000 votes, an enticingly small number.
Photo: Coby Owens
Harris’s campaign was hobbled by a dearth of progressive infrastructure, but the locals who came together to support her campaign hoped to build something lasting. Out of her race, some green shoots are emerging. A statewide slate of candidates, topped by Jess Scarane, who is challenging Coons, is now taking a run at the party establishment in the polls on Tuesday, hoping to get a toehold on power in the state that, by virtue of its laissez-faire approach, sets corporate tax and regulatory policy for the rest of the country.
The slate, backed by the Working Families Party, includes two candidates for Wilmington City Council (Shané Darby in the 2nd District and Coby Owens in the 1st), three state House candidates (Eric Morrison, Madinah Wilson-Anton, and Larry Lambert), and a state Senate candidate (Marie Pinkney).
Combined, the local candidates are aiming to win around 10,000 votes, while Scarane’s team believes she needs around 40,000 to top Coons. By Monday, 60,071 Democrats had returned ballots, according to Scarane’s campaign. What primary day turnout will look like given the pandemic is hard to predict.
Nothing like it has been tried in Delaware, and the members of the slate have faced intense pressure from the Delaware political community not to rock the boat. Owens, running for a Wilmington council seat, has faced particular resistance. Owens, 25, is the nephew, on one side of his family, of the longest-serving Black man in Delaware politics, and, on the other side, the longest-serving Black woman. But raised by a single mom in the city, he decided that the system was not serving those it needed to. In 2018, he bucked the Delaware Way and backed Harris, and this cycle has stepped forward on his own. “It’s been difficult,” said Owens.
“I’ve been around politics since I was a baby,” he went on. “Both sides of my family are very political and I’ve been engaged, so I’ve built those relationships, and I think on some ends, people have enough respect for me to understand that this isn’t personal — I’m still gonna break bread with you after I push like hell to see the embetterment of my community — but on the other side, some people are upset and think that I push too hard.”
For instance, Owens said, he recently organized the largest Black Lives Matter rally ever held in Wilmington, but he ran into opposition when he used that energy to push for actual legislative changes. Owens and his allies collected the information of as many people at the rally as possible, and had them demand repeal of the Law Enforcement Officers’ Bill of Rights, as well as calling for other concrete police reforms.
Now, an independent expenditure — rare in a city council race — has popped up to combat Owens.
The IE has been sending mass texts to voters in Wilmington telling them that Owens supports defunding the police, exploiting the gap between the national rhetoric around policing on the left and the type of police reform many voters in hard-hit cities like Wilmington say they want. The incumbent councilmember, Linda Gray, did not respond to a request for an interview.
Though Owens has been protesting for years, and been arrested for civil disobedience, he does not engage in some of the more radical posturing that lives online. At the Wilmington protest he organized, he successfully kept it nonviolent.
Organizer Coby Owens is having the crowd chant a commitment to nonviolence #netDE pic.twitter.com/NE3HoUcBv6 — Jeanne Kuang (@JeanneKuang) June 5, 2020
In Scarane, Coons is facing his first primary challenger, having been unopposed in 2010 and 2014. The senator has largely been able to dodge national attention from the left during his career, despite the fact that he serves in a blue state and frequently aligns with Republicans. Coons has made bipartisanship the cornerstone of his approach to the Senate, refusing to sign onto any bill that doesn’t have a GOP co-sponsor. Republicans have no similar pretensions to cooperation, meaning that Coons’s areas of legislative pursuit have been limited to issues like patent reform that can garner GOP backing. (Coons has also been one of the most outspoken defenders of the filibuster, but he has begun to soften amid the primary challenge and as the prospect of Republicans thoroughly bottling up Joe Biden’s agenda has come into focus.)
“These votes are not gaining compromises, they’re selling us out.”
In recent years, however, that record has been harder to ignore, as Coons has shown willingness to approve Donald Trump’s judicial and executive nominations — his “present” vote in April 2018 on Mike Pompeo’s nomination for secretary of state was pivotal to moving the vote out of committee and speeding up the confirmation process. That type of political maneuvering, which led Politico to dub him “the GOP’s favorite Democrat” in 2018, has now led to increasing criticism from the left for the junior senator, and a challenge from Scarane.
The Scarane campaign has painted Coons as out of touch with the state and representing a corporate-funded style of politics that the Democratic Party needs to move away from. She’s been relentlessly on the attack; on Labor Day, after Coons posted on Twitter about his commitment to labor, she tweeted a video of the senator referring to his tough bargaining against unions as county executive of New Castle County.
This you claiming that union fights for healthcare and benefits can “sink a company”? Saying you fought them tooth and nail? ? https://t.co/jEVJvZWaHD pic.twitter.com/OZ7b8gznyy — Jess Scarane (@JessforDelaware) September 7, 2020
For a politician of Coons’s stature in the party to be continually running interference for the GOP, said Scarane, shows the incumbent is out of touch. Scarane told The Intercept that while Coons portrays himself as a compromiser and mediator between Republicans and Democrats, in practice that just means voting for GOP policies and getting nothing in return. “These votes are not gaining compromises, they’re selling us out,” she said.
The Coons campaign sees it differently. “I don’t know what votes they’re pointing to but any honest accounting Senator Coons for the last several years has been holding the Trump administration accountable at every turn,” said spokesperson Sean Coit. “At the same time, certainly Chris has been willing to work across the aisle to get things done for Delawareans.”
It could all be mooted if Joe Biden wins the presidential election. A Biden administration could spell a cabinet position for Coons, most likely in the State Department, meaning he might now be spending millions to defend a seat he’ll vacate in less than six months. But it wouldn’t be for nothing: If he holds onto his seat and then joins the Biden administration, the Delaware establishment would once again be able to appoint a replacement for the next two years until a special election can be held. “We don’t want him to spend $7 million so the governor can appoint someone unelected to that seat again,” Scarane said.
“The senator would be honored for the opportunity to serve Delaware for another term,” said Coit when asked by The Intercept about Coons’s possible cabinet seat.
The senator dropped more than half a million dollars on digital and TV ads to kick off September, despite taking an approach to campaigning that appears set on ignoring his challenger, whom he has not faced in a debate. “You can’t get away from his ads, but he’s not willing to have a conversation or debate about where we stand on the issues,” Scarane said.
Coit rejected that claim, telling The Intercept that the Coons campaign had not heard from Scarane’s team about holding a debate before last week. “It’s hardly something we’ve heard from the Scarane campaign,” Coit said. As for the ad buy, Coit said, “the senator takes running for election incredibly seriously.”
When voters learn about both Scarane’s platform and Coons’s record, the progressive insurgent’s campaign argued, voters quickly move her way. Politicians like Coons, Scarane told The Intercept, have used their power to perpetuate a political culture in the state where the urge to maintain the power of the status quo has led voters to not expect better.
“People are seeing what our vision of the future actually is, rather than running on ‘better things aren’t possible,'” said Scarane, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America in Delaware. She’s running on a platform that includes universal health care, abolishing ICE, conditioning aid to Israel on the treatment of the Palestinians, and many other progressive priorities.
While Scarane faces the institutional power of a well-connected senator with a huge amount of cash, she can rely at least in part on the enthusiasm from local groups who have thrown their support behind her campaign as a continuation of the work that began in 2018 to overthrow the state’s party establishment.
Yianni Jannelli, a member of DSA’s Delaware chapter, said the group backed Scarane in part because she is a member but also because she shares their goals and priorities. The group also backed Harris in her 2018 challenge to Carper. Jannelli told The Intercept that he believes Scarane has a good chance to take out Coons, citing Coons’s record of voting with Trump at a higher rate than other senators, a topic the group frequently brings up to voters during phone banking. “Senators better in touch with their Democrat constituents like Kamala Harris, Cory Booker, and Elizabeth Warren have barely voted with Trump 15 percent of the time on average,” Jannelli explained. “By comparison, Chris Coons has voted in support of Trump’s interests by nearly twice that number. A staunchly blue state, one of few left in the union, cannot afford to have such misrepresentation in the Senate.”
While the national wing of the Sunrise Movement has not gotten involved in the race, the local hub, Sunrise Newark, endorsed Scarane on June 19. Scarane signed the No Fossil Fuel Money Pledge, showing she is serious about climate policy, said the group’s president Carl Nelson-Poteet. “We reached out to both candidates,” said Nelson-Poteet, “asking them to sign the pledge and fill out a questionnaire; she was the only one who signed the pledge.”
Sunrise Newark chief political officer Brant Roun added that Scarane’s policies align with those of the climate-focused group and that the progressive insurgent understands the magnitude of the crisis. That is more pronounced in Delaware, a seaside state which will be — and already is being — drastically affected by climate change.
Both Nelson-Poteet and Roun told The Intercept they are sensing voters are receptive to Scarane’s message. “Her platform resonates with people,” said Nelson-Poteet. “It seems every time we hear something about her from voters, it’s positive.”
Yet despite that broad-based support on the ground, an absence of national groups investing their attention and energy into the race presents challenges for the campaign. Major groups like Justice Democrats haven’t gotten involved in the contest, and while Our Revolution and Sunrise Movement’s local hubs have backed Scarane, the national groups have not. Media focus has only recently turned toward Delaware’s last-in-the-nation Democratic primary after covering dynamic campaigns in New York, Missouri, and Massachusetts for the summer. That’s left Scarane without much institutional support outside of her state’s progressive establishment.
“A staunchly blue state, one of few left in the union, cannot afford to have such misrepresentation in the Senate.”
The lack of national progressive attention to Scarane’s race is in contrast with the ways the Senate campaigns of Charles Booker in Kentucky and Ed Markey in Massachusetts were prioritized and has left her underfunded and without the full gamut of volunteer resources other insurgent candidates have had. The campaign had been hopeful that with enough people on the phones, they would be able to turn out the 40,000 voters they believed Scarane needs. (By Monday, 60,071 Democrats had returned mail ballots, the campaign said.)
Why some races catch on nationally and some don’t is always a bit of a mystery, but also has a chicken-and-egg element to it. Groups like Justice Democrats and the Sunrise Movement have limited capacity, and so they look to direct their energy where they can have the most impact. Fundraising and media coverage can serve as a gauge of whether a campaign’s viability is viable enough to get behind, but without backing from those types of groups, and without access to wealthy donors, that fundraising, momentum, and media coverage is hard to come by.
Also hampering Scarane’s ability to garner national attention is her lack of a compelling, working-class backstory, which in American politics has driven public interest in candidates since before the founding of the country.
Scarane is a former digital marketing specialist who moved to Delaware 10 years ago. It’s a hurdle in a state where the political culture places high value on generations-long connections to the region. Voters in Delaware value political experience, and while Scarane has been active in her community and in multiple causes, she has never held elected office — a limitation that held Harris back too.
Scarane staffer Will Weidner, a member of DSA Delaware, told The Intercept that he finds the lack of national attention and support frustrating. To Weidner, Scarane’s push against Coons should be a bigger deal for progressive groups, especially considering that by a number of metrics the campaign is in line with other successful primary challengers with respect to volunteers and the ground game. “We’re a group of people who are pragmatic and relentless,” said Weidner. “By that, I mean we think we’re competitive here and we’re not going to get down because we’re not getting attention from other key players.”
Because of what Scarane and Coons represent, Weidner continued, for big national groups and organizations to not be on board with the progressive’s campaign is confusing. “I don’t think there is a better, bigger example of what left talks about in politicians they want than Jess and Democrats to be scared of, which is Coons,” said Weidner.
Coit said the insurgent campaign was overly reactive and obsessed with Twitter. In comments referring to Coons’s decades in Delaware as a contrast to Scarane, Coit opined that convincing voters to reject the senator was relying on “a playbook that doesn’t make much sense.”
“I think it’s been disorganized and not really a clear message,” said Coit.
Mark Egerman, a longtime Democratic Party activist who worked on Harris’s Delaware Senate 2018 primary campaign, said that he understands the frustration over the lack of national attention and resources to the contest. Calling the race a contest that “ought to be a winnable primary,” Egerman said a lack of sustained progressive energy and organizing between election cycles has left races like Scarane’s the victim of a still-developing movement.
Part of the problem that’s bedeviling the Scarane campaign more broadly, said Egerman, is that the progressive movement’s wins over the past few years have been surprise victories where candidates “catch fire,” citing the wins of Cori Bush in Missouri and Jamaal Bowman in New York, and even the high-profile loss of Alex Morse in Massachusetts. Egerman said the singular focus on one candidate can leave organizers on the back foot when it comes to building the kind of infrastructure needed to keep the movement going in between cycles.
But Scarane told The Intercept that in her view, that’s just what the progressive movement is doing in Delaware. “We know people are hungry for better options, but not having that infrastructure can make that hard, ” she said. “We built on the Kerri and Bernie runs and built up our volunteers to continue challenging establishment power.”
A further challenge for organizers and progressive insurgents, said Egerman, is that “high salience” elections, like the primaries in 2020, bring out more voters. But with more voters come more lower-information, local-level voters who will vote for the incumbent due to name recognition. “Last minute heroics don’t work anymore due to mail-in voting and high salience elections,” said Egerman. “There’s more voting in all elections, and because of that you can’t necessarily get upsets like you got with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.”
Still, said Connor, Scarane and her slate have gotten to a place where they can’t be ruled out. “She’s had enough money to effectively campaign,” said Connor.


theintercept--2020-09-18--Firefighters Union, a Key Biden Ally, Confronts a Barr Investigation and Trump’s Pardon Power

The new probe and criminal charges became a cause célèbre among conservatives , who rushed to Golsteyn ’ s defense .
Golsteyn ’ s lawyer called the murder charge a case of “ political correctness ” and following an interview with Golsteyn ’ s wife in December 2018 on the president ’ s favorite news program “ Fox & Friends , ” Trump got involved .
But in October 2016 , just a month after joining the firefighters union , Golsteyn was asked on Fox News if he killed the suspected bombmaker , to which he replied , “ Yes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ army investigators to quickly reopen their investigation , and two years later charged Golsteyn with murder .
In 2015 , Golsteyn had been stripped of a Silver Star after disclosing in a CIA polygraph interview that he had shot and buried an unarmed Taliban fighter he thought was a bombmaker , and later dug up the remains and burned them in a pit .
The revelations roiled the CIA , which quickly notified the Pentagon , sparking a two-year investigation in which the U.S Army concluded in 2013 that Golsteyn had knowingly violated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not find enough evidence to bring criminal charges , in an internal Army memo previously reported by The Intercept , Golsteyn was reprimanded for a “ complete lack of judgement and responsibility ” and told he had “ discredited ” himself and the U.S military .
Soon after , Kelly tapped combat veteran Mathew Golsteyn to serve as his chief of operations .
The low-key hire came at the recommendation of Kelly ’ s brother , Greg , who had overlapped in Afghanistan with Golsteyn .
But Golsteyn was not just any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spate of shocking headlines just a year earlier for alleged war crimes , for which he was ultimately pardoned by President Donald Trump in November 2019 .
In the month following the pardon , Golsteyn joined Trump onstage at a secretive fundraiser for the Florida Republican Party , helping them net $ 3.5 million in donations .
In August 2016 , Ed Kelly , a young rising star in the Massachusetts labor movement , won his bid to become General Secretary-Treasurer of the International Association of Fire Fighters , or IAFF : the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S and Canada .
The position is the second most powerful in the union , behind the presidency , which has been held for the last two decades by 74-year-old Harold Schaitberger , a close ally of Joe Biden .
At the request of many , I will be reviewing the case of a “ U.S .
Military hero , ” Major Matt Golsteyn , who is charged with murder .
He could face the death penalty from our own government after he admitted to killing a Terrorist bomb maker while overseas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this , Kelly offered unwavering support on social media for his chief of operations and helped fundraise for Golsteyn ’ s legal defense .
Conservative media outlets have followed along , with the Washington Free Beacon and the Wall Street Journal publishing updates based on leaked union records and board discussions , including a lengthy memo about Kelly ’ s financial audit .
They have framed their stories heavily around Schaitberger ’ s close relationship with Biden .
( When Biden announced his candidacy for the White House in April 2019 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long before any other union . )
“ Union Probe Finds Close Biden Ally Misappropriated Millions ” read the first Free Beacon headline from March .
“ Firefighters Union Chief With Ties to Democratic Leaders Is Mired in Internal Financial Dispute ” read the first WSJ story .
Things heated up earlier this year when Kelly accused Schaitberger of financial impropriety .
Schaitberger has been blasted for lavish spending before , but the crux of the new allegations hinged on whether Schaitberger received pension benefits too early ; prior to being elected IAFF @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an IAFF union staffer for 24 years .
The elected position and the staff position earn pension benefits from two separate funds , and Kelly charges that Schaitberger drew from his staff pension benefits too soon , in violation of federal law and union rules .
The IAFF has pointed to legal counsel it received at the time of Schaitberger ’ s transition , and maintains they have done nothing wrong .
Earlier this month federal authorities launched a criminal probe into the accusations , while the union ’ s executive board has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ahead of what is often described as the most important presidential election in generations , a series of escalating disputes among IAFF leadership have increasingly spilled over into public view .
Schaitberger , a key Biden ally , is locked in bitter in-fighting , grappling with leaks to right wing media , and confronting a federal investigation from a Justice Department that ’ s been unabashed in its willingness to use federal power for the president ’ s political gain .
It comes as Biden is fighting Trump for votes among elderly and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ union is a key validator , so much so that Trump has worked hard to undermine the value of the endorsement .
Schaitberger is up for reelection in January and is currently running unopposed , though Kelly is long rumored to want his job , according to members of the union .
One IAFF leader from the Midwest , who spoke to The Intercept under the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution , said they were personally asked by Kelly earlier this year if they would support him in a bid for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by a fellow union member to answer for his own use of funds earlier this week , declined to comment for this story and referred all questions to attorneys at Wiley Rein LLP , the law firm representing the IAFF in the federal investigation .
Wiley Rein attorney Robert Walker declined to comment , and Golsteyn did not return multiple requests for comment .
Brian Rice , the president of the California Professional Firefighters , told The Intercept he thought the leaks to the press violate Schaitberger ’ s entitlement to a fair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s nothing more than a veiled coup , a power struggle , aimed at IAFF leadership.
” In June , Rice joined three other state IAFF presidents — Bobby Lee of the Hawaii Fire Fighters Association , Robert Sanchez of the New Mexico Professional Fire Fighters Association , and Bryan Jeffries of the Professional Fire Fighters of Arizona — in writing a statement that their union ’ s democratic process was disrespected by leaks of “ selective ” and “ incomplete ” details to the “ historically anti-union ” news outlet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — instead of waiting for the union ’ s review of Kelly ’ s allegations to finish .
“ The IAFF ’ s reputation and power , which took over a century to build , is now at risk of being tarnished by the careless and selfish act of a few , ” they wrote .
The Wall Street Journal reported in June that “ union records ” showed Schaitberger used a company credit card to download content from iTunes in 2017 and 2018 .
Only individuals at the level of General Secretary-Treasurer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to multiple sources with knowledge of the union ’ s expense reporting system .
The outlet also reported on communications among the executive board , a body that includes 16 district vice presidents , Schaitberger , and Kelly .
Past reporting has also relied heavily on longtime critics of Schaitberger , including Frank Ricci , a former firefighter union president from New Haven who now works as a strategist for a conservative think tank , and Eric Lamar , a former Schaitberger aide who now maintains a blog that is sharply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership .
Ricci , a supporter of Trump , told the Free Beacon in March he “ stand [ s ] in full support ” of Kelly , who provided “ official documents and a cogent argument that support his accusations.
” In a statement to the Wall Street Journal following the announcement of the federal probe , the IAFF said it would cooperate with the investigation and that “ this action is part of a continued assault by a handful of individuals trying to tear down the organization for their own self-interest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Professional Fire Fighters of Arizona , told The Intercept that he and many of his colleagues were not just concerned by the specifics of the accusations , which he said “ seem to be blatantly false ” — but the timing of them .
“ Not only is this happening in an election year for [ IAFF ] president and secretary-treasurer , it ’ s also happening in the election year for the president of the United States , ” he said .
“ I can ’ t prove anything that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are some very right-leaning elements within our union who are trying to dismantle the unbelievable vision and work of Harold Schaitberger when all he and IAFF have done has put wins in the win column.
” The union declined to make Schaitberger available for an interview but in an emailed statement provided to The Intercept , the IAFF said it was cooperating with the requests for documents associated with the organization ’ s staff pension plan , “ strongly reaffirms that it did not engage in any wrongdoing [ and ] we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the reviews being conducted.
” Trump has made no secret of his ire toward the firefighters union for endorsing Biden , tweeting after the endorsement that he ’ s “ done more for Firefighters than this dues sucking union will ever do ” and that the membership of the union actually supported him .
Because of that , as well as U.S Attorney General William Barr ’ s track record of using the federal law enforcement agency to go after the president ’ s enemies , some , including former Justice Department spokesperson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal probe may be politically motivated .
The Department of Justice did not return a request for comment .
The launch of a federal investigation followed a written request sent to the FBI by Lamar , who wrote that the union ’ s leadership “ have engaged in an ongoing pattern of defrauding the members while enriching themselves.
” On Tuesday , the day after The Intercept asked Lamar what he makes of those who say his blog posts in support of Kelly ’ s accusations may be politically driven , Lamar published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , blasting the General Secretary-Treasurer for submitting a $ 43,000 expense voucher that was late and without proper documentation .
In the post , Lamar called Kelly ’ s action “ some mix of immature , unprofessional and reckless.
” In a video response published later that day , Kelly apologized for his behavior , pledged to post the receipts in question online , and said his team has “ been overwhelmed trying to expose the finances of the IAFF.
” Buried within the new business expense disclosures Kelly published this week existed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2019 : a $ 74 lunch expense at Old Ebbitt Grill in Washington , D.C. , listed for him , Golsteyn , and Clint Lorance , another U.S Army soldier pardoned for war crimes by Trump .
Lorance was convicted of murdering two Afghan men in 2012 , and both Lorance and Golsteyn had appeared at the Florida Republican Party fundraiser with the president four days earlier .

In August 2016 , Ed Kelly, a young rising star in the Massachusetts labor movement, won his bid to become General Secretary-Treasurer of the International Association of Fire Fighters, or IAFF: the union representing 320,000 firefighters and paramedics across the U.S and Canada. The position is the second most powerful in the union, behind the presidency, which has been held for the last two decades by 74-year-old Harold Schaitberger, a close ally of Joe Biden.
Soon after, Kelly tapped combat veteran Mathew Golsteyn to serve as his chief of operations. The low-key hire came at the recommendation of Kelly’s brother, Greg, who had overlapped in Afghanistan with Golsteyn. But Golsteyn was not just any Green Beret: He had earned a spate of shocking headlines just a year earlier for alleged war crimes, for which he was ultimately pardoned by President Donald Trump in November 2019. In the month following the pardon, Golsteyn joined Trump onstage at a secretive fundraiser for the Florida Republican Party, helping them net $3.5 million in donations.
In 2015, Golsteyn had been stripped of a Silver Star after disclosing in a CIA polygraph interview that he had shot and buried an unarmed Taliban fighter he thought was a bombmaker, and later dug up the remains and burned them in a pit. The revelations roiled the CIA, which quickly notified the Pentagon, sparking a two-year investigation in which the U.S Army concluded in 2013 that Golsteyn had knowingly violated the laws of war. While investigators did not find enough evidence to bring criminal charges, in an internal Army memo previously reported by The Intercept, Golsteyn was reprimanded for a “complete lack of judgement and responsibility” and told he had “discredited” himself and the U.S military.
But in October 2016, just a month after joining the firefighters union, Golsteyn was asked on Fox News if he killed the suspected bombmaker, to which he replied, “Yes.” This new public admission sparked army investigators to quickly reopen their investigation, and two years later charged Golsteyn with murder.
The new probe and criminal charges became a cause célèbre among conservatives, who rushed to Golsteyn’s defense. Golsteyn’s lawyer called the murder charge a case of “political correctness” and following an interview with Golsteyn’s wife in December 2018 on the president’s favorite news program “Fox & Friends,” Trump got involved.
At the request of many, I will be reviewing the case of a “U.S. Military hero,” Major Matt Golsteyn, who is charged with murder. He could face the death penalty from our own government after he admitted to killing a Terrorist bomb maker while overseas. @PeteHegseth @FoxNews — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 16, 2018
Throughout all of this, Kelly offered unwavering support on social media for his chief of operations and helped fundraise for Golsteyn’s legal defense.
https://twitter.com/edwardkelly11/status/1183028589471686656
Meanwhile, ahead of what is often described as the most important presidential election in generations, a series of escalating disputes among IAFF leadership have increasingly spilled over into public view. Schaitberger, a key Biden ally, is locked in bitter in-fighting, grappling with leaks to right wing media, and confronting a federal investigation from a Justice Department that’s been unabashed in its willingness to use federal power for the president’s political gain. It comes as Biden is fighting Trump for votes among elderly and white working-class voters, where the firefighters union is a key validator, so much so that Trump has worked hard to undermine the value of the endorsement.
Things heated up earlier this year when Kelly accused Schaitberger of financial impropriety. Schaitberger has been blasted for lavish spending before, but the crux of the new allegations hinged on whether Schaitberger received pension benefits too early; prior to being elected IAFF president in 2000, he served as an IAFF union staffer for 24 years. The elected position and the staff position earn pension benefits from two separate funds, and Kelly charges that Schaitberger drew from his staff pension benefits too soon, in violation of federal law and union rules. The IAFF has pointed to legal counsel it received at the time of Schaitberger’s transition, and maintains they have done nothing wrong. Earlier this month federal authorities launched a criminal probe into the accusations, while the union’s executive board has launched an internal review.
Conservative media outlets have followed along, with the Washington Free Beacon and the Wall Street Journal publishing updates based on leaked union records and board discussions, including a lengthy memo about Kelly’s financial audit. They have framed their stories heavily around Schaitberger’s close relationship with Biden. (When Biden announced his candidacy for the White House in April 2019, the IAFF endorsed him almost immediately, long before any other union.) “Union Probe Finds Close Biden Ally Misappropriated Millions” read the first Free Beacon headline from March. “Firefighters Union Chief With Ties to Democratic Leaders Is Mired in Internal Financial Dispute” read the first WSJ story.
Schaitberger is up for reelection in January and is currently running unopposed, though Kelly is long rumored to want his job, according to members of the union. One IAFF leader from the Midwest, who spoke to The Intercept under the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, said they were personally asked by Kelly earlier this year if they would support him in a bid for president.
Kelly, who was pushed by a fellow union member to answer for his own use of funds earlier this week, declined to comment for this story and referred all questions to attorneys at Wiley Rein LLP, the law firm representing the IAFF in the federal investigation. Wiley Rein attorney Robert Walker declined to comment, and Golsteyn did not return multiple requests for comment.
Brian Rice, the president of the California Professional Firefighters, told The Intercept he thought the leaks to the press violate Schaitberger’s entitlement to a fair process, and to him, “it’s nothing more than a veiled coup, a power struggle, aimed at IAFF leadership.”
In June, Rice joined three other state IAFF presidents — Bobby Lee of the Hawaii Fire Fighters Association, Robert Sanchez of the New Mexico Professional Fire Fighters Association, and Bryan Jeffries of the Professional Fire Fighters of Arizona — in writing a statement that their union’s democratic process was disrespected by leaks of “selective” and “incomplete” details to the “historically anti-union” news outlet — referring to the Wall Street Journal — instead of waiting for the union’s review of Kelly’s allegations to finish. “The IAFF’s reputation and power, which took over a century to build, is now at risk of being tarnished by the careless and selfish act of a few,” they wrote.
The Wall Street Journal reported in June that “union records” showed Schaitberger used a company credit card to download content from iTunes in 2017 and 2018. Only individuals at the level of General Secretary-Treasurer have access to those types of records, according to multiple sources with knowledge of the union’s expense reporting system. The outlet also reported on communications among the executive board, a body that includes 16 district vice presidents, Schaitberger, and Kelly.
Past reporting has also relied heavily on longtime critics of Schaitberger, including Frank Ricci, a former firefighter union president from New Haven who now works as a strategist for a conservative think tank, and Eric Lamar, a former Schaitberger aide who now maintains a blog that is sharply critical of his old boss and IAFF leadership. Ricci, a supporter of Trump, told the Free Beacon in March he “stand[s] in full support” of Kelly, who provided “official documents and a cogent argument that support his accusations.”
In a statement to the Wall Street Journal following the announcement of the federal probe, the IAFF said it would cooperate with the investigation and that “this action is part of a continued assault by a handful of individuals trying to tear down the organization for their own self-interest and personal retribution.”
Jeffries, of the Professional Fire Fighters of Arizona, told The Intercept that he and many of his colleagues were not just concerned by the specifics of the accusations, which he said “seem to be blatantly false” — but the timing of them.
“Not only is this happening in an election year for [IAFF] president and secretary-treasurer, it’s also happening in the election year for the president of the United States,” he said. “I can’t prove anything that there are connections but it sure feels like there are some very right-leaning elements within our union who are trying to dismantle the unbelievable vision and work of Harold Schaitberger when all he and IAFF have done has put wins in the win column.”
The union declined to make Schaitberger available for an interview but in an emailed statement provided to The Intercept, the IAFF said it was cooperating with the requests for documents associated with the organization’s staff pension plan, “strongly reaffirms that it did not engage in any wrongdoing [and] we look forward to a swift resolution of the reviews being conducted.”
Trump has made no secret of his ire toward the firefighters union for endorsing Biden, tweeting after the endorsement that he’s “done more for Firefighters than this dues sucking union will ever do” and that the membership of the union actually supported him. Because of that, as well as U.S Attorney General William Barr’s track record of using the federal law enforcement agency to go after the president’s enemies, some, including former Justice Department spokesperson Matthew Miller, have speculated that the federal probe may be politically motivated. The Department of Justice did not return a request for comment.
The launch of a federal investigation followed a written request sent to the FBI by Lamar, who wrote that the union’s leadership “have engaged in an ongoing pattern of defrauding the members while enriching themselves.”
On Tuesday, the day after The Intercept asked Lamar what he makes of those who say his blog posts in support of Kelly’s accusations may be politically driven, Lamar published a new post distancing himself from Kelly, blasting the General Secretary-Treasurer for submitting a $43,000 expense voucher that was late and without proper documentation. In the post, Lamar called Kelly’s action “some mix of immature, unprofessional and reckless.” In a video response published later that day, Kelly apologized for his behavior, pledged to post the receipts in question online, and said his team has “been overwhelmed trying to expose the finances of the IAFF.”
Buried within the new business expense disclosures Kelly published this week existed one notable charge from December 11, 2019: a $74 lunch expense at Old Ebbitt Grill in Washington, D.C., listed for him, Golsteyn, and Clint Lorance, another U.S Army soldier pardoned for war crimes by Trump. Lorance was convicted of murdering two Afghan men in 2012, and both Lorance and Golsteyn had appeared at the Florida Republican Party fundraiser with the president four days earlier.


theintercept--2020-09-18--Firefighters’ Union, a Key Biden Ally, Confronts a Barr Investigation and Trump’s Pardon Power