theintercept--2020-06-10--Iowa Quietly Passes Its Third Ag-Gag Bill After Constitutional Challenges

of uprisings against police brutality across the U.S. , Iowa legislators quietly passed a bill on Friday to increase penalties for animal rights activism that has targeted the factory farming industry .
Debates in both the state House and Senate were followed rapidly by votes in favor of the legislation .
The bill now awaits the governor ’ s signature .
“ The intent is to silence whistleblowers and those that would expose animal welfare abuses , ” said Adam Mason , the state policy director for Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement , which has fought two previous ag-gag laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would create a new crime , “ food operation trespass , ” for anyone who enters a location without permission where a “ food animal ” is kept or where meat is sold or processed .
Animal rights activists have repeatedly published damning footage of Iowa farms that reveals sick or wounded animals and overcrowded conditions .
In some cases , such footage has been captured via undercover investigations in which an activist obtains a job at a factory farm ; in others , activists have entered properties surreptitiously to film poor conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up to two years of incarceration and a fine of up to $ 6,250 .
If they entered a farm without authorization a second time , they could be charged with a felony carrying up to five years ’ imprisonment and a fine of up to $ 7,500 .
This is the third time Iowa legislators have passed a so-called ag-gag bill , a type of legislation named for its ability to stifle free speech about agricultural facilities .
The first version was overturned on First Amendment grounds in January 2019 , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a constitutional challenge moves through the courts .
The latest version was buried at the bottom of an agriculture bill that largely addressed coronavirus-related concerns .
Iowa ’ s legislature , which had been suspended since the pandemic began , only returned to work last week .
“ Doing this on their third day back in session , as people are protesting against police violence , is pretty nefarious , ” Mason said .
The Iowa Pork Producers Association lobbied on behalf of the bill , while the American Civil Liberties Union of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the environmental organization Food and Water Watch lobbied against it .
“ This really does show the power that industrialized agriculture wields with Iowa legislators , ” Mason added .
Iowa isn ’ t alone in using legislation to criminalize animal rights activism and whistleblowing .
For more than a decade , the American Legislative Exchange Council , an organization that links industry lobbyists with state lawmakers , has promoted a model ag-gag bill .
More than two dozen states have introduced versions of the bill , and in half a dozen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Idaho , Utah , Kansas , and Wyoming , ag-gag laws have been overturned as unconstitutional .
State Sen. Ken Rozenboom , who sponsored Iowa ’ s second ag-gag bill in 2019 , is a factory farm owner himself .
This past January , activists with Direct Action Everywhere released disturbing photos from one of his facilities , which showed pigs with rectal prolapses and wounds , and the corpses of dead animals left among the living .
“ I ’ m ashamed of it , ” Rozenboom told the Des Moines Register @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been leasing the facility when the footage was captured .
He acknowledged “ caretaker deficiencies ” and said that he had since leased the farm to someone else because of his concerns .
The activists ’ investigation apparently only deepened Rozenboom ’ s commitment to passing ag-gag legislation .
He sponsored the latest iteration , which was first introduced in February .
Mason noted that the newest version of the bill is significantly scaled back and leaves out references to video footage or attempts to gain employment , sticking instead to trespass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kim Reynolds signs the bill into law , Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement will bring another challenge in court .
During a discussion of the bill on Friday , Rozenboom said that it is meant to “ address the gravest threats to animal agriculture in Iowa today.
” He went on to describe a new endeavor by animal rights activists called Project Counterglow .
The centerpiece of the project , as The Intercept has reported , is a map with the locations of more than 27,000 farms and animal agriculture facilities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ accessed the interactive map .
I could easily find my farm , my name , the number of animals in the building , and that sort of thing .
This is chilling , folks , ” Rozenboom said , noting that many farmers live next to their facilities .
“ What I ’ ve learned from experience — personal , firsthand experience — is that the M.O .
here is simply lies , deception , and intimidation .
That ’ s what they do.
” “ The penalties that exist mean nothing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added .
“ They laugh at them.
” Kecia Doolittle , who led the team that created Project Counterglow , said that the activists weren ’ t interested in hurting farmers .
The idea is to expose an abusive , secretive industry that forces millions of animals to live in torturous conditions , she said .
As for lies and deception , she added , the images speak for themselves .
Doolittle takes the new law as an ominous sign .
She noted that the Animal Agriculture Alliance , an industry group , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Homeland Security about Project Counterglow .
“ We haven ’ t actually seen the worst they can do yet , ” she said .

In the midst of uprisings against police brutality across the U.S., Iowa legislators quietly passed a bill on Friday to increase penalties for animal rights activism that has targeted the factory farming industry. Debates in both the state House and Senate were followed rapidly by votes in favor of the legislation. The bill now awaits the governor’s signature.
“The intent is to silence whistleblowers and those that would expose animal welfare abuses,” said Adam Mason, the state policy director for Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement, which has fought two previous ag-gag laws in Iowa courts.
The latest bill would create a new crime, “food operation trespass,” for anyone who enters a location without permission where a “food animal” is kept or where meat is sold or processed. Animal rights activists have repeatedly published damning footage of Iowa farms that reveals sick or wounded animals and overcrowded conditions. In some cases, such footage has been captured via undercover investigations in which an activist obtains a job at a factory farm; in others, activists have entered properties surreptitiously to film poor conditions.
A first-time trespasser would now face up to two years of incarceration and a fine of up to $6,250. If they entered a farm without authorization a second time, they could be charged with a felony carrying up to five years’ imprisonment and a fine of up to $7,500.
This is the third time Iowa legislators have passed a so-called ag-gag bill, a type of legislation named for its ability to stifle free speech about agricultural facilities. The first version was overturned on First Amendment grounds in January 2019, and the second was put on hold while a constitutional challenge moves through the courts.
The latest version was buried at the bottom of an agriculture bill that largely addressed coronavirus-related concerns. Iowa’s legislature, which had been suspended since the pandemic began, only returned to work last week. “Doing this on their third day back in session, as people are protesting against police violence, is pretty nefarious,” Mason said. The Iowa Pork Producers Association lobbied on behalf of the bill, while the American Civil Liberties Union of Iowa, the Iowa Broadcasters Association, and the environmental organization Food and Water Watch lobbied against it.
“This really does show the power that industrialized agriculture wields with Iowa legislators,” Mason added.
A Sponsor With a Personal Stake
Iowa isn’t alone in using legislation to criminalize animal rights activism and whistleblowing. For more than a decade, the American Legislative Exchange Council, an organization that links industry lobbyists with state lawmakers, has promoted a model ag-gag bill. More than two dozen states have introduced versions of the bill, and in half a dozen states, they remain law. In Idaho, Utah, Kansas, and Wyoming, ag-gag laws have been overturned as unconstitutional.
State Sen. Ken Rozenboom, who sponsored Iowa’s second ag-gag bill in 2019, is a factory farm owner himself. This past January, activists with Direct Action Everywhere released disturbing photos from one of his facilities, which showed pigs with rectal prolapses and wounds, and the corpses of dead animals left among the living. “I’m ashamed of it,” Rozenboom told the Des Moines Register. The senator claimed that another farmer had been leasing the facility when the footage was captured. He acknowledged “caretaker deficiencies” and said that he had since leased the farm to someone else because of his concerns.
The activists’ investigation apparently only deepened Rozenboom’s commitment to passing ag-gag legislation. He sponsored the latest iteration, which was first introduced in February. Mason noted that the newest version of the bill is significantly scaled back and leaves out references to video footage or attempts to gain employment, sticking instead to trespass penalties. He said that if Gov. Kim Reynolds signs the bill into law, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement will bring another challenge in court.
“I could easily find my farm, my name, the number of animals in the building, and that sort of thing. This is chilling, folks.”
During a discussion of the bill on Friday, Rozenboom said that it is meant to “address the gravest threats to animal agriculture in Iowa today.” He went on to describe a new endeavor by animal rights activists called Project Counterglow. The centerpiece of the project, as The Intercept has reported, is a map with the locations of more than 27,000 farms and animal agriculture facilities.
“Just a couple hours ago I accessed the interactive map. I could easily find my farm, my name, the number of animals in the building, and that sort of thing. This is chilling, folks,” Rozenboom said, noting that many farmers live next to their facilities. “What I’ve learned from experience — personal, firsthand experience — is that the M.O. here is simply lies, deception, and intimidation. That’s what they do.”
“The penalties that exist mean nothing to some of these people,” he added. “They laugh at them.”
Kecia Doolittle, who led the team that created Project Counterglow, said that the activists weren’t interested in hurting farmers. The idea is to expose an abusive, secretive industry that forces millions of animals to live in torturous conditions, she said. As for lies and deception, she added, the images speak for themselves.
Doolittle takes the new law as an ominous sign. She noted that the Animal Agriculture Alliance, an industry group, has reportedly contacted the FBI and Department of Homeland Security about Project Counterglow. “We haven’t actually seen the worst they can do yet,” she said.


theintercept--2020-06-10--Mehdi Hasan and Jamaal Bowman on Black Lives Matter and the Democratic Party

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The Intercept’s Mehdi Hasan spoke with congressional candidate Jamaal Bowman about the anti-racism protests rocking the country, his progressive policy platform, and the future of the Democratic Party. Bowman was recently endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in his New York City primary fight against 16-term incumbent Rep. Eliot Engel, a powerful Democrat and foreign policy hawk who serves as the chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.


theintercept--2020-06-10--ICE Plans to Spend $18 Million on Thousands of New Tasers

“ Given the already violent and aggressive nature of ICE policing and arrests , it is troubling to learn the agency wants to add tasers to its arsenal , ” Mizue Aizeki , deputy director of the Immigrant Defense Project , said in an email to The Intercept .
According to a recent contracting request , the immigration enforcement agency is willing to pay up to $ 18 million for new gear and training to bolster its Enforcement and Removal Operations division , a wing of ICE tasked with enforcing civil immigration laws and conducting deportations .
Advocates believe the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency that has steadily grown increasingly politicized , militarized , and engaged in the ongoing crackdown on protests against police violence .
As protests against police brutality sweep the U.S. and demands to defund police multiply , Immigration and Customs Enforcement is seeking thousands of new “ conductive energy weapons ” — what the general public commonly refers to as tasers — and training at a U.S. military base on how to use them .
Posted last week , the contracting opportunity calls on interested vendors to assist ICE officers whose “ mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law violators which requires officers to use non-lethal means of subduing a hostile , non-cooperating individual.
” According to a June 4 work statement , ICE is particularly interested in multi-cartridge weapons with the ability to shoot up to 25 feet .
“ Currently , DHS ICE ERO utilizes a single shot Conductive Energy Weapon ( CEW ) in the field , ” the statement said .
“ The majority [ of ] CEWs in use are no longer covered under warranty if any repair is needed.
” In addition to a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most technology advanced CEW weapon , ” ICE is also seeking annual instruction courses to be held at the U.S. Army ’ s base at Fort Benning .
As a hub for many of U.S. military ’ s most elite units , the Georgia base also houses an ICE division devoted to firearms and tactical training .
Among immigration and border rights advocates , Fort Benning , which is named after a Confederate general , is infamous for its role in housing the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation , formerly known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which in the 1980s served as training ground for Latin American death squads .
The Intercept sent ICE a list of questions regarding the contracting opportunity on Tuesday morning , including whether U.S. military personnel would be involved in any of the training deportation officers would receive on the weapons ; whether the timing of the request had anything to do with the waves of protest gripping the nation ; and whether ICE ’ s taser training program would include instruction on crowd control or protest policing scenarios .
ICE did not provide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Intercept will update this story should the agency choose to do so .
As the deportation wing of ICE , ERO has been outspoken in its support for the president ’ s ultra-hard-line immigration agenda .
On the campaign trail , Donald Trump spoke directly to the grievances of ICE ’ s deportation officers and received an overwhelming endorsement from the agency ’ s union : 95 percent of the union ’ s members identified Trump as their preferred candidate .
Thomas Homan , the former acting director of the agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has argued that undocumented immigrants should live in fear of ICE , rose up through ERO ranks .
The agency ’ s current acting director , Matthew Albence , who has previously described detention facilities for immigrant children as “ summer camps , ” is also an ERO veteran .
While the contract opportunity does not address crowd suppression or protest policing , the timing of the post is curious .
ICE personnel were among the army of federal law enforcement called up by the Trump administration to put down demonstrations against police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , special agents with Homeland Security Investigations , ICE ’ s criminal investigative wing , were filmed attempting to assist the New York Police Department by detaining a man , reportedly at gunpoint ; the man , a U.S. citizen , was later released .

As protests against police brutality sweep the U.S. and demands to defund police multiply, Immigration and Customs Enforcement is seeking thousands of new “conductive energy weapons” — what the general public commonly refers to as tasers — and training at a U.S. military base on how to use them.
According to a recent contracting request, the immigration enforcement agency is willing to pay up to $18 million for new gear and training to bolster its Enforcement and Removal Operations division, a wing of ICE tasked with enforcing civil immigration laws and conducting deportations. Advocates believe the request is an unsettling sign from an agency that has steadily grown increasingly politicized, militarized, and engaged in the ongoing crackdown on protests against police violence.
“Given the already violent and aggressive nature of ICE policing and arrests, it is troubling to learn the agency wants to add tasers to its arsenal,” Mizue Aizeki, deputy director of the Immigrant Defense Project, said in an email to The Intercept.
Posted last week, the contracting opportunity calls on interested vendors to assist ICE officers whose “mission includes the apprehension and removal of immigration law violators which requires officers to use non-lethal means of subduing a hostile, non-cooperating individual.” According to a June 4 work statement, ICE is particularly interested in multi-cartridge weapons with the ability to shoot up to 25 feet.
“Currently, DHS ICE ERO utilizes a single shot Conductive Energy Weapon (CEW) in the field,” the statement said. “The majority [of] CEWs in use are no longer covered under warranty if any repair is needed.”
In addition to a “modernization program that upgrades current arsenal to the most technology advanced CEW weapon,” ICE is also seeking annual instruction courses to be held at the U.S. Army’s base at Fort Benning. As a hub for many of U.S. military’s most elite units, the Georgia base also houses an ICE division devoted to firearms and tactical training.
Among immigration and border rights advocates, Fort Benning, which is named after a Confederate general, is infamous for its role in housing the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, formerly known as the School of the Americas, which in the 1980s served as training ground for Latin American death squads.
The Intercept sent ICE a list of questions regarding the contracting opportunity on Tuesday morning, including whether U.S. military personnel would be involved in any of the training deportation officers would receive on the weapons; whether the timing of the request had anything to do with the waves of protest gripping the nation; and whether ICE’s taser training program would include instruction on crowd control or protest policing scenarios. ICE did not provide answers to those questions by publication Wednesday. The Intercept will update this story should the agency choose to do so.
As the deportation wing of ICE, ERO has been outspoken in its support for the president’s ultra-hard-line immigration agenda. On the campaign trail, Donald Trump spoke directly to the grievances of ICE’s deportation officers and received an overwhelming endorsement from the agency’s union: 95 percent of the union’s members identified Trump as their preferred candidate. Thomas Homan, the former acting director of the agency and frequent Fox News guest, who has argued that undocumented immigrants should live in fear of ICE, rose up through ERO ranks. The agency’s current acting director, Matthew Albence, who has previously described detention facilities for immigrant children as “summer camps,” is also an ERO veteran.
While the contract opportunity does not address crowd suppression or protest policing, the timing of the post is curious. ICE personnel were among the army of federal law enforcement called up by the Trump administration to put down demonstrations against police violence. In New York City last week, special agents with Homeland Security Investigations, ICE’s criminal investigative wing, were filmed attempting to assist the New York Police Department by detaining a man, reportedly at gunpoint; the man, a U.S. citizen, was later released.
Read Our Complete Coverage The War on Immigrants
ICE’s involvement in the policing of activists and activism is a source of serious concern for undocumented community members; last year, The Intercept detailed how the tweets of an undocumented Occupy ICE protester in Texas led to an arrest and deportation. But even outside of the realm of activism, ICE’s day-to-day enforcement of immigration laws has come under harsh criticism.
In New York City, where ICE routinely conducts operations in immigrant communities, a team of ICE officers shot a man in the face earlier this year. The high-profile incident was part of a pattern of what advocates see as increasing militarization of the immigration enforcement agency. Aizeki and her colleagues at IDP have tracked ICE tactics and operations in the city and surrounding area for years. Going into 2020 — an election year in which the Trump administration was expected to tout his record on immigration — the lawyers charted significant shifts in the character and pace of local ICE arrests.
“Before the COVID pandemic hit NYC, ICE massively escalated their raids — at a rate of 400% greater than the previous three months — with increasingly aggressive tactics, including shooting a bystander, pulling teenagers out of cars with guns drawn, and waving an assault rifle on a Bronx street,” Aizeki said. “The current, much-needed focus on the structural violence of racialized local policing sheds light on how ICE policing also functions to maintain inequality and an unjust status quo, nationally and globally.”


theintercept--2020-06-10--Echoes of the 1917 East St. Louis “Race Riot” in Today’s Uprisings

only 10 years old when he was killed by an act of racist violence during the summer of 1917 .
His mother , Mittie Maude Lena Gordon — an African American woman from Louisiana — had only recently relocated to East St. Louis , Illinois , in hopes of finding better job opportunities .
What Gordon learned that summer was that although she could escape the Jim Crow South , she could never escape white supremacy .
Though the specific details are unclear , a white mob had beaten John in East St. Louis .
He succumbed to his injuries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The incident is just one of hundreds of tragic stories that emerge from the 1917 East St. Louis “ Race Riot.
” The events that unfolded that summer are lesser known than other historical developments , such as the Red Summer of 1919 and the 1968 rebellions following Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s assassination .
However , they represent a significant moment that bears striking similarities to contemporary developments .
The East St. Louis “ Race Riot , ” much like the current moment , offers a poignant example of how the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ citizens .
It ’ s also an example of how local law enforcement and state agencies have often stood side by side with white vigilantes as they unleash violence on Black people .
In East St. Louis , as in other cities across the nation , white people resented every effort of African Americans to improve their social and economic conditions during the 20th century .
In this instance , white residents erupted in violence in response to Black migrants coming into the city in droves — mostly from the South .
During @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significantly expanded to meet the needs of military production .
With a growing demand for industrial workers in the North , Black Southerners flocked to places like East St. Louis .
In response , white business owners worked to block new migrants from gaining economic or political power .
Even though Black workers held the most menial jobs and received lower wages than their peers , white people in East St. Louis still viewed them as a threat .
And they were determined to keep Black people “ in their place ” through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May 1917 , a group of white workers filed formal complaints against Black migrants in the city , blaming African Americans for taking “ their ” jobs in local factories .
Within a matter of weeks , white residents began to unleash violence on unsuspecting Black people .
According to one witness , “ For an hour and a half last evening I saw the massacre of helpless [ N ] egroes at Broadway and Fourth Street , in downtown East St. Louis , where black skin was a death warrant.
” For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ angrily confronted Black residents — in some instances , pulling them out of streetcars and beating them on the streets .
White residents also looted and destroyed homes and businesses all over the city .
It was in the midst of this racist violence that Gordon ’ s son , John , was viciously attacked .
And it was this act of violence that ended his life .
Despite the widespread acts of violence and terror that befell Black residents in East St. Louis that summer , law enforcement , state agencies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — as they often did .
President Woodrow Wilson , whose record on Black rights was already poor , remained silent as Black people were being killed by white mobs in the city .
State police agencies provided full support for white agitators , blurring the lines between lynch mobs and police officers .
And police forces attacked Black residents while working diligently to block journalists from documenting the horrific events .
In response , Black residents had to devise their own strategies to protect themselves from the onslaught of white violence .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighbors to safeguard their communities as best as they could .
Many turned to organizations like the NAACP and the Universal Negro Improvement Association for resources to combat the violence on their doorsteps and for support to help rebuild their communities in the aftermath of the riot .
By the time the massacre came to an end , an estimated 100 Black people had been killed .
Property worth millions of dollars were destroyed , and thousands of Black residents were forced to flee to St. Louis , Missouri .
Yet , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1917 fueled Black protest even in the face of much pain and tragedy .
Black activists across the nation openly denounced the racist violence in East St. Louis and called on Black people to unite in the struggle for their rights and freedom .
Describing the riot as “ one of the bloodiest outrages of mankind ” and a “ crime against the laws of humanity , ” the Jamaican Black nationalist Marcus Garvey called on Black Americans to “ lift [ their ] voice [ s ] against the savagery of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dispensers of democracy.
” “ White people are taking advantage of black men , ” Garvey added , “ because black men all over the world are disunited.
” His words resonated with Gordon , who departed East St. Louis for Chicago , where she became active in the Garvey movement .
While the events that unfolded in East St. Louis were meant to crush the spirit of Black America , those who survived the racist violence worked to build a path forward .
Gordon , for example , went on to launch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a woman in the United States .
With the backing of an estimated 300,000 supporters , she mobilized activists in East St. Louis , Chicago , and neighboring cities .
With the painful events of 1917 forever etched in her mind , she called for Black unity and advocated for Black political rights and freedom .
The 1917 East St. Louis riot underscores how white violence and terror has shaped Black life in the United States .
More than 100 years later , the struggle continues .
As the recent police killings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tony McDade reveal , racist violence is still deeply embedded in the fabric of American society .
But what the recent protests tell us is that Black people still refuse to be silent in the face of injustice .
From the summer of 1917 to the summer of 2020 , Black people have found ways to rise up out of the rubble and out of the ashes — to continue fighting for a better world .

John Sullivan was only 10 years old when he was killed by an act of racist violence during the summer of 1917. His mother, Mittie Maude Lena Gordon — an African American woman from Louisiana — had only recently relocated to East St. Louis, Illinois, in hopes of finding better job opportunities. What Gordon learned that summer was that although she could escape the Jim Crow South, she could never escape white supremacy. Though the specific details are unclear, a white mob had beaten John in East St. Louis. He succumbed to his injuries a few months after the attack.
The incident is just one of hundreds of tragic stories that emerge from the 1917 East St. Louis “Race Riot.” The events that unfolded that summer are lesser known than other historical developments, such as the Red Summer of 1919 and the 1968 rebellions following Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination. However, they represent a significant moment that bears striking similarities to contemporary developments. The East St. Louis “Race Riot,” much like the current moment, offers a poignant example of how the federal government has failed to protect Black citizens. It’s also an example of how local law enforcement and state agencies have often stood side by side with white vigilantes as they unleash violence on Black people.
In East St. Louis, as in other cities across the nation, white people resented every effort of African Americans to improve their social and economic conditions during the 20th century. In this instance, white residents erupted in violence in response to Black migrants coming into the city in droves — mostly from the South. During World War I, the labor market significantly expanded to meet the needs of military production. With a growing demand for industrial workers in the North, Black Southerners flocked to places like East St. Louis. In response, white business owners worked to block new migrants from gaining economic or political power.
Even though Black workers held the most menial jobs and received lower wages than their peers, white people in East St. Louis still viewed them as a threat. And they were determined to keep Black people “in their place” through acts of violence and intimidation. In May 1917, a group of white workers filed formal complaints against Black migrants in the city, blaming African Americans for taking “their” jobs in local factories.
Within a matter of weeks, white residents began to unleash violence on unsuspecting Black people. According to one witness, “For an hour and a half last evening I saw the massacre of helpless [N]egroes at Broadway and Fourth Street, in downtown East St. Louis, where black skin was a death warrant.” For three days in July, the mobs angrily confronted Black residents — in some instances, pulling them out of streetcars and beating them on the streets. White residents also looted and destroyed homes and businesses all over the city. It was in the midst of this racist violence that Gordon’s son, John, was viciously attacked. And it was this act of violence that ended his life.
Read Our Complete Coverage Protests for Black Lives
Despite the widespread acts of violence and terror that befell Black residents in East St. Louis that summer, law enforcement, state agencies, and federal officials turned a blind eye — as they often did. President Woodrow Wilson, whose record on Black rights was already poor, remained silent as Black people were being killed by white mobs in the city. State police agencies provided full support for white agitators, blurring the lines between lynch mobs and police officers. And police forces attacked Black residents while working diligently to block journalists from documenting the horrific events.
In response, Black residents had to devise their own strategies to protect themselves from the onslaught of white violence. Some residents were armed and coordinated with neighbors to safeguard their communities as best as they could. Many turned to organizations like the NAACP and the Universal Negro Improvement Association for resources to combat the violence on their doorsteps and for support to help rebuild their communities in the aftermath of the riot.
By the time the massacre came to an end, an estimated 100 Black people had been killed. Property worth millions of dollars were destroyed, and thousands of Black residents were forced to flee to St. Louis, Missouri.
Yet, the events that unfolded in East St. Louis in 1917 fueled Black protest even in the face of much pain and tragedy. Black activists across the nation openly denounced the racist violence in East St. Louis and called on Black people to unite in the struggle for their rights and freedom. Describing the riot as “one of the bloodiest outrages of mankind” and a “crime against the laws of humanity,” the Jamaican Black nationalist Marcus Garvey called on Black Americans to “lift [their] voice[s] against the savagery of a people who claim to be the dispensers of democracy.” “White people are taking advantage of black men,” Garvey added, “because black men all over the world are disunited.”
His words resonated with Gordon, who departed East St. Louis for Chicago, where she became active in the Garvey movement.
While the events that unfolded in East St. Louis were meant to crush the spirit of Black America, those who survived the racist violence worked to build a path forward. Gordon, for example, went on to launch the largest Black nationalist organization founded by a woman in the United States. With the backing of an estimated 300,000 supporters, she mobilized activists in East St. Louis, Chicago, and neighboring cities. With the painful events of 1917 forever etched in her mind, she called for Black unity and advocated for Black political rights and freedom.
The 1917 East St. Louis riot underscores how white violence and terror has shaped Black life in the United States. More than 100 years later, the struggle continues. As the recent police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Tony McDade reveal, racist violence is still deeply embedded in the fabric of American society. But what the recent protests tell us is that Black people still refuse to be silent in the face of injustice. From the summer of 1917 to the summer of 2020, Black people have found ways to rise up out of the rubble and out of the ashes — to continue fighting for a better world.