theintercept--2020-10-25--Last-Minute Progressive Surge Boosts Kara Eastman in Critical Omaha District

The Progressive Change Campaign Committee is also teaming up with Rebellion PAC to launch a six-figure independent expenditure specifically for Eastman in the coming week , joining the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC , which is also spending six figures in the race .
Justice Democrats , the group that helped elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and other members of the growing Squad , is launching a $ 350,000 independent expenditure effort to help elect Eastman , who beat the establishment-backed candidate in both the 2018 and 2020 primaries .
The group ’ s infusion of cash will cover two ads that will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and TV in the district .
Three progressive groups are ramping up their efforts to help Democrat Kara Eastman defeat incumbent Republican Rep. Don Bacon in Nebraska ’ s 2nd Congressional District , a crucial battleground that also yields its own individual Electoral College vote .
Eastman , who ’ s going up against millions of dollars from the Republican side , represents one of the left ’ s best chances at flipping a swing district this cycle .
In 2018 , Eastman beat former Democratic Rep. Brad Ashford in the primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backing of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee .
This cycle , he has backed Bacon over Eastman , appearing in a TV ad backing the Republican .
“ Getting things done in Congress is hard .
It takes listening and bipartisanship , ” Ashford said in the new ad , running in rotation in Omaha .
“ Don Bacon and I ran against each other , then we worked together to deliver the new VA hospital and Offutt runway.
” In 2020 , Eastman beat Ashford ’ s wife , Ann Ashford , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refused to make an endorsement in the race , saying on Twitter that her husband ’ s political decisions are his own and that she has no plans to weigh in .
“ We have a chance to unite behind and elect a progressive Democrat in a swing district this cycle , ” Helen Brosnan , a spokesperson for Justice Democrats ’ independent spending arm , said in a statement .
“ Progressives are often accused of not uniting behind Democrats in the general election , but this is a case of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over to support someone who is fully aligned with Donald Trump ’ s policies.
” After Eastman ’ s 2018 primary victory , the DCCC gave her less support relative to other challengers to GOP incumbents .
This cycle , the party brass worked to recruit primary challengers to her .
But now that Eastman is once again the nominee , the DCCC has given her the party ’ s full support , pumping well more than $ 1 million into the race .
Eastman ’ s race is also nationally important , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Donald Trump carried by 3 percentage points in 2016 , has its own Electoral College vote .
( Nebraska is one of two states that assigns electoral votes for president to individual congressional districts . )
In some maps , this vote could give Joe Biden a victory .
A recent poll from the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC found Eastman leading her Republican opponent by 2 points , and Biden leading 53-42 , though that came before the ad blitz featuring Brad Ashford .
The PCCC held a virtual fundraiser earlier this week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other House candidates competing in swing districts .
The fundraiser , which was headlined by Sen. Elizabeth Warren , Reps. Katie Porter and Jamie Raskin , and likely incoming lawmaker Jamaal Bowman , raised more than $ 100,000 for their slate of “ Red to BOLD ” candidates , according to PCCC co-founder Adam Green .
During the fundraiser , Porter , who flipped a red California district and is known for her searing interrogations of executives and Trump appointees at congressional hearings , made the case for what progressives could accomplish with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the races on the Red-to-Bold list are in presidential swing states , with Dana Balter in New York the lone exception .
The first of the two ads Justice Democrats released goes after Bacon ’ s record on health care , and the quarter of a million dollars he ’ s taken from the insurance industry .
The 30-second ad , which features a pregnant woman , hammers Bacon on his votes to dismantle the Affordable Care Act and to allow health insurance companies to “ charge women more just because they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 92 percent of the time this session , according to FiveThirtyEight .
Eastman , meanwhile , is a staunch supporter of Medicare for All .
Outside groups supporting Bacon have outspent the outside groups supporting Eastman by over 2 to 1 , according to the Center for Responsive Politics , and super PACs have dropped more than $ 5 million to blanket the airwaves for Bacon , as The Intercept previously reported .
Ironically , the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has stepped in to play a bigger role in boosting Eastman this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 2.5 million in the race .
Some national progressive groups , like Indivisible and the Working Families Party , haven ’ t met Eastman with the enthusiasm they had last time around .
Despite endorsing her in 2018 , these groups haven ’ t gotten involved thus far .

Three progressive groups are ramping up their efforts to help Democrat Kara Eastman defeat incumbent Republican Rep. Don Bacon in Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District, a crucial battleground that also yields its own individual Electoral College vote. Eastman, who’s going up against millions of dollars from the Republican side, represents one of the left’s best chances at flipping a swing district this cycle.
Justice Democrats, the group that helped elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and other members of the growing Squad, is launching a $350,000 independent expenditure effort to help elect Eastman, who beat the establishment-backed candidate in both the 2018 and 2020 primaries. The group’s infusion of cash will cover two ads that will be featured across digital platforms, broadcast, and TV in the district.
The Progressive Change Campaign Committee is also teaming up with Rebellion PAC to launch a six-figure independent expenditure specifically for Eastman in the coming week, joining the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC, which is also spending six figures in the race.
In 2018, Eastman beat former Democratic Rep. Brad Ashford in the primary, even though Ashford had the public backing of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. This cycle, he has backed Bacon over Eastman, appearing in a TV ad backing the Republican. “Getting things done in Congress is hard. It takes listening and bipartisanship,” Ashford said in the new ad, running in rotation in Omaha. “Don Bacon and I ran against each other, then we worked together to deliver the new VA hospital and Offutt runway.”
In 2020, Eastman beat Ashford’s wife, Ann Ashford, in the primary. Ann Ashford has refused to make an endorsement in the race, saying on Twitter that her husband’s political decisions are his own and that she has no plans to weigh in.
“We have a chance to unite behind and elect a progressive Democrat in a swing district this cycle,” Helen Brosnan, a spokesperson for Justice Democrats’ independent spending arm, said in a statement. “Progressives are often accused of not uniting behind Democrats in the general election, but this is a case of a corporate-friendly Democrat with a personal vendetta flipping over to support someone who is fully aligned with Donald Trump’s policies.”
After Eastman’s 2018 primary victory, the DCCC gave her less support relative to other challengers to GOP incumbents. This cycle, the party brass worked to recruit primary challengers to her. But now that Eastman is once again the nominee, the DCCC has given her the party’s full support, pumping well more than$1 million into the race.
Eastman’s race is also nationally important, as the Omaha district, which President Donald Trump carried by 3 percentage points in 2016, has its own Electoral College vote. (Nebraska is one of two states that assigns electoral votes for president to individual congressional districts.) In some maps, this vote could give Joe Biden a victory. A recent poll from the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC found Eastman leading her Republican opponent by 2 points, and Biden leading 53-42, though that came before the ad blitz featuring Brad Ashford.
The PCCC held a virtual fundraiser earlier this week to raise money for Eastman and six other House candidates competing in swing districts. The fundraiser, which was headlined by Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Reps. Katie Porter and Jamie Raskin, and likely incoming lawmaker Jamaal Bowman, raised more than $100,000 for their slate of “Red to BOLD” candidates, according to PCCC co-founder Adam Green. During the fundraiser, Porter, who flipped a red California district and is known for her searing interrogations of executives and Trump appointees at congressional hearings, made the case for what progressives could accomplish with more allies in Congress. Most of the races on the Red-to-Bold list are in presidential swing states, with Dana Balter in New York the lone exception.
The first of the two ads Justice Democrats released goes after Bacon’s record on health care, and the quarter of a million dollars he’s taken from the insurance industry. The 30-second ad, which features a pregnant woman, hammers Bacon on his votes to dismantle the Affordable Care Act and to allow health insurance companies to “charge women more just because they’re pregnant.” Bacon voted with Trump over 92 percent of the time this session, according to FiveThirtyEight. Eastman, meanwhile, is a staunch supporter of Medicare for All.
Outside groups supporting Bacon have outspent the outside groups supporting Eastman by over 2 to 1, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, and super PACs have dropped more than $5 million to blanket the airwaves for Bacon, as The Intercept previously reported. Ironically, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has stepped in to play a bigger role in boosting Eastman this cycle, planning to spend at least $2.5 million in the race. Some national progressive groups, like Indivisible and the Working Families Party, haven’t met Eastman with the enthusiasm they had last time around. Indivisible, which endorsed Eastman in 2018, hasn’t endorsed this time around. It has sent mail on her behalf, Indivisible Press Secretary Emily Phelps told The Intercept, and has donated $5,000 to her campaign in the 2020 cycle. Working Families Party endorsed Eastman on Sunday afternoon, and has a joint ad buy with MoveOn and Justice Democrats dropping on Monday according to Justice Democrats Communications Director Waleed Shahid.
Update: October 26, 2020
This story has been updated to reflect Working Families Party’s endorsement of Eastman after publication and with more details on Indivisible’s support of Eastman.


theintercept--2020-10-26--Congressional Progressives Are Revamping Their Caucus With an Eye Toward 2021

Caucus is restructuring in order to shape itself into a more cohesive fighting force come 2021 , according to CPC members involved in designing the new strategy .
A series of proposed reforms to the caucus ’ s leadership structure as well as membership requirements were sent to CPC members for approval on Sunday , members of the caucus said .
The changes won ’ t go into force without two-thirds support of the current members , said CPC co-chair Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington .
The Progressive Caucus has grown steadily since its founding in 1991 and now includes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the “ progressive ” label has gained currency in recent years .
That size has also paradoxically been a weakness , as the group has been unable to enforce or motivate discipline , particularly as many of those who have joined are not active in the caucus and don ’ t subscribe to its core tenets .
Shortly after winning her 2018 primary , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the group that backed her , Justice Democrats , identified the group ’ s size as a hindrance , with Ocasio-Cortez suggesting a “ sub-caucus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership and take down legislation might be more effective .
No sub-caucus was formed this term , but the CPC did work to block legislation it found insufficient — at times extracting concessions , at other times getting steamrolled .
Its biggest success came on HR3 , the fight over drug pricing , when the CPC forced Pelosi to move its way by credibly threatening to take down the bill .
Jayapal said that HR3 was “ definitely a significant moment ” in the shaping of the CPC ’ s approach to organizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just a threat but a set of demands that were ready to go .
“ One of the things that ’ s really important in those last negotiating minutes is to drill down to a few things that are most important , ” she said .
Under the current CPC rules , essentially any Democrat willing to write a small dues check — $ 4,000 per year — to the group can become an official member , regardless of their politics , their source of campaign financing , their voting record , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The benefit for moderate Democrats who fear facing primary challengers from the left is that they can tout their membership as evidence of progressive bona fides without delivering anything substantive .
The proposed changes to the CPC are intended to move it in a tighter direction .
“ The point of the reform is to shed free riding members that claim CPC membership but aren ’ t actually progressive , ” said one CPC member .
Jayapal said that the caucus may indeed shrink if the reforms are implemented .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that to happen , ” she said .
“ I just would rather have people who are really committed to the progressive caucus in the caucus and participating rather than sort of just having it as a label.
” The task force is also pushing to move from the co-chair leadership structure that has been in place since 2005 to a single chair , arguing that the CPC is at a tactical disadvantage because its two chairs must coordinate before making a move , and quickness is often essential on Capitol Hill .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said , for instance , a press release may be ready to go by 10 a.m. , but getting both members and their staffs to sign off amid a busy day could take until later afternoon .
“ And by then the press release isn ’ t even relevant anymore , ” he said .
“ A lot of cooks are in the kitchen and often all we ’ re doing is making a grilled cheese.
” Having two co-chairs also creates opportunities for opponents to undermine the caucus , he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from … another caucus , I ’ ll just say … try to divide and conquer us , by talking to us separately and seeing if they could pick one of us off , ” he said .
“ That ’ s not the first time that people have tried to work one chair or the other in trying to influence the caucus.
” Pocan recently announced he would not stand for reelection as co-chair ; Jayapal is expected to run again .
Nearly all other caucuses have only a single chair , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structure at its founding , when it had six members and was chaired by then-Rep. Bernie Sanders , an independent from Vermont .
Sanders was blocked early in his career from caucusing with the Democrats by Southern members who didn ’ t want to be associated with a socialist .
Indeed , the political value of the progressive label had so bottomed out that anybody who would willingly label themselves as one was presumed to be telling the truth .
That ’ s no longer the case , as the pendulum has swung @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party .
Today , a number of members of the CPC are also members of the New Democrats Coalition , which is an ideological rival of the CPC built to be a bulwark against the progressive wing and in support of business interests .
Under the new rules , if a position wins two-thirds support among the CPC , members of the caucus will be expected to vote as a bloc , which would make it the first Democratic caucus to attempt to bind its members .
Yet at the same time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ position of the CPC two-thirds of the time before running afoul of the rules and risking expulsion .
Pushing CPC members to vote as a bloc is an effort to find enough strength in solidarity to make credible threats to leadership or to a potential Biden administration .
On the GOP side , the Freedom Caucus has exercised its power by voting as a bloc .
The difference , of course , is that the right-wing ’ s default posture toward government programs is one of destruction , so withholding votes is less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s more difficult for progressive Democrats to say no to legislation that will benefit even a small number of people , and therein lies their negotiating handicap .
“ It ’ s easy to tank something .
It ’ s much harder to create something , ” said Pocan .
“ One of the reasons that we ’ ve always not liked the comparison to the Freedom Caucus is they like to say ‘ No.
’ Quite honestly we like to say ‘ yes ’ to ideas , and have some ideas that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they ’ re just great at saying ‘ No.
’ ” The new rules would also require CPC members to attend a certain number of meetings and to respond to whip requests , which are questions from caucus leadership about how a member feels about a particular bill or position .
That such basic requirements are being written into the rules is a reflection of the current lack of participation .
Some of that silence amounted to obstruction ; a way to undermine a whip count was to simply ignore it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the denominator , meaning a member who doesn ’ t respond can ’ t jam up the process .
The caucus will also require members to vote for and sponsor a certain amount of progressive legislation .
The task force set up to write the new rules included Reps. Ocasio-Cortez , Ayanna Pressley , Ilhan Omar , Jamie Raskin , Barbara Lee , Ro Khanna , Judy Chu , Lloyd Doggett , Chuy Garcia , David Cicilline , Jayapal , and Pocan .
The new rules , if approved , won ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress .
This story originally indicated that CPC dues go to the organization ’ s political action committee .
In fact , dues go directly to the caucus to fund the group ’ s staff and operations .

The Congressional Progressive Caucus is restructuring in order to shape itself into a more cohesive fighting force come 2021, according to CPC members involved in designing the new strategy. A series of proposed reforms to the caucus’s leadership structure as well as membership requirements were sent to CPC members for approval on Sunday, members of the caucus said. The changes won’t go into force without two-thirds support of the current members, said CPC co-chair Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington.
The Progressive Caucus has grown steadily since its founding in 1991 and now includes nearly 100 Democratic members of Congress, as the “progressive” label has gained currency in recent years. That size has also paradoxically been a weakness, as the group has been unable to enforce or motivate discipline, particularly as many of those who have joined are not active in the caucus and don’t subscribe to its core tenets.
Shortly after winning her 2018 primary, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the group that backed her, Justice Democrats, identified the group’s size as a hindrance, with Ocasio-Cortez suggesting a “sub-caucus” of Democrats willing to buck party leadership and take down legislation might be more effective. No sub-caucus was formed this term, but the CPC did work to block legislation it found insufficient — at times extracting concessions, at other times getting steamrolled. Its biggest success came on HR3, the fight over drug pricing, when the CPC forced Pelosi to move its way by credibly threatening to take down the bill.
Jayapal said that HR3 was “definitely a significant moment” in the shaping of the CPC’s approach to organizing in the caucus, and it required not just a threat but a set of demands that were ready to go. “One of the things that’s really important in those last negotiating minutes is to drill down to a few things that are most important,” she said.
Under the current CPC rules, essentially any Democrat willing to write a small dues check — $4,000 per year — to the group can become an official member, regardless of their politics, their source of campaign financing, their voting record, or even their attendance at CPC meetings. The benefit for moderate Democrats who fear facing primary challengers from the left is that they can tout their membership as evidence of progressive bona fides without delivering anything substantive.
The proposed changes to the CPC are intended to move it in a tighter direction. “The point of the reform is to shed free riding members that claim CPC membership but aren’t actually progressive,” said one CPC member.
Jayapal said that the caucus may indeed shrink if the reforms are implemented. “It may. We’re ready for that to happen,” she said. “I just would rather have people who are really committed to the progressive caucus in the caucus and participating rather than sort of just having it as a label.”
The task force is also pushing to move from the co-chair leadership structure that has been in place since 2005 to a single chair, arguing that the CPC is at a tactical disadvantage because its two chairs must coordinate before making a move, and quickness is often essential on Capitol Hill.
Rep. Mark Pocan, the other co-chair, said, for instance, a press release may be ready to go by 10 a.m., but getting both members and their staffs to sign off amid a busy day could take until later afternoon. “And by then the press release isn’t even relevant anymore,” he said. “A lot of cooks are in the kitchen and often all we’re doing is making a grilled cheese.”
Having two co-chairs also creates opportunities for opponents to undermine the caucus, he said. “Recently we had two people from … another caucus, I’ll just say … try to divide and conquer us, by talking to us separately and seeing if they could pick one of us off,” he said. “That’s not the first time that people have tried to work one chair or the other in trying to influence the caucus.” Pocan recently announced he would not stand for reelection as co-chair; Jayapal is expected to run again.
Nearly all other caucuses have only a single chair, which was also the CPC’s structure at its founding, when it had six members and was chaired by then-Rep. Bernie Sanders, an independent from Vermont. Sanders was blocked early in his career from caucusing with the Democrats by Southern members who didn’t want to be associated with a socialist. Indeed, the political value of the progressive label had so bottomed out that anybody who would willingly label themselves as one was presumed to be telling the truth. That’s no longer the case, as the pendulum has swung back toward the progressive end inside the Democratic Party. Today, a number of members of the CPC are also members of the New Democrats Coalition, which is an ideological rival of the CPC built to be a bulwark against the progressive wing and in support of business interests.
Under the new rules, if a position wins two-thirds support among the CPC, members of the caucus will be expected to vote as a bloc, which would make it the first Democratic caucus to attempt to bind its members. Yet at the same time, members need only support the official position of the CPC two-thirds of the time before running afoul of the rules and risking expulsion.
“It’s easy to tank something. It’s much harder to create something.”
Pushing CPC members to vote as a bloc is an effort to find enough strength in solidarity to make credible threats to leadership or to a potential Biden administration. On the GOP side, the Freedom Caucus has exercised its power by voting as a bloc. The difference, of course, is that the right-wing’s default posture toward government programs is one of destruction, so withholding votes is less difficult, said Pocan. It’s more difficult for progressive Democrats to say no to legislation that will benefit even a small number of people, and therein lies their negotiating handicap.
“It’s easy to tank something. It’s much harder to create something,” said Pocan. “One of the reasons that we’ve always not liked the comparison to the Freedom Caucus is they like to say ‘No.’ Quite honestly we like to say ‘yes’ to ideas, and have some ideas that we’re putting out there, and they’re just great at saying ‘No.’”
The new rules would also require CPC members to attend a certain number of meetings and to respond to whip requests, which are questions from caucus leadership about how a member feels about a particular bill or position. That such basic requirements are being written into the rules is a reflection of the current lack of participation. Some of that silence amounted to obstruction; a way to undermine a whip count was to simply ignore it. The new rules would strip the nonrespondents from the denominator, meaning a member who doesn’t respond can’t jam up the process. The caucus will also require members to vote for and sponsor a certain amount of progressive legislation.
The task force set up to write the new rules included Reps. Ocasio-Cortez, Ayanna Pressley, Ilhan Omar, Jamie Raskin, Barbara Lee, Ro Khanna, Judy Chu, Lloyd Doggett, Chuy Garcia, David Cicilline, Jayapal, and Pocan. The new rules, if approved, won’t go into effect until the next Congress.
Correction: October 26, 2020
This story originally indicated that CPC dues go to the organization’s political action committee. In fact, dues go directly to the caucus to fund the group’s staff and operations.


theintercept--2020-10-26--Colorado Voters Could Be First to Pass Paid Family Leave by Ballot Measure

the Colorado legislature has tried — and failed — to pass paid family leave .
On November 3 , Colorado residents themselves will get the opportunity to vote directly for the creation of a leave program , thanks to the ballot measure Proposition 118 .
If it passes , the ballot measure will create a social insurance program that will provide all state residents 12 weeks of paid leave to care for a new baby , recover from a serious illness or injury , care for a family member with a serious health condition , deal with domestic violence , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be an additional four weeks for pregnancy or childbirth complications .
The program , which would be the ninth state paid family leave law enacted in the country , wouldn ’ t be implemented until 2023 , when the state will begin collecting premiums , and benefits won ’ t be paid out until 2024 .
About 2.6 million workers in the state would become eligible for benefits .
“ This would be one of the largest social insurance programs that has been implemented in Colorado , ” said Ashley Panelli , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If , as polls predict , the proposition passes , Colorado would become the first state to enact paid family leave through the ballot , rather than through legislation , as has been the case for all other states and Washington , D.C. “ It would really show the public support for programs like this , ” Panelli said .
The potential success of the first-ever ballot measure guaranteeing paid family leave is thanks to a number of factors that affected the campaign , such as life under a pandemic , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care for sick loved ones in stark relief , and a direct appeal to voters that is less susceptible than the legislature is to industry lobbying .
The road to putting the measure before voters was a long one .
With Democrats in control of both chambers of the Colorado legislature and the governor ’ s office , advocates had thought 2020 would be the year it would finally happen .
Gov .
Jared Polis , in fact , was an original co-sponsor of a bill in Congress to create a national paid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , instead of using the public social insurance framework implemented in the vast majority of other countries and all other U.S. states , the legislature adopt a private insurance model .
All of the models put forward by private insurers , however , failed to get a “ triple A rating : affordable , adequate , and accessible , ” Panelli said .
Insurers “ felt that they really couldn ’ t meet those demands and simultaneously make a profit that was worthwhile.
” As the coronavirus pandemic hit , the legislature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead passing a measure to permanently extend paid sick leave to all state residents .
Panelli saw the imprint of advocates ’ long fight for family leave that covers all workers on that bill : Colorado ’ s is one of the most comprehensive paid sick leave laws among the 11 other states that has passed one because it eventually covers all employees .
While businesses with 15 or fewer workers are currently exempt , they will also face the requirement in 2022 .
Advocates had hoped that the legislature would also pass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sparing them the costs of a ballot campaign .
But the ballot measure was their insurance against lawmakers ’ inaction , filed during the spring legislative battle .
It wasn ’ t easy to get the required number of signatures for it to appear before voters this November in the middle of a pandemic : Colorado Families First resorted to putting petitions out on tables in grocery store parking lots and offering people individually wrapped pens to sign , all while keeping appropriate distance .
“ In the end I ’ m not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a say on this , despite all the work required , ” said Wendy Howell , deputy director of the Colorado Working Families Party , which was part of the coalition .
“ The people should have more of a say on this.
” Success in Colorado could prompt advocates in other states where legislatures have failed to pass paid family leave to consider the same tactic .
“ It would just make sense if you have those dynamics where you ’ re struggling with your legislature but it ’ s hugely popular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colorado advocates who have fought so long for it , the importance is incredibly personal .
Panelli has had thousands of conversations with state residents who needed paid leave and couldn ’ t take it , and she said the most common phrase people use to describe what paid leave would have meant to them is “ life-changing ” : “ This would absolutely alter the course of people ’ s lives if they were given the opportunity to rest and recover without having to worry about their next paycheck.
” It seems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll conducted in early October found that 57 percent of voters support Proposition 118 , compared to 21 percent who oppose it .
Even 38 percent of Republicans are in favor , versus 37 percent against .
“ Most voters understand this is a no-brainer , that this is a huge gap that needs to be addressed , ” Panelli said .
Every Democrat in the state legislature except one has endorsed the measure , as have all of the Democrats in Colorado ’ s congressional delegation .
The governor has said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of small business owners support it as well , even in the middle of a life-threatening pandemic .
“ Now is a moment where people are really seeing the cracks in the system and seeing how vulnerable our businesses and our communities are to shocks to the system like Covid , ” Brown said .
“ There ’ s a greater need for it than ever before.
” Over 160 state businesses have endorsed the ballot measure .
Brown said some of her members who had been indifferent to the paid leave fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Now they understand just how vulnerable they and their employees are , ” she said .
“ Everybody acknowledges that paid family and medical leave is something that we all need access to.
” Some object to the idea of increasing costs for businesses at a time like this , but the premiums won ’ t begin until 2023 .
Once they begin , employers and employees would evenly split the premiums , and businesses with fewer than 10 employees won ’ t have to pay anything .
The opposition has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2019 , a paid family leave bill was the most lobbied piece of legislation in the legislative session , most of it from businesses and chambers of commerce who opposed it .
The ballot measure fight , however , has not been a high-dollar campaign .
Jon Caldara , president of the Independence Institute and a critic of paid family leave , wrote an op-ed lamenting that “ Colorado ’ s ‘ business community ’ has gone AWOL ” on the issue .
Having voters weigh in directly has shifted “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place where lobbyists have outsized power to a place where the public has all the power , ” Howell said .
That may lead to its eventual success .
“ Fundamentally , it comes down to the outsized role that corporate voices play in the closed circle of the capitol dome , ” Howell said .
“ They don ’ t have the same influence on the public.
” Still , advocates plan to keep campaigning for the measure .
“ We don ’ t want to get too comfortable , ” Panelli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to push until the very last second to cross the finish line.
” Update : October 26 , 2020 This story has been updated to include the role of the wider Colorado Families First coalition in collecting signatures to put paid family leave on the ballot and that the Working Families Party was one organization in the coalition .

For six years, the Colorado legislature has tried — and failed — to pass paid family leave. On November 3, Colorado residents themselves will get the opportunity to vote directly for the creation of a leave program, thanks to the ballot measure Proposition 118.
If it passes, the ballot measure will create a social insurance program that will provide all state residents 12 weeks of paid leave to care for a new baby, recover from a serious illness or injury, care for a family member with a serious health condition, deal with domestic violence, or report for military service. There would be an additional four weeks for pregnancy or childbirth complications.
“This would be one of the largest social insurance programs that has been implemented in Colorado.”
The program, which would be the ninth state paid family leave law enacted in the country, wouldn’t be implemented until 2023, when the state will begin collecting premiums, and benefits won’t be paid out until 2024. About 2.6 million workers in the state would become eligible for benefits.
“This would be one of the largest social insurance programs that has been implemented in Colorado,” said Ashley Panelli, a paid leave organizer with 9to5 Colorado.
If, as polls predict, the proposition passes, Colorado would become the first state to enact paid family leave through the ballot, rather than through legislation, as has been the case for all other states and Washington, D.C. “It would really show the public support for programs like this,” Panelli said.
The potential success of the first-ever ballot measure guaranteeing paid family leave is thanks to a number of factors that affected the campaign, such as life under a pandemic, which put the need for time off to care for sick loved ones in stark relief, and a direct appeal to voters that is less susceptible than the legislature is to industry lobbying.
The road to putting the measure before voters was a long one. With Democrats in control of both chambers of the Colorado legislature and the governor’s office, advocates had thought 2020 would be the year it would finally happen. Gov. Jared Polis, in fact, was an original co-sponsor of a bill in Congress to create a national paid family leave program. Then Polis insisted that, instead of using the public social insurance framework implemented in the vast majority of other countries and all other U.S. states, the legislature adopt a private insurance model.
All of the models put forward by private insurers, however, failed to get a “triple A rating: affordable, adequate, and accessible,” Panelli said. Insurers “felt that they really couldn’t meet those demands and simultaneously make a profit that was worthwhile.”
As the coronavirus pandemic hit, the legislature dropped the paid family leave bill, instead passing a measure to permanently extend paid sick leave to all state residents. Panelli saw the imprint of advocates’ long fight for family leave that covers all workers on that bill: Colorado’s is one of the most comprehensive paid sick leave laws among the 11 other states that has passed one because it eventually covers all employees. While businesses with 15 or fewer workers are currently exempt, they will also face the requirement in 2022.
Advocates had hoped that the legislature would also pass paid family legislation on its own, sparing them the costs of a ballot campaign. But the ballot measure was their insurance against lawmakers’ inaction, filed during the spring legislative battle. It wasn’t easy to get the required number of signatures for it to appear before voters this November in the middle of a pandemic: Colorado Families First resorted to putting petitions out on tables in grocery store parking lots and offering people individually wrapped pens to sign, all while keeping appropriate distance. “In the end I’m not sad that the people get to have a say on this, despite all the work required,” said Wendy Howell, deputy director of the Colorado Working Families Party, which was part of the coalition. “The people should have more of a say on this.”
Success in Colorado could prompt advocates in other states where legislatures have failed to pass paid family leave to consider the same tactic. “It would just make sense if you have those dynamics where you’re struggling with your legislature but it’s hugely popular,” Howell said.
For the Colorado advocates who have fought so long for it, the importance is incredibly personal. Panelli has had thousands of conversations with state residents who needed paid leave and couldn’t take it, and she said the most common phrase people use to describe what paid leave would have meant to them is “life-changing”: “This would absolutely alter the course of people’s lives if they were given the opportunity to rest and recover without having to worry about their next paycheck.”
Pushed During a Pandemic
Campaigning for a ballot measure amid a pandemic has been challenging. Advocates have stuck to virtual outreach, from phone and text banking to virtual webinars and virtual rallies. They’ve run TV ads and asked people to reach out to their own networks. Debra Brown, executive director of Good Business Colorado, which represents small business owners, did an eight-day tour going to open businesses and talking with the owners.
April is a health care worker in Denver whose 23-year-old son was diagnosed with terminal cancer. She lives paycheck to paycheck with no paid leave, so she’s forced to work to stay afloat instead of being alongside her son. Make a plan to vote #YesOn118: https://t.co/aSBkrTvlWX pic.twitter.com/lW0cbPrLbq — Yes On 118: Colorado Families First (@YesOn118) October 20, 2020
It seems to be working. A Survey USA poll conducted in early October found that 57 percent of voters support Proposition 118, compared to 21 percent who oppose it. Even 38 percent of Republicans are in favor, versus 37 percent against. “Most voters understand this is a no-brainer, that this is a huge gap that needs to be addressed,” Panelli said.
Every Democrat in the state legislature except one has endorsed the measure, as have all of the Democrats in Colorado’s congressional delegation. The governor has said he’ll remain neutral.
A number of small business owners support it as well, even in the middle of a life-threatening pandemic. “Now is a moment where people are really seeing the cracks in the system and seeing how vulnerable our businesses and our communities are to shocks to the system like Covid,” Brown said. “There’s a greater need for it than ever before.” Over 160 state businesses have endorsed the ballot measure.
“The terrain of the struggle from a place where lobbyists have outsized power to a place where the public has all the power.”
Brown said some of her members who had been indifferent to the paid leave fight became more involved after the pandemic started. “Now they understand just how vulnerable they and their employees are,” she said. “Everybody acknowledges that paid family and medical leave is something that we all need access to.”
Some object to the idea of increasing costs for businesses at a time like this, but the premiums won’t begin until 2023. Once they begin, employers and employees would evenly split the premiums, and businesses with fewer than 10 employees won’t have to pay anything. The opposition has been more muted than supporters had anticipated. In 2019, a paid family leave bill was the most lobbied piece of legislation in the legislative session, most of it from businesses and chambers of commerce who opposed it.
The ballot measure fight, however, has not been a high-dollar campaign. Jon Caldara, president of the Independence Institute and a critic of paid family leave, wrote an op-ed lamenting that “Colorado’s ‘business community’ has gone AWOL” on the issue. Having voters weigh in directly has shifted “the terrain of the struggle from a place where lobbyists have outsized power to a place where the public has all the power,” Howell said.
That may lead to its eventual success. “Fundamentally, it comes down to the outsized role that corporate voices play in the closed circle of the capitol dome,” Howell said. “They don’t have the same influence on the public.”
Still, advocates plan to keep campaigning for the measure. “We don’t want to get too comfortable,” Panelli said. “We’re really trying to push until the very last second to cross the finish line.”
Update: October 26, 2020
This story has been updated to include the role of the wider Colorado Families First coalition in collecting signatures to put paid family leave on the ballot and that the Working Families Party was one organization in the coalition.


theintercept--2020-10-27--Sen. David Perdue Led Dollar General's Outsourcing Effort Into China

But previously unreported business disclosures show that Perdue , during a touchstone period of his business career , expanded aggressively into China to import cheap products into the United States .
In the pivotal Senate race between Republican Sen. David Perdue of Georgia and his Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff , the candidates have traded accusations around financial connections to China .
Related David Perdue Got Sweetheart Deal That Grew North of $ 6 Million After Election to the Senate Hong Kong , which became part of China in 1997 , has long served as the regional hub for international buyers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raw resources for U.S. companies .
“ We have opened a sourcing office in Hong Kong , and I can tell you we have had a dramatic impact on our business by having direct contact with our manufacturers , ” boasted Perdue during a talk to a group of investment bankers the following year .
Subsequent investor reports noted that Dollar General ’ s focus on “ utilizing our Hong Kong Office ” improved profitability by increasing the amount of goods “ manufactured overseas ” at low cost .
Shortly after taking over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analyst with JPMorgan Chase that the company was “ light in sourcing relative to some of our competitors ” and pledged to “ redouble ” the effort to tap into markets in Asia .
In 2004 , Perdue opened a Chinese affiliate , Dollar General Global Sourcing Holdings , which maintains offices in Shenzhen and Hong Kong , to integrate the company ’ s import strategy .
Before entering the Senate in 2015 , Perdue spent much of his career advising and managing large corporations , including serving as the chief executive of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Investor reports and earnings call transcripts from that period show that as chief executive of the variety goods giant , Perdue pushed to increase profitability by importing products made by factories in low-wage overseas markets .
The outsourcing record contrasts sharply with the Georgia Republican ’ s rhetoric on the campaign trail .
Perdue has swiped at Ossoff , claiming that his Democratic opponent has financial connections to China .
“ You took money from the Chinese government that originated this virus in the first place , “ said Perdue at the Atlanta @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jon Ossoff won ’ t hold China accountable .
He works for them , ” exclaims the narrator in Perdue ’ s latest campaign advertisement .
The comments reference Ossoff ’ s work as managing director of Insight TWI , an investigative television production company .
The company sold documentaries to a number of film networks and television stations , including to PCCW , a Hong Kong-based telecom and media firm — a transaction the Perdue campaign has pounced on in the closing weeks of the election .
PCCW is a publicly traded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Richard Li , one of the wealthiest residents of Hong Kong .
The Perdue campaign has cited Li ’ s criticism of the Hong Kong pro-independent protest movement and PCCW ’ s ties to the Chinese state-owned firms to suggest that the documentary sales reveal undue influence from the Chinese government .
The Ossoff campaign has stated that the payments were for “ two investigations produced by Jon ’ s company of ISIS war crimes against women and girls , ” representing “ one of dozens of TV stations and distributors in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jon ’ s work.
” “ Jon strongly supports Hong Kong ’ s pro-democracy movement and condemns the brutality and authoritarianism of the Chinese Communist Party , ” the campaign said previously in a statement to the press .
“ As CEO of Dollar General , which is an American Fortune 500 company , David Perdue created tens of thousands of American jobs , a claim that has been verified by independent fact checkers , ” said John Burke , a spokesperson for the Perdue campaign , in a statement to The Intercept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address the Chinese outsourcing effort led by Perdue at Dollar General .
Instead , the campaign claimed “ Jon Ossoff has never created a single American job ” and noted that Pierre Omidyar , the philanthropist who provided the funding to launch The Intercept and still funds it , also helped underwrite an Insight TWI investigative series on corruption in Africa .
“ Given Omidyar ’ s financial backing of Ossoff ’ s personal business , it ’ s no surprise to see The Intercept try to spread false narratives to prop up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that his ties to the Chinese Communist government continue to raise serious ethical questions , ” said Burke .
The Intercept maintains full editorial independence from all donors .
Ossoff ’ s campaign has pledged to “ expose and attack unfair and unethical trade , labor , and environmental practices by overseas competitors that disadvantage American workers and businesses.
” He has campaigned to reduce U.S. dependence on Chinese supply chains and work to “ strengthen domestic producers.
” Despite the echo of President Donald Trump in the latest campaign barbs about China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of globalized free trade for much of his career .
Perdue worked for Kurt Salmon Associates , a management consulting firm , where he helped footwear companies import shoes from Taiwan , Korea , China , Indonesia , and Malaysia .
He later worked with Sara Lee Corporation in Hong Kong to improve the firm ’ s sourcing strategies .
The issue of outsourcing came up during Perdue ’ s previous Senate race , during which comments he made during a deposition were unearthed .
The comments , taken during a lawsuit over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company called Pillowtex Corporation , showed Perdue explaining under oath that he had “ spent most of my career ” outsourcing jobs .
During the deposition , Perdue discussed his focus on foreign sourcing operations while he worked at Reebok , as well .
Perdue ’ s business outlook on the need for cheap labor extends to other policy areas .
The Georgia Republican opposes raising the federal minimum wage , which has been $ 7.25 since 2009 .
The Intercept previously reported that Perdue privately lobbied the Trump administration to increase the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bring in low-wage migrant workers this year .

In the pivotal Senate race between Republican Sen. David Perdue of Georgia and his Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff, the candidates have traded accusations around financial connections to China.
But previously unreported business disclosures show that Perdue, during a touchstone period of his business career, expanded aggressively into China to import cheap products into the United States.
Before entering the Senate in 2015, Perdue spent much of his career advising and managing large corporations, including serving as the chief executive of Dollar General from 2003 through 2007. Investor reports and earnings call transcripts from that period show that as chief executive of the variety goods giant, Perdue pushed to increase profitability by importing products made by factories in low-wage overseas markets.
Shortly after taking over at Dollar General, Perdue told an analyst with JPMorgan Chase that the company was “light in sourcing relative to some of our competitors” and pledged to “redouble” the effort to tap into markets in Asia. In 2004, Perdue opened a Chinese affiliate, Dollar General Global Sourcing Holdings, which maintains offices in Shenzhen and Hong Kong, to integrate the company’s import strategy.
“We have opened a sourcing office in Hong Kong, and I can tell you we have had a dramatic impact on our business by having direct contact with our manufacturers,” boasted Perdue during a talk to a group of investment bankers the following year. Subsequent investor reports noted that Dollar General’s focus on “utilizing our Hong Kong Office” improved profitability by increasing the amount of goods “manufactured overseas” at low cost.
Hong Kong, which became part of China in 1997, has long served as the regional hub for international buyers seeking to source low-cost manufactured goods and raw resources for U.S. companies.
The outsourcing record contrasts sharply with the Georgia Republican’s rhetoric on the campaign trail. Perdue has swiped at Ossoff, claiming that his Democratic opponent has financial connections to China.
“You took money from the Chinese government that originated this virus in the first place,“ said Perdue at the Atlanta Press Club debate last week. “Jon Ossoff won’t hold China accountable. He works for them,” exclaims the narrator in Perdue’s latest campaign advertisement.
The comments reference Ossoff’s work as managing director of Insight TWI, an investigative television production company. The company sold documentaries to a number of film networks and television stations, including to PCCW, a Hong Kong-based telecom and media firm — a transaction the Perdue campaign has pounced on in the closing weeks of the election.
PCCW is a publicly traded corporation. The chairman of the company is Richard Li, one of the wealthiest residents of Hong Kong. The Perdue campaign has cited Li’s criticism of the Hong Kong pro-independent protest movement and PCCW’s ties to the Chinese state-owned firms to suggest that the documentary sales reveal undue influence from the Chinese government.
The Ossoff campaign has stated that the payments were for “two investigations produced by Jon’s company of ISIS war crimes against women and girls,” representing “one of dozens of TV stations and distributors in more than 30 countries that have aired Jon’s work.”
“Jon strongly supports Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement and condemns the brutality and authoritarianism of the Chinese Communist Party,” the campaign said previously in a statement to the press.
“As CEO of Dollar General, which is an American Fortune 500 company, David Perdue created tens of thousands of American jobs, a claim that has been verified by independent fact checkers,” said John Burke, a spokesperson for the Perdue campaign, in a statement to The Intercept.
The Perdue campaign did not directly address the Chinese outsourcing effort led by Perdue at Dollar General. Instead, the campaign claimed “Jon Ossoff has never created a single American job” and noted that Pierre Omidyar, the philanthropist who provided the funding to launch The Intercept and still funds it, also helped underwrite an Insight TWI investigative series on corruption in Africa.
“Given Omidyar’s financial backing of Ossoff’s personal business, it’s no surprise to see The Intercept try to spread false narratives to prop up his candidacy and distract from the fact that his ties to the Chinese Communist government continue to raise serious ethical questions,” said Burke.
The Intercept maintains full editorial independence from all donors.
Ossoff’s campaign has pledged to “expose and attack unfair and unethical trade, labor, and environmental practices by overseas competitors that disadvantage American workers and businesses.” He has campaigned to reduce U.S. dependence on Chinese supply chains and work to “strengthen domestic producers.”
Despite the echo of President Donald Trump in the latest campaign barbs about China, Perdue has been a staunch supporter of globalized free trade for much of his career. Perdue worked for Kurt Salmon Associates, a management consulting firm, where he helped footwear companies import shoes from Taiwan, Korea, China, Indonesia, and Malaysia. He later worked with Sara Lee Corporation in Hong Kong to improve the firm’s sourcing strategies.
The issue of outsourcing came up during Perdue’s previous Senate race, during which comments he made during a deposition were unearthed. The comments, taken during a lawsuit over his role as chief executive of a company called Pillowtex Corporation, showed Perdue explaining under oath that he had “spent most of my career” outsourcing jobs. During the deposition, Perdue discussed his focus on foreign sourcing operations while he worked at Reebok, as well.
Perdue’s business outlook on the need for cheap labor extends to other policy areas. The Georgia Republican opposes raising the federal minimum wage, which has been $7.25 since 2009. The Intercept previously reported that Perdue privately lobbied the Trump administration to increase the number of H-2B visas to allow businesses to bring in low-wage migrant workers this year.


theintercept--2020-10-27--Number of Women Alleging Misconduct by ICE Gynecologist Nearly Triples

women treated by a doctor alleged to have performed unnecessary or overly aggressive gynecological procedures without proper informed consent remain in detention at Irwin County Detention Center , a privately run facility in Georgia housing U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement detainees , according to a briefing and written materials submitted by attorneys and advocates to Senators in a closed-door meeting on Capitol Hill .
The total number of women known to have been seen by the doctor since 2018 who say they underwent or were pressured to undergo unnecessary treatments has risen to 57 — a higher number than previously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawyers .
The new numbers of relevant cases and women who remain in detention were included in the materials submitted to the closed-door meeting on Capitol Hill about the ordeal over women ’ s medical care at Irwin .
Organized by the Senate Democratic Caucus , attorney Sarah Owings of Owings MacNorlin law firm in Atlanta , two women previously detained in Irwin , and four independent doctors presented recent findings , including more than 60 pages of written materials , in a Monday briefing for the senators .
The briefings came as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which Democratic leaders in both houses of Congress have pledged to look in to .
As the number of women alleging medical misconduct at Irwin , which is run by the private prison company LaSalle Corrections , grows , advocates for detainees worry that there may never be a full accounting .
The numbers presented to the Senate on Monday were limited to only those cases lawyers could identify , the advocates said .
Because of the opacity of the immigration system and the constant flux of detainees — as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a comprehensive review is unlikely .
“ It pains me to know that there could be many more women out there who will never be able to talk about what happened to them and the abuse that they suffered while at Irwin , let alone receive a measure of redress , while living with the life-long damage to their bodies and spirits , ” said Azadeh Shahshahani , the legal and advocacy director of Project South , which first raised the issues in a whistleblower complaint .
“ ICE and the private prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” In the Senate briefing , the doctors and former detainees outlined a pattern of gynecological operations conducted by Dr. Mahendra Amin , the doctor at the center of the allegations , and the “ uniform absence of truly informed consent , ” according to materials submitted on Capitol Hill by the coalition of attorneys , advocates , and women recently detained in Irwin .
After allegations of the medical abuses came to light in September , following the whistleblower complaint first reported by The Intercept , ICE said it stopped referring patients @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress were compiled by on-the ground organizations ; attorneys , including Owings ; and advocates , led by the South Georgia Immigrant Support Network , Project South , the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights , Georgia Detention Watch , and the Southern Poverty Law Center ’ s Southeast Immigrant Freedom Initiative .
In response to an inquiry from The Intercept about the growing numbers of women alleging medical misconduct and congressional interest in the case , Amin ’ s lawyer , Scott Grubman , sent a statement responding to a Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medical review of some of the immigration detainees ’ cases .
In the statement , Grubman , who said the doctor could not comment on individual cases because of privacy regulations , claims that there are “ serious questions to the veracity ” of the LA Times reporting , specifically citing that the team of medical experts didn ’ t request medical records from Irwin County Hospital or Amin himself .
( Records of medical procedures are also maintained by ICE and can be requested by attorneys or detainees . )
Grubman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions from The Intercept , has maintained throughout the ordeal that Amin is cooperating with investigators and that the doctor will be cleared of any wrongdoing .
The widespread attention on the women at Irwin has amplified calls for better medical care in immigration detention , where there has been a dramatic increase in deaths over the past year .
Advocates for immigration detainees have long complained of dangerously poor medical care in the sprawling patchwork of often privately run detention facilities .
Initial reports estimated that 20 or more women detained in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the last six years .
Amin and his attorney dispute the claims .
New information collected by attorneys and advocates who spoke with The Intercept — and who presented their findings to the Senate , including the written materials , which The Intercept reviewed — points to a broader pattern of women being pressured to undergo potentially unnecessary procedures .
Overall , the attorneys counted 57 confirmed patients of Amin , 17 of whom remain at Irwin as of October 25 .
( The Intercept was able to speak with attorneys who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
None of them have received any follow-up gynecological care since ICE stopped sending patients to Amin five weeks ago .
“ The recent allegations by the independent contracted employee raise some very serious concerns that deserve to be investigated quickly and thoroughly , ” said Tony Pham , ICE ’ s acting director , in a statement to The Intercept .
Pham said ICE welcomes efforts of both the Department of Homeland Security , ICE ’ s parent agency , as well as the department ’ s Office of Inspector General @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ If there is any truth to these allegations , it is my commitment to make the corrections necessary to ensure we continue to prioritize the health , welfare and safety of ICE detainees.
” The Senate briefing comes on the heels of an independent medical review led by the ALLGOOD Foundation .
The review , which was first reported in the LA Times article , was conducted by nine board-certified OB-GYNs and two nursing experts who reviewed over 3,200 pages of medical records for 19 of the women who had alleged medical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to their report , found “ a disturbing pattern of aggressive treatment , including ‘ overcalling ’ the need for invasive surgeries , unwarranted pressure to undergo surgery , and a failure to obtain informed consent.
” “ Not Something You Can Go Back From ” Over the past five weeks , since the whistleblower complaint emerged , a steady stream of women who visited with Amin have shared their stories with the press .
One , Jamileth , whose name has been changed for fear of retaliation , told The Intercept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting her permission .
In May , amid a nine-month stint at Irwin , she began experiencing stomach pain and irregular periods .
The ICE detention center sent her to Amin .
“ He did a vaginal ultrasound , but he didn ’ t ask me if I wanted one or not .
He just did it , ” Jamileth told The Intercept in Spanish .
“ I don ’ t know , he treated me in a very — well , in a very rough way.
” According to Jamileth , Amin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She said he asked if he could give her an injection — Jamileth does not know for what — and then suggested surgery to remove the cyst .
Jamileth refused both the injection and the operation , saying she needed to consult with her family first .
In the end , she refused to see Amin again .
“ I didn ’ t want to return , because I had seen other examples , ” Jamileth said , explaining that she had seen other women in detention after visits with Amin .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a woman return from surgery : “ She was bleeding through the wound , she was purple , black in her stomach , and it looked really bad.
” Several women told their attorneys they were prescribed Depo-Provera , a hormonal birth control shot with sometimes serious side effects , without their consent .
One woman , after her operation and shot of Depo-Provera , was “ still unclear what exactly happened to her body , ” according to the briefing materials provided to Senate Democrats .
There were a number of cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman was deported to El Salvador and thinks that she had a hysterectomy but remains unsure , according to the materials provided to senators .
Another woman went to Amin for pain she suspected resulted from having fibroid cysts removed from her uterus before her time in detention , according to the Senate briefing .
Amin administered three shots to her , explaining they were “ for the pain , ” according to her recollection in the briefing .
Only after she was returned to Irwin did she learn from a nurse there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When the woman asked about the shots at a follow-up appointment , Amin got defensive .
“ I ’ m trying to help you , ” he said , according to the testimony in the briefing .
He later pressured her into submitting to a hysterectomy , the testimony said , telling the detainee , “ You ’ re an old woman , why would you want to have more babies ?
” She refused the surgery .
Yet another woman said she felt lucky when she was diagnosed with Covid-19 — the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures , refused to test symptomatic detainees , and underreported cases of Covid-19 , according to the earlier whistleblower report — and her hysterectomy was delayed .
” I felt like I didn ’ t have control over my life , ” she said .
She eventually refused the surgery and was deported .
The medical review of pathology reports conducted by ALLGOOD showed “ a pattern of overly aggressive care , ” including “ inappropriate , unconsented transvaginal procedures , ” “ exaggerated interpretations of imaging results , ” and less invasive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Osorio , who represents two of the women tallied in the Senate briefing , said in an interview with The Intercept that one of his clients was told a hysterectomy was the only possible option to remove a possibly cancerous cyst .
“ There are less invasive , less aggressive treatments , but he took out her whole reproductive system , ” Osorio explained “ That ’ s not something you can go back from.
” The Intercept spoke to Yuridia , who was deported three days after undergoing an operation she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consent to .
She was dumped into Mexico not knowing what happened to her , still bleeding , wondering if she still had a uterus , her attorney Kathleen Hoyos told The Intercept .
It was a month before Yuridia , who asked to be identified by her first name because of an ongoing immigration case , was able to see a gynecologist in Mexico and learn what had happened to her .
( She had been given a shot of a hormonal contraceptive and underwent a dilation and curettage to remove a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ All she knew was what happened to her was wrong.
” Since the initial whistleblower report was submitted in September , ICE has deported at least five women who were seen by Amin .
At least two more women may be deported this week , according to the Senate briefing .
“ ICE , LaSalle , and DHS are ensuring fewer witnesses are able to participate in the pending federal investigation , ” the Senate briefing materials say .
Members of Congress are taking note .
“ Advocates have shared with my team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dr. Amin ’ s advice were quickly deported , and that many others at the facility are now fearful of seeking medical care at all , ” Sen. Jeff Merkley , D-Ore. , said in a statement to The Intercept .
“ We need a full accounting of what has been done to the women at Irwin , so we can hold perpetrators of any horrific actions accountable , and give the American people the answers they deserve.
” Last Friday , eight members of Congress , including Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , D-N.Y. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tlaib , D-Mich. ; and Ayanna Pressley , D-Mass.
, sent a letter to United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet outlining concerns about gynecological procedures on women in Irwin .
They requested that Bachelet lead an investigation into the procedures conducted on immigrant women .
“ These allegations illustrate a clear pattern of alleged human rights violations by DHS , ” the letter says .
“ This pattern of behavior is perpetuated and encouraged by the consistent and unforgivable failure of the United States government and its institutions to take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a transparent , thorough , and impartial manner.
” Last week , Rep. Hank Johnson , D-Ga. , also sent a letter to ICE , along with Ocasio-Cortez and Rep. Adriano Espaillat , D-N.Y. , demanding that Irwin be shut down .
One detained woman quoted in Monday ’ s Senate briefing materials also called for Irwin to be shut down , adding , “ We could die locked up in here .
”

At least 17 women treated by a doctor alleged to have performed unnecessary or overly aggressive gynecological procedures without proper informed consent remain in detention at Irwin County Detention Center, a privately run facility in Georgia housing U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement detainees, according to a briefing and written materials submitted by attorneys and advocates to Senators in a closed-door meeting on Capitol Hill. The total number of women known to have been seen by the doctor since 2018 who say they underwent or were pressured to undergo unnecessary treatments has risen to 57 — a higher number than previously known — according to the group of lawyers.
The new numbers of relevant cases and women who remain in detention were included in the materials submitted to the closed-door meeting on Capitol Hill about the ordeal over women’s medical care at Irwin. Organized by the Senate Democratic Caucus, attorney Sarah Owings of Owings MacNorlin law firm in Atlanta, two women previously detained in Irwin, and four independent doctors presented recent findings, including more than 60 pages of written materials, in a Monday briefing for the senators. The briefings came as part of Congressional investigations into the allegation, which Democratic leaders in both houses of Congress have pledged to look in to.
As the number of women alleging medical misconduct at Irwin, which is run by the private prison company LaSalle Corrections, grows, advocates for detainees worry that there may never be a full accounting. The numbers presented to the Senate on Monday were limited to only those cases lawyers could identify, the advocates said. Because of the opacity of the immigration system and the constant flux of detainees — as well as the deportation of witnesses and survivors — a comprehensive review is unlikely.
“It pains me to know that there could be many more women out there who will never be able to talk about what happened to them.”
“It pains me to know that there could be many more women out there who will never be able to talk about what happened to them and the abuse that they suffered while at Irwin, let alone receive a measure of redress, while living with the life-long damage to their bodies and spirits,” said Azadeh Shahshahani, the legal and advocacy director of Project South, which first raised the issues in a whistleblower complaint. “ICE and the private prison corporation LaSalle must be held to account.”
In the Senate briefing, the doctors and former detainees outlined a pattern of gynecological operations conducted by Dr. Mahendra Amin, the doctor at the center of the allegations, and the “uniform absence of truly informed consent,” according to materials submitted on Capitol Hill by the coalition of attorneys, advocates, and women recently detained in Irwin. After allegations of the medical abuses came to light in September, following the whistleblower complaint first reported by The Intercept, ICE said it stopped referring patients to Amin.
The materials submitted to Congress were compiled by on-the ground organizations; attorneys, including Owings; and advocates, led by the South Georgia Immigrant Support Network, Project South, the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights, Georgia Detention Watch, and the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Southeast Immigrant Freedom Initiative.
In response to an inquiry from The Intercept about the growing numbers of women alleging medical misconduct and congressional interest in the case, Amin’s lawyer, Scott Grubman, sent a statement responding to a Los Angeles Times story published last week about a medical review of some of the immigration detainees’ cases. In the statement, Grubman, who said the doctor could not comment on individual cases because of privacy regulations, claims that there are “serious questions to the veracity” of the LA Times reporting, specifically citing that the team of medical experts didn’t request medical records from Irwin County Hospital or Amin himself. (Records of medical procedures are also maintained by ICE and can be requested by attorneys or detainees.)
Grubman, who did not respond to specific follow-up questions from The Intercept, has maintained throughout the ordeal that Amin is cooperating with investigators and that the doctor will be cleared of any wrongdoing.
Mounting Allegations
The widespread attention on the women at Irwin has amplified calls for better medical care in immigration detention, where there has been a dramatic increase in deaths over the past year. Advocates for immigration detainees have long complained of dangerously poor medical care in the sprawling patchwork of often privately run detention facilities.
Initial reports estimated that 20 or more women detained in Irwin had undergone full or partial hysterectomies in the last six years. Amin and his attorney dispute the claims. New information collected by attorneys and advocates who spoke with The Intercept — and who presented their findings to the Senate, including the written materials, which The Intercept reviewed — points to a broader pattern of women being pressured to undergo potentially unnecessary procedures.
Overall, the attorneys counted 57 confirmed patients of Amin, 17 of whom remain at Irwin as of October 25. (The Intercept was able to speak with attorneys who represented at least 52 of those women.) None of them have received any follow-up gynecological care since ICE stopped sending patients to Amin five weeks ago.
“The recent allegations by the independent contracted employee raise some very serious concerns that deserve to be investigated quickly and thoroughly,” said Tony Pham, ICE’s acting director, in a statement to The Intercept. Pham said ICE welcomes efforts of both the Department of Homeland Security, ICE’s parent agency, as well as the department’s Office of Inspector General to investigate. The statement concluded, “If there is any truth to these allegations, it is my commitment to make the corrections necessary to ensure we continue to prioritize the health, welfare and safety of ICE detainees.”
The Senate briefing comes on the heels of an independent medical review led by the ALLGOOD Foundation. The review, which was first reported in the LA Times article, was conducted by nine board-certified OB-GYNs and two nursing experts who reviewed over 3,200 pages of medical records for 19 of the women who had alleged medical misconduct by Amin. The team, according to their report, found “a disturbing pattern of aggressive treatment, including ‘overcalling’ the need for invasive surgeries, unwarranted pressure to undergo surgery, and a failure to obtain informed consent.”
“Not Something You Can Go Back From”
Over the past five weeks, since the whistleblower complaint emerged, a steady stream of women who visited with Amin have shared their stories with the press. One, Jamileth, whose name has been changed for fear of retaliation, told The Intercept that Amin did procedures on her without getting her permission. In May, amid a nine-month stint at Irwin, she began experiencing stomach pain and irregular periods. The ICE detention center sent her to Amin.
“He treated me in a very — well, in a very rough way.”
“He did a vaginal ultrasound, but he didn’t ask me if I wanted one or not. He just did it,” Jamileth told The Intercept in Spanish. “I don’t know, he treated me in a very — well, in a very rough way.”
According to Jamileth, Amin said she had an ovarian cyst. She said he asked if he could give her an injection — Jamileth does not know for what — and then suggested surgery to remove the cyst. Jamileth refused both the injection and the operation, saying she needed to consult with her family first. In the end, she refused to see Amin again.
“I didn’t want to return, because I had seen other examples,” Jamileth said, explaining that she had seen other women in detention after visits with Amin. She described, in one instance, seeing a woman return from surgery: “She was bleeding through the wound, she was purple, black in her stomach, and it looked really bad.”
Several women told their attorneys they were prescribed Depo-Provera, a hormonal birth control shot with sometimes serious side effects, without their consent. One woman, after her operation and shot of Depo-Provera, was “still unclear what exactly happened to her body,” according to the briefing materials provided to Senate Democrats. There were a number of cases that resulted in lasting confusion. One woman was deported to El Salvador and thinks that she had a hysterectomy but remains unsure, according to the materials provided to senators.
Another woman went to Amin for pain she suspected resulted from having fibroid cysts removed from her uterus before her time in detention, according to the Senate briefing. Amin administered three shots to her, explaining they were “for the pain,” according to her recollection in the briefing. Only after she was returned to Irwin did she learn from a nurse there that she had been given Depo-Provera.
When the woman asked about the shots at a follow-up appointment, Amin got defensive. “I’m trying to help you,” he said, according to the testimony in the briefing. He later pressured her into submitting to a hysterectomy, the testimony said, telling the detainee, “You’re an old woman, why would you want to have more babies?” She refused the surgery.
Yet another woman said she felt lucky when she was diagnosed with Covid-19 — the detention center failed to take basic precautionary measures, refused to test symptomatic detainees, and underreported cases of Covid-19, according to the earlier whistleblower report — and her hysterectomy was delayed. ”I felt like I didn’t have control over my life,” she said. She eventually refused the surgery and was deported.
The medical review of pathology reports conducted by ALLGOOD showed “a pattern of overly aggressive care,” including “inappropriate, unconsented transvaginal procedures,” “exaggerated interpretations of imaging results,” and less invasive methods not being pursued.
Attorney Benjamin Osorio, who represents two of the women tallied in the Senate briefing, said in an interview with The Intercept that one of his clients was told a hysterectomy was the only possible option to remove a possibly cancerous cyst. “There are less invasive, less aggressive treatments, but he took out her whole reproductive system,” Osorio explained “That’s not something you can go back from.”
The Intercept spoke to Yuridia, who was deported three days after undergoing an operation she said she did not comprehend and did not consent to. She was dumped into Mexico not knowing what happened to her, still bleeding, wondering if she still had a uterus, her attorney Kathleen Hoyos told The Intercept. It was a month before Yuridia, who asked to be identified by her first name because of an ongoing immigration case, was able to see a gynecologist in Mexico and learn what had happened to her. (She had been given a shot of a hormonal contraceptive and underwent a dilation and curettage to remove a cyst.) Hoyos said, “All she knew was what happened to her was wrong.”
Deportations Concern Congress
Since the initial whistleblower report was submitted in September, ICE has deported at least five women who were seen by Amin. At least two more women may be deported this week, according to the Senate briefing. “ICE, LaSalle, and DHS are ensuring fewer witnesses are able to participate in the pending federal investigation,” the Senate briefing materials say.
“We need a full accounting of what has been done to the women at Irwin, so we can hold perpetrators of any horrific actions accountable.”
Members of Congress are taking note. “Advocates have shared with my team that many of the women who questioned Dr. Amin’s advice were quickly deported, and that many others at the facility are now fearful of seeking medical care at all,” Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., said in a statement to The Intercept. “We need a full accounting of what has been done to the women at Irwin, so we can hold perpetrators of any horrific actions accountable, and give the American people the answers they deserve.”
Last Friday, eight members of Congress, including Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y.; Ilhan Omar, D-Minn.; Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich.; and Ayanna Pressley, D-Mass., sent a letter to United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet outlining concerns about gynecological procedures on women in Irwin. They requested that Bachelet lead an investigation into the procedures conducted on immigrant women.
“These allegations illustrate a clear pattern of alleged human rights violations by DHS,” the letter says. “This pattern of behavior is perpetuated and encouraged by the consistent and unforgivable failure of the United States government and its institutions to take these allegations seriously by investigating them in a transparent, thorough, and impartial manner.”
Last week, Rep. Hank Johnson, D-Ga., also sent a letter to ICE, along with Ocasio-Cortez and Rep. Adriano Espaillat, D-N.Y., demanding that Irwin be shut down.
One detained woman quoted in Monday’s Senate briefing materials also called for Irwin to be shut down, adding, “We could die locked up in here.”


theintercept--2020-10-28--QAnon and a Rape Joke Spell Trouble for Republican Congressman in Florida

has engaged in a delicate dance with the sprawling movement known as QAnon , exploiting the energy behind it where possible , while working to keep a safe public distance elsewhere .
As Election Day draws nearer , however , Republicans are dropping some of their reticence .
In Georgia , the official arm of House Republicans is backing QAnon believer Marjorie Taylor Greene , a congressional candidate whose endorsement was coveted by the leading Republican Senate candidates in the state .
In one race in Florida , however , the conspiracy-minded movement could blow up an incumbent Republican ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tilt control of the state congressional delegation to Democrats .
Because the Q movement is thoroughly disconnected from reality , it ’ s impossible to say with any seriousness what its fundamental philosophical or politics tenets are , as adherents to the cause range from people vaguely concerned about child sex trafficking to those convinced that Democrats and their “ deep state ” allies have built a secret elite society that engages in pedophilia and cannibalism .
The connective tissue is the defense of children being preyed upon by the powerful , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mast stepped into the movement ’ s crosshairs .
In August , the South Florida Sun Sentinel resurfaced old Facebook posts of Mast ’ s in which the veteran bantered with Florida man Rocco LeDonni , a friend-turned-campaign manager , about sex with 15 year olds .
In 2009 , LeDonni was vacationing in South Africa and posted an image of a bar .
“ i ’ m so proud of you , ” Mast commented .
“ i hope you hook up with at least fifteen 15 year olds over there… .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ later , LeDonni queried his Facebook friends .
“ Anyone have any good pick up lines for this weekend considering according to the crazy christian radio guy the world may end on sunday ?
” Mast had one at the ready : “ How about don ’ t turn this rape into a murder.
” Mast apologized for the remarks this summer , saying he was ashamed of them and was striving to be a better man .
In the heat of a typical congressional race , the one-day story may have moved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apparent upper hand in the 18th Congressional District , which covers parts of West Palm Beach as well as Martin and St. Lucie counties .
The Cook Political Report lists it as R+5 , meaning it has a substantial Republican advantage .
But unfortunately for Mast , an independent candidate on the ballot , K.W .
Miller , is publicly associated with QAnon , and Mast ’ s remarks could hardly have been better tuned to send the movement ’ s supporters fleeing from him and toward Miller .
In fact , Miller @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to resign from Congress in the wake of the news of the comments , noted Sabra Ingeman , a spokesperson for Miller ’ s campaign .
“ As soon as the SunSentinel article came out , that night KW put up a video calling for his resignation , and then a bunch of other groups piled on to that , ” Ingeman said , adding that particularly among women , some of whom have protested his office , the comment has deeply resonated in a negative way .
She added that despite whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Miller is not in fact a supporter or believer of QAnon .
“ We don ’ t know much about the QAnon groups .
Like you said they ’ re very broad-based and there ’ s a lot of individuals who are individually working in QAnon and all .
That ’ s not something we ’ re a part of , ” she said .
“ KW is not part of the QAnon or anything like that .
They probably do have similar views in certain areas to what our views are , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s not involved with any of that.
” Mast ’ s Democratic opponent , veteran Pam Keith , has also hammered Mast on the comments , running a 30-second ad that displays his Facebook posts next to an image of the late Jeffrey Epstein , the infamous former Palm Beach resident at the center of a global child sex-trafficking ring .
“ No .
Those aren ’ t the words of this convicted sexual predator , ” the ad intones .
“ They ’ re the words of disgraced Congressman Brian Mast .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Q candidate , was momentarily in the national spotlight in July after his viral suggestion that the musician Beyonce is not in fact Black .
“ Her real name is Ann Marie Lastrassi .
She is Italian .
This is all part of the Soros Deep State agenda for the Black Lives Matter movement , ” Miller posted on Twitter .
“ BEYONCÉ YOU ARE ON NOTICE !
” His thread went on to decode Beyonce ’ s Formation music video , unearthing clues that unlocked vast conspiracies .
As has become the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ note here that Miller offered no evidence to support his assertions .
That wouldn ’ t be entirely true , however : He offered evidence , just none that made any sense .
Yet there is plenty of evidence that Mast did tell the rape joke , and did joke about sex with 15-year-olds .
Any local voter looking to express their opposition to such comments , who doesn ’ t want to vote for a Democrat , has Miller on the ballot .
“ The Dark Money Deep State doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign .
They do not want me in office , ” Miller tweeted in July , adding Q-related hashtags like # QANON and # THEGREATAWAKENING .
“ They know that I will not hesitate to expose the entire Deep State .
We will WIN anyway !
!
” Ingeman said that she wasn ’ t sure what Miller meant by including the Q-related hashtags on his posts , and that they don ’ t necessarily mean an endorsement of the movement .
“ If you ’ re talking about alcoholism you might put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hashtag ] but that doesn ’ t mean you ’ re part of it .
It might just be because it relates to something they can relate to , ” she explained .
Miller ’ s Twitter account is no longer active — Ingeman said he closed it — but he remains at work on Facebook , a primary source of political news and information in Florida .
His videos routinely receive several thousand views or more , suggesting that his polling number , which fluctuates from 2-4 percent in public and internal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Miller campaign ’ s ire is directed not at Keith , who he dismisses as too far left , but at Mast , who he accuses of having sold out constitutional conservative government .
It wouldn ’ t be a Florida congressional race if Keith wasn ’ t also getting hit for controversial remarks online .
A Mast ad attacks Keith for her quip that Joe Biden “ still has lots of rape to do to catch up to Trump.
” Polls have Biden and Trump neck and neck in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2016 to Trump by 9 percentage points .
On Saturday , Trump kicked off Florida ’ s statewide in-person early voting by voting in West Palm Beach ( though some counties had started early voting earlier ) .
A poll in mid-September found Mast up 8 points over Keith .
A recent internal poll released by Keith posited a 2-point lead for the Democrat , with Miller drawing 4 percent .
Keith ran in 2018 with the support of Brand New Congress and Justice Democrats , losing in the Democratic primary .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , losing in the primary to Patrick Murphy , who previously represented the district .
Keith does not have the backing of Justice Democrats this cycle , which narrowed the number of candidates it endorsed , nor has she been listed on the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee ’ s coveted red-to-blue list .
Currently , there are 13 Republican and 12 Democratic representatives from Florida .
If Miller siphons off enough votes to help Keith win the seat , Democrats would take control of the state congressional delegation .
It doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ congressional delegation , except in the instance of an Electoral College tie .
In such a scenario , the House of Representatives chooses the winner , but not by individual vote .
Instead , each state gets one vote .
The new House sworn in in January , not the current one , would be the chamber to weigh in .
Currently , Republicans control 26 delegations , Democrats control 22 , and two — Pennsylvania and Michigan — are evenly divided .
Montana ’ s lone seat is up for grabs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign is far from playing spoiler and that she is convinced he ’ ll come out ahead on Election Day , based on energy on the ground and conversations with people leaving early voting locations .
“ Our exit polls are showing that we ’ re actually ahead of Mast , ” she said .
“ People know that Mast voted against the Second Amendment and that he hasn ’ t accomplished anything over the past four years .
The voters that are informed know that , so they ’ re glad they @ @ @ @ @ @

The Republican Party has engaged in a delicate dance with the sprawling movement known as QAnon, exploiting the energy behind it where possible, while working to keep a safe public distance elsewhere. As Election Day draws nearer, however, Republicans are dropping some of their reticence. In Georgia, the official arm of House Republicans is backing the QAnon-linked Marjorie Taylor Greene, a congressional candidate whose endorsement was coveted by the leading Republican Senate candidates in the state.
In one race in Florida, however, the conspiracy-minded movement could blow up an incumbent Republican’s reelection campaign and in the process tilt control of the state congressional delegation to Democrats.
Because the Q movement is thoroughly disconnected from reality, it’s impossible to say with any seriousness what its fundamental philosophical or politics tenets are, as adherents to the cause range from people vaguely concerned about child sex trafficking to those convinced that Democrats and their “deep state” allies have built a secret elite society that engages in pedophilia and cannibalism. The connective tissue is the defense of children being preyed upon by the powerful, and that’s how Republican Rep. Brian Mast stepped into the movement’s crosshairs.
In August, the South Florida Sun Sentinel resurfaced old Facebook posts of Mast’s in which the veteran bantered with Florida man Rocco LeDonni, a friend-turned-campaign manager, about sex with 15 year olds.
In 2009, LeDonni was vacationing in South Africa and posted an image of a bar. “i’m so proud of you,” Mast commented. “i hope you hook up with at least fifteen 15 year olds over there…. its legal there right.”
Two years later, LeDonni queried his Facebook friends. “Anyone have any good pick up lines for this weekend considering according to the crazy christian radio guy the world may end on sunday?”
Mast had one at the ready: “How about don’t turn this rape into a murder.”
Mast apologized for the remarks this summer, saying he was ashamed of them and was striving to be a better man. In the heat of a typical congressional race, the one-day story may have moved on from there.
Mast has the apparent upper hand in the 18th Congressional District, which covers parts of West Palm Beach as well as Martin and St. Lucie counties. The Cook Political Report lists it as R+5, meaning it has a substantial Republican advantage.
But unfortunately for Mast, an independent candidate on the ballot, K.W. Miller, is publicly associated with QAnon, and Mast’s remarks could hardly have been better tuned to send the movement’s supporters fleeing from him and toward Miller. In fact, Miller was the first to call for him to resign from Congress in the wake of the news of the comments, noted Sabra Ingeman, a spokesperson for Miller’s campaign. “As soon as the Sun Sentinel article came out, that night K.W. put up a video calling for his resignation, and then a bunch of other groups piled on to that,” Ingeman said, adding that particularly among women, some of whom have protested his office, the comment has deeply resonated in a negative way.
She added that despite whatever he has said on social media, Miller is not in fact a supporter or believer of QAnon. “We don’t know much about the QAnon groups. Like you said they’re very broad-based, and there’s a lot of individuals who are individually working in QAnon and all. That’s not something we’re a part of,” she said. “K.W. is not part of the QAnon or anything like that. They probably do have similar views in certain areas to what our views are, and other conservatives, but he’s not involved with any of that.”
Mast’s Democratic opponent, veteran Pam Keith, has also hammered Mast on the comments, running a 30-second ad that displays his Facebook posts next to an image of the late Jeffrey Epstein, the infamous former Palm Beach resident at the center of a global child sex-trafficking ring. “No. Those aren’t the words of this convicted sexual predator,” the ad intones. “They’re the words of disgraced Congressman Brian Mast. Disgusting. Dishonorable.”
Miller, the Q candidate, was momentarily in the national spotlight in July after his viral suggestion that the musician Beyonce is not in fact Black. “Her real name is Ann Marie Lastrassi. She is Italian. This is all part of the Soros Deep State agenda for the Black Lives Matter movement,” Miller posted on Twitter. “BEYONCÉ YOU ARE ON NOTICE!”
His thread went on to decode Beyonce’s Formation music video, unearthing clues that unlocked vast conspiracies. As has become the practice of the media, we should note here that Miller offered no evidence to support his assertions. That wouldn’t be entirely true, however: He offered evidence, just none that made any sense.
Yet there is plenty of evidence that Mast did tell the rape joke, and did joke about sex with 15-year-olds. Any local voter looking to express their opposition to such comments, who doesn’t want to vote for a Democrat, has Miller on the ballot.
“The Dark Money Deep State doesn’t want money to be donated to my campaign. They do not want me in office,” Miller tweeted in July, adding Q-related hashtags like #QANON and #THEGREATAWAKENING. “They know that I will not hesitate to expose the entire Deep State. We will WIN anyway!!”
Photo: Twitter
Ingeman said that she wasn’t sure what Miller meant by including the Q-related hashtags on his posts, and that they don’t necessarily mean an endorsement of the movement. “If you’re talking about alcoholism, you might put Mothers Against Drunk Driving [as a hashtag] but that doesn’t mean you’re part of it. It might just be because it relates to something they can relate to,” she explained.
Miller’s Twitter account is no longer active — Ingeman said he closed it — but he remains at work on Facebook, a primary source of political news and information in Florida. His videos routinely receive several thousand views or more, suggesting that his polling number, which fluctuates from 2-4 percent in public and internal polls, is real.
The bulk of the Miller campaign’s ire is directed not at Keith, who he dismisses as too far left, but at Mast, who he accuses of having sold out constitutional conservative government.
It wouldn’t be a Florida congressional race if Keith wasn’t also getting hit for controversial remarks online. A Mast ad attacks Keith for her quip that Joe Biden “still has lots of rape to do to catch up to Trump.”
Polls have Biden and Trump neck and neck in the district, though Hillary Clinton lost it in 2016 to Trump by 9 percentage points. On Saturday, Trump kicked off Florida’s statewide in-person early voting by voting in West Palm Beach (though some counties had started early voting earlier). A poll in mid-September found Mast up 8 points over Keith. A recent internal poll released by Keith posited a 2-point lead for the Democrat, with Miller drawing 4 percent.
Keith ran in 2018 with the support of Brand New Congress and Justice Democrats, losing in the Democratic primary. She also ran for Senate in 2016, losing in the primary to Patrick Murphy, who previously represented the district.
Keith does not have the backing of Justice Democrats this cycle, which narrowed the number of candidates it endorsed, nor has she been listed on the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s coveted red-to-blue list.
Currently, there are 13 Republican and 12 Democratic representatives from Florida. If Miller siphons off enough votes to help Keith win the seat, Democrats would take control of the state congressional delegation. It doesn’t typically matter which party controls a state congressional delegation, except in the instance of an Electoral College tie. In such a scenario, the House of Representatives chooses the winner, but not by individual vote. Instead, each state gets one vote. The new House sworn in in January, not the current one, would be the chamber to weigh in.
Currently, Republicans control 26 delegations, Democrats control 22, and two — Pennsylvania and Michigan — are evenly divided. Montana’s lone seat is up for grabs.
Ingeman, though, said the Miller campaign is far from playing spoiler and that she is convinced he’ll come out ahead on Election Day, based on energy on the ground and conversations with people leaving early voting locations. “Our exit polls are showing that we’re actually ahead of Mast,” she said. “People know that Mast voted against the Second Amendment and that he hasn’t accomplished anything over the past four years. The voters that are informed know that, so they’re glad they have an alternative here.”
Update: Oct. 29, 2020
This article originally referred to Marjorie Greene as a “QAnon believer.” Greene says her thinking on Q has evolved. “There was a time there for a while that I had read about Q, posted about it, talked about it, which is some of these videos you’ve seen come out. But once I started finding misinformation, I decided that I would choose another path.”