theintercept--2020-07-07--The Census Is Reopening Too: Workers Fear Being Sacrificed to Coronavirus for the Sake of a Speedy T

The Census Is Reopening Too: Workers Fear Being Sacrificed to Coronavirus for the Sake of a Speedy Tally

was spreading wildly through New York City at the beginning of March , the U.S. government was reaching a critical moment in its hiring process for the 2020 decennial census .
Clerks offered temporary jobs to thousands of people , who were to be tasked with going door to door and collecting data from households later in the spring .
At one census office , dozens of job applicants arrived daily to stand in a line that at times snaked outside the front door , as people waited for background checks , according to a manager who worked at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anxiety as applicants took turns entering a small , poorly ventilated room , where a worker pressed their finger onto a scanner or piece of paper .
Though coronavirus was beginning to be known as a widespread public health risk , it would be weeks before wearing a mask became routine .
The manager , who declined to be named out of fear that speaking to the press could complicate their employment prospects , said they and others raised alarms in early March with regional census staff that the fingerprinting operation should be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Yet the project ran until March 18 , five days after President Donald Trump had declared a national emergency .
“ We were in the epicenter of the entire world , ” the manager said .
But the Census Bureau , which falls under the Department of Commerce , seemed uninterested in taking swift action to protect health : “ My sense was Washington , D.C. , really wanted to make sure that we got as much done as possible before we had to close our office.
” Census worker concerns regarding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The manager said that in the weeks that followed , they fielded complaints from at least 15 temporary census employees regarding coronavirus protections , which the manager felt were not taken seriously by the bureau .
As the office reopened in May , after two months , staff raised concerns that workers were not required to wear masks at all times , that the density of people in the office was unsafe , that the commute was risky , and telework options were lacking .
The Census Bureau fired the manager in mid-June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continuing to raise worker safety issues was the motivation .
“ The Census Bureau places the highest priority on the health and safety of our field employees , ” said a spokesperson for the U.S. Census Bureau in an emailed statement responding to questions from the Intercept .
“ As such , we consult and cooperate with local public health officials and governments to ensure we are meeting guidelines in communities throughout the United States.
” “ We will continue to address our employees ’ concerns regarding these matters as they arise , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York , along with the rest of the U.S. , reopening after months of pandemic shutdowns , most census offices have restarted the sprawling operations that were put on pause in March and April .
But observers are raising questions about whether the census will be safely carried out , with infection rates rising again in cities like Houston and regions like the Southeast and door-knockers now scheduled to carry out their work at the peak of hurricane season .
“ It is incumbent on the Census Bureau to go above and beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and well-being of its employees , but to ensure that its employees have confidence in the measures that are being taken , ” said Terri Ann Lowenthal , a census consultant for various organizations , who has worked more than three decades on census-related issues .
Time is of the essence .
The census is meant to provide a snapshot of the U.S. on April 1 of the year of the count .
Delays erode the quality of the data , and the census is already far behind schedule .
The U.S. Constitution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by December 31 .
That deadline has now been extended to April 30 , 2021 .
And the collection phase , which culminates with door-knockers visiting homes that have not responded , will conclude at the end of October , rather than the end of July .
That last phase is critical to reaching historically undercounted demographics , such as immigrants and American Indians .
Bad data can have significant impacts when it comes to how communities are represented in Congress , as well as what kind of federal funds they can access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a process known as apportionment , which determines the number of U.S. representatives each state sends to Capitol Hill .
An example of the type of federal funding doled out based on census numbers is the CARES Act , passed to provide coronavirus relief .
If a community is miscounted , the distribution of money is skewed .
Completing the Census is considered an essential activity , according to the Census Bureau spokesperson .
To protect against the spread of Covid-19 , the Bureau provides personal protective equipment to all employees , limits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an office at one time , and allows telework when possible .
A press release on the Census web site indicates that the Bureau follows local guidelines where it comes to requiring use of masks .
If the Census Bureau fails to take adequate health protection measures for its workers , it risks the health of the public as well as the staff , which includes a large number of retirees with Covid-19 health vulnerabilities .
It also sets the stage for a high worker turnover , more delays , and further degraded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Epicenter The New York census manager said their office received no direction from regional or national officials when they and a colleague began to discuss Covid-19 with staff in late February or early March .
In the second week in March , offices were offered $ 100 to buy cleaning supplies , a tepid first step at protecting workers .
After March 18 , the office was shut down .
Most of the workers , whose job was to interview and hire census-takers , were given no option to work from home .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ then furloughed .
Despite objections , managers continued to face pressure to come into the office .
The decennial census is a massive operation .
Over the course of more than two years , a temporary workforce of hundreds of thousands must be hired and deployed to tally every household in the U.S .
Given the size of the project , small disruptions or changes in plans can turn into huge problems .
Lowenthal , the census consultant , said that ’ s one reason that the bureau might be hesitant to develop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also noted that the bureau goes to great lengths to protect personal information .
Indeed , the justification offered to New York City employees for requiring they work in-office was the possibility that workers could retain potential employees ’ information if they worked from home , according to the manager as well as an office worker .
New York City hiring staff was asked to return to offices at the end of May .
A code of conduct distributed to employees noted that workers would be provided with two masks and would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a desk 6 feet from colleagues .
The office worker , who declined to be named because they need to keep their job , said workers were also provided with hand sanitizer and cleaning wipes , and were told to clean their phones and keyboards periodically .
However , the worker said , they feel uncomfortable in an enclosed setting where a number of employees work with no mask or their mask under their nose .
Not all workstations are positioned 6 feet apart , the worker said , and , since everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worker , people frequently get up to ask questions , at times without masks .
“ This is not a patio in a restaurant that has no roof , ” the office worker said .
“ Imagine being on an airplane and half the people aren ’ t wearing masks.
” The worker has never seen managers enforce mask guidelines .
The manager continued to push for a deep clean , an inspection of the site where fingerprinting would resume , and guidance on how to encourage mask-wearing — before they were let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alone in raising these issues on workers ’ behalf .
In a survey administered by the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office , which provides research to Congress , less than half of Area Census Office managers said they were satisfied with the regional and national census offices ’ communications about the pandemic .
And only about half of the managers surveyed in New York were confident in their ability to safely manage census employees and operations .
In comments submitted through the survey , managers raised concerns about whether public health guidelines were being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about telework , including that workers were still being required to go to the office throughout April and that there weren ’ t enough laptops in some areas to make working from home possible for all managers .
“ A lot of people are scared , ” the office worker said .
However , with the economy in a recession , the Census Bureau is one of few employment options in many areas .
The office worker has family to support , and calms their anxieties through faith in a higher power .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ God , he wants me to keep working , ” the worker said .
Although the worker sees the risk of coronavirus everywhere , they need the money : “ In a way , I go to work very happily.
” After the Intercept sent an inquiry to the Bureau , the office where the clerk works implemented a new , staggered schedule of work shifts .
The move was framed as a protective measure against the spread of Covid-19 .
For now , most of the census-related health concerns center around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fan out in isolated areas , where a single worker will make contact with numerous homes .
Given the size of the workforce nationally , it ’ s inevitable that some employees and some of the residents interacting with them will have Covid-19 .
A measure like testing such workers for Covid-19 before they begin the work , which the Census Bureau has not so far committed to do , would only have limited impact , since the job entails continuing to interact with new strangers .
In the end , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the census process will largely rely on the bureau ’ s ability to communicate safety protocol , provide equipment , and set up appropriate gathering spaces .
“ The Census Bureau has enough funding to go overboard in terms of spending on PPE ” — personal protective equipment — “ perhaps even funding and paying for more space to train and fingerprint and carry out other duties in order for employees to feel safe , ” said Lowenthal .
To scrap the census and do it over would require a new yearlong planning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new round of hiring .
Delaying the constitutionally mandated appropriations process would cause significant complications .
However , along with the new outbreaks , many experts are warning of a potential second wave of infections in September .
“ If the Bureau faces any future disruptions such as natural disasters , like hurricanes — wildfires are also a concern in some parts of the country — or a renewed widespread lockdown of communities because of coronavirus , its ability to produce a census that meets its own quality standards as well as public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lowenthal .
“ It would give the Bureau pause .
”

As the coronavirus was spreading wildly through New York City at the beginning of March, the U.S. government was reaching a critical moment in its hiring process for the 2020 decennial census. Clerks offered temporary jobs to thousands of people, who were to be tasked with going door to door and collecting data from households later in the spring.
At one census office, dozens of job applicants arrived daily to stand in a line that at times snaked outside the front door, as people waited for background checks, according to a manager who worked at the office. The manager looked on with anxiety as applicants took turns entering a small, poorly ventilated room, where a worker pressed their finger onto a scanner or piece of paper. Though coronavirus was beginning to be known as a widespread public health risk, it would be weeks before wearing a mask became routine.
The manager, who declined to be named out of fear that speaking to the press could complicate their employment prospects, said they and others raised alarms in early March with regional census staff that the fingerprinting operation should be shuttered and additional health protections were needed. Yet the project ran until March 18, five days after President Donald Trump had declared a national emergency.
“We were in the epicenter of the entire world. My sense was Washington, D.C., really wanted to make sure that we got as much done as possible before we had to close our office.”
“We were in the epicenter of the entire world,” the manager said. But the Census Bureau, which falls under the Department of Commerce, seemed uninterested in taking swift action to protect health: “My sense was Washington, D.C., really wanted to make sure that we got as much done as possible before we had to close our office.”
Census worker concerns regarding Covid-19 didn’t stop there. The manager said that in the weeks that followed, they fielded complaints from at least 15 temporary census employees regarding coronavirus protections, which the manager felt were not taken seriously by the bureau. As the office reopened in May, after two months, staff raised concerns that workers were not required to wear masks at all times, that the density of people in the office was unsafe, that the commute was risky, and telework options were lacking. The Census Bureau fired the manager in mid-June, leaving them with the suspicion that continuing to raise worker safety issues was the motivation.
“The Census Bureau places the highest priority on the health and safety of our field employees,” said a spokesperson for the U.S. Census Bureau in an emailed statement responding to questions from the Intercept. “As such, we consult and cooperate with local public health officials and governments to ensure we are meeting guidelines in communities throughout the United States.”
“We will continue to address our employees’ concerns regarding these matters as they arise,” the spokesperson said.
Reopening the Census
With New York, along with the rest of the U.S., reopening after months of pandemic shutdowns, most census offices have restarted the sprawling operations that were put on pause in March and April. But observers are raising questions about whether the census will be safely carried out, with infection rates rising again in cities like Houston and regions like the Southeast and door-knockers now scheduled to carry out their work at the peak of hurricane season.
“It is incumbent on the Census Bureau to go above and beyond, to not only protect the health and well-being of its employees, but to ensure that its employees have confidence in the measures that are being taken,” said Terri Ann Lowenthal, a census consultant for various organizations, who has worked more than three decades on census-related issues.
Time is of the essence. The census is meant to provide a snapshot of the U.S. on April 1 of the year of the count. Delays erode the quality of the data, and the census is already far behind schedule.
The U.S. Constitution indicates that the census should be completed by December 31. That deadline has now been extended to April 30, 2021. And the collection phase, which culminates with door-knockers visiting homes that have not responded, will conclude at the end of October, rather than the end of July. That last phase is critical to reaching historically undercounted demographics, such as immigrants and American Indians.
Bad data can have significant impacts when it comes to how communities are represented in Congress, as well as what kind of federal funds they can access. The data will be used for a process known as apportionment, which determines the number of U.S. representatives each state sends to Capitol Hill. An example of the type of federal funding doled out based on census numbers is the CARES Act, passed to provide coronavirus relief. If a community is miscounted, the distribution of money is skewed.
Completing the Census is considered an essential activity, according to the Census Bureau spokesperson. To protect against the spread of Covid-19, the Bureau provides personal protective equipment to all employees, limits the number of staff that work in an office at one time, and allows telework when possible. A press release on the Census web site indicates that the Bureau follows local guidelines where it comes to requiring use of masks.
If the Census Bureau fails to take adequate health protection measures for its workers, it risks the health of the public as well as the staff, which includes a large number of retirees with Covid-19 health vulnerabilities. It also sets the stage for a high worker turnover, more delays, and further degraded data.
Little Guidance at the Pandemic Epicenter
The New York census manager said their office received no direction from regional or national officials when they and a colleague began to discuss Covid-19 with staff in late February or early March. In the second week in March, offices were offered $100 to buy cleaning supplies, a tepid first step at protecting workers. After March 18, the office was shut down. Most of the workers, whose job was to interview and hire census-takers, were given no option to work from home. They were paid for four weeks and then furloughed. Despite objections, managers continued to face pressure to come into the office.
The decennial census is a massive operation. Over the course of more than two years, a temporary workforce of hundreds of thousands must be hired and deployed to tally every household in the U.S. Given the size of the project, small disruptions or changes in plans can turn into huge problems. Lowenthal, the census consultant, said that’s one reason that the bureau might be hesitant to develop new processes to allow telework. She also noted that the bureau goes to great lengths to protect personal information.
Read Our Complete Coverage The Coronavirus Crisis
Indeed, the justification offered to New York City employees for requiring they work in-office was the possibility that workers could retain potential employees’ information if they worked from home, according to the manager as well as an office worker.
New York City hiring staff was asked to return to offices at the end of May. A code of conduct distributed to employees noted that workers would be provided with two masks and would be required to wear one unless seated at a desk 6 feet from colleagues. The office worker, who declined to be named because they need to keep their job, said workers were also provided with hand sanitizer and cleaning wipes, and were told to clean their phones and keyboards periodically.
However, the worker said, they feel uncomfortable in an enclosed setting where a number of employees work with no mask or their mask under their nose. Not all workstations are positioned 6 feet apart, the worker said, and, since everyone — including management — is a temporary worker, people frequently get up to ask questions, at times without masks.
“This is not a patio in a restaurant that has no roof,” the office worker said. “Imagine being on an airplane and half the people aren’t wearing masks.” The worker has never seen managers enforce mask guidelines.
“This is not a patio in a restaurant that has no roof. Imagine being on an airplane and half the people aren’t wearing masks.”
The manager continued to push for a deep clean, an inspection of the site where fingerprinting would resume, and guidance on how to encourage mask-wearing — before they were let go.
The office manager is not alone in raising these issues on workers’ behalf. In a survey administered by the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office, which provides research to Congress, less than half of Area Census Office managers said they were satisfied with the regional and national census offices’ communications about the pandemic. And only about half of the managers surveyed in New York were confident in their ability to safely manage census employees and operations.
In comments submitted through the survey, managers raised concerns about whether public health guidelines were being effectively followed. Fifteen managers registered concerns about telework, including that workers were still being required to go to the office throughout April and that there weren’t enough laptops in some areas to make working from home possible for all managers.
“A lot of people are scared,” the office worker said. However, with the economy in a recession, the Census Bureau is one of few employment options in many areas. The office worker has family to support, and calms their anxieties through faith in a higher power. “Maybe if there’s a God, he wants me to keep working,” the worker said. Although the worker sees the risk of coronavirus everywhere, they need the money: “In a way, I go to work very happily.”
After the Intercept sent an inquiry to the Bureau, the office where the clerk works implemented a new, staggered schedule of work shifts. The move was framed as a protective measure against the spread of Covid-19.
Risks to the Public Ahead
For now, most of the census-related health concerns center around the office environment, but door-knockers are beginning to fan out in isolated areas, where a single worker will make contact with numerous homes. Given the size of the workforce nationally, it’s inevitable that some employees and some of the residents interacting with them will have Covid-19. A measure like testing such workers for Covid-19 before they begin the work, which the Census Bureau has not so far committed to do, would only have limited impact, since the job entails continuing to interact with new strangers.
In the end, the number of people who are sickened during the census process will largely rely on the bureau’s ability to communicate safety protocol, provide equipment, and set up appropriate gathering spaces. “The Census Bureau has enough funding to go overboard in terms of spending on PPE” — personal protective equipment — “perhaps even funding and paying for more space to train and fingerprint and carry out other duties in order for employees to feel safe,” said Lowenthal.
Do you have a coronavirus story you want to share? Email us at coronavirus@theintercept.com or use one of these secure methods to contact a reporter.
To scrap the census and do it over would require a new yearlong planning process, Lowenthal said, and a new round of hiring. Delaying the constitutionally mandated appropriations process would cause significant complications.
However, along with the new outbreaks, many experts are warning of a potential second wave of infections in September. “If the Bureau faces any future disruptions such as natural disasters, like hurricanes — wildfires are also a concern in some parts of the country — or a renewed widespread lockdown of communities because of coronavirus, its ability to produce a census that meets its own quality standards as well as public expectations could be compromised,” said Lowenthal. “It would give the Bureau pause.”


theintercept--2020-07-07--Purdue Pharma Made Political Contributions After Going Bankrupt

Meanwhile , in December , the Democratic Attorneys General Association accepted $ 25,000 in donations from the company , according to data collected by Political MoneyLine .
Several members of the Association are leading the litigation against Purdue .
Last September , Purdue Pharma filed for bankruptcy after several cities sued the company for its role in creating the opioid crisis .
By going bankrupt , it was able to get all litigation stayed ; family members of the over 500,000 victims of the opioid crisis are now just creditors in the bankruptcy .
The Sackler family — including Jonathan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ died Monday — made off with over $ 10 billion in company funds .
In January , the Democratic Governors Association , headed by New Jersey Gov .
Phil Murphy , accepted $ 50,000 from Purdue Pharma , as did the Republican Governors Association , headed by Texas Gov .
Greg Abbott .
Those donations come as states , including New Jersey , California , Delaware , Iowa , Kentucky , Maine , Massachusetts , Montana , Tennessee , and Vermont , are considering excise taxes on prescription opioids — which would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Purdue is not publicly traded and as a result does not have to disclose risk factors to investors , close allies of Purdue , including the Healthcare Distribution Alliance and the lobbying group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America , or PhRMA , have vocally opposed the taxes .
Fellow pharmaceutical companies Mallinckrodt and Endo International have raised concerns that the taxes could materially affect their bottom line in SEC disclosures .
To date just five states — New York , Minnesota , Rhode Island , Maine , and Delaware — have implemented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Levitin , a bankruptcy law professor at Georgetown University , called the donations “ astonishing.
” “ Given the politics of the case , there ’ s something incredibly brazen about this , such that I ’ m shocked that Purdue didn ’ t seek court approval , ” Levitin said of the DAGA donation .
“ That they would give to the Dem AGs , but not the GOP AGs is really problematic given that the most aggressive AGs have been Dems.
” Purdue was much more generous with the Republican Attorneys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donating $ 125,000 to the organization in the 2018 election cycle .
Purdue also donated over $ 500,000 to RAGA in 2016 , when the organization spent $ 6.4 million to reelect former pharmaceutical lobbyist Patrick Morrissey , among others , as attorney general of West Virginia .
DAGA , on the other hand , has received a total of $ 235,000 from Purdue Pharma since October 2014 — and $ 155,000 from PhRMA while Purdue was a member .
Despite the contributions , only two Democratic attorneys general have broken ranks with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sackler family : New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas and Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel .
Nessel has said that she believes the proposed settlement is the quickest way to get money to fight the bankruptcy .
In doing so , Balderas and Nessel implicitly support the stay on litigation that has prevented victims from getting heard in court .
DAGA spent over $ 500,000 in outside money in 2018 to ensure Nessel ’ s victory .
“ Michigan Attorney General Nessel ’ s decision to support the proposed settlement as part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of factors , including bringing as much money into our state as possible as quickly as possible , ” said Kelly Rossman-McKinney , a spokesperson for Nessel .
“ To imply that any contribution to DAGA had an impact on her decision is not only untrue , but it ignores the complexities of this matter , the myriad of stakeholders participating , and the ongoing work that is being done to maximize the value of the settlement for claimants.
” DAGA , which is set up to elect Democratic attorneys general , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contributions for campaign-related expenses .
The DGA and RGA did not respond to requests for comment .
Neither did Purdue Pharma .
“ It certainly appears that Purdue Pharma is playing the game to try to influence litigation , ” said Craig Holman , a government affairs lobbyist with Public Citizen .
“ Certainly this is a good way of doing it , giving money to the governors and the attorneys general association .
… [ Purdue is ] not doing it for partisan purposes , they seem to be doing it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in.
” RAGA and DAGA , Holman said , are “ organizations in which AGs have one-on-one contact not only with themselves but with any donors that give the group money .
It ’ s a very close knit network and that ’ s why it makes it easy to influence the decision of AGs.
” Outside of Nessel and Balderas , Democratic attorneys general are united on a common approach : seeking a more just settlement and ensuring that litigation against Purdue and the Sacklers can continue .
No state attorney general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Sacklers for their role in the opioid crisis .
Informed of the campaign contributions , OxyJustice — a group founded by artist Nan Goldin , who has attracted notoriety for organizing protests that demand art institutions return donations from the Sackler — connected the donations to a settlement that recovery advocates feel is woefully inadequate .
“ We are alarmed , but not surprised , to learn of Purdue ’ s pervasive influence , ” the group told The Intercept in a statement .
“ As we fight for transparency and accountability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demand that the government reject blood money—whether from campaign contributions or settlement offers .
In court , the most important voices are being drowned out—those of the people harmed .
”

Last September, Purdue Pharma filed for bankruptcy after several cities sued the company for its role in creating the opioid crisis. By going bankrupt, it was able to get all litigation stayed; family members of the over 500,000 victims of the opioid crisis are now just creditors in the bankruptcy. The Sackler family — including Jonathan Sackler, a co-owner of Purdue who died Monday — made off with over $10 billion in company funds.
Meanwhile, in December, the Democratic Attorneys General Association accepted $25,000 in donations from the company, according to data collected by Political MoneyLine. Several members of the Association are leading the litigation against Purdue. The Republican Attorneys General Association received $60,000 in October.
In January, the Democratic Governors Association, headed by New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, accepted $50,000 from Purdue Pharma, as did the Republican Governors Association, headed by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. Those donations come as states, including New Jersey, California, Delaware, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Massachusetts, Montana, Tennessee, and Vermont, are considering excise taxes on prescription opioids — which would be approved and implemented by governors.
While Purdue is not publicly traded and as a result does not have to disclose risk factors to investors, close allies of Purdue, including the Healthcare Distribution Alliance and the lobbying group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, or PhRMA, have vocally opposed the taxes. Fellow pharmaceutical companies Mallinckrodt and Endo International have raised concerns that the taxes could materially affect their bottom line in SEC disclosures. To date just five states — New York, Minnesota, Rhode Island, Maine, and Delaware — have implemented an opioid tax or fee.
Purdue was much more generous with the Republican Attorneys General Association prior to the bankruptcy, donating $125,000 to the organization in the 2018 election cycle. Purdue also donated over $500,000 to RAGA in 2016, when the organization spent $6.4 million to reelect former pharmaceutical lobbyist Patrick Morrissey, among others, as attorney general of West Virginia. DAGA, on the other hand, has received a total of $235,000 from Purdue Pharma since October 2014 — and $155,000 from PhRMA while Purdue was a member.
Despite the contributions, only two Democratic attorneys general have broken ranks with the common front against Purdue and the Sackler family: New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas and Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel. Nessel has said that she believes the proposed settlement is the quickest way to get money to fight the bankruptcy. In doing so, Balderas and Nessel implicitly support the stay on litigation that has prevented victims from getting heard in court. DAGA spent over $500,000 in outside money in 2018 to ensure Nessel’s victory.
“Michigan Attorney General Nessel’s decision to support the proposed settlement as part of the Purdue bankruptcy was based on a number of factors, including bringing as much money into our state as possible as quickly as possible,” said Kelly Rossman-McKinney, a spokesperson for Nessel. “To imply that any contribution to DAGA had an impact on her decision is not only untrue, but it ignores the complexities of this matter, the myriad of stakeholders participating, and the ongoing work that is being done to maximize the value of the settlement for claimants.”
DAGA, which is set up to elect Democratic attorneys general, said that it does not use pharmaceutical contributions for campaign-related expenses. The DGA and RGA did not respond to requests for comment. Neither did Purdue Pharma.
“It certainly appears that Purdue Pharma is playing the game to try to influence litigation,” said Craig Holman, a government affairs lobbyist with Public Citizen. “Certainly this is a good way of doing it, giving money to the governors and the attorneys general association. … [Purdue is] not doing it for partisan purposes, they seem to be doing it to influence the litigation that they are involved in.”
RAGA and DAGA, Holman said, are “organizations in which AGs have one-on-one contact not only with themselves but with any donors that give the group money. It’s a very close knit network and that’s why it makes it easy to influence the decision of AGs.”
Outside of Nessel and Balderas, Democratic attorneys general are united on a common approach: seeking a more just settlement and ensuring that litigation against Purdue and the Sacklers can continue. No state attorney general or prosecutor has filed criminal charges against the Sacklers for their role in the opioid crisis.
Informed of the campaign contributions, OxyJustice — a group founded by artist Nan Goldin, who has attracted notoriety for organizing protests that demand art institutions return donations from the Sackler — connected the donations to a settlement that recovery advocates feel is woefully inadequate. “We are alarmed, but not surprised, to learn of Purdue’s pervasive influence,” the group told The Intercept in a statement. “As we fight for transparency and accountability in Purdue’s bankruptcy, we demand that the government reject blood money—whether from campaign contributions or settlement offers. In court, the most important voices are being drowned out—those of the people harmed.”
Correction: July 11, 2020
This story originally stated that the Republican Attorneys General Association had not received recent contributions from Purdue. RAGA did receive $60,000 in contributions in October. The piece has been updated to correct this error and to remove a relevant comment from Adam Levitin, a bankruptcy professor at Georgetown University, on the donations.


theintercept--2020-07-08--A Family Separated Between El Salvador and the U.S., First Blocked by Trump and Then Coronavirus

morning , 6-year-old Belén Martínez went to one of her favorite spots in her house in San Salvador : her aunt ’ s vanity , where she likes to play dress up .
But instead of smiling at the mirror , she began to cry .
When her aunt found her there , Belén said she had been praying to God that the coronavirus would go away .
She knows the pandemic is the reason she isn ’ t with her dad .
Belén and her three sisters — Amy , 19 ; Abigail , 16 ; and Génesis , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , awaiting the end of a long process that would bring them to their father , who lives in Bakersfield , California .
The girls were packed and ready to go when their flight was canceled due to lockdowns in El Salvador .
It wasn ’ t the first time their plans had been scuttled .
Three years ago , they ’ d been about to leave when the Trump administration tried to cancel the refugee program that was their ticket out .
“ We were sad because there were only a few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situation as before , ” said Abigail .
“ But how were we going to know that this pandemic was going to happen ?
” The sisters are among 2,700 children approved for refugee status or temporary residence through the Central American Minors , or CAM , program , which began in 2014 under the Obama administration .
The program had strict parameters : Only unmarried children under the age of 21 in Guatemala , Honduras , and El Salvador — with a parent legally residing in the U.S. — were allowed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ migration option for children who might otherwise make the dangerous journey through Mexico to the U.S. border — and the Martínez sisters were among the lucky few who met all the requirements for it .
But the lifeline thrown to them during the Obama administration has been dangled over their heads during Donald Trump ’ s presidency .
In 2017 , the administration abruptly terminated the program .
In March 2019 , a judge said the administration had to go through with resettlement for people like the Martínez sisters , who were already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ require that the government accept new applications for the program .
The coronavirus was another reminder to the Martínez sisters of their precarious situation .
Their flight was canceled when Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele closed the airport during the pandemic .
Soon after , on March 19 , the U.S. stopped receiving refugee arrivals except in emergency cases .
The Trump administration has used the pandemic to ramp up a restrictive immigration agenda , effectively ending asylum at the U.S. southern border .
Now , as El Salvador begins to reopen its economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remains unclear .
The International Organization for Migration , which administers CAM , says it is working to ensure swift travel for these families , but does not have an exact date .
The U.S. State Department said it would “ seek to resume refugee arrivals when it is safe and logistically feasible to do so.
” The uncertainty of the past few years has made it difficult for the oldest Martínez sisters to make plans .
Amy graduated from high school and wants to study video game design .
But she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program in El Salvador just to drop out and start over in the U.S. Abigail , 16 , said goodbye to her friends in March only to find out she was not yet leaving .
“ For now , we don ’ t know if we ’ re going or not , so meanwhile we just have to focus on our studies , ” said Abigail .
Their younger sisters are anxious to move and often ask when they ’ ll be able to go .
The girls ’ father , Manuel Martínez @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his home in Bakersfield since 2017 .
“ Every day [ without them ] is a day without peace , ” he said .
Martínez has lived in the U.S. for more than 20 years , frequently traveling to El Salvador to spend time with family .
He is one of nearly 250,000 Salvadorans with Temporary Protected Status , or TPS , a reprieve from deportation which was granted to Salvadorans living in the U.S. in 2001 after a monstrous earthquake rocked their home country .
The status was renewed every 18 months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the protection for Salvadorans in January 2018 .
The Department of Homeland Security has since extended TPS for Salvadorans until January 2021 , but Manuel and many others still have no pathway to citizenship .
This means he has few options to bring family legally to the U.S. Paying a coyote to bring the girls across the border could put his daughters ’ physical and emotional well-being at risk , he said .
“ I know how difficult it is to cross illegally , ” he said .
“ Never in my life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like that.
” In fiscal year 2019 , more than 60,000 unaccompanied minors from El Salvador , Guatemala , and Honduras crossed the U.S border .
Many flee violence and have no legal route to immigrate to the U.S. from their home countries , so instead they try to reach the border and ask for asylum .
CIMITRA , an NGO in El Salvador that assists CAM applicants , estimates that at least 80 percent of the minors in the program are fleeing violence .
Others who aren ’ t fleeing an immediate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lasts for two years .
In 2015 , the Martínez girls ’ mother died of lupus , and Manuel felt it was even more pressing that he be reunited with his daughters and watch them grow up .
Around that time , Manuel heard about the CAM program from a distant family member .
The Martínez family were part of a select few who qualified for the program .
That was by design , explained Oscar Chacón , executive director of Alianza Americas , a migrant rights organization with offices in the U.S @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perfect on paper , he said , but failed to address the reality of many Central American minors fleeing imminent violence by gangs , partners or family members , or state forces .
The process of applying was extremely tedious , he said .
“ For many people , waiting so long was impossible.
” Others didn ’ t qualify based on the requirement that parents be legally in the U.S .
Despite its shortcomings , the program was an invaluable opportunity for Central American children like the Martínez sisters .
The four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 after extensive interviews and medical checks .
“ We were really excited back then , even more than now , ” said Abigail .
She began to dream about her life in the U.S. , what high school would be like , and how she might help her father with his trucking business one day .
When the Trump administration abruptly ended the program , her planning ended too .
“ It was a big blow , ” she said .
“ All of a sudden our efforts were for nothing.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to resume processing applications that had already been approved , the family once more began collecting medical checks , interviews , and paperwork .
But the girls were more skeptical this time .
“ I don ’ t want to get my hopes up , ” said Amy in February .
“ We know it could happen in any moment , but we ’ re not as excited as we were before , ” said Abigail .
Their comments proved to be prescient when their flight was canceled .
“ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to wait , ” said Manuel .

On a recent morning, 6-year-old Belén Martínez went to one of her favorite spots in her house in San Salvador: her aunt’s vanity, where she likes to play dress up. But instead of smiling at the mirror, she began to cry. When her aunt found her there, Belén said she had been praying to God that the coronavirus would go away. She knows the pandemic is the reason she isn’t with her dad.
Belén and her three sisters — Amy, 19; Abigail, 16; and Génesis, 8 — are stuck in El Salvador, awaiting the end of a long process that would bring them to their father, who lives in Bakersfield, California. The girls were packed and ready to go when their flight was canceled due to lockdowns in El Salvador. It wasn’t the first time their plans had been scuttled. Three years ago, they’d been about to leave when the Trump administration tried to cancel the refugee program that was their ticket out.
“We were sad because there were only a few days left and it was the same situation as before,” said Abigail. “But how were we going to know that this pandemic was going to happen?”
The sisters are among 2,700 children approved for refugee status or temporary residence through the Central American Minors, or CAM, program, which began in 2014 under the Obama administration. The program had strict parameters: Only unmarried children under the age of 21 in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador — with a parent legally residing in the U.S. — were allowed to apply.
CAM was the only official migration option for children who might otherwise make the dangerous journey through Mexico to the U.S. border — and the Martínez sisters were among the lucky few who met all the requirements for it. But the lifeline thrown to them during the Obama administration has been dangled over their heads during Donald Trump’s presidency. In 2017, the administration abruptly terminated the program. In March 2019, a judge said the administration had to go through with resettlement for people like the Martínez sisters, who were already approved, though the ruling did not require that the government accept new applications for the program.
The coronavirus was another reminder to the Martínez sisters of their precarious situation. Their flight was canceled when Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele closed the airport during the pandemic. Soon after, on March 19, the U.S. stopped receiving refugee arrivals except in emergency cases.
The Trump administration has used the pandemic to ramp up a restrictive immigration agenda, effectively ending asylum at the U.S. southern border. Now, as El Salvador begins to reopen its economy, the fate of the Martínez sisters remains unclear. The International Organization for Migration, which administers CAM, says it is working to ensure swift travel for these families, but does not have an exact date. The U.S. State Department said it would “seek to resume refugee arrivals when it is safe and logistically feasible to do so.”
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The uncertainty of the past few years has made it difficult for the oldest Martínez sisters to make plans. Amy graduated from high school and wants to study video game design. But she’s been hesitant to enroll in a program in El Salvador just to drop out and start over in the U.S. Abigail, 16, said goodbye to her friends in March only to find out she was not yet leaving. “For now, we don’t know if we’re going or not, so meanwhile we just have to focus on our studies,” said Abigail. Their younger sisters are anxious to move and often ask when they’ll be able to go.
Abigail Martínez, 16, and Amy Martínez, 19, in San Salvador on February 25, 2020. Photo: Fred Ramos
The girls’ father, Manuel Martínez, has had their rooms ready at his home in Bakersfield since 2017. “Every day [without them] is a day without peace,” he said.
Martínez has lived in the U.S. for more than 20 years, frequently traveling to El Salvador to spend time with family. He is one of nearly 250,000 Salvadorans with Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, a reprieve from deportation which was granted to Salvadorans living in the U.S. in 2001 after a monstrous earthquake rocked their home country. The status was renewed every 18 months until the Trump administration decided to end the protection for Salvadorans in January 2018.
The Department of Homeland Security has since extended TPS for Salvadorans until January 2021, but Manuel and many others still have no pathway to citizenship. This means he has few options to bring family legally to the U.S.
“I know how difficult it is to cross illegally. Never in my life would I want my daughters to cross like that.”
Paying a coyote to bring the girls across the border could put his daughters’ physical and emotional well-being at risk, he said. “I know how difficult it is to cross illegally,” he said. “Never in my life would I want my daughters to cross like that.”
In fiscal year 2019, more than 60,000 unaccompanied minors from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras crossed the U.S border. Many flee violence and have no legal route to immigrate to the U.S. from their home countries, so instead they try to reach the border and ask for asylum. CIMITRA, an NGO in El Salvador that assists CAM applicants, estimates that at least 80 percent of the minors in the program are fleeing violence. Others who aren’t fleeing an immediate threat can receive humanitarian parole, which lasts for two years.
In 2015, the Martínez girls’ mother died of lupus, and Manuel felt it was even more pressing that he be reunited with his daughters and watch them grow up. Around that time, Manuel heard about the CAM program from a distant family member. The Martínez family were part of a select few who qualified for the program.
That was by design, explained Oscar Chacón, executive director of Alianza Americas, a migrant rights organization with offices in the U.S and Central America. The program sounded perfect on paper, he said, but failed to address the reality of many Central American minors fleeing imminent violence by gangs, partners or family members, or state forces.
The process of applying was extremely tedious, he said. “For many people, waiting so long was impossible.” Others didn’t qualify based on the requirement that parents be legally in the U.S.
Despite its shortcomings, the program was an invaluable opportunity for Central American children like the Martínez sisters.
The four girls were finally approved for travel in 2016 after extensive interviews and medical checks. “We were really excited back then, even more than now,” said Abigail. She began to dream about her life in the U.S., what high school would be like, and how she might help her father with his trucking business one day. When the Trump administration abruptly ended the program, her planning ended too.
“It was a big blow,” she said. “All of a sudden our efforts were for nothing.”
When a judge ordered the Trump administration to resume processing applications that had already been approved, the family once more began collecting medical checks, interviews, and paperwork. But the girls were more skeptical this time. “I don’t want to get my hopes up,” said Amy in February. “We know it could happen in any moment, but we’re not as excited as we were before,” said Abigail.
Their comments proved to be prescient when their flight was canceled.
“It’s a bitter pill to swallow, having to wait,” said Manuel.
Fred Ramos contributed reporting.