theintercept--2020-02-21--Disgraced Bloomberg Money Manager Steven Rattner Uses Media Appearances to Shill for His Boss

financier Steven Rattner published an op-ed in the New York Times headlined “ The Warren Way Is the Wrong Way.
” An Elizabeth Warren presidency is “ a terrifying prospect , ” Rattner wrote , for “ she would extend the reach and weight of the federal government far further into the economy than anything even President Franklin Roosevelt imagined.
” Warren might call herself a capitalist , but her “ panoply of minutely detailed plans ” shows that she would “ turn America ’ s uniquely successful public-private relationship into a dirigiste , European-style system .
If you want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Elizabeth Warren should be your candidate.
” The Times identified Rattner thus : “ Steven Rattner , a counselor to the Treasury secretary in the Obama administration , is a Wall Street executive and a contributing writer.
” It did not mention Rattner ’ s current position : chair and CEO of Willett Advisors , which manages the personal and philanthropic assets of Michael Bloomberg .
At the time , Bloomberg was very publicly considering a run for president .
With Rattner attacking one of Bloomberg ’ s rivals , readers deserved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him .
( Since November 24 , when Bloomberg entered the race , two columns by Rattner have mentioned the Willett connection . )
Rattner also appears regularly on MSNBC ’ s “ Morning Joe ” ( and , from time to time , on “ Hardball With Chris Matthews , ” “ All In With Chris Hayes , ” and “ The Last Word with Lawrence O ’ Donnell ” ) .
Only recently has Morning Joe begun to mention Rattner ’ s Bloomberg connections , and then but briefly .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders on “ Morning Joe.
” While Elizabeth Warren ’ s Medicare for All plan had been closely scrutinized , Rattner said , Sanders ’ s version — though even more expensive — had not .
He displayed a chart showing how much federal spending would ( by his estimate ) increase under each candidate over 10 years : 1.5 percent for Joe Biden , 2 percent for Pete Buttigieg , 12 percent for Warren , and 20 percent for Sanders .
No one was discussing this , Rattner complained .
The main @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders is “ like everybody ’ s eccentric uncle .
We all have an eccentric uncle .
Not a lot of people thought he was a serious contender for the nomination and so he has not been subjected , I don ’ t believe , to the same dissection of his plans and policies.
” Rattner ’ s role as Bloomberg ’ s money manager was fleetingly noted .
Yet that description does not begin to capture the depth of the ties between the two men .
Bloomberg , in fact , helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was on the verge of collapsing .
The two men move in the same ostentatiously wealthy , socially entitled , politically connected circles in New York .
While Bloomberg is an overlord in that world , Rattner is a courtier , cultivating rich and powerful people who can help enlarge his own income and influence .
He exemplifies the Democratic Party ’ s capture by a privileged caste divorced from ordinary working people .
Raised on Long Island , the son of a paint manufacturer , Rattner attended Brown .
After graduating , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York Times .
After a stint as a general assignment reporter in New York , he was assigned to the Washington bureau .
Focusing on energy and the economy , he got to know some senior Wall Street figures working in the Carter administration .
Also in the bureau was Arthur Sulzberger Jr. , who was learning the reporting ropes in anticipation of succeeding his father as publisher of the paper ; he and Rattner became close .
In 1981 , Rattner was assigned to the paper ’ s London bureau .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told the Washington Monthly , Rattner was growing tired of writing about people who had more money and power than him but were no smarter or more capable .
And so in 1982 , Rattner left journalism to work in investment banking : first for Lehman Brothers , then for Morgan Stanley , then for Lazard Frères .
At Lazard , he specialized in media mergers and acquisitions , helping to broker some of the largest deals in the industry and earning staggering fees in the process .
“ The premier investment banker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called him in a 1994 profile that gushed about his polish , focus , judgment , and “ gift of expression ” — and which caused much envy on Wall Street .
Rattner rose to No .
2 at Lazard , but his way to the top was blocked , so in 2000 he and three other Lazard partners left to form Quadrangle , a private equity firm .
He convinced friends like Mortimer Zuckerman , Barry Diller , Henry Kravis , and telecom mogul Craig McCaw to invest in the company , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ buyouts of media companies ( another way of saying that he helped promote media concentration ) .
The Grill Room of the Four Seasons , located in the same building as Quadrangle ’ s office , became Rattner ’ s cafeteria .
In 2008 , Michael Bloomberg chose Quadrangle to manage the investments of his fortune .
Rattner and his wife magnified their social and political influence by throwing dinner parties in their palatial apartment on Fifth Avenue overlooking the Metropolitan Museum of Art .
When needing fresh air , they could visit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Salem in northern Westchester County , where Bloomberg was a neighbor , or their 15,000-square-foot home in Martha ’ s Vineyard , where Brian Roberts , the CEO of Comcast ( which owns NBC ) , lived nearby .
They flew to the island in their private jet .
Rattner served as the chair of the Educational Broadcasting Corporation , the parent of Channel Thirteen , and on the board of the Brookings Institution .
Maureen White served as the national finance chair of the Democratic National Committee and was so successful at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ DNC ’ s ATM.
” The couple was close to Chuck Schumer and the Clintons and raised money for Hillary when she ran in 2008 , but they moved seamlessly to support Obama when he won the nomination .
After Obama ’ s election , Tim Geithner , his Treasury secretary , recruited Rattner to head the presidential task force on restructuring the auto industry , and in February 2009 , he moved to Washington .
His efforts to resuscitate GM and Chrysler were controversial ; the companies themselves praised his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were eliminated , and thousands of jobs went with them .
Nonetheless , there was talk of Rattner getting a more senior post .
That spring , however , his name surfaced in connection with investigations undertaken by both the SEC and New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo into a “ pay to play ” scheme in which private equity firms ( including Quadrangle ) offered kickbacks to middlemen to secure investments from New York state ’ s $ 130-billion retirement fund .
Cuomo had initially offered Rattner immunity because the emails he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ played a personal part in the matter .
After Rattner left Quadrangle , however , the firm found emails Rattner had not submitted and sent them to Cuomo ’ s office .
When he saw them , Cuomo exploded , since they suggested far greater involvement on Rattner ’ s part than he had acknowledged .
Obama officials quietly distanced themselves from him , and in July he left the administration to write a book about his experiences as car czar .
Over the next year , Cuomo and Rattner engaged in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of lying to him and Rattner charging Cuomo of using tactics close to extortion .
A settlement was finally reached in December 2010 , with Rattner agreeing to a payment of $ 10 million and a five-year ban on appearing before state pension boards .
Rattner , said Cuomo , “ was willing to do whatever it took to get his hands on pension fund money , including paying kickbacks , orchestrating a movie deal , and funneling campaign contributions.
” Rattner settled separately with the SEC , agreeing to pay $ 6.2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ associating with any investment adviser or broker-dealer ” for at least two years .
Rattner , said the SEC , “ delivered special favors and conducted sham transactions that corrupted the Retirement Fund ’ s investment process.
” Quadrangle , which itself had to pay $ 12 million to settle charges against it , was no less scathing : “ We wholly disavow the conduct engaged in by Steve Rattner .
That conduct was inappropriate , wrong , and unethical .
Mr. Rattner is no longer with the firm and is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( Rattner did not admit wrongdoing in either the New York or the SEC case . )
Such an abrupt fall from grace would have crushed most mortals , but Rattner was already engineering his comeback .
He kept up a busy schedule of charity benefits and social events .
According to a column in Reuters , he and his wife held a dinner party whose guests included Charlie Rose , Financial Times editor Gillian Tett , TV executive Mark Whitaker , literary agent Amanda Urban , and Bloomberg .
In September 2010 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” came out , and to celebrate it , Bloomberg and Sulzberger co-hosted a party in the Grill Room of the Four Seasons ; in attendance were such luminaries as Jamie Dimon , Lloyd Blankfein , Henry Kravis , and Robert Rubin .
In July 2011 , Rattner began contributing regularly to the Times , and he soon began appearing on “ Morning Joe.
” With Rattner no longer at Quadrangle and Wall Street mostly off-limits to him , Bloomberg moved his money out of the fund and set up Willett Advisors as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and he carved out a role for his friend .
The move came at a time when Bloomberg was looking to expand his philanthropic giving and the influence it could bring ; Rattner , with his connections , was clearly in a position to help .
Full absolution for Rattner ( who did not respond to a request for comment ) finally came in February 2013 , in the form of a column by Times financial writer and editor Andrew Ross Sorkin .
“ A Reputation , Once Sullied , Acquires a New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to Sorkin , Bloomberg was the one friend who stuck by Rattner throughout his ordeal .
The column included this priceless quote from Bloomberg : “ I never heard anyone say they wouldn ’ t invite Steven Rattner to a party because of what was happening.
” That comment nicely sums up the clubby , entitled universe these two men inhabit .
It ’ s a world of sumptuous galas and power lunches , strategic philanthropy and prestigious boards , private planes and grand estates , insider deals and mutual favors .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bloomberg is attacking his rivals in the presidential race .
Their relationship embodies the rigged system that people like Sanders and Warren are fighting .

On November 4, financier Steven Rattner published an op-ed in the New York Times headlined “The Warren Way Is the Wrong Way.” An Elizabeth Warren presidency is “a terrifying prospect,” Rattner wrote, for “she would extend the reach and weight of the federal government far further into the economy than anything even President Franklin Roosevelt imagined.” Warren might call herself a capitalist, but her “panoply of minutely detailed plans” shows that she would “turn America’s uniquely successful public-private relationship into a dirigiste, European-style system. If you want to live in France (economically), Elizabeth Warren should be your candidate.”
The Times identified Rattner thus: “Steven Rattner, a counselor to the Treasury secretary in the Obama administration, is a Wall Street executive and a contributing writer.” It did not mention Rattner’s current position: chair and CEO of Willett Advisors, which manages the personal and philanthropic assets of Michael Bloomberg. At the time, Bloomberg was very publicly considering a run for president. With Rattner attacking one of Bloomberg’s rivals, readers deserved to know of his financial relationship to him. (Since November 24, when Bloomberg entered the race, two columns by Rattner have mentioned the Willett connection.)
Rattner also appears regularly on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” (and, from time to time, on “Hardball With Chris Matthews,” “All In With Chris Hayes,” and “The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell”). Only recently has Morning Joe begun to mention Rattner’s Bloomberg connections, and then but briefly. On January 28, Rattner went after Bernie Sanders on “Morning Joe.” While Elizabeth Warren’s Medicare for All plan had been closely scrutinized, Rattner said, Sanders’s version — though even more expensive — had not. He displayed a chart showing how much federal spending would (by his estimate) increase under each candidate over 10 years: 1.5 percent for Joe Biden, 2 percent for Pete Buttigieg, 12 percent for Warren, and 20 percent for Sanders. No one was discussing this, Rattner complained. The main reason, he ventured, is that Sanders is “like everybody’s eccentric uncle. We all have an eccentric uncle. Not a lot of people thought he was a serious contender for the nomination and so he has not been subjected, I don’t believe, to the same dissection of his plans and policies.” Rattner’s role as Bloomberg’s money manager was fleetingly noted.
Yet that description does not begin to capture the depth of the ties between the two men. Bloomberg, in fact, helped rescue Rattner’s career when it was on the verge of collapsing. The two men move in the same ostentatiously wealthy, socially entitled, politically connected circles in New York. While Bloomberg is an overlord in that world, Rattner is a courtier, cultivating rich and powerful people who can help enlarge his own income and influence. He exemplifies the Democratic Party’s capture by a privileged caste divorced from ordinary working people.
Then-Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Steven Rattner attend a gala at Gotham Hall in New York City on April 30, 2007. Photo: Joe Schildhorn/Patrick McMullan via Getty Image
Raised on Long Island, the son of a paint manufacturer, Rattner attended Brown. After graduating, in 1974, he joined the New York Times. After a stint as a general assignment reporter in New York, he was assigned to the Washington bureau. Focusing on energy and the economy, he got to know some senior Wall Street figures working in the Carter administration. Also in the bureau was Arthur Sulzberger Jr., who was learning the reporting ropes in anticipation of succeeding his father as publisher of the paper; he and Rattner became close. In 1981, Rattner was assigned to the paper’s London bureau. But as his future wife Maureen White later told the Washington Monthly, Rattner was growing tired of writing about people who had more money and power than him but were no smarter or more capable.
And so in 1982, Rattner left journalism to work in investment banking: first for Lehman Brothers, then for Morgan Stanley, then for Lazard Frères. At Lazard, he specialized in media mergers and acquisitions, helping to broker some of the largest deals in the industry and earning staggering fees in the process. “The premier investment banker of his generation,” Vanity Fair called him in a 1994 profile that gushed about his polish, focus, judgment, and “gift of expression” — and which caused much envy on Wall Street.
Rattner rose to No. 2 at Lazard, but his way to the top was blocked, so in 2000 he and three other Lazard partners left to form Quadrangle, a private equity firm. He convinced friends like Mortimer Zuckerman, Barry Diller, Henry Kravis, and telecom mogul Craig McCaw to invest in the company, and with their money he arranged leveraged buyouts of media companies (another way of saying that he helped promote media concentration). The Grill Room of the Four Seasons, located in the same building as Quadrangle’s office, became Rattner’s cafeteria. In 2008, Michael Bloomberg chose Quadrangle to manage the investments of his fortune.
Rattner and his wife magnified their social and political influence by throwing dinner parties in their palatial apartment on Fifth Avenue overlooking the Metropolitan Museum of Art. When needing fresh air, they could visit either their horse farm in bucolic North Salem in northern Westchester County, where Bloomberg was a neighbor, or their 15,000-square-foot home in Martha’s Vineyard, where Brian Roberts, the CEO of Comcast (which owns NBC), lived nearby. They flew to the island in their private jet. Rattner served as the chair of the Educational Broadcasting Corporation, the parent of Channel Thirteen, and on the board of the Brookings Institution. Maureen White served as the national finance chair of the Democratic National Committee and was so successful at it that New York magazine called her the “DNC’s ATM.” The couple was close to Chuck Schumer and the Clintons and raised money for Hillary when she ran in 2008, but they moved seamlessly to support Obama when he won the nomination.
After Obama’s election, Tim Geithner, his Treasury secretary, recruited Rattner to head the presidential task force on restructuring the auto industry, and in February 2009, he moved to Washington. His efforts to resuscitate GM and Chrysler were controversial; the companies themselves praised his work, but hundreds of car dealerships were eliminated, and thousands of jobs went with them. Nonetheless, there was talk of Rattner getting a more senior post.
That spring, however, his name surfaced in connection with investigations undertaken by both the SEC and New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo into a “pay to play” scheme in which private equity firms (including Quadrangle) offered kickbacks to middlemen to secure investments from New York state’s $130-billion retirement fund. Cuomo had initially offered Rattner immunity because the emails he turned over indicated that he had not played a personal part in the matter. After Rattner left Quadrangle, however, the firm found emails Rattner had not submitted and sent them to Cuomo’s office. When he saw them, Cuomo exploded, since they suggested far greater involvement on Rattner’s part than he had acknowledged. Obama officials quietly distanced themselves from him, and in July he left the administration to write a book about his experiences as car czar.
Over the next year, Cuomo and Rattner engaged in a vitriolic feud, with Cuomo accusing Rattner of lying to him and Rattner charging Cuomo of using tactics close to extortion. A settlement was finally reached in December 2010, with Rattner agreeing to a payment of $10 million and a five-year ban on appearing before state pension boards. Rattner, said Cuomo, “was willing to do whatever it took to get his hands on pension fund money, including paying kickbacks, orchestrating a movie deal, and funneling campaign contributions.” Rattner settled separately with the SEC, agreeing to pay $6.2 million and consenting to a ban on “associating with any investment adviser or broker-dealer” for at least two years. Rattner, said the SEC, “delivered special favors and conducted sham transactions that corrupted the Retirement Fund’s investment process.” Quadrangle, which itself had to pay $12 million to settle charges against it, was no less scathing: “We wholly disavow the conduct engaged in by Steve Rattner. That conduct was inappropriate, wrong, and unethical. Mr. Rattner is no longer with the firm and is not part of today’s settlement.” (Rattner did not admit wrongdoing in either the New York or the SEC case.)
Such an abrupt fall from grace would have crushed most mortals, but Rattner was already engineering his comeback. He kept up a busy schedule of charity benefits and social events. According to a column in Reuters, he and his wife held a dinner party whose guests included Charlie Rose, Financial Times editor Gillian Tett, TV executive Mark Whitaker, literary agent Amanda Urban, and Bloomberg. In September 2010, Rattner’s book “Overhaul” came out, and to celebrate it, Bloomberg and Sulzberger co-hosted a party in the Grill Room of the Four Seasons; in attendance were such luminaries as Jamie Dimon, Lloyd Blankfein, Henry Kravis, and Robert Rubin. In July 2011, Rattner began contributing regularly to the Times, and he soon began appearing on “Morning Joe.”
With Rattner no longer at Quadrangle and Wall Street mostly off-limits to him, Bloomberg moved his money out of the fund and set up Willett Advisors as a new entity to manage it, and he carved out a role for his friend. The move came at a time when Bloomberg was looking to expand his philanthropic giving and the influence it could bring; Rattner, with his connections, was clearly in a position to help.
Full absolution for Rattner (who did not respond to a request for comment) finally came in February 2013, in the form of a column by Times financial writer and editor Andrew Ross Sorkin. “A Reputation, Once Sullied, Acquires a New Shine,” ran the headline. According to Sorkin, Bloomberg was the one friend who stuck by Rattner throughout his ordeal. The column included this priceless quote from Bloomberg: “I never heard anyone say they wouldn’t invite Steven Rattner to a party because of what was happening.”
That comment nicely sums up the clubby, entitled universe these two men inhabit. It’s a world of sumptuous galas and power lunches, strategic philanthropy and prestigious boards, private planes and grand estates, insider deals and mutual favors. Among the favors Rattner is now providing Bloomberg is attacking his rivals in the presidential race. Their relationship embodies the rigged system that people like Sanders and Warren are fighting.


theintercept--2020-02-21--Homeland Security Algorithm Revokes U.S. Visa of War Crimes Investigator Eyal Weizman

, an Israeli-born British architect who uses visual analysis to investigate war crimes and other forms of state violence , was barred from traveling to the United States this week for an exhibition of his work after being identified as a security risk by an algorithm used by the Department of Homeland Security .
Weizman , a professor at Goldsmiths , University of London , where his human rights research agency Forensic Architecture is based , frequently travels to the U.S. to lecture and exhibit work .
Last year , Forensic Architecture was selected to take part in the Whitney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in collaboration with Intercept co-founder Laura Poitras — of how a Whitney board member profited from the manufacture of tear gas used against civilians in a dozen countries , including at the U.S.-Mexico border .
But last week , as he prepared to travel to Miami for the opening of a major survey exhibition of Forensic Architecture ’ s work , “ True to Scale , ” at the Museum of Art and Design at Miami Dade College , Weizman was informed by email that he had been removed from a visa-waiver scheme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his flight .
“ The revocation notice stated no reason and the situation gave me no opportunity to appeal or to arrange for an alternative visa , ” Weizman explained in a statement read at the Miami opening on Wednesday night .
“ It was also a family trip .
My wife Prof. Ines Weizman , who was scheduled to give talks in the U.S. herself , and our two children traveled a day before I was supposed to go , ” the architect added .
“ They were stopped at JFK airport @ @ @ @ @ @ @ separated from our children and interrogated by immigration officials for two and a half hours before being allowed entry.
” When he visited the U.S. Embassy in London to find out what happened , Weizman said in an interview , an officer told him that his authorization to travel had been revoked because “ the algorithm ” had identified an unspecified security threat associated with him .
As my colleague Sam Biddle reported in 2018 , the Department of Homeland Security paid an automated machine learning firm , DataRobot , $ 200,000 that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enhance identification of high risk passengers ” at foreign airports , with the aim of developing a software algorithm capable of making real-time predictions in less than one second about who is and isn ’ t a potential terrorist .
Weizman told The Intercept that the officer at the U.S. Embassy in London who denied him a visa said that he had no idea what had triggered his rejection by the algorithm .
“ I don ’ t see what the system flagged up , but you need to help me figure it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He then asked Weizman to supply the embassy with additional information , including 15 years of his travel history and “ the names of anyone in my network whom I believed might have triggered the algorithm.
” Weizman refused to provide that information , given the fact that his work investigating human rights violations by states , “ means being in contact with vulnerable communities , activists and experts , and being entrusted with sensitive information.
” As Weizman pointed out in our phone conversation , the very nature of the type of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the painstaking work of collaborating online to verify and evaluate testimony and visual evidence of human rights abuses shared by witnesses — requires researchers “ to create very varied and very diverse sets of networks , ” putting them in contact with sources in places like Syria , Gaza or Pakistan that a computer might be trained to view with suspicion .
And , to a computer looking for suspect patterns of behavior , the interactions of a person posing a genuine security threat might be indistinguishable from the activities of an open-source @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is an associative algorithm , it looks for relations between people and things — travel , patterns of communication , ” Weizman said .
“ If it is associative , our open-source research will always be vulnerable to this sort of policing , where it ’ s not what you do , it ’ s the pattern of what you do that gets policed.
” A perfect example , Weizman said , was the kind of research his team did on the chemical attack in the Syrian town of Douma in 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the site of the attack .
( That work was also used by The New York Times in its visual investigation of the attack , which concluded that it had been carried out by the Syrian government . )
“ We go online , we look at the effects of chlorine , ” Weizman said .
“ After we look at that , we go to certain channels on YouTube , that are operated by people on the ground , close to the resistance , who are uploading video .
Sometimes we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Syria .
We don ’ t necessarily go to Syria , but we are in touch with refugees and activists.
” Weizman discussed his approach to the investigation of the attack in Douma in an Intercept video report last year .

Eyal Weizman , an Israeli-born British architect who uses visual analysis to investigate war crimes and other forms of state violence, was barred from traveling to the United States this week for an exhibition of his work after being identified as a security risk by an algorithm used by the Department of Homeland Security.
Weizman, a professor at Goldsmiths, University of London, where his human rights research agency Forensic Architecture is based, frequently travels to the U.S. to lecture and exhibit work. Last year, Forensic Architecture was selected to take part in the Whitney Biennial and produced an investigation — in collaboration with Intercept co-founder Laura Poitras — of how a Whitney board member profited from the manufacture of tear gas used against civilians in a dozen countries, including at the U.S.-Mexico border.
But last week, as he prepared to travel to Miami for the opening of a major survey exhibition of Forensic Architecture’s work, “True to Scale,” at the Museum of Art and Design at Miami Dade College, Weizman was informed by email that he had been removed from a visa-waiver scheme and would not be permitted to board his flight.
“The revocation notice stated no reason, and the situation gave me no opportunity to appeal or to arrange for an alternative visa,” Weizman explained in a statement read at the Miami opening on Wednesday night.
“It was also a family trip. My wife, professor Ines Weizman, who was scheduled to give talks in the U.S. herself and our two children traveled a day before I was supposed to go,” the architect added. “They were stopped at JFK airport in New York, where Ines was separated from our children and interrogated by immigration officials for two and a half hours before being allowed entry.”
When he visited the U.S. Embassy in London to find out what happened, Weizman said in an interview, an officer told him that his authorization to travel had been revoked because “the algorithm” had identified an unspecified security threat associated with him.
As my colleague Sam Biddle reported in 2018, Homeland Security paid an automated machine learning firm, DataRobot, $200,000 that year to test “predictive models to enhance identification of high-risk passengers” at foreign airports, with the aim of developing a software algorithm capable of making real-time predictions in less than one second about who is a potential terrorist.
Weizman told The Intercept that the officer at the U.S. Embassy in London who denied him a visa said that he had no idea what triggered his rejection by the algorithm. “I don’t see what the system flagged up, but you need to help me figure it out,” the officer said. He then asked Weizman to supply the embassy with additional information, including 15 years of his travel history and “the names of anyone in my network whom I believed might have triggered the algorithm.”
Weizman refused to provide that information, given the fact that his work investigating state-sponsored human rights violations “means being in contact with vulnerable communities, activists and experts, and being entrusted with sensitive information.”
As Weizman pointed out in our phone conversation, the very nature of the type of open-source investigation he helped to pioneer — the painstaking work of collaborating online to verify and evaluate testimony and visual evidence of human rights abuses shared by witnesses — requires researchers “to create very varied and very diverse sets of networks,” putting them in contact with sources in places like Syria, Gaza, or Pakistan that a computer might be trained to view with suspicion. And, to a computer looking for suspect patterns of behavior, the interactions of a person posing a genuine security threat might be indistinguishable from the activities of an open-source investigator or a journalist.
“If there is an associative algorithm, it looks for relations between people and things: travel, patterns of communication,” Weizman said. “If it is associative, our open-source research will always be vulnerable to this sort of policing, where it’s not what you do, it’s the pattern of what you do that gets policed.”
A perfect example, Weizman said, was the kind of research his team did on the chemical attack in the Syrian town of Douma in 2018, which led to sophisticated architectural modeling of the site of the attack. (That work was also used by the New York Times in its visual investigation of the attack, which concluded that it had been carried out by the Syrian government.)
“We go online, we look at the effects of chlorine,” Weizman said. “After we look at that, we go to certain channels on YouTube that are operated by people on the ground, close to the resistance, who are uploading video. Sometimes we are DMing with people in Syria. We don’t necessarily go to Syria, but we are in touch with refugees and activists.”
Weizman discussed his approach to the investigation of the attack in Douma in an Intercept video report last year.
For another project, a new investigation of a 2015 shipwreck off the coast of Greece that took the lives of at least 43 migrants, mainly Syrian refugees, Weizman said his team contacted witnesses to the tragedy without ever asking those people if anyone else on the boat, or in their extended networks of friends, relations, or acquaintances back in the war zone, might have had militant links. “Who wants to ask when you are in touch with survivors of a shipwreck in the Aegean, who was on the boat?” Weizman said.
“This much we know: We are being electronically monitored for a set of connections — the network of associations, people, places, calls, and transactions — that make up our lives,” Weizman said in his statement to the opening in Miami he was unable to attend. “These networks are the lifeline of any investigative work.”
“We are being electronically monitored for a set of connections — the network of associations, people, places, calls, and transactions — that make up our lives.”
The lack of information about why exactly the computer software had barred Weizman from traveling to the U.S. led to speculation that the algorithm might have been gamed by false information provided to American authorities by his critics.
Another prominent open-source researcher, Eliot Higgins of Bellingcat, suggested in an email on Thursday that Weizman could also have been the victim of anonymous complaints to U.S. authorities from a cohort of online activists angered by his work implicating forces loyal to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in chemical attacks. “Forensic Architecture certainly got their attention between their Douma and Khan Sheikhoun work, so they might have wanted to cause him problems,” Higgins speculated. “It’s rather like swatting.” Swatting is a form of harassment associated with online communities in which false reports to law enforcement are used to target victims.
As Higgins noted, the technique has been deployed previously by pro-Assad Twitter trolls and bloggers against reporters and activists who have documented war crimes by Syrian and Russian government forces.
In January, Oz Katerji, a British journalist who covered the war in Syria, reported that he was contacted by the counterterrorism unit of London’s Metropolitan Police force after allegations about him were phoned in to a confidential hotline. “They told me they believe the reports against me are baseless and malicious in intent, and there is no case against me,” Katerji wrote on Twitter. “They did however confirm to me that this false report was a result of the vindictive Islamophobic online trolling campaign against me for my reporting on Syria.”
Katerji also posted a screenshot showing that Vanessa Beeley, a pro-Assad blogger boosted by Russian state television, had encouraged her followers to report him and a list of other journalists and news outlets critical of Assad — including the BBC, Channel 4 News, and The Guardian — to the authorities for supposedly violating the U.K. Terrorism Act.
Katerji added that “one of the allegations against me was that I am a supporter of the White Helmets, a Syrian humanitarian medical organization partially funded by the U.K. Foreign and Commonwealth Office.”
As Muhammad Idrees Ahmad, a lecturer in digital journalism at the University of Stirling in Scotland, pointed out in an interview, there is evidence that similar efforts have been successful in the U.S. as well.
In 2016, Raed Al Saleh, the head of Syria Civil Defense — a Western-backed rescue organization, known for its White Helmets, that searches for survivors of bombings in rebel-held parts of Syria — was denied entry into the United States when he was due to accept an award in Washington. Video recorded by the rescue group was, for much of the conflict in Syria, one of the only sources of information about the impact of Syrian and Russian airstrikes on rebel-held territory. That led to an orchestrated campaign, featured heavily on Russian state channels, to discredit the group by claiming that it was an arm of the Islamist rebel groups.
After Saleh was barred from the U.S., another pro-Assad blogger boasted on Twitter that he had reported him and the group giving him the award to Homeland Security “and organized others to do so as well.”
Despite his exclusion from the U.S. Weizman explained that, in conjunction with the exhibition of Forensic Architecture investigations in Miami, his group plans to train local activists to apply its techniques to investigate “human rights violations in the Homestead detention center in Florida … where migrant children have been held in what activists describe as ‘regimented, austere, and inhumane conditions.'”
The ban on Weizman’s travel was denounced on Thursday by Margaret Huang, the executive director of Amnesty International USA. “Stopping Eyal Weizman from entering the United States does a grave disservice to human rights documentation efforts,” Huang said in a statement. “It would be ludicrous to suggest that Eyal Weizman poses a security threat, and it’s an embarrassment for the U.S. to bar him.”
“Invoking the results of an algorithm cannot disguise the spurious nature of this visa decision, and, in fact, it heightens our concerns about how the decision was taken,” Huang added. “This is ideological exclusion via algorithm, a troubling indicator of the bias and irrationality of the high-tech security state.”


theintercept--2020-02-21--FBI Arrests Hacker Linked to Former Rep. Katie Hill’s Campaign

The FBI launched a probe that zeroed in on the Hill campaign in 2019 , according to FBI correspondence reviewed @ @ @ @ @ did not immediately respond for comment .
The FBI traced the hacking to an Amazon @ @ @ @ @ the email address [ email protected ] , though the credit card used to pay @ @ @ @ @ under Dam .
The Hotmail account had been created in 2002 using the subscriber name @ @ @ @ @ also used the Hotmail account as the recovery email for his own Gmail account .
@ @ @ @ @ shocked and saddened to learn today that Katie Hill ’ s campaign associates hacked my @ @ @ @ @ her advance through the primary , ” Caforio told The Intercept .
“ This should @ @ @ @ @ Russia is not the only threat to our democracy .
There are bad actors on @ @ @ @ @ anything for their own personal gain , and we need to come together as Americans @ @ @ @ @ hold everyone responsible accountable .
”

Federal agents have arrested Arthur Dam in connection with a hacking spree that disrupted the 2018 Democratic California primary that ultimately nominated Katie Hill, according to a new criminal complaint.
Dam, in the criminal complaint, is linked directly to the Hill campaign. Hill won the general election in California’s 25th District and then later resigned from Congress amid controversy.
“Dam was found to be connected to the cyber attacks through subscriber information, IP addresses, geolocation history, and open sources, including through his employer and his wife, K.O., who worked for one of the Victim’s opponents,” the complaint reads.
Dam’s wife is Kelsey O’Hara, Hill’s fundraiser during the campaign and her district director after she won office. O’Hara was also the subject of a sexual remark made by Hill and caught on tape by Vice News in 2018. In Hill’s Federal Election Commission records, she lists a $500 in-kind contribution from Dam on March 25, 2018, for “graphic design and website security consultation.”
Arthur Dam, arrested by the FBI, listed a $500 in-kind contribution to Hill's campaign in March 2018 for "graphic design and website security consultation." pic.twitter.com/2KhK7xNDD4 — Ryan Grim (@ryangrim) February 21, 2020
During the campaign, the websites of Hill’s opponents, Democrats Jess Phoenix and Bryan Caforio, who was supported by Justice Democrats, were both attacked, though Hill’s never was, raising suspicions at the time that Hill’s campaign was behind them. One major attack on Caforio’s campaign website came at a crucial moment, just an hour before the biggest debate of the primary, the complaint notes. Hill eventually won the California primary by fewer than 3,000 votes.
The FBI launched a probe that zeroed in on the Hill campaign in 2019, according to FBI correspondence reviewed by The Intercept. Hill did not immediately respond for comment. The FBI traced the hacking to an Amazon Web Services account tied to the email address preatorian_@hotmail.com, though the credit card used to pay for the service was listed under Dam. The Hotmail account had been created in 2002 using the subscriber name “Arthur Slam.” Dam also used the Hotmail account as the recovery email for his own Gmail account. “I’m absolutely shocked and saddened to learn today that Katie Hill’s campaign associates hacked my campaign in order to help her advance through the primary,” Caforio told The Intercept. “This should serve as a reminder that Russia is not the only threat to our democracy. There are bad actors on all sides who will do anything for their own personal gain, and we need to come together as Americans to defend our country and hold everyone responsible accountable.”
Hill’s campaign was the subject of unusual national attention during her campaign, including a Vice News documentary and a Rolling Stone article. On March 3, the 25th Congressional District will hold a special election to replace Hill, who resigned in October 2019.


theintercept--2020-02-21--Leaked Reports Show EU Police Are Planning a Pan-European Network of Facial Recognition Databases

According to leaked internal European Union documents , the EU could soon be creating a network of national police facial recognition databases .
A report drawn up by the national police forces of 10 EU member states , led by Austria , calls for the introduction of EU legislation to introduce and interconnect such databases in every member state .
The report , which The Intercept obtained from a European official who is concerned about the network ’ s development , was circulated among EU and national officials in November 2019 .
If previous data-sharing arrangements are a guide , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be connected to similar databases in the U.S. , creating what privacy researchers are calling a massive transatlantic consolidation of biometric data .
A police investigator in Spain is trying to solve a crime , but she only has an image of a suspect ’ s face , caught by a nearby security camera .
European police have long had access to fingerprint and DNA databases throughout the 27 countries of the European Union and , in certain cases , the United States .
But soon , that investigator may be able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ databases spanning the whole of Europe and the U.S .
The report was produced as part of discussions on expanding the Prüm system , an EU-wide initiative connecting DNA , fingerprint , and vehicle registration databases for mutual searching .
A similar system exists between the U.S. and any country that is part of the Visa Waiver Program , which includes the majority of EU countries ; bilateral agreements allow U.S. and European agencies to access one another ’ s fingerprint and DNA databases .
“ This is concerning on a national level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as some EU countries veer towards more authoritarian governments.
” Although new legislation following the report ’ s recommendation is not yet on the table , preparatory work is ongoing .
Information provided by the European Commission to the European Parliament last November shows that almost 700,000 euros ( about $ 750,000 ) are going to a study by consultancy firm Deloitte on possible changes to the Prüm system , with one part of the work looking at facial recognition technology .
The European Commission has also , separately , paid 500,000 euros @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Estonian Forensic Science Institute to “ map the current situation of facial recognition in criminal investigations in all EU Member States , ” with the aim of moving “ towards the possible exchange of facial data , ” according to a project presentation sent to national representatives in Brussels .
“ This is concerning on a national level and on a European level , especially as some EU countries veer towards more authoritarian governments , ” said Edin Omanovic , advocacy director for Privacy International .
Omanovic worries about a pan-European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motivated surveillance ” and not just standard police work .
The possibility of pervasive , unjustified , or illegal surveillance is one of many critiques of facial recognition technology .
Another is that it is notoriously inaccurate , particularly for people of color .
“ Without the transparency and legal safeguards for facial recognition technology to be lawful , ” said Omanovic , “ there should be a moratorium on it.
” The EU has taken big steps to connect a host of migration and security databases in recent years .
New legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will hold the fingerprints , facial images , and other personal data of up to 300 million non-EU nationals , merging data from five separate systems .
According to the report by 10 police forces , Deloitte consultants proposed doing the same with police facial images , but the idea was met with unanimous opposition from law enforcement officials .
Nonetheless , the report recommends linking all of EU member states ’ facial databases , which would seem to have the same practical effect .
In another internal EU police report — this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that looked at the exchange of drivers ’ license data — police note that “ a network of interconnected national registers can be regarded as a virtual European register.
” To the police , the advantages of interlinked facial recognition databases are clear .
The Austria-led report views the technology as a “ highly suitable ” biometric tool for identifying unknown suspects and suggests that the databases should be created and linked “ as quickly as possible.
” It also recognizes the need for data protection safeguards , such as human verification of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argue that the creation of any such system is the first step toward greater sharing and linking of data where such controls are inadequate .
European moves to consolidate police facial recognition data closely resembles similar efforts in the U.S. , said Neema Singh Guliani , senior legislative counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union .
Many U.S. law enforcement agencies work out of “ fusion centers , ” where they are co-located and able to share data .
If you have an information-sharing agreement with the FBI or the Department of Homeland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a risk that functionally the information may be shared with additional levels of U.S. law enforcement.
” “ It raises many questions , ” she added .
“ How police are using facial recognition and gathering images , as well as in the U.S. with regard to due process and First Amendment expression .
Given existing information sharing relationships , it ’ s very likely that the U.S. would want access to that information.
” As far back as 2004 , the U.S. Embassy in Brussels was calling for a relationship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exchanges and sharing all forms of data , including personal data.
” In recent years , efforts toward that goal have intensified .
According to a Government Accountability Office report , in 2015 , the Department of Homeland Security began demanding the implementation of the data-sharing agreements required of Visa Waiver Program countries .
This has included the FBI providing assistance to other states to set up the necessary computer networks .
Austria , to take one example , began checking fingerprints against the FBI ’ s criminal fingerprint databases in October 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official in the Austrian criminal intelligence service .
Since then , about 12,000 individuals ’ prints have been cross-checked , leading to 150 matches .
“ Around 20 of these identified persons were under investigation and suspected of membership of terrorist organizations , ” while in 56 cases individuals had attempted to use a false identity , said Schmid .
“ Their logic here is , ‘ When I have a serious crime and I want to run someone ’ s photo against a database , why shouldn ’ t I have this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she added , the privacy implications were enormous .
“ Once you have the access , you ultimately have the ability to identify almost anyone , anywhere.
” The report by 10 police forces calls for Europol , the EU agency for police information and intelligence sharing , to play a role in exchanging facial recognition and other biometric data with non-EU states .
This echoes recommendations from European governments themselves : A July 2018 declaration called for the commission to consider “ broadening the scope ” of the Prüm network and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data sharing with third countries .
The FBI and Europol did not respond to questions about data-sharing agreements between the EU and the U.S. A spokesperson for the European Commission acknowledged the prospect of adding facial recognition data to the Prüm network , but declined to go into more detail .
This article was developed with the support of Journalismfund.eu .

A police investigator in Spain is trying to solve a crime, but she only has an image of a suspect’s face, caught by a nearby security camera. European police have long had access to fingerprint and DNA databases throughout the 27 countries of the European Union and, in certain cases, the United States. But soon, that investigator may be able to also search a network of police face databases spanning the whole of Europe and the U.S.
According to leaked internal European Union documents, the EU could soon be creating a network of national police facial recognition databases. A report drawn up by the national police forces of 10 EU member states, led by Austria, calls for the introduction of EU legislation to introduce and interconnect such databases in every member state. The report, which The Intercept obtained from a European official who is concerned about the network’s development, was circulated among EU and national officials in November 2019. If previous data-sharing arrangements are a guide, the new facial recognition network will likely be connected to similar databases in the U.S., creating what privacy researchers are calling a massive transatlantic consolidation of biometric data.
The report was produced as part of discussions on expanding the Prüm system, an EU-wide initiative connecting DNA, fingerprint, and vehicle registration databases for mutual searching. A similar system exists between the U.S. and any country that is part of the Visa Waiver Program, which includes the majority of EU countries; bilateral agreements allow U.S. and European agencies to access one another’s fingerprint and DNA databases.
“This is concerning on a national level and on a European level, especially as some EU countries veer towards more authoritarian governments.”
Although new legislation following the report’s recommendation is not yet on the table, preparatory work is ongoing. Information provided by the European Commission to the European Parliament last November shows that almost 700,000 euros (about $750,000) are going to a study by consultancy firm Deloitte on possible changes to the Prüm system, with one part of the work looking at facial recognition technology. The European Commission has also, separately, paid 500,000 euros to a consortium of public agencies led by the Estonian Forensic Science Institute to “map the current situation of facial recognition in criminal investigations in all EU Member States,” with the aim of moving “towards the possible exchange of facial data,” according to a project presentation sent to national representatives in Brussels.
“This is concerning on a national level and on a European level, especially as some EU countries veer towards more authoritarian governments,” said Edin Omanovic, advocacy director for Privacy International. Omanovic worries about a pan-European face database being used for “politically motivated surveillance” and not just standard police work. The possibility of pervasive, unjustified, or illegal surveillance is one of many critiques of facial recognition technology. Another is that it is notoriously inaccurate, particularly for people of color.
“Without the transparency and legal safeguards for facial recognition technology to be lawful,” said Omanovic, “there should be a moratorium on it.”
The EU has taken big steps to connect a host of migration and security databases in recent years. New legislation passed last April established a database that will hold the fingerprints, facial images, and other personal data of up to 300 million non-EU nationals, merging data from five separate systems. According to the report by 10 police forces, Deloitte consultants proposed doing the same with police facial images, but the idea was met with unanimous opposition from law enforcement officials.
Nonetheless, the report recommends linking all of EU member states’ facial databases, which would seem to have the same practical effect. In another internal EU police report — this one from a working group on Prüm that looked at the exchange of drivers’ license data — police note that “a network of interconnected national registers can be regarded as a virtual European register.”
To the police, the advantages of interlinked facial recognition databases are clear. The Austria-led report views the technology as a “highly suitable” biometric tool for identifying unknown suspects and suggests that the databases should be created and linked “as quickly as possible.” It also recognizes the need for data protection safeguards, such as human verification of any automated matches, but privacy experts argue that the creation of any such system is the first step toward greater sharing and linking of data where such controls are inadequate.
European moves to consolidate police facial recognition data closely resembles similar efforts in the U.S., said Neema Singh Guliani, senior legislative counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union. Many U.S. law enforcement agencies work out of “fusion centers,” where they are co-located and able to share data. If you have an information-sharing agreement with the FBI or the Department of Homeland Security, said Guliani, “there’s a risk that functionally the information may be shared with additional levels of U.S. law enforcement.”
“It raises many questions,” she added. “How police are using facial recognition and gathering images, as well as in the U.S. with regard to due process and First Amendment expression. Given existing information sharing relationships, it’s very likely that the U.S. would want access to that information.”
As far back as 2004, the U.S. Embassy in Brussels was calling for a relationship with the EU that allowed “expansive exchanges and sharing all forms of data, including personal data.” In recent years, efforts toward that goal have intensified. According to a Government Accountability Office report, in 2015, the Department of Homeland Security began demanding the implementation of the data-sharing agreements required of Visa Waiver Program countries. This has included the FBI providing assistance to other states to set up the necessary computer networks.
Austria, to take one example, began checking fingerprints against the FBI’s criminal fingerprint databases in October 2017, explained Reinhard Schmid, a senior official in the Austrian criminal intelligence service. Since then, about 12,000 individuals’ prints have been cross-checked, leading to 150 matches. “Around 20 of these identified persons were under investigation and suspected of membership of terrorist organizations,” while in 56 cases individuals had attempted to use a false identity, said Schmid.
“Their logic here is, ‘When I have a serious crime and I want to run someone’s photo against a database, why shouldn’t I have this?’” said Guliani. Yet, she added, the privacy implications were enormous. “Once you have the access, you ultimately have the ability to identify almost anyone, anywhere.”
The report by 10 police forces calls for Europol, the EU agency for police information and intelligence sharing, to play a role in exchanging facial recognition and other biometric data with non-EU states. This echoes recommendations from European governments themselves: A July 2018 declaration called for the commission to consider “broadening the scope” of the Prüm network and for Europol to take the lead on data sharing with third countries.
The FBI and Europol did not respond to questions about data-sharing agreements between the EU and the U.S. A spokesperson for the European Commission acknowledged the prospect of adding facial recognition data to the Prüm network, but declined to go into more detail.
This article was developed with the support of Journalismfund.eu.


theintercept--2020-02-21--Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Endorses Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez in Texas Senate Primary, Bucking Chuck S

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Endorses Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez in Texas Senate Primary, Bucking Chuck Schumer

Despite the efforts of Schumer ’ s Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee to muscle out challengers for GOP Sen. John Cornyn ’ s seat , a crowded field has formed .
Among them is a former chief organizer for the Senate campaign of Beto O ’ Rourke , Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez .
On Friday , Tzintzún Ramirez won the endorsement of Schumer ’ s fellow New Yorker and potential rival , Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
Early on in the Texas Senate primary , the political arm of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer , a Democrat from New York , decided that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House candidate M.J. Hegar , a veteran whose viral ad in 2018 powered her to a massive fundraising haul — but not to victory — in the general election .
The endorsement was one of seven Ocasio-Cortez announced as part of her new political action committee aimed at supporting progressive candidates like Tzintzún Ramirez who the party discourages from running .
“ It ’ s important for us to create mechanisms of support because so much of what is happening in Washington is driven by fear of loss , ” Ocasio-Cortez told the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really create an ecosystem that makes people more comfortable into making the leap to make politically courageous choices.
” On top of the support from the DSCC , Hegar , an Air Force helicopter pilot , is getting outside help from a super PAC run by the group VoteVets .
This week , a group of wealthy progressive donors launched a super PAC to put ads on the air for Tzintzún Ramirez , though it is reported to be spending only in the low six figures between now and March 3 , Super @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held .
If no candidate in the crowded field eclipses 50 percent , a runoff election will take place .
Hegar is likely destined for the top spot , with Tzintzún Ramirez battling against a number of rivals to make second .
Ocasio-Cortez ’ s endorsement will go a long way to pushing her into the runoff .
Also this week , Tzintzún Ramirez picked up the support of Rep. Joaquin Castro , and already had the backing of his mother , Rosie Castro , a civil rights leader in the state .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and founded the organization Jolt , aimed at registering voters in Texas .
The low moment of her campaign came last month when she apologized for joking that her name , Tzintzún , is “ more Mexican than any Garcia or Lopez.
” Sema Hernandez , who challenged O ’ Rourke in the 2018 primary , is running again , and has an energetic following on Twitter , though it has yet to translate in the race .
Money isn ’ t everything , but Texas is a big state and as of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised a mere $ 7,551 , not enough to hire staff or run an organizing operation .
Four candidates , including Tzintzún Ramirez , have raised at least $ 800,000 .
Ocasio-Cortez ’ s PAC , Courage to Change , also announced support for Teresa Fernandez in New Mexico , Samelys López in New York , and Georgette Gómez in California , all running for open congressional seats , rather than challenging incumbents .
The PAC will also back , she said , Kara Eastman , challenging a Republican incumbent in Omaha , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrat Rep. Dan Lipinski in Illinois .

Early on in the Texas Senate primary, the political arm of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a Democrat from New York, decided that it would put its weight behind 2018 House candidate M.J. Hegar, a veteran whose viral ad in 2018 powered her to a massive fundraising haul — but not to victory — in the general election.
Despite the efforts of Schumer’s Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee to muscle out challengers for GOP Sen. John Cornyn’s seat, a crowded field has formed. Among them is a former chief organizer for the Senate campaign of Beto O’Rourke, Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez. On Friday, Tzintzún Ramirez won the endorsement of Schumer’s fellow New Yorker and potential rival, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
The endorsement was one of seven Ocasio-Cortez announced as part of her new political action committee aimed at supporting progressive candidates like Tzintzún Ramirez who the party discourages from running.
“It’s important for us to create mechanisms of support because so much of what is happening in Washington is driven by fear of loss,” Ocasio-Cortez told the New York Times. “We can really create an ecosystem that makes people more comfortable into making the leap to make politically courageous choices.”
On top of the support from the DSCC, Hegar, an Air Force helicopter pilot, is getting outside help from a super PAC run by the group VoteVets. This week, a group of wealthy progressive donors launched a super PAC to put ads on the air for Tzintzún Ramirez, though it is reported to be spending only in the low six figures between now and March 3, Super Tuesday, when the primary will be held.
If no candidate in the crowded field eclipses 50 percent, a runoff election will take place. Hegar is likely destined for the top spot, with Tzintzún Ramirez battling against a number of rivals to make second. Ocasio-Cortez’s endorsement will go a long way to pushing her into the runoff. Also this week, Tzintzún Ramirez picked up the support of Rep. Joaquin Castro, and already had the backing of his mother, Rosie Castro, a civil rights leader in the state.
Tzintzún Ramirez co-founded the Workers Defense Project and founded the organization Jolt, aimed at registering voters in Texas. The low moment of her campaign came last month when she apologized for joking that her name, Tzintzún, is “more Mexican than any Garcia or Lopez.”
Sema Hernandez, who challenged O’Rourke in the 2018 primary, is running again, and has an energetic following on Twitter, though it has yet to translate in the race. Money isn’t everything, but Texas is a big state and as of her most recent filing, Hernandez reported raised a mere $7,551, not enough to hire staff or run an organizing operation.
Four candidates, including Tzintzún Ramirez, have raised at least $800,000.
Ocasio-Cortez’s PAC, Courage to Change, also announced support for Teresa Fernandez in New Mexico, Samelys López in New York, and Georgette Gómez in California, all running for open congressional seats, rather than challenging incumbents. The PAC will also back, she said, Kara Eastman, challenging a Republican incumbent in Omaha, and Marie Newman, taking on incumbent Democrat Rep. Dan Lipinski in Illinois.


theintercept--2020-02-21--Bloomberg Money Manager Steven Rattner Uses Media Appearances to Attack His Boss’s Rivals


theintercept--2020-02-22--A Play About Slavery Pushes Boundaries in a New York Prison

and New York state officials gathered on a workday morning last month for a theatrical performance of a historical drama about slavery and human freedom .
But it was an unusual setting for a play , especially for one pondering the question of liberation , because the stage was deep inside a maximum-security prison , and the actors were a group of incarcerated men , many of whom still face decades behind bars .
At the end of the play , the two-dozen cast members lined up at the front of the stage as one actor after the other removed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ T-shirt with the word “ slave ” or the character ’ s slave name written across the chest .
Below the stage , in the first row , a group of suited senior corrections officials looked on uncomfortably .
Then the audience , officials included , broke into a standing ovation .
The cast , someone announced , would be allowed offstage for a few minutes to greet their families , and for a brief , chaotic moment , the actors rushed into the auditorium to tearfully hug their mothers , wives , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stood close by watching .
Then the men grouped back on stage to be counted , searched , and escorted back to their cells .
The performance was the second and last staging of a play — “ Father Comes Home From the Wars ” by Suzan-Lori Parks — by a group of men incarcerated at the Green Haven prison in Stormville , New York .
The production was the culmination of a monthslong program with Rehabilitation Through the Arts , or RTA , an initiative that for more than two decades has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incarcerated in prisons across the state .
A day earlier , the cast had performed before an enthusiastic audience of 350 fellow incarcerated men .
Now , for the first time ever , officials at Green Haven had opened the prison ’ s gates to families and outside visitors .
For the duration of the two-hour play , a tragic if at times absurdist drama set in a slave cabin and on a Civil War battlefield , cast and audience seemed to forget they were deep inside several perimeters of walls and heavily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was at home , watching a TV show , ” the sister of one of the actors told me .
There were reminders , of course : The radios of a handful of guards standing along the auditorium ’ s walls crackled in the background as the play unfolded on stage .
And Anthony Annucci , the acting commissioner of the New York State Department of Corrections and Community Supervision , introduced the performance by joking to the audience to silence their cellphones — a reminder that visitors had left all belongings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ screening before being allowed into the auditorium .
The play started late because some family members had been held up at security .
Other obstacles to doing theater in prison were playfully incorporated into the performance itself : Instead of a prop gun , an actor brandished a cardboard cutout spelling out the word “ gun.
” And because gray and navy were not only the colors of the Confederate and Union armies , but also those of New York corrections staff uniforms , actors playing soldiers on both sides of the conflict @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Confederate Gray Army Coat ” and “ Union Blue Army Coat ” written on them .
But if staging a theatrical production in a maximum-security prison poses countless logistical challenges , doing so with a cutting play about slavery set in the midst of the Civil War , but deeply echoing the present reality of mass incarceration , pushes boundaries in untested ways .
“ We ask for a lot of out-of-the-box thinking for a production inside a maximum-security prison , ” Katherine Vockins , RTA ’ s founder and executive director , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I can not underscore how difficult it is to do a show like this in this kind of environment , ” echoed Paul Fitzgerald , the play ’ s director .
“ [ This play ] brings up a lot of issues about the American story.
” Prison officials had reviewed and approved the script before production started ; some of the play ’ s most controversial scenes had been cut preemptively by RTA staff because of fears they might have “ riled up the population in a certain way , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actors .
“ We ’ re limited here.
” “ You kind of have to imagine what might be inflammatory or complicated in a way that ’ s just too much to take on and anticipate , and make those cuts accordingly , ” Fitzgerald told me .
“ You just try to feel how uncomfortable can this get , how much can you push the envelope to create meaningful art , to create dialogue , to bring up issues without going too far given the environment.
” Despite the cuts , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And while every line had been cleared ahead of time , there is a difference between reading stage directions in a script and watching two-dozen men , many imprisoned for decades , remove their “ slave ” uniforms and stomp on a stage declaring themselves free .
Things Changed for Me Here “ Father Comes Home From the Wars ” is a difficult play under any circumstances .
The drama traces the story of Hero , an enslaved man whose master promises him freedom in exchange for his service in the Civil War @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the war , as Hero ’ s close friend Homer reminds him early on .
The play opens with Hero debating his choice , and Homer arguing that it is in fact no choice at all , that both options are “ two sides of the same coin and the coin ain ’ t even in your pocket.
” “ You ’ re waiting for him to give you freedom , ” Homer tells Hero , “ when you should take it.
” Homer himself tried that by running away .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hero at gunpoint to cut off his friend ’ s foot as punishment .
But as the play progresses , the audience learns that Hero had actually snitched on Homer to the master , in exchange for yet another promise of freedom that was never fulfilled .
“ ‘ Take your freedom ’ is a line that resonates with me , ” Lenox Ramsay , who played Homer , told me when I visited the cast during rehearsals .
Ramsay , who is 30 years old and 11 years into a 17-year sentence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he struggled to come to terms with his sentence , until four years ago when he landed at Green Haven and started taking college classes and discovered a passion for acting through RTA .
“ Things changed for me here , ” he told me .
“ You have to make your freedom , you can ’ t let the time build up on you .
We have this saying in prison , ‘ Do the time , don ’ t let the time do you.
’ ” The play , which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a lot of us , ” Ramsay added .
In many ways , the parallels were obvious , and every line seemed to carry a double meaning when spoken in the prison context .
“ When I ’ m on that stage , I ’ m not acting .
I really want to get away from there because I really want to get away from here , ” said Melvin Davis , a 29-year-old who plays a runaway slave and is serving a 20-year sentence .
“ When you ’ re incarcerated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re back on the plantation.
” But the parallels are far more complex , and if the connection between slavery and incarceration was never explicit in the performance , it was nonetheless an unspoken theme throughout .
“ Mass incarceration started soon after slavery ended , with vagrancy laws , ” said Malcolm Baptiste , adding that he kept in his cell a copy of Michelle Alexander ’ s groundbreaking book “ The New Jim Crow , ” which traces a direct line from slavery to the contemporary prison system .
“ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when I was a child , people in our community spoke about how mass incarceration was all part of the plan of those that control society.
” There is also a parallel between slavery and prison labor , Baptiste added .
“ We don ’ t get a fair wage , ” he said .
“ No sick days , no vacation days.
” At age 42 , and 24 years into a 50-to-life prison sentence , Baptiste works 30 hours a week as an assistant teacher and clerk at the prison .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ or $ 7.50 per week .
At the prison ’ s commissary , he said , a box of Tide laundry detergent costs $ 5.50 , almost a week ’ s pay .
Email messages to family cost 33 cents per message and additional 33 cents for each attachment .
“ It ’ s capitalism , ” he added .
“ Colonizers went to Africa , captured people , brought them to America and other countries , and sold them .
… Today we have police targeting communities that are underserved , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are no jobs.
” Other prisoners saw a connection between the play ’ s only white character — a Confederate colonel — and the mostly white guards at the prison .
One of the play ’ s most excruciating scenes , the reenactment of a slave auction , was painfully reminiscent of the searches that incarcerated men regularly face .
“ This is a complicated play , it brings back feelings , ” said Lamel Fabers , who played a runaway slave .
“ You can ’ t think just because I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an animal.
” “ They still oppress us , ” said Ernest Iverson , the play ’ s narrator .
When I asked him whether he thought prison staff watching the play may see a similar connection , he replied , “ They ’ re not stupid .
They ’ ll see the connection.
” No One Really Deserves to Be in There If any of the corrections officials felt called out by the performance , it didn ’ t show .
“ Everyone I have spoken to thought it was a very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the deputy superintendent for programs at Green Haven .
“ It was a hard topic , and they handled it fantastically , honestly.
” “ There are very talented people here , there ’ s no doubt about it , ” a guard assigned to monitor one of the rehearsals told me .
“ It was amazing.
” I asked him if the play resonated in a particular way , given the prison context .
“ They have a connection to it , ” he replied , referring to the cast .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I don ’ t look at things this way , ” he replied .
Then , speaking of his job , “ Nobody aspires to do this.
” But not all the guards were interested in the talent of the performers .
One told me that he thought it was “ preposterous ” that inmates would be offered this kind of opportunity .
“ We don ’ t like them very much , they ’ re friends with the guys that assault my friends , ” the guard said of the volunteers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ In a way , they ’ re the enemy.
” “ I ’ ve heard negative feedback like , Why would anyone offer these people anything and why aren ’ t you out working with the families of the victims ?
” said Margaret Ables , who produced the play and has worked with RTA for five years .
“ I understand that criticism , but the positive outcomes that we ’ ve seen from our membership just really convince me that this program is doing the right thing.
” Kopp , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among the prison staff were rare .
“ Am I going to have one or two staff members not feel the same as the rest , as you have heard ?
The majority are the opposite , ” she said .
“ I don ’ t have a lot of backlash .
… If the majority felt that way , I wouldn ’ t be able to get this kind of production off the ground.
” In fact , the production was a massive effort , logistically , for the cast and prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scheduled around periodic “ counts ” for which the cast had to be back in their cells .
Because of restrictions on the movement of those incarcerated , someone was always missing .
Every prop and costume had to be preapproved , inspected , and accounted for at all times .
And when outside volunteers could not be at the prison , a committee of incarcerated men ran their own rehearsals .
On the day of the performance , guards escorted families “ deep into the bowel of the prison , ” as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ room relatives normally see , down seemingly endless , cold corridors along the prison ’ s yards , and past metal doors leading to housing blocks where three rows of cells sit one on top of the other .
It was the closest look at life inside that most outsiders had ever had .
“ I got a little feel of what it ’ s like , and honestly , that part was horrible for me , ” said Gina Davis , Melvin Davis ’ s younger sister , after the performance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t want him to be there.
” “ I just want all of these men to come home , ” she added .
“ Hopefully this time that they spent in there , they learned their lesson , and hopefully they come home and be better people , because honestly everyone deserves a second chance and people shouldn ’ t spend their entire lives behind bars .
… No one really deserves to be in there.
” The performance , rehearsals , and weekly classes RTA runs inside the prison offer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program ’ s participants .
Volunteers and staff with the program run dance , writing , visual arts , public speaking , and improvisation workshops , among other offerings .
And while Green Haven also offers more traditional educational and vocational programming , RTA “ allows for the inmates to grow in a totally different way than a sit-down type of program , ” said Kopp , the deputy superintendent .
Most importantly , the program offers participants an opportunity to build deep relationships that the daily reality of life in prison often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you to close yourself off from trusting people , ” said Melvin Davis .
Theater demands the opposite .
For the six months leading up to the performance , Davis rehearsed the part of Penny , the only female character in the play , as a professional actress was only allowed to join the crew for the last two weeks of rehearsals .
“ That was a real challenge for me , playing a female in a maximum-security prison , ” said Davis , noting that he couldn ’ t have done it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cast .
“ You ’ re not in prison when you ’ re with RTA ; it ’ s like family.
” Kevin Cocozello , the only white actor in the cast , had an equally challenging role : that of the ruthless , manic master and Confederate colonel .
The character was so racist and violent that the actor originally assigned to play the part refused to do it .
“ It ’ s a really tough and ugly role for anybody , because the words and the actions of that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ables , the producer .
“ But even more so in an incarcerated space , where they ’ re very resonant.
” Cocozello said the role ’ s complexity “ should be every actor ’ s dream.
” But as an incarcerated man , 10 years into a 23-year sentence , he identified more with Hero .
“ Like him , I feel like there ’ s a part of my soul that is cut in two.
” That was a sentiment many expressed — and they credited the exposure to theater for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ RTA helped me bring down the mask I had put up in prison , ” said Hector Rodriguez , who has spent 25 of his 45 years in prison and is a veteran of the program .
“ In prison , you have to be this stoic character so you can survive .
This helped me find myself .
I still wear a mask , but now I know it ’ s not me , and sometimes there ’ s no need to wear it.
” Portraits by Miranda Barnes for @ @

A group of families and New York state officials gathered on a workday morning last month for a theatrical performance of a historical drama about slavery and human freedom. But it was an unusual setting for a play, especially for one pondering the question of liberation, because the stage was deep inside a maximum-security prison, and the actors were a group of incarcerated men, many of whom still face decades behind bars.
At the end of the play, the two-dozen cast members lined up at the front of the stage as one actor after the other removed their costumes: a simple, white T-shirt with the word “slave” or the character’s slave name written across the chest. Below the stage, in the first row, a group of suited senior corrections officials looked on uncomfortably.
Then the audience, officials included, broke into a standing ovation. The cast, someone announced, would be allowed offstage for a few minutes to greet their families, and for a brief, chaotic moment, the actors rushed into the auditorium to tearfully hug their mothers, wives, and children as a group of guards stood close by watching. Then the men grouped back on stage to be counted, searched, and escorted back to their cells.
The performance was the second and last staging of a play — “Father Comes Home From the Wars” by Suzan-Lori Parks — by a group of men incarcerated at the Green Haven prison in Stormville, New York. The production was the culmination of a monthslong program with Rehabilitation Through the Arts, or RTA, an initiative that for more than two decades has offered arts programs to hundreds of people incarcerated in prisons across the state. A day earlier, the cast had performed before an enthusiastic audience of 350 fellow incarcerated men. Now, for the first time ever, officials at Green Haven had opened the prison’s gates to families and outside visitors.
For the duration of the two-hour play, a tragic if at times absurdist drama set in a slave cabin and on a Civil War battlefield, cast and audience seemed to forget they were deep inside several perimeters of walls and heavily secured gates. “I felt like I was at home, watching a TV show,” the sister of one of the actors told me.
Scenes from “Father Comes Home From the Wars” at Green Haven prison in Stormville, N.Y. Photos: Miranda Barnes for The Intercept
There were reminders, of course: The radios of a handful of guards standing along the auditorium’s walls crackled in the background as the play unfolded on stage. And Anthony Annucci, the acting commissioner of the New York State Department of Corrections and Community Supervision, introduced the performance by joking to the audience to silence their cellphones — a reminder that visitors had left all belongings behind and gone through a meticulous security screening before being allowed into the auditorium. The play started late because some family members had been held up at security. Other obstacles to doing theater in prison were playfully incorporated into the performance itself: Instead of a prop gun, an actor brandished a cardboard cutout spelling out the word “gun.” And because gray and navy were not only the colors of the Confederate and Union armies, but also those of New York corrections staff uniforms, actors playing soldiers on both sides of the conflict instead wore tan jackets, with “Confederate Gray Army Coat” and “Union Blue Army Coat” written on them.
But if staging a theatrical production in a maximum-security prison poses countless logistical challenges, doing so with a cutting play about slavery set in the midst of the Civil War, but deeply echoing the present reality of mass incarceration, pushes boundaries in untested ways. “We ask for a lot of out-of-the-box thinking for a production inside a maximum-security prison,” Katherine Vockins, RTA’s founder and executive director, told the audience before the play.
“I cannot underscore how difficult it is to do a show like this in this kind of environment,” echoed Paul Fitzgerald, the play’s director. “[This play] brings up a lot of issues about the American story.”
Prison officials had reviewed and approved the script before production started; some of the play’s most controversial scenes had been cut preemptively by RTA staff because of fears they might have “riled up the population in a certain way,” said Quanel Miller, one of the actors. “We’re limited here.”
“You kind of have to imagine what might be inflammatory or complicated in a way that’s just too much to take on and anticipate, and make those cuts accordingly,” Fitzgerald told me. “You just try to feel how uncomfortable can this get, how much can you push the envelope to create meaningful art, to create dialogue, to bring up issues without going too far given the environment.”
Despite the cuts, the performance was provocative and often uncomfortable. And while every line had been cleared ahead of time, there is a difference between reading stage directions in a script and watching two-dozen men, many imprisoned for decades, remove their “slave” uniforms and stomp on a stage declaring themselves free.
“Everyone who saw the play was blown away. It took them away for a moment. This play sends a message, that we’re human, we can do the same things that the rest of the world is doing.” Quanel Miller, 32
“Although we’re here because we committed crimes, it’s hard to say that there aren’t parallels with slavery.” Lenox Ramsay, 30
Things Changed for Me Here
“Father Comes Home From the Wars” is a difficult play under any circumstances. The drama traces the story of Hero, an enslaved man whose master promises him freedom in exchange for his service in the Civil War — “on the wrong side” of the war, as Hero’s close friend Homer reminds him early on. The play opens with Hero debating his choice, and Homer arguing that it is in fact no choice at all, that both options are “two sides of the same coin and the coin ain’t even in your pocket.”
“You’re waiting for him to give you freedom,” Homer tells Hero, “when you should take it.”
Homer himself tried that by running away. When he was caught, the master forced Hero at gunpoint to cut off his friend’s foot as punishment. But as the play progresses, the audience learns that Hero had actually snitched on Homer to the master, in exchange for yet another promise of freedom that was never fulfilled.
“‘Take your freedom’ is a line that resonates with me,” Lenox Ramsay, who played Homer, told me when I visited the cast during rehearsals. Ramsay, who is 30 years old and 11 years into a 17-year sentence, moved from prison to prison as he struggled to come to terms with his sentence, until four years ago when he landed at Green Haven and started taking college classes and discovered a passion for acting through RTA. “Things changed for me here,” he told me. “You have to make your freedom, you can’t let the time build up on you. We have this saying in prison, ‘Do the time, don’t let the time do you.’”
The play, which the cast members themselves selected, “resonated with a lot of us,” Ramsay added. In many ways, the parallels were obvious, and every line seemed to carry a double meaning when spoken in the prison context. “When I’m on that stage, I’m not acting. I really want to get away from there because I really want to get away from here,” said Melvin Davis, a 29-year-old who plays a runaway slave and is serving a 20-year sentence. “When you’re incarcerated, it’s like you’re back on the plantation.”
But the parallels are far more complex, and if the connection between slavery and incarceration was never explicit in the performance, it was nonetheless an unspoken theme throughout.
“Mass incarceration started soon after slavery ended, with vagrancy laws,” said Malcolm Baptiste, adding that he kept in his cell a copy of Michelle Alexander’s groundbreaking book “The New Jim Crow,” which traces a direct line from slavery to the contemporary prison system. “In the ’80s and ’90s, when I was a child, people in our community spoke about how mass incarceration was all part of the plan of those that control society.”
There is also a parallel between slavery and prison labor, Baptiste added. “We don’t get a fair wage,” he said. “No sick days, no vacation days.”
At age 42, and 24 years into a 50-to-life prison sentence, Baptiste works 30 hours a week as an assistant teacher and clerk at the prison. He makes 25 cents an hour — or $7.50 per week. At the prison’s commissary, he said, a box of Tide laundry detergent costs $5.50, almost a week’s pay. Email messages to family cost 33 cents per message and additional 33 cents for each attachment. “It’s capitalism,” he added. “Colonizers went to Africa, captured people, brought them to America and other countries, and sold them. … Today we have police targeting communities that are underserved, that are undereducated, underfunded, where there are no jobs.”
Other prisoners saw a connection between the play’s only white character — a Confederate colonel — and the mostly white guards at the prison. One of the play’s most excruciating scenes, the reenactment of a slave auction, was painfully reminiscent of the searches that incarcerated men regularly face. “This is a complicated play, it brings back feelings,” said Lamel Fabers, who played a runaway slave. “You can’t think just because I’m in prison, I’m an animal.”
“They still oppress us,” said Ernest Iverson, the play’s narrator.
When I asked him whether he thought prison staff watching the play may see a similar connection, he replied, “They’re not stupid. They’ll see the connection.”
“I had never thought about slavery. I didn’t really know what slavery was. I had no education, I didn’t know any of this. I didn’t care.” Lamel Fabers, 33
“I realize in hindsight a lot of the things I was doing as a youngster, I was really acting.” Malcolm Baptiste, 42
“Some guys are living here and mentally, they’re here. Their hearts and minds are here; they have to be. Me, I’m passing through. I can’t let this place define me.” Melvin Davis, 29
No One Really Deserves to Be in There
If any of the corrections officials felt called out by the performance, it didn’t show. “Everyone I have spoken to thought it was a very good performance,” said Marlyn Kopp, the deputy superintendent for programs at Green Haven. “It was a hard topic, and they handled it fantastically, honestly.”
“There are very talented people here, there’s no doubt about it,” a guard assigned to monitor one of the rehearsals told me. “It was amazing.” I asked him if the play resonated in a particular way, given the prison context. “They have a connection to it,” he replied, referring to the cast. Did guards feel a similar connection? “I don’t look at things this way,” he replied. Then, speaking of his job, “Nobody aspires to do this.”
But not all the guards were interested in the talent of the performers. One told me that he thought it was “preposterous” that inmates would be offered this kind of opportunity. “We don’t like them very much, they’re friends with the guys that assault my friends,” the guard said of the volunteers coming in to teach arts workshops. “In a way, they’re the enemy.”
“I’ve heard negative feedback like, Why would anyone offer these people anything and why aren’t you out working with the families of the victims?” said Margaret Ables, who produced the play and has worked with RTA for five years. “I understand that criticism, but the positive outcomes that we’ve seen from our membership just really convince me that this program is doing the right thing.”
Kopp, the deputy superintendent, said negative views among the prison staff were rare. “Am I going to have one or two staff members not feel the same as the rest, as you have heard? The majority are the opposite,” she said. “I don’t have a lot of backlash. … If the majority felt that way, I wouldn’t be able to get this kind of production off the ground.”
In fact, the production was a massive effort, logistically, for the cast and prison staff alike. Rehearsals had to be scheduled around periodic “counts” for which the cast had to be back in their cells. Because of restrictions on the movement of those incarcerated, someone was always missing. Every prop and costume had to be preapproved, inspected, and accounted for at all times. And when outside volunteers could not be at the prison, a committee of incarcerated men ran their own rehearsals.
On the day of the performance, guards escorted families “deep into the bowel of the prison,” as someone put it, beyond the visitation room relatives normally see, down seemingly endless, cold corridors along the prison’s yards, and past metal doors leading to housing blocks where three rows of cells sit one on top of the other. It was the closest look at life inside that most outsiders had ever had.
“I got a little feel of what it’s like, and honestly, that part was horrible for me,” said Gina Davis, Melvin Davis’s younger sister, after the performance. “It’s horrible; I don’t want him to be there.”
“I just want all of these men to come home,” she added. “Hopefully this time that they spent in there, they learned their lesson, and hopefully they come home and be better people, because honestly everyone deserves a second chance and people shouldn’t spend their entire lives behind bars. … No one really deserves to be in there.”
“This is the best decision I’ve ever made. I don’t even know what happened — I fell in love with acting.” Kevin Cocozello, 31
“The measure of a man is how much he can withstand.” Ernest Iverson, 40
The performance, rehearsals, and weekly classes RTA runs inside the prison offer a rare moment of escape for the program’s participants. Volunteers and staff with the program run dance, writing, visual arts, public speaking, and improvisation workshops, among other offerings. And while Green Haven also offers more traditional educational and vocational programming, RTA “allows for the inmates to grow in a totally different way than a sit-down type of program,” said Kopp, the deputy superintendent.
Most importantly, the program offers participants an opportunity to build deep relationships that the daily reality of life in prison often precludes. “Being in prison teaches you to close yourself off from trusting people,” said Melvin Davis. Theater demands the opposite. For the six months leading up to the performance, Davis rehearsed the part of Penny, the only female character in the play, as a professional actress was only allowed to join the crew for the last two weeks of rehearsals. “That was a real challenge for me, playing a female in a maximum-security prison,” said Davis, noting that he couldn’t have done it without the support of the rest of the cast. “You’re not in prison when you’re with RTA; it’s like family.”
Kevin Cocozello, the only white actor in the cast, had an equally challenging role: that of the ruthless, manic master and Confederate colonel. The character was so racist and violent that the actor originally assigned to play the part refused to do it. “It’s a really tough and ugly role for anybody, because the words and the actions of that character are so upsetting,” said Ables, the producer. “But even more so in an incarcerated space, where they’re very resonant.”
Cocozello said the role’s complexity “should be every actor’s dream.” But as an incarcerated man, 10 years into a 23-year sentence, he identified more with Hero. “Like him, I feel like there’s a part of my soul that is cut in two.”
Photo: Miranda Barnes for The Intercept
That was a sentiment many expressed — and they credited the exposure to theater for helping them come to terms with it.
“RTA helped me bring down the mask I had put up in prison,” said Hector Rodriguez, who has spent 25 of his 45 years in prison and is a veteran of the program. “In prison, you have to be this stoic character so you can survive. This helped me find myself. I still wear a mask, but now I know it’s not me, and sometimes there’s no need to wear it.”
Portraits by Miranda Barnes for The Intercept