theintercept--2020-11-20--Tyson Foods Tapped Latino Civil Rights Group for Pandemic PR

after months of negative headlines about widespread Covid-19 infections and deaths among its heavily immigrant workforce , the meat industry seemed to reach a turning point .
The League of United Latin American Citizens , a storied civil rights group for Latinos , paid a carefully choreographed visit to the headquarters of Tyson Foods , one of the largest meatpacking corporations .
And from the outside , it looked like Tyson had responded to concerns that the company had not done enough to protect its predominantly Black , Asian , and Latino workforce from infection .
LULAC put out a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its officials , including National President Domingo Garcia , traveled to Springdale , Arkansas , met with Tyson Foods chief executive Noel White at company headquarters and tour a Tyson-owned poultry plant in the city known as the Berry Street facility .
During the meeting , LULAC said , the group spoke with White about a “ series of community demands , ” including free testing for all workers , adequate protective equipment , line speed to labor adjustments , and assistance to families who have lost loved ones to the coronavirus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ photo , and the group published it , along with other photos from the tour , in the press release .
In the statement , LULAC praised the company for going beyond “ the CDC and OSHA ’ s recommended procedures ” and declared that the firm “ is making significant changes and investments to improve worker safety and America ’ s food supply.
” This was a public relations coup .
LULAC is the biggest and oldest Latino civil rights group in the country , and Tyson Foods facilities have seen some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the country .
Over the first six months of the virus reaching the United States , at least 8,500 Tyson employees working at plants in seven states tested positive for Covid-19 , with more than 25 dead — a fatality rate more than double other large slaughterhouse companies .
Critics claim the firm moved slowly to provide safety equipment , coerced sick employees to continue showing up to work , and kept workers huddled elbow to elbow in conditions that fueled the spread of the virus .
The LULAC statement was featured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in tweets outlining its commitment to worker safety .
LULAC ’ s praise of the food-processing giant has also appeared in other media outlets about the company ’ s worker safety record , including a recent detailed investigation by The Guardian , which found few reforms and rampant infections at the Berry Street plant .
Tyson has also long served as a corporate sponsor of LULAC .
The families of workers who have fallen ill and died from the coronavirus have filed lawsuits against the company , with multiple cases in Iowa and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lawsuits on grounds that the company followed all necessary safety standards .
One of the most egregious allegations is contained in the wrongful death lawsuit filed by the family of Isidro Fernandez , an employee of the Tyson plant in Waterloo , Iowa , who died of complications from Covid-19 .
The lawsuit , filed earlier this year , was amended last week to accuse Tyson managers of ordering employees to come into work while privately betting money on the number of workers who would become sick from the deadly virus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , winner-take-all , betting pool for supervisors and managers , ” while other managers denied the existence of confirmed cases within the plant , according to the suit .
Over a third of the facility ’ s workforce contracted the disease .
In July , a coalition of activist groups filed a racial discrimination complaint against Tyson for failing to adhere to safety guidelines resulting in the spread of the coronavirus among its meat-processing workers .
The complaint alleged that Tyson moved swiftly to protect the health and safety of its largely white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stop the spread of the virus among its immigrant and nonwhite front-line slaughterhouse workers .
( Latino workers at meat-processing plants accounted for 56 percent of cases reported in meat production plants in 21 states , according to a report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention . )
As news broke about the racial discrimination complaint , spokespeople for Tyson referred reporters to LULAC ’ s comments .
to LULAC come at a time of crisis for the firm and its heavily immigrant workforce .
Tyson has pushed hard to counter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off an array of wrongful death lawsuits from the families of deceased workers .
The company has taken out full-page advertisements in the New York Times and the Washington Post , as well as online advertisements featuring nonwhite workers touting Tyson ’ s commitment to health and safety .
Tyson has touted tens of millions of dollars in safety upgrades , bonuses for front-line workers , and new medical assistance for infected workers .
The ads position the company as doing its part to both safeguard the nation ’ s food supply and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not tell the entire story .
Despite claims to have carefully safeguarded workers ’ health , the recent wave of lawsuits and other documents paint a different picture .
Far from prioritizing U.S. meat supply , investor reports show that as the pandemic hit , companies such as Tyson increased meat exports to foreign markets , including China .
Tyson Foods did not respond to a request for comment .
Garcia , the head of LULAC , said that his organization is committed to improving conditions at meatpacking plants .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allowed to inspect plants there in Springdale and talk to workers as well as the management regarding conditions at the plant , ” he said in an interview with The Intercept .
Garcia explained that his group connected to Tyson through Nora Venegas , a Tyson lobbyist who serves on an advisory board for LULAC .
“ All the meatpacking plants and the poultry plants were grossly unprepared for Covid , ” said Garcia , who blamed the early outbreak not on any individual company , but on a “ total lack of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The CDC , he noted , “ was telling everybody not to wear a mask.
” He also acknowledged that Tyson provides $ 25,000 a year to LULAC , along with several truckloads of charitable food donations .
“ Our budget is over $ 1 million a year ; nobody can buy our endorsement or support , ” Garcia said .
But Garcia ’ s moves have disappointed some LULAC supporters , including one local LULAC leader who asked for anonymity in order to criticize the national leadership .
“ The donations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the LULAC leader said .
“ I think it ’ s difficult for LULAC to understand , someone has put some rose-colored glasses on them .
You can see what ’ s going on with this tap dance .
These plants are causing chaos for communities .
It ’ s a death march for the workers.
” The timeline of events also undermines the narrative that Tyson followed CDC recommendations .
In Iowa , Pedro Cano Rodriguez , a 51-year-old worker at a pork plant in Columbus Junction , became symptomatic on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ related to Covid-19 on April 10 , and died four days later .
According to a lawsuit filed by his children , at the time when Rodriguez first developed symptoms , Tyson failed to provide personal protective equipment , dividers , or physical barriers between line workers , and did nothing to encourage employees to remain six feet apart .
Jose Angel Chavez , who worked at a Tyson plant in Texas for over 20 years , died on April 17 after contracting Covid-19 earlier that month .
His family filed a lawsuit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Tyson failed to provide a safe working environment when the pandemic began .
The lawsuit claimed that Tyson Foods didn ’ t take appropriate measures to prevent the spread of the virus at its facilities , failing to distance workers , provide PPE like face masks and gloves , and notify staff of infections or tell them to stay home when sick .
In early August , Chavez ’ s family dropped the suit .
Early in the crisis , the government provided warnings and precautions for protecting worker safety .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Health Administration issued guidance calling for all employers to establish flexible hours , maintain physical distance among employees , and use various PPE to guard against the spread of the virus .
The Iowa lawsuit contrasts the working conditions of Rodriguez ’ s plant with preventative measures by Tyson ’ s central office .
In early March , Tyson suspended commercial business travel for executives and forbade all nonessential visitors from entering Tyson corporate offices .
On March 17 , White , the Tyson CEO , instructed corporate employees to work from home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stephen Stouffer assured suppliers that Tyson ’ s “ beef and pork facilities continue to operate at or very near normal production rates.
” As the crisis continued to grow , with outbreaks in slaughterhouses across the country , Tyson faced increasing demands by local health officials to shut down operations .
In April , President Donald Trump issued an executive order using the Defense Production Act to compel meat plants to remain open .
Emails later showed that the order was partially drafted by lobbyists from the North American Meat Institute , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry companies , including Tyson , Smithfield Foods , and JBS .
Despite its public announcements of radical investments in worker safety , Tyson has conceded that the company still has not implemented the CDC-recommended six-feet distancing recommendations .
In response to an inquiry from Sens .
Elizabeth Warren , D-Mass.
, and Cory Booker , D-N.J. , regarding the meat industry ’ s response to the pandemic , Tyson stated in July that it was “ creating barriers and/or requiring face shields on production lines where social distancing is not possible.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death lawsuits .
Houston-based attorney Patrick O ’ Hara , who filed the lawsuit on the Chavez family ’ s behalf , noted that the family has a 16-year-old daughter and have lost their main breadwinner because of the company ’ s negligence .
Navina Khanna , executive director of the HEAL Food Alliance , one of the plaintiffs in the racial discrimination complaint against Tyson , expressed disappointment that Tyson has done so much to refurbish its public image rather than change its business model .
“ Instead of investing in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their public image , they need to be investing in creating a safe place for their employees , actually paying their workers decent wages , and paying them for sick days so they don ’ t have to show up for work if they have any symptoms , ” said Khanna .
“ Put your money there and then you don ’ t need to fight to make yourself look good .
You look good by doing the right thing .
”

Over the summer, after months of negative headlines about widespread Covid-19 infections and deaths among its heavily immigrant workforce, the meat industry seemed to reach a turning point.
The League of United Latin American Citizens, a storied civil rights group for Latinos, paid a carefully choreographed visit to the headquarters of Tyson Foods, one of the largest meatpacking corporations. And from the outside, it looked like Tyson had responded to concerns that the company had not done enough to protect its predominantly Black, Asian, and Latino workforce from infection.
LULAC put out a press release on July 17 saying that its officials, including National President Domingo Garcia, traveled to Springdale, Arkansas, met with Tyson Foods chief executive Noel White at company headquarters and tour a Tyson-owned poultry plant in the city known as the Berry Street facility. During the meeting, LULAC said, the group spoke with White about a “series of community demands,” including free testing for all workers, adequate protective equipment, line speed to labor adjustments, and assistance to families who have lost loved ones to the coronavirus.
Garcia posed with Tyson executives for a photo, and the group published it, along with other photos from the tour, in the press release. In the statement, LULAC praised the company for going beyond “the CDC and OSHA’s recommended procedures” and declared that the firm “is making significant changes and investments to improve worker safety and America’s food supply.”
This was a public relations coup. LULAC is the biggest and oldest Latino civil rights group in the country, and Tyson Foods facilities have seen some of the worst and most extensive outbreaks in the country. Over the first six months of the virus reaching the United States, at least 8,500 Tyson employees working at plants in seven states tested positive for Covid-19, with more than 25 dead — a fatality rate more than double other large slaughterhouse companies. Critics claim the firm moved slowly to provide safety equipment, coerced sick employees to continue showing up to work, and kept workers huddled elbow to elbow in conditions that fueled the spread of the virus.
The LULAC statement was featured prominently in a Tyson press release and in tweets outlining its commitment to worker safety. LULAC’s praise of the food-processing giant has also appeared in other media outlets about the company’s worker safety record, including a recent detailed investigation by The Guardian, which found few reforms and rampant infections at the Berry Street plant.
Tyson has also long served as a corporate sponsor of LULAC.
The families of workers who have fallen ill and died from the coronavirus have filed lawsuits against the company, with multiple cases in Iowa and Texas. Tyson has sought to dismiss the lawsuits on grounds that the company followed all necessary safety standards. One of the most egregious allegations is contained in the wrongful death lawsuit filed by the family of Isidro Fernandez, an employee of the Tyson plant in Waterloo, Iowa, who died of complications from Covid-19. The lawsuit, filed earlier this year, was amended last week to accuse Tyson managers of ordering employees to come into work while privately betting money on the number of workers who would become sick from the deadly virus. The plant manager “organized a cash-buy-in, winner-take-all, betting pool for supervisors and managers,” while other managers denied the existence of confirmed cases within the plant, according to the suit. Over a third of the facility’s workforce contracted the disease.
In July, a coalition of activist groups filed a racial discrimination complaint against Tyson for failing to adhere to safety guidelines resulting in the spread of the coronavirus among its meat-processing workers. The complaint alleged that Tyson moved swiftly to protect the health and safety of its largely white corporate office, while doing little to stop the spread of the virus among its immigrant and nonwhite front-line slaughterhouse workers. (Latino workers at meat-processing plants accounted for 56 percent of cases reported in meat production plants in 21 states, according to a report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.) As news broke about the racial discrimination complaint, spokespeople for Tyson referred reporters to LULAC’s comments.
Workers wait in line to enter the Tyson Foods pork-processing plant in Logansport, Ind., on May 7, 2020. Photo: Michael Conroy/AP
Tyson Foods’ ties to LULAC come at a time of crisis for the firm and its heavily immigrant workforce. Tyson has pushed hard to counter negative headlines regarding the pandemic and fend off an array of wrongful death lawsuits from the families of deceased workers. The company has taken out full-page advertisements in the New York Times and the Washington Post, as well as online advertisements featuring nonwhite workers touting Tyson’s commitment to health and safety.
Tyson has touted tens of millions of dollars in safety upgrades, bonuses for front-line workers, and new medical assistance for infected workers. The ads position the company as doing its part to both safeguard the nation’s food supply and uphold worker safety.
But the ads do not tell the entire story. Despite claims to have carefully safeguarded workers’ health, the recent wave of lawsuits and other documents paint a different picture. Far from prioritizing U.S. meat supply, investor reports show that as the pandemic hit, companies such as Tyson increased meat exports to foreign markets, including China.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
Tyson Foods did not respond to a request for comment. Garcia, the head of LULAC, said that his organization is committed to improving conditions at meatpacking plants. “We were one of the first third parties allowed to inspect plants there in Springdale and talk to workers as well as the management regarding conditions at the plant,” he said in an interview with The Intercept.
Garcia explained that his group connected to Tyson through Nora Venegas, a Tyson lobbyist who serves on an advisory board for LULAC.
“All the meatpacking plants and the poultry plants were grossly unprepared for Covid,” said Garcia, who blamed the early outbreak not on any individual company, but on a “total lack of national leadership on this very dangerous condition.” The CDC, he noted, “was telling everybody not to wear a mask.”
He also acknowledged that Tyson provides $25,000 a year to LULAC, along with several truckloads of charitable food donations. “Our budget is over $1 million a year; nobody can buy our endorsement or support,” Garcia said.
But Garcia’s moves have disappointed some LULAC supporters, including one local LULAC leader who asked for anonymity in order to criticize the national leadership. “The donations have created blinders on this issue,” the LULAC leader said. “I think it’s difficult for LULAC to understand, someone has put some rose-colored glasses on them. You can see what’s going on with this tap dance. These plants are causing chaos for communities. It’s a death march for the workers.”
The timeline of events also undermines the narrative that Tyson followed CDC recommendations.
In Iowa, Pedro Cano Rodriguez, a 51-year-old worker at a pork plant in Columbus Junction, became symptomatic on April 2, was hospitalized for symptoms related to Covid-19 on April 10, and died four days later.
According to a lawsuit filed by his children, at the time when Rodriguez first developed symptoms, Tyson failed to provide personal protective equipment, dividers, or physical barriers between line workers, and did nothing to encourage employees to remain six feet apart.
Jose Angel Chavez, who worked at a Tyson plant in Texas for over 20 years, died on April 17 after contracting Covid-19 earlier that month. His family filed a lawsuit against the company in June, saying that Tyson failed to provide a safe working environment when the pandemic began. The lawsuit claimed that Tyson Foods didn’t take appropriate measures to prevent the spread of the virus at its facilities, failing to distance workers, provide PPE like face masks and gloves, and notify staff of infections or tell them to stay home when sick. In early August, Chavez’s family dropped the suit.
Early in the crisis, the government provided warnings and precautions for protecting worker safety. On March 9, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration issued guidance calling for all employers to establish flexible hours, maintain physical distance among employees, and use various PPE to guard against the spread of the virus.
The Iowa lawsuit contrasts the working conditions of Rodriguez’s plant with preventative measures by Tyson’s central office. In early March, Tyson suspended commercial business travel for executives and forbade all nonessential visitors from entering Tyson corporate offices. On March 17, White, the Tyson CEO, instructed corporate employees to work from home. On March 20, Tyson executive Stephen Stouffer assured suppliers that Tyson’s “beef and pork facilities continue to operate at or very near normal production rates.”
Do you have a coronavirus story you want to share? Email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com or use one of these secure methods to contact a reporter.
As the crisis continued to grow, with outbreaks in slaughterhouses across the country, Tyson faced increasing demands by local health officials to shut down operations.
In April, President Donald Trump issued an executive order using the Defense Production Act to compel meat plants to remain open. Emails later showed that the order was partially drafted by lobbyists from the North American Meat Institute, a trade group supported by major meat industry companies, including Tyson, Smithfield Foods, and JBS.
Despite its public announcements of radical investments in worker safety, Tyson has conceded that the company still has not implemented the CDC-recommended six-feet distancing recommendations. In response to an inquiry from Sens. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., and Cory Booker, D-N.J., regarding the meat industry’s response to the pandemic, Tyson stated in July that it was “creating barriers and/or requiring face shields on production lines where social distancing is not possible.”
Tyson has moved to dismiss the wrongful death lawsuits. Houston-based attorney Patrick O’Hara, who filed the lawsuit on the Chavez family’s behalf, noted that the family has a 16-year-old daughter and have lost their main breadwinner because of the company’s negligence.
Navina Khanna, executive director of the HEAL Food Alliance, one of the plaintiffs in the racial discrimination complaint against Tyson, expressed disappointment that Tyson has done so much to refurbish its public image rather than change its business model.
“Instead of investing in their public image and in groups to improve their public image, they need to be investing in creating a safe place for their employees, actually paying their workers decent wages, and paying them for sick days so they don’t have to show up for work if they have any symptoms,” said Khanna.
“Put your money there and then you don’t need to fight to make yourself look good. You look good by doing the right thing.”


theintercept--2020-11-19--Why Fox News Can't Afford to Quit Donald Trump

a funny thing happened on the road to redemption .
As Donald Trump fell behind in the presidential vote count , Fox began pivoting away from the reality TV star it had backed for so many years .
There was an early announcement by Fox that Arizona had been won by Joe Biden .
There was a reporter calling Trump ’ s fraud claims “ just not true.
” And there was an abrupt silencing of Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany by anchor Neil Cavuto .
This seemed to be evidence that Fox and the Murdoch family , which owns the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a weapon they had rarely aimed at him : truthfulness .
But then , like the scorpion that stings the frog in the middle of a stream , Fox did what it had always done by nature .
Its primetime hosts made a frantic assault against the math of ballot counting , arguing against all evidence that Trump was right , the voting was rife with fraud , and Biden and antifa were stealing the election .
The false allegations came night after night from a who ’ s who of delusional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including Tucker Carlson , Laura Ingraham , Jeanine Pirro , Jesse Watters , and Mark Levin .
The network loved it , putting up a promotional spot that highlighted their fabulism .
What was going on ?
Fox ’ s split-screen approach , which consists of bouts of honesty during its less-influential daytime hours and nonstop falsehoods during its primetime programs , is actually kind of ingenious .
It allows the network to wear a fig leaf of honesty in front of people living in the real world , while continuing to throw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delusions .
Nobody is entirely happy ( there have been protest chants of “ Fox News sucks ” ) , but the network ’ s ratings remain strong .
Much of the discussion around misinformation has focused on the supply coming from Fox News , Facebook , and Twitter .
But the latest convolutions speak to the demand side of the market .
Thanks in large part to the decades Fox has devoted to inciting and expanding an audience for right-wing content , a lucrative market has been brought into existence .
Fox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ viewers , not forced upon them .
In fact , while Fox is contaminating its daytime programming with dollops of truth , smaller TV outlets that are fiercely pro-Trump at all times , such as Newsmax and One America News , are seeing remarkable gains .
This appetite for political fantasies was noted by Al Schmidt , a city commissioner in Philadelphia who forcefully denied unfounded claims that ballots had been cast in the name of dead voters .
As the Republican told CNN , “ One thing I can ’ t comprehend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lies and to consume information that is not true.
” Yochai Benkler , the lead author of an excellent book on disinformation “ Network Propaganda , ” has devoted much of his life to studying the internet and communication .
In an interview , he noted that “ the market structure of this niche of the outrage industry really does discipline the outlets.
” He pointed out that the most prominent conservative publication that turned on Trump in recent years — the Weekly Standard — was abruptly closed in 2018 .
When there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and being profitable , it ’ s an easy call for right-wing media executives .
“ To be surprised that business puts profits ahead of ethics is to miss the fundamental spring mechanism of capitalism , ” Benkler said .
But this isn ’ t just a matter of future revenue for Fox and the Murdochs .
The primetime fraud clamor has the effect of creating a false narrative that will likely deform the U.S. political system for years ahead .
About half of Republicans in a new Reuters/Ipsos poll believe that Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and according to a Politico poll , 70 percent of Republicans do not believe the election was free or fair — even though , it bears repeating , there is no evidence of widespread voter fraud , and nearly every day another court in the nation tosses out another unfounded lawsuit from the Trump campaign .
Of course , the campaign ’ s tweets and statements reach an audience without amplification by Fox News , but the amplification is crucial oxygen that gives vigorous life to the delusions .
What this means , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that a bitter portion of the electorate will likely regard his presidency as illegitimate — a presidency of stolen votes .
It takes little imagination to envision four years of far-right kneecapping of Biden based on this fraudulent narrative of fraud .
It would be a new form of birtherism but more virulent and durable because Fox has seeded it so deeply and widely — and seems intent to continue doing so .
Even if Trump shambles off to a post-presidential bog of legal jeopardy and incoherent tweets , the Republican Party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inflict the damage it wants .
In the end , as journalism professor Bill Grueskin has noted , it boils down to the toxic choices of Rupert Murdoch and his heirs .
Fox News is owned and controlled by the Murdoch family , which is presided over by its 89-year-old patriarch , Rupert , who founded the network in 1996 .
His oldest son , Lachlan , is now the chief executive of Fox ’ s parent company .
Rupert ’ s five other children — Prudence , Elisabeth , James , Chloe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the family ’ s assets but do not currently have any active management responsibilities .
The Murdoch family is collectively worth about $ 17 billion .
It ’ s somewhat understandable why Hannity would shout about election fraud even though he must know the charges are bogus .
His ratings depend on providing the false narratives that his viewers demand ; if his audience shrinks , he could lose his show and the clamor he clearly adores .
The out-of-the-spotlight Murdoch family does not have that excuse , because their financial situation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affected by a ratings decline .
They could fire Hannity and Carlson and still be assured of possessing enough money to acquire luxury yachts and country estates for generations of their spawn .
What explains the choices of Fox ’ s owners ?
The mechanisms of capitalism are recalibrated when the law or the markets demand it .
The Murdochs have built a machine that ’ s operating as designed — the markets are rewarding them with billions of dollars a year while the First Amendment is shielding them from liability for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capitalists , Benkler observed , not ethicists .
“ They are sitting on this incendiary device that is burning down the house , ” he said , “ but they are not the first or the last willing to make money off destroying lives .
”

Photo: Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images
At Fox News, a funny thing happened on the road to redemption.
As Donald Trump fell behind in the presidential vote count, Fox began pivoting away from the reality TV star it had backed for so many years. There was an early announcement by Fox that Arizona had been won by Joe Biden. There was a reporter calling Trump’s fraud claims “just not true.” And there was an abrupt silencing of Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany by anchor Neil Cavuto. This seemed to be evidence that Fox and the Murdoch family, which owns the network, were finally turning on Trump with a weapon they had rarely aimed at him: truthfulness.
But then, like the scorpion that stings the frog in the middle of a stream, Fox did what it had always done by nature. Its primetime hosts made a frantic assault against the math of ballot counting, arguing against all evidence that Trump was right, the voting was rife with fraud, and Biden and antifa were stealing the election. The false allegations came night after night from a who’s who of delusional thinking, led by Sean Hannity and including Tucker Carlson, Laura Ingraham, Jeanine Pirro, Jesse Watters, and Mark Levin. The network loved it, putting up a promotional spot that highlighted their fabulism.
What was going on? Fox’s split-screen approach, which consists of bouts of honesty during its less-influential daytime hours and nonstop falsehoods during its primetime programs, is actually kind of ingenious. It allows the network to wear a fig leaf of honesty in front of people living in the real world, while continuing to throw insane chum into the billion-dollar market for delusions. Nobody is entirely happy (there have been protest chants of “Fox News sucks”), but the network’s ratings remain strong.
Much of the discussion around misinformation has focused on the supply coming from Fox News, Facebook, and Twitter. But the latest convolutions speak to the demand side of the market. Thanks in large part to the decades Fox has devoted to inciting and expanding an audience for right-wing content, a lucrative market has been brought into existence. Fox’s disinformation is desired by its viewers, not forced upon them. In fact, while Fox is contaminating its daytime programming with dollops of truth, smaller TV outlets that are fiercely pro-Trump at all times, such as Newsmax and One America News, are seeing remarkable gains. This appetite for political fantasies was noted by Al Schmidt, a city commissioner in Philadelphia who forcefully denied unfounded claims that ballots had been cast in the name of dead voters. As the Republican told CNN, “One thing I can’t comprehend is how hungry people are to consume lies and to consume information that is not true.”
Yochai Benkler, the lead author of an excellent book on disinformation “Network Propaganda,” has devoted much of his life to studying the internet and communication. In an interview, he noted that “the market structure of this niche of the outrage industry really does discipline the outlets.” He pointed out that the most prominent conservative publication that turned on Trump in recent years — the Weekly Standard — was abruptly closed in 2018. When there’s a choice between being truthful and being profitable, it’s an easy call for right-wing media executives. “To be surprised that business puts profits ahead of ethics is to miss the fundamental spring mechanism of capitalism,” Benkler said.
Fox’s disinformation is desired by its viewers, not forced upon them.
But this isn’t just a matter of future revenue for Fox and the Murdochs. The primetime fraud clamor has the effect of creating a false narrative that will likely deform the U.S. political system for years ahead. About half of Republicans in a new Reuters/Ipsos poll believe that Trump “rightfully won” the election, and according to a Politico poll, 70 percent of Republicans do not believe the election was free or fair — even though, it bears repeating, there is no evidence of widespread voter fraud, and nearly every day another court in the nation tosses out another unfounded lawsuit from the Trump campaign. Of course, the campaign’s tweets and statements reach an audience without amplification by Fox News, but the amplification is crucial oxygen that gives vigorous life to the delusions.
What this means, once Biden is inaugurated in January, is that a bitter portion of the electorate will likely regard his presidency as illegitimate — a presidency of stolen votes. It takes little imagination to envision four years of far-right kneecapping of Biden based on this fraudulent narrative of fraud. It would be a new form of birtherism but more virulent and durable because Fox has seeded it so deeply and widely — and seems intent to continue doing so. Even if Trump shambles off to a post-presidential bog of legal jeopardy and incoherent tweets, the Republican Party will have the weapon it needs to inflict the damage it wants.
In the end, as journalism professor Bill Grueskin has noted, it boils down to the toxic choices of Rupert Murdoch and his heirs. Fox News is owned and controlled by the Murdoch family, which is presided over by its 89-year-old patriarch, Rupert, who founded the network in 1996. His oldest son, Lachlan, is now the chief executive of Fox’s parent company. Rupert’s five other children — Prudence, Elisabeth, James, Chloe, and Grace — hold ownership shares of the family’s assets but do not currently have any active management responsibilities. The Murdoch family is collectively worth about $17 billion.
It’s somewhat understandable why Hannity would shout about election fraud even though he must know the charges are bogus. His ratings depend on providing the false narratives that his viewers demand; if his audience shrinks, he could lose his show and the clamor he clearly adores. The out-of-the-spotlight Murdoch family does not have that excuse, because their financial situation and their day-to-day lives would not be affected by a ratings decline. They could fire Hannity and Carlson and still be assured of possessing enough money to acquire luxury yachts and country estates for generations of their spawn.
What explains the choices of Fox’s owners? The mechanisms of capitalism are recalibrated when the law or the markets demand it. The Murdochs have built a machine that’s operating as designed — the markets are rewarding them with billions of dollars a year while the First Amendment is shielding them from liability for the damage they cause. The Murdochs are capitalists, Benkler observed, not ethicists. “They are sitting on this incendiary device that is burning down the house,” he said, “but they are not the first or the last willing to make money off destroying lives.”


theintercept--2020-11-20--Joe Biden Doesn't Need the Senate to Boost the Economy and Tackle Climate Change

Looking at the lay of the political land , there are plenty of reasons for Democrats to feel down .
Failing to take the Senate in January would badly hobble a Biden administration ’ s legislative agenda .
A 6-3 Supreme Court is likely to be hostile to executive action and regulation .
The pandemic is surging and the economy is slowing — and without the ability to legislate , the capacity of the government to respond to the economic slowdown would be in the hands of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , who has repeatedly shown a willingness to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it if it means a slight relative increase in his own power or the power of the right .
Meanwhile Republicans across the country are salivating at the prospect of a gerrymandered 2022 midterm wipeout .
Republican House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy has already promised that the GOP will retake the House .
And that would mean two years of investigations into Joe Biden between then and the 2024 election .
On today ’ s episode of Deconstructed , we talk about what Democrats actually can do to help both themselves and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even in the face of steadfast Republican opposition .
Republicans have shown a complete disregard for democracy in the wake of the November elections — or , at minimum , are fine with dispensing with it for partisan gain .
Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani on Thursday cited “ My Cousin Vinny ” while insisting the election was stolen .
Some Michigan Republicans , meanwhile , have been fighting certification of the election , and Donald Trump celebrated them by bringing them to the White House .
The next time Republicans consolidate power , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be fierce .
It ’ s all happening amid a backdrop of ecological and climate collapse , fueling a rise of ethnonationalism and reactionary politics around the globe , which itself is further fueled by mass migrations precipitated by the crisis .
The world is falling apart , and the right ’ s authoritarianism is an attractive response to a frightened and divided public .
The good news is that we ’ re not there yet , that Democrats have agency and power if they choose to use it , and that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of democracy , which are far more important than laws on paper .
The public has decided that Trump has lost the election , so he has to go .
Democrats need to harness that belief and push forward .
Even though the stakes of the contest couldn ’ t possibly be higher , paradoxically , small moves one way or another can be decisive .
Both parties can expect at least , say , 47 percent of the vote each election cycle in this sharply divided country , meaning that control goes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few extra points , through a combination of mobilizing its base , organizing new voters , persuading people to switch , and fighting off efforts to steal it .
And so small wins by Biden on behalf of the public — if they move just a few percent — can have huge ramifications .
And it turns out there are a few things Biden can do unilaterally that would create good will and grow the economy and drive up wages .
And that ’ s what people vote on .
The most important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Federal Reserve will dedicate itself to creating jobs and growing the economy .
There are indications that Trump ’ s pick for the Fed , Jerome Powell , has a surprising appetite for aggressive intervention on behalf of regular people struggling in this economy .
Late Thursday , Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin ended several Fed lending programs , including one aimed at Main Street , and Powell publicly protested , a rare move from a Fed chair .
The Fed bucking an administration isn ’ t something to encourage , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Fed ’ s disposal certainly should be .
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer meanwhile is urging Biden to forgive the first $ 50,000 of everyone ’ s student debt , which he can do by executive order .
The average debt load is around $ 30,000 , meaning that millions of people would see their debt wiped out .
The average monthly payment is around $ 400 , which means that people making that payment would now have an extra $ 400 every month to spend .
That ’ s a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s one that voters would reward Democrats for , both as the economy and wages rise as a result and in direct appreciation for such a bold action .
Biden can also direct the Department of Labor to block companies from screwing workers out of overtime , which they do by misclassifying them as managers .
Companies like Dollar General are the worst offenders .
The people in those stores stocking shelves and working the register are often called managers by the company , which allows the company to pay no overtime on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that practice is ended , millions of people could see increases in their paychecks .
Matthew Cunningham-Cook has a new story for The Intercept this week about how Georgia Sen. David Perdue got rich exploiting just that loophole , and how beating him in the January runoff could drive everybody ’ s wages up .
Schumer has also suggested descheduling marijuana , which means that as far as the federal government is concerned , it would no longer be illegal .
That would trigger another economic jolt , as pot shops in states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have legal access to the banking system , accountants , creating good-paying jobs up and down the industry .
At the federal level and in states controlled by Democrats , drug-related records could be expunged , voting rights restored .
The Intercept ’ s Alleen Brown reports that climate activists are also urging Biden to use the power of the Treasury to tilt the playing field toward clean energy and against fossil fuels .
None of this might be enough under normal circumstances to fend off the typical wave that strikes an incoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats might have a Covid-19 ace up their sleeve : If a vaccine does begin to be deployed to front-line workers in December and gradually to the rest of the population throughout 2021 , the economy could begin fully opening up in 2022 .
The one piece of legislation Republicans have consistently shown themselves unable to resist passing is a tax cut , which gives Democrats a chance to win some extra stimulus — money for clean energy projects , for instance — and further juice the economy in exchange for dumping a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stacks of the already very rich .
And the Senate map in 2022 is actually pretty good for Democrats .
In other words , Democrats could have a real tailwind in 2022 , but they need to get their damn plane in the air if they ’ re going to catch it .
There ’ s a lot of ways to do that .
On the show , we talk to Demond Drummer and Bob Hackett of New Consensus , a climate-focused think tank that released a provocative new plan this week , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Federal Reserve could do to not just juice the economy , but to transform it too .
We ’ re also joined by David Dayen of The American Prospect who launched a project called the Day One Agenda , focusing on what Biden can do immediately .
Listen above or subscribe where you get your podcasts .

Looking at the lay of the political land, there are plenty of reasons for Democrats to feel down.
Failing to take the Senate in January would badly hobble a Biden administration’s legislative agenda. A 6-3 Supreme Court is likely to be hostile to executive action and regulation. The pandemic is surging and the economy is slowing — and without the ability to legislate, the capacity of the government to respond to the economic slowdown would be in the hands of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who has repeatedly shown a willingness to scorch the earth and every norm on it if it means a slight relative increase in his own power or the power of the right.
Meanwhile Republicans across the country are salivating at the prospect of a gerrymandered 2022 midterm wipeout. Republican House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy has already promised that the GOP will retake the House. And that would mean two years of investigations into Joe Biden between then and the 2024 election.
On today’s episode of Deconstructed, we talk about what Democrats actually can do to help both themselves and the country in the next few years, even in the face of steadfast Republican opposition.
Republicans have shown a complete disregard for democracy in the wake of the November elections — or, at minimum, are fine with dispensing with it for partisan gain. Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani on Thursday cited “My Cousin Vinny” while insisting the election was stolen. Some Michigan Republicans, meanwhile, have been fighting certification of the election, and Donald Trump celebrated them by bringing them to the White House.
The next time Republicans consolidate power, the onslaught on voting and elections will be fierce. It’s all happening amid a backdrop of ecological and climate collapse, fueling a rise of ethnonationalism and reactionary politics around the globe, which itself is further fueled by mass migrations precipitated by the crisis. The world is falling apart, and the right’s authoritarianism is an attractive response to a frightened and divided public.
The good news is that we’re not there yet, that Democrats have agency and power if they choose to use it, and that the country still believes in the cultural norms of democracy, which are far more important than laws on paper. The public has decided that Trump has lost the election, so he has to go. Democrats need to harness that belief and push forward.
Even though the stakes of the contest couldn’t possibly be higher, paradoxically, small moves one way or another can be decisive. Both parties can expect at least, say, 47 percent of the vote each election cycle in this sharply divided country, meaning that control goes to the party that can win those few extra points, through a combination of mobilizing its base, organizing new voters, persuading people to switch, and fighting off efforts to steal it. And so small wins by Biden on behalf of the public — if they move just a few percent — can have huge ramifications.
And it turns out there are a few things Biden can do unilaterally that would create good will and grow the economy and drive up wages. And that’s what people vote on. The most important thing Biden can do is make sure the Federal Reserve will dedicate itself to creating jobs and growing the economy. There are indications that Trump’s pick for the Fed, Jerome Powell, has a surprising appetite for aggressive intervention on behalf of regular people struggling in this economy. Late Thursday, Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin ended several Fed lending programs, including one aimed at Main Street, and Powell publicly protested, a rare move from a Fed chair. The Fed bucking an administration isn’t something to encourage, but the aggressive impulse to use all the tools at the Fed’s disposal certainly should be.
Democrats have agency and power if they choose to use it, and the country still believes in the cultural norms of democracy, which are far more important than laws on paper.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer meanwhile is urging Biden to forgive the first $50,000 of everyone’s student debt, which he can do by executive order. The average debt load is around $30,000, meaning that millions of people would see their debt wiped out. The average monthly payment is around $400, which means that people making that payment would now have an extra $400 every month to spend. That’s a serious economic stimulus, and it’s one that voters would reward Democrats for, both as the economy and wages rise as a result and in direct appreciation for such a bold action.
Biden can also direct the Department of Labor to block companies from screwing workers out of overtime, which they do by misclassifying them as managers. Companies like Dollar General are the worst offenders. The people in those stores stocking shelves and working the register are often called managers by the company, which allows the company to pay no overtime on top of their low salary. If that practice is ended, millions of people could see increases in their paychecks.
Matthew Cunningham-Cook has a new story for The Intercept this week about how Georgia Sen. David Perdue got rich exploiting just that loophole, and how beating him in the January runoff could drive everybody’s wages up.
Schumer has also suggested descheduling marijuana, which means that as far as the federal government is concerned, it would no longer be illegal. That would trigger another economic jolt, as pot shops in states where it’s legal would finally have legal access to the banking system, accountants, creating good-paying jobs up and down the industry. At the federal level and in states controlled by Democrats, drug-related records could be expunged, voting rights restored.
The Intercept’s Alleen Brown reports that climate activists are also urging Biden to use the power of the Treasury to tilt the playing field toward clean energy and against fossil fuels.
None of this might be enough under normal circumstances to fend off the typical wave that strikes an incoming administration during its first midterm. But Democrats might have a Covid-19 ace up their sleeve: If a vaccine does begin to be deployed to front-line workers in December and gradually to the rest of the population throughout 2021, the economy could begin fully opening up in 2022. The one piece of legislation Republicans have consistently shown themselves unable to resist passing is a tax cut, which gives Democrats a chance to win some extra stimulus — money for clean energy projects, for instance — and further juice the economy in exchange for dumping a few more piles of cash onto the stacks of the already very rich. And the Senate map in 2022 is actually pretty good for Democrats.
In other words, Democrats could have a real tailwind in 2022, but they need to get their damn plane in the air if they’re going to catch it. There’s a lot of ways to do that. On the show, we talk to Demond Drummer and Bob Hackett of New Consensus, a climate-focused think tank that released a provocative new plan this week, laying out what it thinks a creative Federal Reserve could do to not just juice the economy, but to transform it too.
We’re also joined by David Dayen of The American Prospect who launched a project called the Day One Agenda, focusing on what Biden can do immediately. Listen above or subscribe where you get your podcasts.