theintercept--2020-06-24--Trump Made a Racist Joke in a Phoenix Megachurch and the Crowd Went Wild

, at first it was hard to say which moment in Donald Trump ’ s rally at a Phoenix megachurch on Tuesday was the ugliest .
Was it when the president of the United States repeated the racist joke he told last weekend in Tulsa , calling Covid-19 , the viral disease that emerged in China last year , the “ Kung Flu ; ” or was it a spilt second later , when thousands of his young supporters erupted in cheers ?
The president ’ s attempt to divert attention away from his botched pandemic response , which has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives , by inciting racist resentment against the nation where the virus jumped from animals to humans , is deeply ugly .
As is the fact that thousands of Republican student activists , packed tightly together inside , ignoring social distancing and mask-wearing , responded with thunderous applause .
But there was something even more disturbing about the incident that was not immediately apparent on the live broadcast .
Video recorded from inside the packed Dream City Church by the photojournalist Nick Oza revealed that Trump and his fans had shared a moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ build up to the joke .
Trump began by observing that the pandemic illness he has spent the past two months downplaying is known by a confusing array of terms .
He then paused to ask the assembled student activists if they had seen his speech in Tulsa where he made the same point .
When they cheered in response , he started to list some of what he said were the “ 19 or 20 names ” for the disease , most of which referred in some way to its origins in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Wuhan — Wuhan was catching on , ” the crowd began to murmur with excitement , clearly anticipating that the president was about to repeat the slur his aides had spent the previous day denying was racist .
When Trump drew out the tension by offering “ Coronavirus ” as the next name in his list , one excited voice after another shouted from the crowd : “ Kung Flu !
” “ Kung Flu !
” “ Kung Flu !
” The president completed the call-and-response by saying , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was met with frenzied applause .
Oza ’ s footage shows that several young men leaped to their feet , pumping their fists in the air in exultation , apparently thrilled to see their hero transgress all bounds of common decency right in front of them .
Weijia Jiang , a White House correspondent for CBS News , who reported in March that a White House staffer had made the same racist joke about the disease to her face , noted on Twitter that “ Trump relished the feedback ” from the crowd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out material at rallies like a stand up comedian , and it appears this is going to be part of his act , ” she added .
After a bizarre aside , in which the president seemed to suggest he was unsure what the 19 in Covid-19 stands for — “ I say , ‘ What ’ s the 19 ?
’ Covid-19 .
Some people can ’ t explain what the 19… ” — ( it refers to 2019 , the year the new coronavirus disease emerged ) , Trump returned to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some people call it the Chinese Flu , the China Flu , right ?
” Trump said , making it clear that his intention is to blame China for not containing the virus his own government has all but given up on suppressing .
As if the spectacle of the president actively inciting a racist backlash against Chinese-Americans wasn ’ t appalling enough , the alternate names for the disease he proposed were also a slap in the face of public health experts , who have spent the past five months trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deadly new illness , which could have longterm health effects for even those who survive it , is not , as Trump repeatedly insisted at the start of the outbreak , merely a form of influenza .
The president ’ s effort to pretend that the viral outbreak has been contained , which no doubt encouraged almost all of the young activists in the hall to crowd together without masks , even extended to telling them at one point that the United States , in the past two months , has lived through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic.
” Trump also repeated his false claim that the spike in new cases in states that have pressed ahead with reopening businesses without meeting the benchmarks for containment released by his own coronavirus task force was merely a statistical blip caused by more widespread testing .
As he did , someone in the audience reportedly shouted out , “ Stop the testing !
” What made that exchange accidentally revealing is that the audience member , a supporter of the president , was at that moment risking infection by being in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no one was wearing a mask , while Trump himself , who is protected from the virus by having everyone he interacts with tested daily , was standing at a safe distance from the crowd , alone on stage , and more than 10 feet from a separate podium set up for other speakers to use .
If Trump wants to demonstrate that testing really is , as he has said , “ overrated , ” and there is no need for Americans to fear infection , he could start by no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be tested first , and get back to shaking some hands at his next rally .

Watching from home , at first it was hard to say which moment in Donald Trump’s rally at a Phoenix megachurch on Tuesday was the ugliest. Was it when the president of the United States repeated the racist joke he told last weekend in Tulsa, calling Covid-19, the viral disease that emerged in China last year, the “Kung Flu;” or was it a split second later, when thousands of his young supporters erupted in cheers?
The president’s attempt to divert attention away from his botched pandemic response, which has cost tens of thousands of Americans their lives, by inciting racist resentment against the nation where the virus jumped from animals to humans, is deeply ugly. As is the fact that thousands of Republican student activists, packed tightly together inside, ignoring social distancing and mask-wearing, responded with thunderous applause.
But there was something even more disturbing about the incident that was not immediately apparent on the live broadcast. Video recorded from inside the packed Dream City Church by the photojournalist Nick Oza revealed that Trump and his fans had shared a moment of call and response hatred in the build up to the joke.
Trump began by observing that the pandemic illness he has spent the past two months downplaying is known by a confusing array of terms. He then paused to ask the assembled student activists if they had seen his speech in Tulsa where he made the same point. When they cheered in response, he started to list some of what he said were the “19 or 20 names” for the disease, most of which referred in some way to its origins in China.
As soon as Trump said, “Wuhan — Wuhan was catching on,” the crowd began to murmur with excitement, clearly anticipating that the president was about to repeat the slur his aides had spent the previous day denying was racist. When Trump drew out the tension by offering “Coronavirus” as the next name in his list, one excited voice after another shouted from the crowd: “Kung Flu!” “Kung Flu!” “Kung Flu!”
The president completed the call-and-response by saying, “Kung Flu, yeah,” and was met with frenzied applause. Oza’s footage shows that several young men leaped to their feet, pumping their fists in the air in exultation, apparently thrilled to see their hero transgress all bounds of common decency right in front of them.
Weijia Jiang, a White House correspondent for CBS News, who reported in March that a White House staffer had made the same racist joke about the disease to her face, noted on Twitter that “Trump relished the feedback” from the crowd in Phoenix. “He often tests out material at rallies like a stand up comedian, and it appears this is going to be part of his act,” she added.
After a bizarre aside, in which the president seemed to suggest he was unsure what the 19 in Covid-19 stands for — “I say, ‘What’s the 19?’ Covid-19. Some people can’t explain what the 19…” — (it refers to 2019, the year the new coronavirus disease emerged), Trump returned to his list of alternate names. “Some people call it the Chinese Flu, the China Flu, right? They call it, the China,” Trump said, making it clear that his intention is to blame China for not containing the virus his own government has all but given up on suppressing.
As if the spectacle of the president actively inciting a racist backlash against Chinese-Americans wasn’t appalling enough, the alternate names for the disease he proposed were also a slap in the face of public health experts, who have spent the past five months trying to make it clear to Americans that this deadly new illness, which could have longterm health effects for even those who survive it, is not, as Trump repeatedly insisted at the start of the outbreak, merely a form of influenza.
The president’s effort to pretend that the viral outbreak has been contained, which no doubt encouraged almost all of the young activists in the hall to crowd together without masks, even extended to telling them at one point that the United States, in the past two months, has lived through, “hopefully, the end of the pandemic.”
Trump also repeated his false claim that the spike in new cases in states that have pressed ahead with reopening businesses without meeting the benchmarks for containment released by his own coronavirus task force was merely a statistical blip caused by more widespread testing. As he did, someone in the audience reportedly shouted out, “Stop the testing!”
What made that exchange accidentally revealing is that the audience member, a supporter of the president, was at that moment risking infection by being in a tightly packed auditorium in which almost no one was wearing a mask, while Trump himself, who is protected from the virus by having everyone he interacts with tested daily, was standing at a safe distance from the crowd, alone on stage, and more than 10 feet from a separate podium set up for other speakers to use.
Press. Trump addresses students in Phoenix pic.twitter.com/Fz1wdpFhrg — Howard Mortman (@HowardMortman) June 23, 2020
If Trump wants to demonstrate that testing really is, as he has said, “overrated,” and there is no need for Americans to fear infection, he could start by no longer requiring anyone who gets close to him to be tested first, and get back to shaking some hands at his next rally.
Update: Sunday, June 28, 4:12 p.m. PDT
The New York Times reported on Sunday that former President Barack Obama was among those appalled by Trump’s racist joke. Two days after the Phoenix rally, Obama told participants in a private fundraiser for Trump’s opponent, Joe Biden, conducted via Zoom: “I don’t want a country in which the president of the United States is actively trying to promote anti-Asian sentiment and thinks it’s funny. I don’t want that. That still shocks and pisses me off.”


theintercept--2020-06-24--Jamaal Bowman Set to Oust Rep. Eliot Engel in Major Progressive Power Grab

The protests lent momentum to a number of progressive candidates in New York on Tuesday .
Though full results won ’ t come in until mail-in ballots are counted , Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez handily defeated her Wall Street-backed opponent , Mondaire Jones appears to be the Democratic favorite in another House race , and left-wing challengers in state legislative races are all ahead as of early Wednesday morning .
It ’ s also a big primary night for Justice Democrats , the group that recruited Ocasio-Cortez to run in 2018 , and which heavily backed Bowman .
Bowman ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when protests against police brutality erupted nationwide .
The 44-year-old insurgent ran primarily on Medicare for All , a Green New Deal , and other policies addressing issues of racial and economic justice .
Though his focus was on domestic issues , he did criticize Engel over his deference to military contractors and certain foreign policy positions , including his support for the Iraq War .
Bowman , who supports defunding the police and repealing the 1994 crime bill ( which Engel backed ) , drew on his own experiences with police violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Bronx .
Despite a last-ditch effort to save the hawkish Democrat , including an endorsement by former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , Bowman came away with a 24-point lead early Wednesday in the primary in New York ’ s 16th Congressional District — which includes portions of the Bronx and Westchester County , and the town of New Rochelle — pending mail-in ballots .
Pro-Israel groups also scrambled to save the 16-term incumbent , spending hundreds of thousands of dollars on his re-election , including a TV ad that attacked Bowman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state taxes over the years .
This was Engel ’ s first competitive primary challenge since 2000 .
“ Eliot Engel — and I ’ ll say his name once — used to say that he was a thorn in the side of Donald Trump , ” Bowman said in a de facto victory speech on Tuesday night .
“ But you know what Donald Trump is more afraid of than anything else ?
A black man with power.
” In what looks to be a major victory for the progressive wing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a middle school principal from the Bronx , is set to oust Rep. Eliot Engel — the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee — in the New York primary .
NEW : on @ justicedems plans to primary members , a senior Democratic source said : `` “ No one is afraid of those nerds .
They do n't have the ability to primary anyone.
” from early May showed Engel at 43 percent and Bowman at 13 percent .
But , in the final stretch of the race , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bowman won a surge of endorsements including from neighboring congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez , Sens .
Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , the New York Times editorial board , and Rep. Katie Porter of California .
He also won endorsements from high-profile progressive groups like the Working Families Party and the Democratic Socialists of America , and Andom Ghebreghiorgis , a fellow local educator who dropped out of the race earlier this month after landing , in that same poll , at 1 percent .
“ If successful , Jamaal will be the first candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uprising for racial justice , ” said Waleed Shahid , communications director for Justice Democrats .
“ He ’ s assembling the ‘ Obama ’ coalition in the 2008 primary of people of color , young people , and older white liberals but grounded in a deeply progressive ideology.
” Engel , who is white and has been in the House since 1989 , was backed by much of the Democratic establishment , including the Congressional Black Caucus ’ s political arm , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , Majority Whip James Clyburn , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House Intelligence Committee Chair Rep. Adam Schiff .
Just a week before Election Day , Clinton threw her support behind the incumbent , making her first Democratic primary endorsement in a House race this cycle .
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer initially held off on endorsing Engel , telling reporters that he was focused on Senate races , before officially announcing his support when it became clear Bowman was a threat .
A Republican super PAC also got involved , funneling $ 100,000 to an outside effort boosting his re-election bid , The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spending on the race directly , Americans for Tomorrow ’ s Future went through another super PAC , Democratic Majority for Israel , to broadcast the negative Bowman ad .
DMFI also spent heavily against Sanders in the Democratic presidential primary earlier this year .
The spending prompted Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party to boost spending on Bowman ’ s behalf , dropping another $ 250,000-plus before election day .
The New York Working Families Party also played a major role in negotiating Ghebreghiorgis ’ s exit from the race and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign had faced a series of setbacks in the weeks leading up to the primary .
Earlier this month , when addressing a crowd regarding anti-police brutality unrest , he was caught over a hot mic saying : “ If I didn ’ t have a primary , I wouldn ’ t care.
” Before the remarks went viral , he had faced backlash over his absence in the district during the pandemic , including getting caught lying about being at local Covid-19 relief events .
Reps. Yvette Clarke and Greg Meeks also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Clarke , who has represented the Brooklyn-based 9th Congressional District since 2013 , is significantly ahead in her rematch against a divided primary field , including Adem Bunkeddeko , who almost unseated her in 2018 .
In the 5th Congressional District , which covers Queens and a small portion of Nassau County , Meeks was re-elected by a large margin .
Rep. Carolyn Maloney , who chairs the House Committee on Oversight and Reform , is leading by fewer than 1,000 votes in a rematch against Suraj Patel .
Patel , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ran on Medicare for All and a Green New Deal , as well as issues of criminal justice reform .
In the 15th Congressional District , Ritchie Torres took an early lead over Rubén Díaz Sr. , a pro-Trump Democrat with a history of making homophobic and sexist comments , in a race that had prompted fears of vote splitting .
Samelys López , who was backed by Ocasio-Cortez and most of the state ’ s progressive infrastructure , was in fourth place early Wednesday .
The Voter Protection Project was the largest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly $ 500,000 on TV , mail , digital , and texting .
At the state and local level , Jabari Brisport , a Democratic Socialists of America activist and public school teacher , appears poised to win the primary for an open Brooklyn state Senate seat over the machine-backed candidate .
Another DSA candidate , Zohran Mamdani for Assembly in Queens , had a decent lead Tuesday night as results came in .
“ The rage and mourning we ’ ve seen in the streets is making itself felt in elections from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Families Party National Director Maurice Mitchell said in a statement .
“ A remarkable cadre of candidates — Charles Booker , Jamaal Bowman , and Mondaire Jones — has gained momentum in recent weeks because they are speaking to people ’ s pain and hunger for transformational change .
Win or lose , these Black progressive candidates are expanding the scope of the possible and laying the ground for the future of our work.
” Bowman ’ s tentative victory would mark the fourth Justice Democrats ’ candidate to unseat an incumbent since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boss Joe Crowley , who was also regularly floated as the next potential Speaker of the House .
This time , Ocasio-Cortez faced her own primary challenger in the first test of her congressional career and won re-election to her seat in a landslide .
She won 73 percent of the vote , compared to her opponent ’ s 20 percent , according to the New York Times .
Michelle Caruso-Cabrera , a former CNBC contributor , challenged Ocasio-Cortez from the right in the 14th Congressional District primary .
Her campaign , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s most prominent names and a super PAC funded by her husband , investment banker Stephen Dizard , focused on Ocasio-Cortez ’ s national profile , accusing the congresswoman of not being focused on the needs of her constituents .
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce , a powerful conservative lobbying group that usually endorses Republican candidates , threw its support behind the former anchor .
The Ocasio-Cortez campaign reported having its best fundraising day yet , raising $ 170,000 with an average donation of $ 24.52 , after emailing supporters about Caruso-Cabrera @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million dollars .
Caruso-Cabrera , who was a registered Republican until a few years ago , positioned herself as a moderate , pro-business Democrat in the race while using GOP talking points against Ocasio-Cortez .
She attacked Ocasio-Cortez for being “ out of touch ” with the district , saying that she “ doesn ’ t know what it takes to put food on the table and to put a roof over the head of a family.
” Ocasio-Cortez took on multiple jobs after graduating college to help her family make ends meet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mother ’ s income as a housecleaner and bus driver .
As Business Insider reported , Caruso-Cabrera lived in a high-priced apartment in Trump International Hotel and Tower in Manhattan for years .
In a debate earlier this month , she went after Ocasio-Cortez for being the lone House Democrat to oppose a $ 2 trillion coronavirus relief package .
As the lawmaker has previously explained , she could not “ stomach ” voting for the legislation because it provided crumbs for the working-class people most impacted by the pandemic while giving unprecedented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industries .
Her district , which covers some of the most diverse districts in the country in Queens and the Bronx , became an epicenter of the pandemic .

In what looks to be a major victory for the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, Jamaal Bowman, a middle school principal from the Bronx, is set to oust Rep. Eliot Engel — the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee — in the New York primary.
“Eliot Engel — and I’ll say his name once — used to say that he was a thorn in the side of Donald Trump,” Bowman said in a de facto victory speech on Tuesday night. “But you know what Donald Trump is more afraid of than anything else? A black man with power.”
Despite a last-ditch effort to save the hawkish Democrat, including an endorsement by former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Bowman came away with a 24-point lead early Wednesday in the primary for New York’s 16th Congressional District — which includes portions of the Bronx and Westchester County, and the town of New Rochelle — pending mail-in ballots. Pro-Israel groups also scrambled to save the 16-term incumbent, spending hundreds of thousands of dollars on his reelection, including a TV ad that attacked Bowman for failing to pay some of his state taxes over the years. This was Engel’s first competitive primary challenge since 2000.
Bowman’s primary challenge really began picking up steam when protests against police brutality erupted nationwide starting in May. The 44-year-old insurgent ran primarily on Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, and other policies addressing issues of racial and economic justice. Though his focus was on domestic issues, he did criticize Engel over his deference to military contractors and certain foreign policy positions, including his support for the Iraq War. Bowman, who supports defunding the police and repealing the 1994 crime bill (which Engel backed), drew on his own experiences with police violence as a black man and teenager in the Bronx.
The protests lent momentum to a number of progressive candidates in New York on Tuesday. Though full results won’t come in until mail-in ballots are counted, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez handily defeated her Wall Street-backed opponent, Mondaire Jones appears to be the Democratic favorite in another House race, and left-wing challengers in state legislative races are all ahead as of early Wednesday morning. It’s also a big primary night for Justice Democrats, the group that recruited Ocasio-Cortez to run in 2018 and which heavily backed Bowman.
NEW: on @justicedems plans to primary members, a senior Democratic source said: "
“No one is afraid of those nerds. They don't have the ability to primary anyone.” — Brooke Singman (@BrookeSingman) July 12, 2019
An internal poll from early May showed Engel at 43 percent and Bowman at 13 percent. But, in the final stretch of the race, and amid the protests against police brutality, Bowman won a surge of endorsements including from neighboring representative Ocasio-Cortez, Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, the New York Times editorial board, and Rep. Katie Porter of California. He also won endorsements from high-profile progressive groups like the Working Families Party and the Democratic Socialists of America, and Andom Ghebreghiorgis, a fellow local educator who dropped out of the race earlier this month after landing in that same poll at 1 percent.
“If successful, Jamaal will be the first candidate elected to Congress from this latest movement uprising for racial justice,” said Waleed Shahid, communications director for Justice Democrats. “He’s assembling the ‘Obama’ coalition in the 2008 primary of people of color, young people, and older white liberals but grounded in a deeply progressive ideology.”
Engel, who is white and has been in the House since 1989, was backed by much of the Democratic establishment, including the Congressional Black Caucus’s political arm, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Majority Whip James Clyburn, Democratic Caucus chair Hakeem Jeffries, and House Intelligence Committee Chair Rep. Adam Schiff. Just a week before Election Day, Clinton threw her support behind the incumbent, making her first Democratic primary endorsement in a House race this cycle. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer initially held off on endorsing Engel, telling reporters that he was focused on Senate races, before officially announcing his support when it became clear Bowman was a threat.
A Republican Super PAC also got involved, funneling $100,000 to an outside effort boosting his reelection bid, The Intercept reported last week. Instead of spending on the race directly, Americans for Tomorrow’s Future went through another Super PAC, Democratic Majority for Israel, to broadcast the negative Bowman ad. DMFI also spent heavily against Sanders in the Democratic presidential primary earlier this year. The spending prompted Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party to boost spending on Bowman’s behalf, dropping another $250,000-plus before Election Day. The New York Working Families Party also played a major role in negotiating Ghebreghiorgis’s exit from the race and the endorsement of Bowman.
Engel’s campaign had faced a series of setbacks in the weeks leading up to the primary. Earlier this month, when addressing a crowd regarding anti-police brutality unrest, he was caught over a hot mic saying: “If I didn’t have a primary, I wouldn’t care.” Before the remarks went viral, he had faced backlash over his absence in the district during the pandemic, including getting caught lying about being at local Covid-19 relief events.
New York Reps. Yvette Clarke and Greg Meeks also had to fend off progressive primary challengers. Clarke, who has represented the Brooklyn-based 9th Congressional District since 2013, is significantly ahead in her rematch against a divided primary field, including Adem Bunkeddeko, who almost unseated her in 2018. In the 5th Congressional District, which covers Queens and a small portion of Nassau County, Meeks was reelected by a large margin. Rep. Carolyn Maloney, who chairs the House Committee on Oversight and Reform, is leading by fewer than 1,000 votes in a rematch against Suraj Patel. Patel, a hotel executive and Obama campaign alum, ran on Medicare for All and a Green New Deal, as well as issues of criminal justice reform.
In the 15th Congressional District, Ritchie Torres took an early lead over Rubén Díaz Sr., a pro-Trump Democrat with a history of making homophobic and sexist comments, in a race that had prompted fears of vote splitting. Samelys López, who was backed by Ocasio-Cortez and most of the state’s progressive infrastructure, was in fourth place early Wednesday. The Voter Protection Project was the largest outside spender to support Torres, dropping nearly $500,000 on TV, mail, digital, and texting campaigns.
At the state and local level, Jabari Brisport, a Democratic Socialists of America activist and public school teacher, appears poised to win the primary for an open Brooklyn state Senate seat over the machine-backed candidate. Another DSA candidate, Zohran Mamdani for Assembly in Queens, had a decent lead Tuesday night as results came in.
“The rage and mourning we’ve seen in the streets is making itself felt in elections from New York to Kentucky,” Working Families Party National Director Maurice Mitchell said in a statement. “A remarkable cadre of candidates — Charles Booker, Jamaal Bowman, and Mondaire Jones — has gained momentum in recent weeks because they are speaking to people’s pain and hunger for transformational change. Win or lose, these Black progressive candidates are expanding the scope of the possible and laying the ground for the future of our work.”
Bowman’s tentative victory would mark the fourth Justice Democrats’ candidate to unseat an incumbent since 2018, when Ocasio-Cortez defeated Queens machine boss Joe Crowley, who was also regularly floated as the next potential speaker of the House. This time, Ocasio-Cortez faced her own primary challenger in the first test of her congressional career and won reelection to her seat in a landslide. She won 73 percent of the vote, compared to her opponent’s 20 percent, according to the New York Times.
Michelle Caruso-Cabrera, a former CNBC contributor, challenged Ocasio-Cortez from the right in the 14th Congressional District primary. Her campaign, which was bankrolled by some of Wall Street’s most prominent names and a Super PAC funded by her husband, investment banker Stephen Dizard, focused on Ocasio-Cortez’s national profile, accusing the representative of not being focused on the needs of her constituents. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a powerful conservative lobbying group that usually endorses Republican candidates, threw its support behind the former anchor. The Ocasio-Cortez campaign reported having its best fundraising day yet, raising $170,000 with an average donation of $24.52, after emailing supporters about Caruso-Cabrera loaning her own campaign about $1 million.
Caruso-Cabrera, who was a registered Republican until a few years ago, positioned herself as a moderate, pro-business Democrat in the race while using GOP talking points against Ocasio-Cortez. She attacked Ocasio-Cortez for being “out of touch” with the district, saying that she “doesn’t know what it takes to put food on the table and to put a roof over the head of a family.” Ocasio-Cortez took on multiple jobs after graduating college to help her family make ends meet, working 18-hour days to supplement her mother’s income as a housecleaner and bus driver. As Business Insider reported, Caruso-Cabrera lived in a high-priced apartment in Trump International Hotel and Tower in Manhattan for years.
In a debate earlier this month, she went after Ocasio-Cortez for being the lone House Democrat to oppose a $2 trillion coronavirus relief package. As the lawmaker has previously explained, she could not “stomach” voting for the legislation because it provided crumbs for the working-class people most impacted by the pandemic while giving unprecedented corporate bailout funds for a range of industries. Her district, which covers some of the most diverse districts in the country in Queens and the Bronx, became an epicenter of the pandemic.


theintercept--2020-06-24--Protests Propel Charles Booker in Close Kentucky Senate Race Against Establishment-Backed Amy McGrat

Protests Propel Charles Booker in Close Kentucky Senate Race Against Establishment-Backed Amy McGrath

Booker , who talks proudly of coming from Kentucky ’ s poorest ZIP code , a neighborhood in West Louisville , connected his campaign to Taylor ’ s murder from the stage at his election night rally Tuesday .
Booker ’ s cousin , T.J. Booker Jr. , had previously been the victim of police violence , and Booker said that Taylor and his cousin had known each other .
Two months later , George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis police , and protests exploded first around the country , and then around the globe .
The protest movement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political campaigns nationwide .
In Kentucky , state legislator Charles Booker surged into a too-close-to-call U.S. Senate race against the candidate long ago anointed by Washington Democrats .
Outrage at Taylor ’ s killing mingled with the rage at Floyd ’ s murder across Kentucky , and Booker ’ s unwavering alliance with the protesters — and their demands for holding the officers responsible accountable — became a focus of his campaign .
In the early morning hours of March 13 , police officers smashed their way into Breonna Taylor ’ s apartment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slept .
They had what is known as a “ no-knock warrant.
” It ’ s a controversial tool that allows police to burst through doors unannounced , and when they did so that night , Taylor ’ s boyfriend , hearing the armed men barreling into the apartment , shot one intruder in the leg .
Police responded by shooting Taylor , an EMT , at least eight times , killing her .
They were looking for drugs , but found nothing .
“ A lot of y ’ all have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Booker said from the stage .
“ She hung out with my cousin T.J. , and when he was murdered , she was there .
And her death , her killing , felt like losing him all over again .
And we stood up in the streets because we had no other choice.
” Kentucky voters weren ’ t meant to have a choice .
Not long after Amy McGrath pulled off an upset victory in her House Democratic primary in May 2018 , her phone rang .
It was Chuck Schumer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with more than just congratulations .
No matter how the general election goes , Schumer told McGrath , we want you to be our candidate for Senate against Mitch McConnell in 2020 , according to a McGrath 2018 campaign aide .
The general election went poorly , with McGrath losing to Republican Andy Barr 51 to 48 percent in a race Democrats had been hoping to claim .
Barr ’ s main line of attack had been to broadcast McGrath ’ s own words , recorded at a high-dollar fundraiser for Boston donors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I am more progressive , than anyone in the state of Kentucky , ” she said .
That may or may not have been true , but it wasn ’ t how she ran for office .
Instead , she had presented herself to the public as a centrist politician looking to work with Republicans to advance common aims .
In 2019 , when she launched her Senate campaign with the support of Schumer and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee , she continued to push herself as a moderate .
Out of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d have supported the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court , and that her objective in the Senate would be to help President Donald Trump enact the better parts of his agenda .
Under pressure , she flipped and said she ’ d have actually opposed Kavanaugh .
The Democratic Party in Washington stuck by her , but in Kentucky , she was seen as anything but invincible .
Sportscaster Matt Jones , the basketball-obsessed state ’ s most popular talk radio host , formed an exploratory committee , arguing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to win .
Schumer ’ s goal , Jones said , was to get behind a nominee who wouldn ’ t win , but whose profile would help her raise endless money against McConnell , forcing the majority leader to focus time , money , and energy in Kentucky that would otherwise go elsewhere .
True to form , McGrath has spent upward of $ 20 million on her campaign to date .
McConnell ’ s operatives , Jones later said , had begun approaching people close to his friends , asking if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but also on those close to him .
Meanwhile , McGrath ’ s campaign put pressure on Jones ’ s bosses to get him off the air , and he was fired from his TV show .
Jones bowed out .
Putting himself through it was one thing , he argued , but putting those close to him through it was another .
That left Booker and Mike Broihier .
Broihier came from outside of politics , with the argument that he was a type of candidate McConnell had never faced before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and a farmer .
He won the endorsement of Andrew Yang and a slew of Indivisible groups around the state , but , particularly in the last month of the campaign , it was Booker who took off .
While Booker joined protesters in the street , McGrath stayed away , leading to an awkward debate moment in which she first claimed she ’ d stayed home to be with family , then said she was concerned about coronavirus .
Jones , in a move that shook up the race , endorsed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and local endorsements in rapid succession , including Bernie Sanders , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Elizabeth Warren .
At the local level , establishment figures began gravitating toward him , including Alison Lundergan Grimes , who ’ d been the Democrats ’ 2014 Senate nominee .
Kentucky had previously planned to hold its primary on May 19 , but postponed it due to the pandemic and significantly expanded mail-in voting .
Because absentee ballots have been available for several weeks , the McGrath camp has been hoping that Booker ’ s surge came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already won , ” Booker told supporters Tuesday night , celebrating the multiracial , working class coalition his campaign built .
Whether he actually wins won ’ t be known until June 30 , when the state ’ s biggest counties , Jefferson and Fayette , have said that they will release vote totals , combining both in-person and mail ballots , rather than dropping them piecemeal as other counties have done .
As the night ended , McGrath held a slight lead of several thousand votes , but Jefferson and Fayette counties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — are expected to go heavily for Booker .
The final weeks had seen Booker tour rural Kentucky and draw big crowds in mostly white areas , where he ’ d engage them in a favorite chant .
“ From the hood , ” Booker would say , leaving it to the crowd to finish : “ To the holler.
” “ It wasn ’ t just black people , look around this crowd , ” Booker said Tuesday night .
“ We ’ re in this together .
You hurt one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

In the early-morning hours of March 13, police officers smashed their way into Breonna Taylor’s apartment in Louisville, Kentucky, while she slept. They had what is known as a “no-knock warrant.” It’s a controversial tool that allows police to burst through doors unannounced, and when they did so that night, Taylor’s boyfriend, hearing the armed men barreling into the apartment, shot one intruder in the leg. Police responded by shooting Taylor, an EMT, at least eight times, killing her. They were looking for drugs but found nothing.
Two months later, George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis police, and protests exploded first around the country and then around the globe. The protest movement, in its spare time, shook up political campaigns nationwide. In Kentucky, state legislator Charles Booker surged into a too-close-to-call U.S. Senate race against the candidate long ago anointed by Washington Democrats. Outrage at Taylor’s killing mingled with the rage at Floyd’s murder across Kentucky, and Booker’s unwavering alliance with the protesters — and their demands for holding the officers responsible accountable — became a focus of his campaign.
Booker, who talks proudly of coming from Kentucky’s poorest ZIP code, a neighborhood in West Louisville, connected his campaign to Taylor’s murder from the stage at his election night rally on Tuesday. Booker’s cousin, T.J. Booker Jr., had previously been the victim of police violence, and Charles Booker said that Taylor and his cousin had known each other.
“A lot of y’all have been yelling out Breonna’s name,” Booker said from the stage. “She hung out with my cousin T.J., and when he was murdered, she was there. And her death, her killing, felt like losing him all over again. And we stood up in the streets because we had no other choice.”
Kentucky voters weren’t meant to have a choice. Not long after Amy McGrath pulled off an upset victory in her House Democratic primary in May 2018, her phone rang. It was Chuck Schumer, the Senate Democratic minority leader, with more than just congratulations. No matter how the general election goes, Schumer told McGrath, we want you to be our candidate for Senate against Mitch McConnell in 2020, according to a McGrath 2018 campaign aide.
The general election went poorly, with McGrath losing to Republican Andy Barr 51 to 48 percent in a race Democrats had been hoping to claim. Barr’s main line of attack had been to broadcast McGrath’s own words, recorded at a high-dollar fundraiser for Boston donors: “I am further left, I am more progressive, than anyone in the state of Kentucky,” she said. That may or may not have been true, but it wasn’t how she ran for office. Instead, she had presented herself to the public as a centrist politician looking to work with Republicans to advance common aims. In 2019, when she launched her Senate campaign with the support of Schumer and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, she continued to push herself as a moderate. Out of the gate, she said that she’d have supported the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court and that her objective in the Senate would be to help President Donald Trump enact the better parts of his agenda. Under pressure, she flipped and said she’d have actually opposed Kavanaugh.
The Democratic Party in Washington stuck by her, but in Kentucky, she was seen as anything but invincible. Sportscaster Matt Jones, the basketball-obsessed state’s most popular talk radio host, formed an exploratory committee, arguing that McGrath and Schumer weren’t playing to win. Schumer’s goal, Jones said, was to get behind a nominee who wouldn’t win, but whose profile would help raise endless money against McConnell, forcing the majority leader to focus time, money, and energy in Kentucky that would otherwise go elsewhere. True to form, McGrath has spent upward of $20 million on her campaign to date.
McConnell’s operatives, Jones later said, had begun approaching people close to his friends, asking if they had dirt not just on Jones, but also on those close to him. Meanwhile, McGrath’s campaign put pressure on Jones’s bosses to get him off the air, and he was fired from his TV show.
Jones bowed out. Putting himself through it was one thing, he argued, but putting those close to him through it was another. That left Booker and Mike Broihier. Broihier came from outside of politics, with the argument that he was a type of candidate McConnell had never faced before: a retired Marine, a teacher, and a farmer. He won the endorsement of Andrew Yang and a slew of Indivisible groups around the state, but, particularly in the last month of the campaign, it was Booker who took off.
While Booker joined protesters in the street, McGrath stayed away, leading to an awkward debate moment in which she first claimed she’d stayed home to be with family, then said she was concerned about the coronavirus.
Jones, in a move that shook up the race, endorsed Booker, who began lining up state and local endorsements in rapid succession, including Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. At the local level, establishment figures began gravitating toward him, including Alison Lundergan Grimes, who’d been the Democrats’ 2014 Senate nominee.
Kentucky had previously planned to hold its primary on May 19, but postponed it due to the pandemic and significantly expanded mail-in voting. Because absentee ballots have been available for several weeks, the McGrath camp has been hoping that Booker’s surge came too late.
“We’ve already won,” Booker told supporters Tuesday night, celebrating the multiracial, working-class coalition his campaign built. Whether he actually wins won’t be known until June 30, when the state’s biggest counties, Jefferson and Fayette, have said that they will release vote totals, combining both in-person and mail ballots, rather than dropping them piecemeal as other counties have done. As the night ended, McGrath held a slight lead of several thousand votes, but Jefferson and Fayette counties — constituting Louisville and Lexington, respectively — are expected to go heavily for Booker.
The final weeks had seen Booker tour rural Kentucky and draw big crowds in mostly white areas, where he’d engage them in a favorite chant. “From the hood,” Booker would say, leaving it to the crowd to finish: “To the holler.”
“It wasn’t just Black people, look around this crowd,” Booker said Tuesday night. “We’re in this together. You hurt one of us, you hurt all of us.”


theintercept--2020-06-24--FBI Expands Ability to Collect Cellphone Location Data, Monitor Social Media, Recent Contracts Show

A few days later , the agency modified an agreement it signed in February with Venntel , Inc. , a Virginia technology firm that maps and sells the movements of millions of Americans .
The company purchases bulk location data and sells it largely to government agencies .
On May 26 , as demonstrations around the country erupted over the police killing of George Floyd , the FBI signed an expedited agreement to extend its relationship with Dataminr , a company that monitors social media .
The federal law enforcement agency ’ s records show a growing focus on harnessing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance , including recent contracts with companies that monitor social media posts and collect cellphone location data .
The Federal Bureau of Investigation may be watching what you tweet and where people gather .
The FBI has long pursued advanced technological tools to rapidly predict crime and locate potential suspects , capabilities that have raised concerns that the agency targets lawful forms of protest and free expression .
Earlier this year , the agency released a bid proposal for technological solutions to “ obtain early alerts on ongoing national security and public safety-related @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” It ’ s not clear exactly how the February Venntel contract was modified .
Chris Gildea , the president of Venntel , did not respond to a request for comment .
The company is a subsidiary of Gravy Analytics , a major data broker that sells location-tracking information to advertisers and other clients , which also declined to comment “ due to the confidential nature of that work.
” A spokesperson for the FBI also declined to comment for this article .
Dataminr , which already held contracts with the FBI worth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media for breaking news and events .
“ Dataminr provides the FBI with First Alert , a product that delivers breaking news alerts on emergency events , such as natural disasters , fires , explosions and shootings , ” noted a spokesperson for Dataminr in a statement .
The statement claimed that the service “ was designed and built to technologically restrict all forms of surveillance and be compliant with the user protection and data use policies of social media platforms.
” Christopher Wray , the director of the FBI , has warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speed of social media.
” During testimony last year , Wray told lawmakers that threats from “ everything from anarchist groups to racially-motivated violent extremist groups ” tend to “ begin mostly online.
” But critics of the agency are concerned that the new reach could encroach upon First Amendment-protected speech .
“ We are deeply concerned that the FBI is further expanding their surveillance capacity , ” said Mary Zerkel , coordinator of the American Friends Service Committee ’ s Communities Against Islamophobia program .
“ The FBI has for decades used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , immigrants , people of color , activists in general , and Black activists in particular .
AFSC itself has a substantial FBI file , ” added Zerkel .
“ Mass data collection tools will only serve to further criminalize protests and free speech , and expand the criminalization of Muslims and people of color.
” Few regulations exist to restrict the use of location-tracking data , a form of data collection that many common phone applications collect and monetize .
The Supreme Court ’ s 2018 Carpenter v. United States ruled that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cellphone location data from service providers .
But many experts worry that the ruling may not apply to third-party data brokers such as Venntel .
The Intercept has reported that since the recent wave of street demonstrations , FBI agents have questioned at least one individual for simply tweeting in jest that they are members of “ antifa , ” a reference to a style of violent activism popular among some on the activist far-left .
Members of the Joint Terrorism Task Force have also questioned protest organizers at their homes — sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social media .
The FBI has tapped other notable surveillance firms in recent years , including Palantir , which builds tools to visualize relationships using an array of information , from social media to license plate numbers .
But the embrace of powerful mass location data through a firm such as Venntel represents a potential new era for the agency .
The Wall Street Journal was the first to report that government agencies such as the Internal Revenue Service and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had tapped Venntel for tax and immigration enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ran , Sen. Ron Wyden , D-Ore. , reportedly reached out to the company to inquire about the federal government ’ s use of the technology — but that the company declined to answer most questions .

The Federal Bureau of Investigation may be watching what you tweet and where people gather.
The federal law enforcement agency’s records show a growing focus on harnessing the latest private sector tools for mass surveillance, including recent contracts with companies that monitor social media posts and collect cellphone location data.
On June 9, after demonstrations around the country erupted over the police killing of George Floyd, the FBI signed an expedited agreement to extend its relationship with Dataminr, a company that monitors social media.
About a week prior, the agency modified an agreement it signed in February with Venntel, Inc., a Virginia technology firm that maps and sells the movements of millions of Americans. The company purchases bulk location data and sells it largely to government agencies.
The FBI has long pursued advanced technological tools to rapidly predict crime and locate potential suspects, capabilities that have raised concerns that the agency targets lawful forms of protest and free expression. Earlier this year, the agency released a bid proposal for technological solutions to “obtain early alerts on ongoing national security and public safety-related events through lawfully collected/acquired social media data.”
It’s not clear exactly how the February Venntel contract was modified. Chris Gildea, the president of Venntel, did not respond to a request for comment. The company is a subsidiary of Gravy Analytics, a major data broker that sells location-tracking information to advertisers and other clients, which also declined to comment “due to the confidential nature of that work.” A spokesperson for the FBI also declined to comment for this article.
Dataminr, which already held contracts with the FBI worth over $1 million, monitors social media for breaking news and events. “Dataminr provides the FBI with First Alert, a product that delivers breaking news alerts on emergency events, such as natural disasters, fires, explosions and shootings,” noted a spokesperson for Dataminr in a statement.
The statement claimed that the service “was designed and built to technologically restrict all forms of surveillance and be compliant with the user protection and data use policies of social media platforms.”
Christopher Wray, the director of the FBI, has warned that “terrorism today moves at the speed of social media.” During testimony last year, Wray told lawmakers that threats from “everything from anarchist groups to racially-motivated violent extremist groups” tend to “begin mostly online.”
But critics of the agency are concerned that the new reach could encroach upon First Amendment-protected speech.
“We are deeply concerned that the FBI is further expanding their surveillance capacity,” said Mary Zerkel, coordinator of the American Friends Service Committee’s Communities Against Islamophobia program.
“The FBI has for decades used surveillance and racial profiling to target Muslims, immigrants, people of color, activists in general, and Black activists in particular. AFSC itself has a substantial FBI file,” added Zerkel. “Mass data collection tools will only serve to further criminalize protests and free speech, and expand the criminalization of Muslims and people of color.”
Few regulations exist to restrict the use of location-tracking data, a form of data collection that many common phone applications collect and monetize. The Supreme Court’s 2018 Carpenter v. United States ruled that government prosecutors require a warrant to obtain cellphone location data from service providers. But many experts worry that the ruling may not apply to third-party data brokers such as Venntel.
The Intercept has reported that since the recent wave of street demonstrations, FBI agents have questioned at least one individual for simply tweeting in jest that they are members of “antifa,” a reference to a style of violent activism popular among some on the activist far-left. Members of the Joint Terrorism Task Force have also questioned protest organizers at their homes — sometimes within hours of posting an event on social media.
The FBI has tapped other notable surveillance firms in recent years, including Palantir, which builds tools to visualize relationships using an array of information, from social media to license plate numbers.
But the embrace of powerful mass location data through a firm such as Venntel represents a potential new era for the agency.
The Wall Street Journal was the first to report that government agencies such as the Internal Revenue Service and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had tapped Venntel for tax and immigration enforcement, respectively. After the initial story ran, Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., reportedly reached out to the company to inquire about the federal government’s use of the technology — but that the company declined to answer most questions.
Update: July 8, 2020
This story has been updated to correct the link to the FBI contract information with Dataminr.


theintercept--2020-06-24--De Blasio's Fireworks Crackdown Is the Same Violent "Quality of Life" Policing That Got Us Here in t

De Blasio's Fireworks Crackdown Is the Same Violent "Quality of Life" Policing That Got Us Here in the First Place

ago , while walking home in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn , New York , I had to jump away from the flares of a small firework , crackling in the intersection by my apartment .
The young guys who ’ d set if off were skipping back from the sparks too .
I laughed , they laughed , and I went home .
I did not ask where or how they ’ d procured the pyrotechnic , because I ’ m not in the habit of asking people where they get access to contraband .
I understand that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dramatic spike in amateur fireworks booming throughout the city nightscape .
According to city data , there were 1,680 complaints about illegal fireworks in New York between June 8 and June 15 , compared to just 12 for the equivalent period last year .
Yet , from the sounds of the sky , such complaints are equaled by the desire for the displays after months of pandemic lockdowns , in the wake of nightly explosions of righteous antiracist rage against the police .
I would never ask anyone disturbed or bothered by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nor do I expect people to be incurious about the provenance of a once-rare phenomenon that has now become the soundtrack of a New York night .
I insist , however , that those who demand a cessation of — and an explanation for — the vast fireworks uptick understand that the law enforcement crackdown against the activity will be far more dangerous and devastating than any sleepless night or misused Roman candle .
On Tuesday , New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio announced the formation of an illegal fireworks task force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement officers conducting undercover buys and sting operations that target people selling fireworks in the city .
There is some irony to the fact that curiosity about the fireworks gave rise to a flurry of conspiracy theories .
The fireworks were seemingly too plentiful , too expensive , too inaccessible , too professional — they had to be psy-ops , stings , or statecraft of some sort .
Twitter theorizing abounded .
But now the threat of law enforcement entrapment , violent sweeps , and typical brutality is all too real in response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most part , joyful diversions in a fraught time .
Even though the state has indeed carried out more devious operations to disable social movements and sow distrust , there are more parsimonious explanations for the booming blackmarket than “ psy-ops.
” Fireworks retailers in neighboring states , where selling is legal , are offloading their goods for cheap prices , having lost a huge amount of business through the cancellation of major public summer events due to the pandemic .
Individuals and groups are scooping up the deals and bringing back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Like any social phenomenon , different groups are setting off fireworks for different reasons .
But we ’ re broadly seeing a constellation of letting off steam , expressing solidarity with ongoing protests for Black life , entertainment , community , excitement , and fun .
Whatever dangers are involved — and they are not negligible — they are dwarfed by the state violence now promised in response .
just a quality of life problem and a noise problem — and it ’ s certainly that , and in all five boroughs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can also be dangerous , ” de Blasio said in his Tuesday press conference .
“ We ’ re going to start a huge sting operation to go and get these illegal fireworks at the base .
Meaning , everywhere they ’ re being sold around New York City , and even where they ’ re being sold in surrounding states that we know of flowing into New York.
” His choice of words is significant .
When a politician invokes “ quality of life ” as a grounds for a policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ broken windows ” strategies that have informed the brutal criminalization of poverty and Blackness in the U.S. since the 1980s .
“ Quality of life ” policing entails aggressive crackdowns on any activities working-class , poor , often unhoused , and marginalized individuals engage in to survive , get by , and find comfort or even small pleasures .
Public drinking , loitering , street-level drug dealing , sex work , walking while Black and trans .
It is unambiguous whose “ quality of life ” is considered here .
For wealthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live without the eyesores of poverty that prop up their privilege , the “ quality ” of poor and marginalized peoples ’ live must be shaped by racial profiling , imprisonment , and constant , potentially deadly encounters with police .
Meanwhile , impunity is consistently accorded to middle-class and wealthy white people who engage in the very same activities .
I ’ m not suggesting that it is only privileged white people complaining about the fireworks , nor that only working-class or poor people of color are lighting them .
But there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be targeted by the violence of the city ’ s new task force .
However much of a nuisance some New Yorkers might find the fireworks to be , a law enforcement crackdown on them is yet another state attack on Black joy .
The New York Police Department has already offered us a taste : Last Monday night , in response to complaints , a phalanx of officers in full riot gear stormed a block in Brooklyn ’ s Flatbush area , blocked off a street , threatened bystanders with arrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It was a continuation of the hyperaggressive police response in the very same area , and beyond , in previous weeks as protesters took to the street in defense of Black lives .
A local community organizer and anti-gentrification activist , Imani Henry , told BuzzFeed News that the fireworks displays in Flatbush — which had spurred the militarized police response — were part of a “ moment of power and resistance , because people have been beaten up and fighting the cops all day .
It lifted our spirits .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and it was beautiful.
” It is not an exaggeration to say that to desire the policing of the fireworks over the presence of the fireworks is to stand on the wrong side of history .

Photo: Seth Wenig/AP
A few nights ago, while walking home in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, New York, I had to jump away from the flares of a small firework, crackling in the intersection by my apartment. The young guys who’d set if off were skipping back from the sparks too. I laughed, they laughed, and I went home. I did not ask where or how they’d procured the pyrotechnic, because I’m not in the habit of asking people where they get access to contraband.
I understand that many New Yorkers are less sanguine about the dramatic spike in amateur fireworks booming throughout the city nightscape. According to city data, there were 1,680 complaints about illegal fireworks in New York between June 8 and June 15, compared to just 12 for the equivalent period last year. Yet, from the sounds of the sky, such complaints are equaled by the desire for the displays after months of pandemic lockdowns, in the wake of nightly explosions of righteous antiracist rage against the police.
I would never ask anyone disturbed or bothered by the fireworks to simply embrace them, nor do I expect people to be incurious about the provenance of a once-rare phenomenon that has now become the soundtrack of a New York night. I insist, however, that those who demand a cessation of — and an explanation for — the vast fireworks uptick understand that the law enforcement crackdown against the activity will be far more dangerous and devastating than any sleepless night or misused Roman candle.
On Tuesday, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio announced the formation of an illegal fireworks task force, which will involve over 40 law enforcement officers conducting undercover buys and sting operations that target people selling fireworks in the city.
There is some irony to the fact that curiosity about the fireworks gave rise to a flurry of conspiracy theories. The fireworks were seemingly too plentiful, too expensive, too inaccessible, too professional — they had to be psy-ops, stings, or statecraft of some sort. Twitter theorizing abounded. But now the threat of law enforcement entrapment, violent sweeps, and typical brutality is all too real in response to activities, which are, for the most part, joyful diversions in a fraught time.
Even though the state has indeed carried out more devious operations to disable social movements and sow distrust, there are more parsimonious explanations for the booming blackmarket than “psy-ops.” Fireworks retailers in neighboring states, where selling is legal, are offloading their goods for cheap prices, having lost a huge amount of business through the cancellation of major public summer events due to the pandemic. Individuals and groups are scooping up the deals and bringing back big hauls to the city to sell.
Like any social phenomenon, different groups are setting off fireworks for different reasons. But we’re broadly seeing a constellation of letting off steam, expressing solidarity with ongoing protests for Black life, entertainment, community, excitement, and fun. Whatever dangers are involved — and they are not negligible — they are dwarfed by the state violence now promised in response.
“This is not just a quality of life problem and a noise problem — and it’s certainly that, and in all five boroughs, we take that seriously — but it can also be dangerous,” de Blasio said in his Tuesday press conference. “We’re going to start a huge sting operation to go and get these illegal fireworks at the base. Meaning, everywhere they’re being sold around New York City, and even where they’re being sold in surrounding states that we know of flowing into New York.”
His choice of words is significant. When a politician invokes “quality of life” as a grounds for a policing initiative, he calls upon the violent “broken windows” strategies that have informed the brutal criminalization of poverty and Blackness in the U.S. since the 1980s. “Quality of life” policing entails aggressive crackdowns on any activities working-class, poor, often unhoused, and marginalized individuals engage in to survive, get by, and find comfort or even small pleasures. Public drinking, loitering, street-level drug dealing, sex work, walking while Black and trans.
When a politician invokes “quality of life” as a grounds for a policing initiative, he calls upon the violent “broken windows” strategies that have informed the brutal criminalization of poverty and Blackness.
It is unambiguous whose “quality of life” is considered here. For wealthy, white, and propertied people to live without the eyesores of poverty that prop up their privilege, the “quality” of poor and marginalized peoples’ live must be shaped by racial profiling, imprisonment, and constant, potentially deadly encounters with police. Meanwhile, impunity is consistently accorded to middle-class and wealthy white people who engage in the very same activities.
I’m not suggesting that it is only privileged white people complaining about the fireworks, nor that only working-class or poor people of color are lighting them. But there can be no doubt about which communities will be targeted by the violence of the city’s new task force.
However much of a nuisance some New Yorkers might find the fireworks to be, a law enforcement crackdown on them is yet another state attack on Black joy. The New York Police Department has already offered us a taste: Last Monday night, in response to complaints, a phalanx of officers in full riot gear stormed a block in Brooklyn’s Flatbush area, blocked off a street, threatened bystanders with arrest, and detained at least one person. It was a continuation of the hyperaggressive police response in the very same area, and beyond, in previous weeks as protesters took to the street in defense of Black lives.
A local community organizer and anti-gentrification activist, Imani Henry, told BuzzFeed News that the fireworks displays in Flatbush — which had spurred the militarized police response — were part of a “moment of power and resistance, because people have been beaten up and fighting the cops all day. It lifted our spirits. This was 10 or 11 at night, and it was beautiful.”
It is not an exaggeration to say that to desire the policing of the fireworks over the presence of the fireworks is to stand on the wrong side of history.


theintercept--2020-06-24--As Black Vigilance Becomes Armed Vigilantism, Accountability Is Lost in Atlanta’s Streets

“ We are being killed , and nothing is being done about it .
When a person is shooting at you , that ’ s a declaration of war , ” the man with the rifle said .
“ We shouldn ’ t have to do this.
” He would not give his name .
Police slowly rolled by the corner of Pryor Street and University Drive every five or 10 minutes , warily observing .
The cops , many of whom have been calling in sick , are effectively on strike .
What began last week as a vigil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ militant .
Amid the selfie-taking teenagers and people hawking Black Lives Matter T-shirts at the crowded convenience store nearby , a band of armed young Black men milled about .
They bore pistols and long guns , with gaudy accessories redolent of modern militia equipage : an extended pistol magazine here , a cheap scope there .
On Saturday night , barricades blocked the street on one side of the charred ruins of the Wendy ’ s drive-thru where an Atlanta police officer killed Rayshard Brooks a week ago , on June 12 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There , a Black man with an AR-15 was standing guard , stopping white people from entering the site .
People are shooting at them — likely white counterprotesters , shooting from their cars .
And they ’ re shooting back .
If activists allow such militance to continue , it will likely drive the broader public into a call for police intervention and discredit the movement toward systemic reform .
The previous afternoon , protesters in tech-heavy midtown Atlanta had shut down a traffic intersection when a white guy with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ took issue .
After retrieving an AR-15 from his trunk , Alexander Fawaz barreled through a protester blocking his way .
A video shows demonstrators drawing their guns and shooting at him as he drives away .
Police said that Fawaz told them he feared for his life .
Police did not even cite the driver .
One protester was arrested and charged with disorderly conduct .
Later that day , a 24-year-old woman was shot in the leg on the street outside the crowded vigil .
She appears to have been caught @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
People aren ’ t talking to the police .
Then , earlier Saturday night a second person got shot in a drive-by there .
The 35-year-old male victim was also shot in the leg .
The man with the rifle guarding the barricade said he had seen that latest shooting , just hours before .
He ’ s a network engineer who claimed no law enforcement or military experience .
The victim had been a regular at the protest , and the shooter was a white man driving a silver Dodge SRT @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police were here when the guy got shot , ” he told me .
“ They saw the guy get shot .
They saw the car that was shooting at us , and they didn ’ t pursue him .
… This is in the midst of a felony .
Someone got shot , you know what I ’ m saying , and they come and say ‘ Is everybody OK ?
’ and no , motherfucker , that guy shot at us .
So , I went home and got my rifle.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brooks three times in the back as Brooks ran away .
Brooks was carrying Rolfe ’ s Taser after a scuffle and appears in video to be pointing it at the two pursuing cops when he was shot .
Five days later , the Fulton County district attorney , Paul Howard Jr. , charged Rolfe with murder .
That evening police began refusing to answer calls .
Starting around 7 p.m. , police radio went stretches of half an hour at a time without an officer responding .
Dispatchers pleaded for help .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ blue flu ” ever since .
The cops have a point : Either a Taser is a lethal weapon , or it ’ s not .
You can ’ t have it both ways .
If a Taser is a lethal weapon , then the previous charges against six officers of using lethal force against two college students driving past curfew three weeks ago are legitimate .
It also means police officers should not be discharging Tasers at people who present a nonlethal threat .
And it means that Rolfe was justified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , officers widely believe that Howard is making decisions about charges based on whatever will result in the most punishment for police using force , and that he is doing so because it ’ s the only path he has to reelection given allegations of his own misconduct .
Howard came in second in the June primary to his former deputy district attorney , Fani Willis ; the runoff is scheduled for August 11 .
On June 17 , a memo circulated from Major Kelley Collier circulated , telling officers to refrain from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought this message was already pushed out to everyone , ” it reads .
“ If not , effective immediately , we will operate as police officers and will respond when violence occurs in an officer ’ s presence and will respond to victims of violence .
We will not be overly proactive in any shape , form or fashion .
We are concerned about keeping our officers safe and healthy .
We are a great department and will get through this .
I appreciate all of your leadership during these trying times.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the perpetrator of a drive-by shooting .
the Brooks shooting is in Peoplestown , a relatively poor part of Atlanta with some very long-term residents .
Community leaders have met with armed people standing watch , and don ’ t know any of them .
“ I didn ’ t see anybody that I know , ” said Columbus Ward , the chair of Atlanta ’ s neighborhood planning unit for the area .
Ward is in his mid-60s ; though Ward has a long and storied history of personal protest in Atlanta @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him to expose himself to a crowded protest area .
“ Eight of us decided to go down there and talk to them .
… They said they live somewhere else.
” The neighborhood group presented a list of community demands to the city two weeks ago , among them a call for community policing and limitations on the use of force .
Ward carefully distanced himself from acts of violence in protest .
He also said that the people at the vigil were not acting on behalf of the community .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
A distinction should be drawn between the daylight protests , which are largely peaceful , and what I saw on Saturday , which I can only describe as chaotic and disorganized .
I did not know before I arrived that earlier that day people had smashed a car window and punched a white guy who had been driving through the area .
I also didn ’ t know that they had been harassing and assaulting livestreamers .
At around 10 p.m. , someone started shooting .
I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When someone then started to return fire , people took cover as best they could and others went into defensive firing positions .
No one imposed command and control .
There was no after-action review .
The crowd of 500 dwindled to a crowd of about 50 .
I walked up to a group of young men with guns that was gingerly disarming someone they didn ’ t know .
A woman in the group angrily accused me of being with the mysterious armed man .
I had introduced myself to her as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and three men confronted me when they saw a cellphone in my hand , concerned that I had taken their pictures .
I had not .
They demanded my phone .
I wouldn ’ t hand over my phone to a police officer , and I wasn ’ t going to give it to them .
When I refused , one armed man said he would kill me .
He started counting down from 10 with his hand on his pistol .
At five , I said I was leaving and walked away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dozen times by at least three different people before I managed to escape .
I was unarmed .
I did not fight back .
And I did not run .
In retrospect , I ’ m not sure why I didn ’ t .
I started my career in journalism as a soldier — a combat correspondent in the U.S. Army 25 years ago — and have written about crime and policing for many years .
I am not unfamiliar with violence , and it ’ s not the first time I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was asking questions .
But this was traumatic .
I haven ’ t had to fight off multiple attackers before , and certainly not while surrounded by armed men calling for my murder .
Had I fought back , I can only assume I would have been shot .

Photo: Dustin Chambers/Getty Images
On Saturday night, barricades blocked the street on one side of the charred ruins of the Wendy’s drive-thru where an Atlanta police officer killed Rayshard Brooks a week ago, on June 12. Cars cordoned off the other side. There, a Black man with an AR-15 was standing guard, stopping white people from entering the site.
What began last week as a vigil for Brooks had transformed into something more militant. Amid the selfie-taking teenagers and people hawking Black Lives Matter T-shirts at the crowded convenience store nearby, a band of armed young Black men milled about. They bore pistols and long guns, with gaudy accessories redolent of modern militia equipage: an extended pistol magazine here, a cheap scope there.
Police slowly rolled by the corner of Pryor Street and University Drive every five or 10 minutes, warily observing. The cops, many of whom have been calling in sick, are effectively on strike.
“We are being killed, and nothing is being done about it. When a person is shooting at you, that’s a declaration of war,” the man with the rifle said. “We shouldn’t have to do this.” He would not give his name.
People are shooting at them — likely white counterprotesters, shooting from their cars. And they’re shooting back. If activists allow such militance to continue, it will likely drive the broader public into a call for police intervention and discredit the movement toward systemic reform.
The previous afternoon, protesters in tech-heavy midtown Atlanta had shut down a traffic intersection when a white guy with a “Back the Blue” license plate took issue. After retrieving an AR-15 from his trunk, Alexander Fawaz barreled through a protester blocking his way. A video shows demonstrators drawing their guns and shooting at him as he drives away. Police said that Fawaz told them he feared for his life. Police did not even cite the driver. One protester was arrested and charged with disorderly conduct.
Later that day, a 24-year-old woman was shot in the leg on the street outside the crowded vigil. She appears to have been caught in crossfire. No suspect was identified. People aren’t talking to the police.
Then, earlier Saturday night a second person got shot in a drive-by there. The 35-year-old male victim was also shot in the leg.
The man with the rifle guarding the barricade said he had seen that latest shooting, just hours before. He’s a network engineer who claimed no law enforcement or military experience. The victim had been a regular at the protest, and the shooter was a white man driving a silver Dodge SRT Challenger, he said.
“The police were here when the guy got shot,” he told me. “They saw the guy get shot. They saw the car that was shooting at us, and they didn’t pursue him. … This is in the midst of a felony. Someone got shot, you know what I’m saying, and they come and say ‘Is everybody OK?’ and no, motherfucker, that guy shot at us. So, I went home and got my rifle.”
On June 12, Atlanta Police Officer Garrett Rolfe shot Brooks three times in the back as Brooks ran away. Brooks was carrying Rolfe’s Taser after a scuffle and appears in video to be pointing it at the two pursuing cops when he was shot.
Five days later, the Fulton County district attorney, Paul Howard Jr., charged Rolfe with murder. That evening police began refusing to answer calls. Starting around 7 p.m., police radio went stretches of half an hour at a time without an officer responding. Dispatchers pleaded for help. Police have been calling in sick with “blue flu” ever since.
The cops have a point: Either a Taser is a lethal weapon, or it’s not. You can’t have it both ways.
If a Taser is a lethal weapon, then the previous charges against six officers of using lethal force against two college students driving past curfew three weeks ago are legitimate. It also means police officers should not be discharging Tasers at people who present a nonlethal threat. And it means that Rolfe was justified in shooting Brooks.
As it stands, officers widely believe that Howard is making decisions about charges based on whatever will result in the most punishment for police using force, and that he is doing so because it’s the only path he has to reelection given allegations of his own misconduct. Howard came in second in the June primary to his former deputy district attorney, Fani Willis; the runoff is scheduled for August 11.
On June 17, a memo from Major Kelley Collier circulated, telling officers to refrain from “proactive” policing. “I thought this message was already pushed out to everyone,” it reads. “If not, effective immediately, we will operate as police officers and will respond when violence occurs in an officer’s presence and will respond to victims of violence. We will not be overly proactive in any shape, form or fashion. We are concerned about keeping our officers safe and healthy. We are a great department and will get through this. I appreciate all of your leadership during these trying times.”
Proactive policing, as in pursuing the perpetrator of a drive-by shooting.
The site of the Brooks shooting is in Peoplestown, a relatively poor part of Atlanta with some very long-term residents. Community leaders have met with armed people standing watch, and don’t know any of them.
“I didn’t see anybody that I know,” said Columbus Ward, the chair of Atlanta’s neighborhood planning unit for the area. Ward is in his mid-60s; though Ward has a long and storied history of personal protest in Atlanta, the pandemic makes it dangerous for him to expose himself to a crowded protest area. “Eight of us decided to go down there and talk to them. … They said they live somewhere else.”
The neighborhood group presented a list of community demands to the city two weeks ago, among them a call for community policing and limitations on the use of force. Ward carefully distanced himself from acts of violence in protest. He also said that the people at the vigil were not acting on behalf of the community. “This is bigger than us,” he said.
A distinction should be drawn between the daylight protests, which are largely peaceful, and what I saw on Saturday, which I can only describe as chaotic and disorganized.
I did not know before I arrived that earlier that day people had smashed a car window and punched a white guy who had been driving through the area. I also didn’t know that they had been harassing and assaulting livestreamers.
At around 10 p.m., someone started shooting. I don’t know what they were shooting at. When someone then started to return fire, people took cover as best they could and others went into defensive firing positions. No one imposed command and control. There was no after-action review.
The crowd of 500 dwindled to a crowd of about 50. I walked up to a group of young men with guns that was gingerly disarming someone they didn’t know. A woman in the group angrily accused me of being with the mysterious armed man. I had introduced myself to her as a journalist earlier that evening.
She and three men confronted me when they saw a cellphone in my hand, concerned that I had taken their pictures. I had not. They demanded my phone. I wouldn’t hand over my phone to a police officer, and I wasn’t going to give it to them. When I refused, one armed man said he would kill me.
He started counting down from 10 with his hand on his pistol. At five, I said I was leaving and walked away. I was punched about a half a dozen times by at least three different people before I managed to escape. I was unarmed. I did not fight back. And I did not run. In retrospect, I’m not sure why I didn’t.
I started my career in journalism as a soldier — a combat correspondent in the U.S. Army 25 years ago — and have written about crime and policing for many years. I am not unfamiliar with violence, and it’s not the first time I’ve been punched by someone angry I was asking questions.
But this was traumatic. I haven’t had to fight off multiple attackers before, and certainly not while surrounded by armed men calling for my murder. Had I fought back, I can only assume I would have been shot.
Photo: George Chidi
It also illustrates the potential dangers faced by Black Lives Matter activists seeking reform, as our norms shift in light of public revulsion at how police use force. We must demand people with guns who are exercising authority to hold themselves to high standards; this is as true of street vigilantes as it is of police. We must expect them to be accountable. We expect them to adhere to the Constitution.
On the one hand, this is a group of people in a community that is experiencing extreme violence. I should be unsurprised that they are a little touchy right now. I really believed I had done enough legwork earlier in the week to be recognized, and assumed a quick look at anything I had written would demonstrate that I intended to be fair. A mistake, plainly. On the other hand, in my experience, people doing the right thing want witnesses. Attacking the press — as in three guys taking turns swinging at a reporter, without intervention — is usually a sign that they’re not on the side of the angels.
The protesters had been cordial to community members, Ward said. But when I asked him of his view of the people at the vigil, after describing this assault, he responded, “Well, what did the police say?” (I have not consulted the police, and if they are aware of the incident, they have said nothing of it.) “They shouldn’t be jumping on nobody down there. … The protesters should be your allies.”
Street justice administered by people who don’t want anyone to know who they are is not a substitute for policing. The solution we find has to uphold our shared values, like those of a free press and freedom of speech. It has to be accountable. What I saw, and experienced, is not the answer to questions raised in protest today. If all Black lives matter, that has to include Black journalists.