theintercept--2020-11-02--ICE Medical Misconduct Witness Slated for Deportation Is a U.S. Citizen, Says Lawyer

a 54-year-old woman in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody , was scheduled for deportation on Monday .
For over two years , Bowman has been held at Georgia ’ s Irwin County Detention Center , the site of growing concern about medical neglect and coerced gynecological procedures performed on nearly 60 women .
She has been a key witness , for attorneys and journalists , of a doctor performing the allegedly unnecessary or overly aggressive procedures .
She is also a U.S. citizen , according to her lawyer and documentation reviewed by The Intercept .
“ I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Intercept about her potential deportation .
“ I always had this fear that I ’ ll lose touch with my family.
” Though she was ordered removed from the country on June 4 , ICE only took action to begin her deportation in the last few weeks — after the public became aware of allegations of medical misconduct at Irwin .
Following the initiation of deportation proceedings against her , a lawyer finally began reviewing documents for Bowman ’ s immigration case and realized that she had documentation indicating her U.S. citizenship .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay of removal for Bowman , potentially setting up her deportation .
On Monday afternoon , Bowman ’ s deportation was halted , for now , and she was to be returned from Arizona , where she was being prepared for her departure , to a detention center in Georgia , her advocates told The Intercept .
“ I am gratified that the deportation of Alma Bowman has been stayed for now .
A 43-year resident of this country with compelling evidence that she is a United States citizen , Ms .
Bowman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and DHS investigations into human rights violations at the ICE Irwin County Detention Center , ” Rep. Hank Johnson , D-Ga. , told The Intercept in a statement , referring to the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General investigation into Irwin .
“ To deport her before she has been interviewed would have been a gross obstruction of justice.
” Born in 1966 in the Philippines , to a U.S. citizen father who was serving in the Navy and a Filipina mother , Bowman moved to the U.S. with her parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought that I was a citizen of the United States , ” Bowman said .
She has two U.S. citizen children and is married to a U.S. citizen , whom she is separated from .
Bowman said she told both an ICE officer and more than one immigration judge — four separate judges have presided over her case in the past three years — about her citizenship .
The immigration officials seemed indifferent .
“ They were not paying attention , ” Bowman said , when asked how the officials reacted to her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t believe me , and I got it in my head that maybe I wasn ’ t. ” One ICE officer , she told The Intercept , questioned whether the man who raised her as his daughter was actually her biological father .
Her birth certificate , which The Intercept was able to review , names her father , a U.S. citizen .
Her maternal grandfather was also a U.S. citizen .
Without an attorney , Bowman represented herself in immigration court until this week .
In the course of her complex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for asylum and , after it was denied , languished in immigration detention .
After nearly half a year in Atlanta City Detention Center , she was transferred to Irwin and held there from January 2018 until last week — more than 30 months — when she was transferred to Arizona in preparation for her deportation .
After attorneys with the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights , or GLAHR , began representing her last week , they discovered that Bowman is , in fact , a U.S. citizen .
The Intercept was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth certificates , marriage contracts , and immigration forms related to her citizenship .
Prior to 1986 , laws regarding citizenship status were governed by the 1952 version of the Immigration and Nationality Act , which stated that to acquire citizenship for a person born out of wedlock to a U.S. citizen father , they must have been legitimated by their father prior to turning 21 years old .
As Bowman ’ s parents prepared to bring her to the U.S. in 1977 , when Bowman was 11 years old , her father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ petition to classify status of alien relative , ” which The Intercept reviewed .
The form , which owing to its age is difficult to read , was submitted to the Immigration and Naturalization Service , the now-defunct U.S. immigration agency , at the U.S. Embassy in the Philippines .
Van Huynh , Bowman ’ s lawyer from GLAHR , argues that the document legitimates her paternity under federal law .
Under Georgia state law , her parents ’ marriage in 1968 also legitimated her , Huynh said .
( The Intercept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , under Philippine law , marriage after birth results in the legitimation of a child .
All of this , Huynh argues , makes it clear that Bowman is a U.S. citizen .
“ For 43 years , immigration officials had access to her birth certificate , listing her father as a U.S. citizen , and her parents ’ marriage certificate , since the documents were submitted when her father filed a petition for her to immigrate to the United States , ” Huynh said .
“ ICE had enough information that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and raised the possibility of her status as a U.S. citizen in court .
But that was never done.
” Huynh added that there ’ s “ no doubt on my part about her U.S. citizenship.
” in Georgia and speaks with the state ’ s characteristic lilting drawl .
She identifies deeply with the state where she raised her two children , both of whom graduated from the same high school she did .
She was actively involved in her children ’ s school and enjoys gardening , reading , and doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blood pressure , hyperthyroidism , and sleep apnea , and was diagnosed with diabetes while in detention .
Among other fears , she ’ s worried about accessing the proper treatments and medicine if she ’ s returned to the Philippines .
Deportations of U.S. citizens occur much more frequently than commonly understood .
According to Jacqueline Stevens , a professor at Northwestern University and founder of the Deportation Research Clinic , about 1 percent of all people detained by ICE are U.S. citizens , and about one-half of 1 percent of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ citizens .
That means thousands , or even tens of thousands , of U.S. citizens are deported annually .
One of the immigration judges who presided over Bowman ’ s claim was William Cassidy , who previously came under scrutiny for deporting a citizen , Mark Lyttle , to Mexico in 2008 .
A district court judge in 2012 wrote that Cassidy had “ rubber-stamped the false conclusion and unsupported record constructed by North Carolina ICE and the Georgia ICE Defendants that stated Lyttle was a citizen of Mexico.
” In 2019 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Board of Immigration Appeals .
( Immigration courts are civil courts operated by the Justice Department , not an independent branch of government . )
Stevens told The Intercept that ICE has “ guidelines put in place for exactly these kinds of cases.
” The guidelines state that when “ there is uncertainty about whether the evidence is probative of U.S. citizenship , ICE should not detain , arrest , or lodge an immigration detainer against the individual and should cancel any immigration detainer already lodged by ICE , ” according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American Immigration Lawyers Association .
In 2017 , Bowman was first taken into custody by ICE after a traffic stop ; she was on parole after serving two years for minor drug possession .
Since being transferred to Irwin in January 2018 , Bowman has been trying to call attention to alleged medical abuses at the facility , which she said she has been both subjected to and has witnessed .
She has also decried the general conditions of uncleanliness , leaking roofs , moldy bathrooms , favoritism , and rule-changing .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to live in whether they are citizens of the United States or not , ” Bowman wrote last week in a letter to Johnson , the House member from Georgia , and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , D-N.Y .
Bowman was first seen by Dr. Mahendra Amin — the doctor accused of unnecessary and overly aggressive gynecological procedures — in May 2018 , after complaining of vaginal pain .
In an interview , as well as in her letter to Johnson and Ocasio-Cortez , Bowman claimed that Amin told her that it was “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insisted , according to the interview and letter to Congress , he prescribed her a hormonal cream , though she never received the medication .
Bowman had previously undergone a hysterectomy in 1999 .
After ongoing pain and discomfort , five weeks after being seen by Amin , Bowman succeeded in getting sent to another doctor , who diagnosed her with a stage 2 or 3 rectocele , a rectal hernia pressing into her vaginal wall , and recommended aggressive treatment .
Amin ’ s lawyer , Scott Grubman , did not respond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the allegations in this story .
In past news reports , including at The Intercept , Grubman and Amin have denied any wrongdoing and said that any investigation would clear the doctor .
Neither ICE nor the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General , which is investigating the allegations of medical misconduct at Irwin , responded to requests for comment .
In the letter she sent to Congress , Bowman also claimed that Irwin sent two detainees to Amin on September 22 , a week after allegations of abuse came to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among congressional leaders that ICE may be attempting to deport key witnesses in the investigation into misconduct by Amin .
“ As the investigation proceeds , deportation proceedings against detainee witnesses must be halted , ” Johnson said in a statement to The Intercept last week .
Huynh described Bowman ’ s testimony about Amin as “ critical ” to efforts to raise awareness about allegations of medical misconduct at Irwin .
Bowman ’ s experience , according to Huynh , provides evidence to back up allegations of Amin ’ s “ wide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys , advocates , and Bowman herself , she has not been interviewed by any government officials regarding Amin or other medical abuse and neglect issues in Irwin .
Bowman has been in touch , however , with attorneys and advocates investigating medical abuses in Irwin since March .
Rev .
Leeann Culbreath , of the South Georgia Immigrant Support Network , described Bowman as a “ central figure , a key community leader within the dorm ” who “ knew what was going on with everybody.
” Besides being well-informed of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Irwin , Bowman also thoroughly “ documented what she was observing , ” Culbreath told The Intercept , adding , “ She has strong evidence about Amin , around Covid-19 and other medical neglect issues.
” Priyanka Bhatt , a staff attorney with Project South , told The Intercept that Bowman was “ a big source of information ” for the Office of Inspector General complaint filed on September 14 and first reported by The Intercept .
Bowman ’ s criticisms of medical care in Irwin are not focused only on Amin , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neglect and abuse .
Bowman was housed with four women who had been diagnosed with the coronavirus and suspected that there were others who also had been infected but weren ’ t tested due to what she claimed were staff shortages .
Though Bowman had been in touch with lawyers and advocates about conditions in ICE detention , she only met with Van Huynh about her own case for the first time on October 27 .
It was only after reviewing her case file last week that Huynh realized Bowman was a citizen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of aggressive incarceration practices apart from immigration detention and deportation .
According to Huynh , Bowman served one year in prison and four on parole for a forgery charge after paying for groceries using her boyfriend ’ s checkbook .
After she was released , and while still on probation , she was picked up and charged with possession of less than an ounce of methamphetamines and sent back to prison .
Huynh is worried about what Bowman may face in the Philippines , where drug users have faced prison , assault , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led by President Rodrigo Duterte .
Just last March , Duterte said , “ It is my job to scare people , to intimidate people , and to kill people.
” Bowman told The Intercept , “ I ’ m afraid , I ’ m just scared.
” A typhoon hit the Philippines this weekend , and Huynh hoped that it would delay Bowman ’ s deportation long enough to convince ICE that she is a citizen .
“ Our government should not be deporting U.S. citizens , ” said Stevens , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protecting them.
” Update : November 2 , 2020 , 4:32 p.m .
This story has been updated to reflect that Bowman ’ s deportation was stayed and to include a statement from Rep. Hank Johnson , D-Ga. made after publication .
Correction : November 2 , 2020 , 4:32 p.m .
This story has been corrected to note the proper attribution of a quote to Leann Culbreath , rather than Priyanka Bhatt .
The story has also been updated to correct the sentence for Bowman ’ s conviction on forgery charges .

Alma Bowman, a 54-year-old woman in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody, was scheduled for deportation on Monday. For over two years, Bowman has been held at Georgia’s Irwin County Detention Center, the site of growing concern about medical neglect and coerced gynecological procedures performed on nearly 60 women. She has been a key witness, for attorneys and journalists, of a doctor performing the allegedly unnecessary or overly aggressive procedures.
She is also a U.S. citizen, according to her lawyer and documentation reviewed by The Intercept.
“I’m just scared,” Bowman told The Intercept about her potential deportation. “I always had this fear that I’ll lose touch with my family.”
Though she was ordered removed from the country on June 4, ICE only took action to begin her deportation in the last few weeks — after the public became aware of allegations of medical misconduct at Irwin. Following the initiation of deportation proceedings against her, a lawyer finally began reviewing documents for Bowman’s immigration case and realized that she had documentation indicating her U.S. citizenship.
On Monday morning, ICE denied a stay of removal for Bowman, potentially setting up her deportation. On Monday afternoon, Bowman’s deportation was halted, for now, and she was to be returned from Arizona, where she was being prepared for her departure, to a detention center in Georgia, her advocates told The Intercept.
“I am gratified that the deportation of Alma Bowman has been stayed for now. A 43-year resident of this country with compelling evidence that she is a United States citizen, Ms. Bowman is a material witness in ongoing Congressional and DHS investigations into human rights violations at the ICE Irwin County Detention Center,” Rep. Hank Johnson, D-Ga., told The Intercept in a statement, referring to the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General investigation into Irwin. “To deport her before she has been interviewed would have been a gross obstruction of justice.”
Born in 1966 in the Philippines, to a U.S. citizen father who was serving in the Navy and a Filipina mother, Bowman moved to the U.S. with her parents as an adolescent. “I always thought that I was a citizen of the United States,” Bowman said. She has two U.S. citizen children and is married to a U.S. citizen, whom she is separated from.
“ICE had enough information that they could’ve looked into the matter and raised the possibility of her status as a U.S. citizen in court. But that was never done.”
Bowman said she told both an ICE officer and more than one immigration judge — four separate judges have presided over her case in the past three years — about her citizenship. The immigration officials seemed indifferent. “They were not paying attention,” Bowman said, when asked how the officials reacted to her claims of citizenship. “They didn’t believe me, and I got it in my head that maybe I wasn’t.” One ICE officer, she told The Intercept, questioned whether the man who raised her as his daughter was actually her biological father. Her birth certificate, which The Intercept was able to review, names her father, a U.S. citizen. Her maternal grandfather was also a U.S. citizen.
Without an attorney, Bowman represented herself in immigration court until this week. In the course of her complex legal and immigration cases, she asked for asylum and, after it was denied, languished in immigration detention. After nearly half a year in Atlanta City Detention Center, she was transferred to Irwin and held there from January 2018 until last week — more than 30 months — when she was transferred to Arizona in preparation for her deportation. After attorneys with the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights, or GLAHR, began representing her last week, they discovered that Bowman is, in fact, a U.S. citizen. The Intercept was able to review her records, including birth certificates, marriage contracts, and immigration forms related to her citizenship.
Prior to 1986, laws regarding citizenship status were governed by the 1952 version of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which stated that to acquire citizenship for a person born out of wedlock to a U.S. citizen father, they must have been legitimated by their father prior to turning 21 years old.
As Bowman’s parents prepared to bring her to the U.S. in 1977, when Bowman was 11 years old, her father filled out an immigration form called a “petition to classify status of alien relative,” which The Intercept reviewed. The form, which owing to its age is difficult to read, was submitted to the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the now-defunct U.S. immigration agency, at the U.S. Embassy in the Philippines. Van Huynh, Bowman’s lawyer from GLAHR, argues that the document legitimates her paternity under federal law.
Under Georgia state law, her parents’ marriage in 1968 also legitimated her, Huynh said. (The Intercept reviewed the marriage certificate.) Moreover, under Philippine law, marriage after birth results in the legitimation of a child.
All of this, Huynh argues, makes it clear that Bowman is a U.S. citizen. “For 43 years, immigration officials had access to her birth certificate, listing her father as a U.S. citizen, and her parents’ marriage certificate, since the documents were submitted when her father filed a petition for her to immigrate to the United States,” Huynh said. “ICE had enough information that they could’ve looked into the matter and raised the possibility of her status as a U.S. citizen in court. But that was never done.” Huynh added that there’s “no doubt on my part about her U.S. citizenship.”
Photo: Courtesy of Bowman’s family
Bowman grew up in Georgia and speaks with the state’s characteristic lilting drawl. She identifies deeply with the state where she raised her two children, both of whom graduated from the same high school she did. She was actively involved in her children’s school and enjoys gardening, reading, and doing arts and crafts.
Bowman has high blood pressure, hyperthyroidism, and sleep apnea, and was diagnosed with diabetes while in detention. Among other fears, she’s worried about accessing the proper treatments and medicine if she’s returned to the Philippines.
Deportations of U.S. citizens occur much more frequently than commonly understood. According to Jacqueline Stevens, a professor at Northwestern University and founder of the Deportation Research Clinic, about 1 percent of all people detained by ICE are U.S. citizens, and about one-half of 1 percent of all people deported from the country are U.S. citizens. That means thousands, or even tens of thousands, of U.S. citizens are deported annually.
One of the immigration judges who presided over Bowman’s claim was William Cassidy, who previously came under scrutiny for deporting a citizen, Mark Lyttle, to Mexico in 2008. A district court judge in 2012 wrote that Cassidy had “rubber-stamped the false conclusion and unsupported record constructed by North Carolina ICE and the Georgia ICE Defendants that stated Lyttle was a citizen of Mexico.” In 2019, Attorney General William Barr appointed Cassidy to the Board of Immigration Appeals. (Immigration courts are civil courts operated by the Justice Department, not an independent branch of government.)
Stevens told The Intercept that ICE has “guidelines put in place for exactly these kinds of cases.” The guidelines state that when “there is uncertainty about whether the evidence is probative of U.S. citizenship, ICE should not detain, arrest, or lodge an immigration detainer against the individual and should cancel any immigration detainer already lodged by ICE,” according to a 2015 ICE memo published by the American Immigration Lawyers Association.
In 2017, Bowman was first taken into custody by ICE after a traffic stop; she was on parole after serving two years for minor drug possession. Since being transferred to Irwin in January 2018, Bowman has been trying to call attention to alleged medical abuses at the facility, which she said she has been both subjected to and has witnessed. She has also decried the general conditions of uncleanliness, leaking roofs, moldy bathrooms, favoritism, and rule-changing.
“These conditions are not safe for anyone to live in whether they are citizens of the United States or not,” Bowman wrote last week in a letter to Johnson, the House member from Georgia, and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y.
Bowman was first seen by Dr. Mahendra Amin — the doctor accused of unnecessary and overly aggressive gynecological procedures — in May 2018, after complaining of vaginal pain. In an interview, as well as in her letter to Johnson and Ocasio-Cortez, Bowman claimed that Amin told her that it was “all in her imagination.” After she insisted, according to the interview and letter to Congress, he prescribed her a hormonal cream, though she never received the medication. Bowman had previously undergone a hysterectomy in 1999.
After ongoing pain and discomfort, five weeks after being seen by Amin, Bowman succeeded in getting sent to another doctor, who diagnosed her with a stage 2 or 3 rectocele, a rectal hernia pressing into her vaginal wall, and recommended aggressive treatment.
Amin’s lawyer, Scott Grubman, did not respond to a detailed request for comment on the allegations in this story. In past news reports, including at The Intercept, Grubman and Amin have denied any wrongdoing and said that any investigation would clear the doctor. Neither ICE nor the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General, which is investigating the allegations of medical misconduct at Irwin, responded to requests for comment.
In the letter she sent to Congress, Bowman also claimed that Irwin sent two detainees to Amin on September 22, a week after allegations of abuse came to light.
Bowman’s transfer and planned deportation reflect worries among congressional leaders that ICE may be attempting to deport key witnesses in the investigation into misconduct by Amin. “As the investigation proceeds, deportation proceedings against detainee witnesses must be halted,” Johnson said in a statement to The Intercept last week.
Huynh described Bowman’s testimony about Amin as “critical” to efforts to raise awareness about allegations of medical misconduct at Irwin. Bowman’s experience, according to Huynh, provides evidence to back up allegations of Amin’s “wide range of medical incompetence.”
“Our government should not be deporting U.S. citizens. It should be protecting them.”
According to attorneys, advocates, and Bowman herself, she has not been interviewed by any government officials regarding Amin or other medical abuse and neglect issues in Irwin. Bowman has been in touch, however, with attorneys and advocates investigating medical abuses in Irwin since March.
Rev. Leeann Culbreath, of the South Georgia Immigrant Support Network, described Bowman as a “central figure, a key community leader within the dorm” who “knew what was going on with everybody.” Besides being well-informed of the procedures and alleged abuses taking place in Irwin, Bowman also thoroughly “documented what she was observing,” Culbreath told The Intercept, adding, “She has strong evidence about Amin, around Covid-19 and other medical neglect issues.”
Priyanka Bhatt, a staff attorney with Project South, told The Intercept that Bowman was “a big source of information” for the Office of Inspector General complaint filed on September 14 and first reported by The Intercept.
Bowman’s criticisms of medical care in Irwin are not focused only on Amin, but paint a broader picture of medical neglect and abuse. Bowman was housed with four women who had been diagnosed with the coronavirus and suspected that there were others who also had been infected but weren’t tested due to what she claimed were staff shortages.
Though Bowman had been in touch with lawyers and advocates about conditions in ICE detention, she only met with Van Huynh about her own case for the first time on October 27. It was only after reviewing her case file last week that Huynh realized Bowman was a citizen.
Her case also shows the perils of aggressive incarceration practices apart from immigration detention and deportation. According to Huynh, Bowman served one year in prison and four on parole for a forgery charge after paying for groceries using her boyfriend’s checkbook. After she was released, and while still on probation, she was picked up and charged with possession of less than an ounce of methamphetamines and sent back to prison.
Huynh is worried about what Bowman may face in the Philippines, where drug users have faced prison, assault, and extrajudicial murder in a severe crackdown led by President Rodrigo Duterte. Just last March, Duterte said, “It is my job to scare people, to intimidate people, and to kill people.” Bowman told The Intercept, “I’m afraid, I’m just scared.” A typhoon hit the Philippines this weekend, and Huynh hoped that it would delay Bowman’s deportation long enough to convince ICE that she is a citizen.
“Our government should not be deporting U.S. citizens,” said Stevens, the Northwestern professor. “It should be protecting them.”
Update: November 2, 2020, 4:32 p.m.
This story has been updated to reflect that Bowman’s deportation was stayed and to include a statement from Rep. Hank Johnson, D-Ga. made after publication.
Correction: November 2, 2020, 4:32 p.m.
This story has been corrected to note the proper attribution of a quote to Leann Culbreath, rather than Priyanka Bhatt. The story has also been updated to correct the sentence for Bowman’s conviction on forgery charges.


theintercept--2020-11-02--Trump’s Rural Health Adviser Fiddles While the Heartland Burns

has created a rural health emergency in the United States .
Hospitals in some rural areas have become overwhelmed as emergency rooms and in-patient services reach — and sometimes exceed — capacity .
In just the last month , the number of non-metropolitan counties reporting at least 100 cases per 10,000 people has doubled .
While the pandemic initially struck New York City and other urban areas hardest , the states reporting the highest death rates from Covid-19 are now North Dakota , Montana , South Dakota , and Wisconsin .
Yet we have heard little about the virus raging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Donald Trump put in charge of the National Advisory Committee on Rural Health and Human Services , Jeff Colyer .
Instead , while the coronavirus has stretched medical resources to the breaking point in his hometown of Kansas City , Colyer has been performing plastic surgery in his office there .
Trump appointed Colyer , a plastic surgeon who served as governor of Kansas for one year beginning in January 2018 , to chair the 21-member committee in February .
A Republican who publicly questioned whether former President Barack Obama was born in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights of adoption agencies to refuse to grant adoptions to lesbian and gay couples , Colyer as governor proposed work requirements for Medicaid and fiercely opposed an expansions to the program .
At an October 2018 rally in Topeka , Trump called Colyer “ one hell of a governor ” and mused that “ I think we have to talk to him about bringing him down to Washington or something.
” The committee Colyer now chairs is supposed to advise the secretary of Health and Human Services on how best to serve the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so far , most of his public appearances and writings seem to have focused on promoting the drug hydroxychloroquine .
In two opinion pieces in the Wall Street Journal , as well as in interviews on Fox News , Colyer extolled the benefits of the drug , which Trump pushed as a Covid-19 treatment despite evidence that it can cause cardiac side effects .
Colyer has dismissed safety concerns , telling Fox News that the drug “ has a very safe safety profile.
” In June , after the federal government stockpiled 63 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Drug Administration revoked its emergency use authorization , which it had granted in late March .
The agency cited “ serious cardiac adverse events and other potential serious side effects ” in its decision .
Still , Colyer offered his support for hydroxychloroquine as recently as September 22 , when he tweeted out a link to a report from a conservative group calling for the drug to “ be more widely recommended , prescribed and promoted to treat COVID-19 right now.
” Colyer has couched his enthusiasm for the drug as coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ described himself in the Wall Street Journal as “ treating patients with Covid-19.
” Former Fox News host Ed Henry referred to him on air as “ one of many heroic doctors on the front line.
” But Colyer is a plastic surgeon who performs abdominoplasty , liposuction , skin resurfacing , and breast augmentation , among other procedures , according to his website , which notes that “ Dr .
Colyer continues to establish a renewed sense of confidence as well as a larger , more youthful breast contour for his breast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself as a “ humanitarian ” on Twitter , has apparently helped raise money and awareness for an organization that has done relief work during the pandemic .
Colyer did not respond to questions about when and under what circumstances he has treated Covid-19 patients .
The rural health committee itself has been relatively quiet about the coronavirus pandemic since Colyer took the helm .
The virus didn ’ t even come up when the group met in March to discuss maternal and obstetric care and HIV prevention in rural areas , subjects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group .
At a virtual meeting in July , when the coronavirus had already begun to spread through the country , the committee mostly discussed how to redefine its vision , values , and mission statement , rather than the emerging crisis .
At the end of the meeting , Colyer invited committee members to respond to questions from the public , many of which , he noted , were “ about Coronavirus response in rural communities , ” according to a summary of the meeting .
After noting that “ the Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ healthcare in the future , ” Colyer suggested that the committee meet to discuss that topic at some point in the future .
But the committee hasn ’ t met again , and the only other document it has released during Colyer ’ s tenure , a September draft of the committee ’ s vision statement , which presumably grew out of the July discussion , doesn ’ t mention the pandemic at all .
Still , if Trump ’ s rural health expert hasn ’ t been doing much to address the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he does appear to be working .
A call to his office confirmed that he has several openings this week for anyone interested in getting breast implants .

The coronavirus pandemic has created a rural health emergency in the United States. Hospitals in some rural areas have become overwhelmed as emergency rooms and in-patient services reach — and sometimes exceed — capacity. In just the last month, the number of non-metropolitan counties reporting at least 100 cases per 10,000 people has doubled. While the pandemic initially struck New York City and other urban areas hardest, the states reporting the highest death rates from Covid-19 are now North Dakota, Montana, South Dakota, and Wisconsin.
Yet we have heard little about the virus raging throughout rural America from the person President Donald Trump put in charge of the National Advisory Committee on Rural Health and Human Services, Jeff Colyer. Instead, while the coronavirus has stretched medical resources to the breaking point in his hometown of Kansas City, Colyer has been performing plastic surgery in his office there.
Trump appointed Colyer, a plastic surgeon who served as governor of Kansas for one year beginning in January 2018, to chair the 21-member committee in February. A Republican who publicly questioned whether former President Barack Obama was born in the United States and has championed the rights of adoption agencies to refuse to grant adoptions to lesbian and gay couples, Colyer as governor proposed work requirements for Medicaid and fiercely opposed an expansions to the program.
At an October 2018 rally in Topeka, Trump called Colyer “one hell of a governor” and mused that “I think we have to talk to him about bringing him down to Washington or something.”
The committee Colyer now chairs is supposed to advise the secretary of Health and Human Services on how best to serve the country’s rural areas. But so far, most of his public appearances and writings seem to have focused on promoting the drug hydroxychloroquine. In two opinion pieces in the Wall Street Journal, as well as in interviews on Fox News, Colyer extolled the benefits of the drug, which Trump pushed as a Covid-19 treatment despite evidence that it can cause cardiac side effects. Colyer has dismissed safety concerns, telling Fox News that the drug “has a very safe safety profile.”
In June, after the federal government stockpiled 63 million doses of hydroxychloroquine, the Food and Drug Administration revoked its emergency use authorization, which it had granted in late March. The agency cited “serious cardiac adverse events and other potential serious side effects” in its decision.
Still, Colyer offered his support for hydroxychloroquine as recently as September 22, when he tweeted out a link to a report from a conservative group calling for the drug to “be more widely recommended, prescribed and promoted to treat COVID-19 right now.”
From the front lines, I can tell you that the best weapons in our arsenal for combatting the coronavirus epidemic are the drugs being recommended by @realDonaldTrump/@POTUS. https://t.co/2kgmwSj6AO — Dr. Jeff Colyer (@DrJeffColyer) March 24, 2020
Colyer has couched his enthusiasm for the drug as coming from “the front lines” and described himself in the Wall Street Journal as “treating patients with Covid-19.” Former Fox News host Ed Henry referred to him on air as “one of many heroic doctors on the front line.” But Colyer is a plastic surgeon who performs abdominoplasty, liposuction, skin resurfacing, and breast augmentation, among other procedures, according to his website, which notes that “Dr. Colyer continues to establish a renewed sense of confidence as well as a larger, more youthful breast contour for his breast augmentation patients.”
Colyer, who describes himself as a “humanitarian” on Twitter, has apparently helped raise money and awareness for an organization that has done relief work during the pandemic. Colyer did not respond to questions about when and under what circumstances he has treated Covid-19 patients.
The rural health committee itself has been relatively quiet about the coronavirus pandemic since Colyer took the helm. The virus didn’t even come up when the group met in March to discuss maternal and obstetric care and HIV prevention in rural areas, subjects that were chosen before Colyer joined the group.
At a virtual meeting in July, when the coronavirus had already begun to spread through the country, the committee mostly discussed how to redefine its vision, values, and mission statement, rather than the emerging crisis. At the end of the meeting, Colyer invited committee members to respond to questions from the public, many of which, he noted, were “about Coronavirus response in rural communities,” according to a summary of the meeting. After noting that “the Covid-19 pandemic is going to strategically change rural healthcare in the future,” Colyer suggested that the committee meet to discuss that topic at some point in the future. But the committee hasn’t met again, and the only other document it has released during Colyer’s tenure, a September draft of the committee’s vision statement, which presumably grew out of the July discussion, doesn’t mention the pandemic at all.
Still, if Trump’s rural health expert hasn’t been doing much to address the health crisis spreading throughout the heartland, he does appear to be working. A call to his office confirmed that he has several openings this week for anyone interested in getting breast implants.


theintercept--2020-11-03--Workers’ Rights in Montana Are Riding on the Governor’s Race

the nation ’ s only competitive governor ’ s race this election could have stark consequences for Montana residents .
Should Republicans win in the state on Tuesday , a leaked document shows that the state GOP is planning a comprehensive assault on workers ’ rights as well as to end limits on campaign contributions , to abolish the state ’ s campaign finance regulation board , to mandate ultrasounds prior to abortions , and to freeze state spending .
Republicans currently control the state legislature and are expected to retain control after the elections .
The governor ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shows Republican Rep. Greg Gianforte and Democratic Lt. Gov .
Mike Cooney in a tie .
Gianforte , who as of 2018 was the richest member of the House , gained fame in his 2017 campaign for Congress when he shoved a reporter covering his campaign .
“ Montana has had 16 years of Democrat Governor ’ s vetoes that have stiffed our business environment , inhibited growth , and frustrated Montanan ’ s liberties , ” the document , entitled “ Montana House Top Priorities , ” reads .
“ Many Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into this draft blueprint for the 2021 session .
It is an evolving draft that provides options for the House Republican Caucus.
” The internal Republican memo , which was first obtained by MTN News , contains over 60 legislative priorities .
Gianforte has been campaigning on vague promises to improve schools , lower taxes , and reduce regulations .
“ Greg believes our education dollars should go to our classrooms , students and teachers , not eaten up by bureaucracy , ” his website reads .
Likewise , Gianforte ’ s slightly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pledges increased teacher pay .
By contrast , the document shows that state Republicans are planning a large expansion of so-called school choice , including tax credits to attend private and parochial schools as well as tuition grants coming from public education dollars .
The proposed freezing of state spending and property tax cuts means that there would be little left for teacher pay increases .
The document pledges that Republicans will weaken or repeal outright Montana ’ s unique protections for worker rights .
The state is the only one in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means an employer can terminate an employee at any time for any reason that isn ’ t illegal .
Montana specially requires employers to have a valid cause to terminate an employee after a probationary period , typically six months from date of hire .
The document pledges either to eliminate the requirement or to increase the probationary period to 12 months .
In election law , the GOP draft pledges to expand voter ID rules ; end same-day voter registration ; to eliminate the office of the Commissioner of Political Practices , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; and create closed primaries where only voters affiliated with a given political party can vote .
The latter is critical to a goal , set by corporate interests , to rid the state of moderate Republicans who vote against their agenda , which was detailed in the 2018 documentary “ Dark Money.
” ( “ Dark Money ” was co-funded by Topic Studios , which is part of First Look Media , along with The Intercept . )
The Montana House GOP also pledges in the document to end dues collection for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ priority for Charles Koch .
While the 2018 Supreme Court ruling in Janus v. AFSCME removed mandatory payments to unions for the cost of representation , so-called paycheck deception would hamper unions by forcing them to collect dues themselves instead of allowing employees to deduct it from their paycheck .
Koch Industries has donated $ 500,000 this cycle to the Republican Governors Association , which is spending at least $ 8 million to elect Gianforte .
Similar legislation has passed in Missouri and Iowa , and resulted in significant union member drop-off .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ wage rules for state construction projects , which would be a major blow to building trade unions in the state .
The Democrat , Lt. Gov .
Mike Cooney , previously served three terms as Montana ’ s elected secretary of state .
While Gianforte has outspent Cooney $ 6.4 million to $ 2 million , the Democratic Governors Association and other pro-Cooney outside groups have outspent pro-Gianforte groups $ 11 million to $ 8.25 million .
“ We want to hit the ground running , ” state Rep. Derek Skees , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MTN News .
“ We want to capitalize on having a Republican governor .
… We have a lot of work to do , and a lot of us are focused on getting it done .
”

The results of the nation’s only competitive governor’s race this election will likely have stark consequences for Montana residents. Republican Rep. Greg Gianforte pulled off a victory in a competitive race against Democratic Lt. Gov. Mike Cooney, with 51.4 percent of the vote on Tuesday night to Cooney’s 44.9 percent. Gianforte, who as of 2018 was the richest member of the House, gained fame in his 2017 campaign for Congress when he shoved a reporter covering his campaign.
Republicans currently control the state legislature and are expected to retain control after the elections. A leaked document shows that the state GOP is planning a comprehensive assault on workers’ rights as well as to end limits on campaign contributions, to abolish the state’s campaign finance regulation board, to mandate ultrasounds prior to abortions, and to freeze state spending.
“Montana has had 16 years of Democrat Governor’s vetoes that have stiffed our business environment, inhibited growth, and frustrated Montanan’s liberties,” the document, entitled “Montana House Top Priorities,” reads. “Many Republicans from across the state have given input into this draft blueprint for the 2021 session. It is an evolving draft that provides options for the House Republican Caucus.” The internal Republican memo, which was first obtained by the Montana Post and subsequently reported by MTN News, contains over 60 legislative priorities.
Gianforte has been campaigning on vague promises to improve schools, lower taxes, and reduce regulations. “Greg believes our education dollars should go to our classrooms, students and teachers, not eaten up by bureaucracy,” his website reads. Likewise, Gianforte’s slightly more detailed “Montana Comeback Plan” pledges increased teacher pay.
By contrast, the document shows that state Republicans are planning a large expansion of so-called school choice, including tax credits to attend private and parochial schools as well as tuition grants coming from public education dollars. The proposed freezing of state spending and property tax cuts means that there would be little left for teacher pay increases.
The document pledges that Republicans will weaken or repeal outright Montana’s unique protections for worker rights. The state is the only one in the nation without default at-will employment; at-will means an employer can terminate an employee at any time for any reason that isn’t illegal. Montana specially requires employers to have a valid cause to terminate an employee after a probationary period, typically six months from date of hire. The document pledges either to eliminate the requirement or to increase the probationary period to 12 months.
In election law, the GOP draft pledges to expand voter ID rules; end same-day voter registration; to eliminate the office of the Commissioner of Political Practices, who regulates campaign finances in the state; and create closed primaries where only voters affiliated with a given political party can vote. The latter is critical to a goal, set by corporate interests, to rid the state of moderate Republicans who vote against their agenda, which was detailed in the 2018 documentary “Dark Money.” (“Dark Money” was co-funded by Topic Studios, which is part of First Look Media, along with The Intercept.)
The Montana House GOP also pledges in the document to end dues collection for public sector unions, a top legislative priority for Charles Koch. While the 2018 Supreme Court ruling in Janus v. AFSCME removed mandatory payments to unions for the cost of representation, so-called paycheck deception would hamper unions by forcing them to collect dues themselves instead of allowing employees to deduct it from their paycheck. Koch Industries has donated $500,000 this cycle to the Republican Governors Association, which is spending at least $8 million to elect Gianforte. Similar legislation has passed in Missouri and Iowa, and resulted in significant union member drop-off. The document also pledges to end prevailing wage rules for state construction projects, which would be a major blow to building trade unions in the state.
The Democrat, Lt. Gov. Mike Cooney, previously served three terms as Montana’s elected secretary of state. While Gianforte outspent Cooney $6.4 million to $2 million, the Democratic Governors Association and other pro-Cooney outside groups outspent pro-Gianforte groups $11 million to $8.25 million.
“We want to hit the ground running,” state Rep. Derek Skees, who helped to create the document, told MTN News. “We want to capitalize on having a Republican governor. … We have a lot of work to do, and a lot of us are focused on getting it done.”
Update: November 9, 2020
This story has been updated to include that the memo was first reported by The Montana Post.


theintercept--2020-11-03--Medicare for All Is on the Ballot in Suburban Texas

district Julie Oliver is hoping to flip blue on Tuesday was once a Democratic stronghold .
But after a contentious Republican-led redistricting process in 2011 , Roger Williams won it in 2013 and has won reelection handily ever since .
Oliver , an attorney with two decades of experience in health care finance , mounted a challenge against Williams in 2018 but came up 8.7 points short .
But Donald Trump had won the district in 2016 by 14.8 points , so Oliver saw the glass half full , especially as suburbs generally have been trending in Democrats ’ favor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that election and is hoping that sustained dedicated effort can put her over the edge .
She has been campaigning on some of her formative personal experiences , like losing her health insurance at 18 , just two months after her daughter was born .
Her son also has preexisting conditions , and when Williams voted to repeal the Affordable Care Act in 2017 , Oliver said she felt she had to jump in the race .
Oliver is running on a Green New Deal , Medicare for All , and an end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DSA-backed candidate running to her left in the primary , and today is backed by progressive leaders like Sens .
Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , and groups like the Sunrise Movement , the Working Families Party , and Indivisible .
The DCCC also added Oliver ’ s race onto its “ red-to-blue ” list at the end of the summer , based on promising internal poll numbers and Oliver ’ s impressive fundraising .
In August , despite not accepting any PAC money , Oliver raised more than $ 250,000 and outraised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quarter of the year .

Julie Oliver , who campaigned heavily on Medicare for All and hoped to flip a suburban Austin district blue, fell about 14 percentage points short as of Tuesday night, with 94 percent of results counted. Texas’s 25th Congressional District was once a Democratic stronghold, but after a contentious Republican-led redistricting process in 2011, Roger Williams won it in 2013 and has won reelection handily ever since.
Oliver, an attorney with two decades of experience in health care finance, mounted a challenge against Williams in 2018 but came up 8.7 points short. But Donald Trump had won the district in 2016 by 14.8 points, so Oliver saw the glass half full, especially as suburbs generally have been trending in Democrats’ favor. Texas was called for Trump shortly after midnight on Election Day, with the president leading Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden by about 6 points, with 93 percent of results counted.
“Thousands of people chipped in whatever they could afford to this campaign, because they recognize our healthcare system is broken and ensuring that every American has healthcare is a moral and economic necessity,” Oliver said in a statement Tuesday night. “Gerrymandering sucks. And Texas deserves better.”
Keep showing up for one another. To the thousands of people that stepped up for this campaign, I love you and I'm proud of you. Learn from tonight, take what you can from the hard lessons, and keep fighting. From the bottom of my heart, thank you. See y'all down the road. pic.twitter.com/vhYonrlZqA — Julie Oliver (@JulieOliverTX) November 4, 2020
Oliver virtually never stopped campaigning after the 2018 election and had hoped that sustained dedicated effort would put her over the edge. She campaigned on some of her formative personal experiences, like losing her health insurance at 18, just two months after her daughter was born. Her son also has preexisting conditions, and when Williams voted to repeal the Affordable Care Act in 2017, Oliver said she felt she had to jump in the race.
Oliver ran on a Green New Deal, Medicare for All, and an end to mass incarceration. She beat a DSA-backed candidate running to her left in the primary, and was backed by progressive leaders like Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, and groups like the Sunrise Movement, the Working Families Party, and Indivisible. The DCCC also added Oliver’s race onto its “red-to-blue” list at the end of the summer, based on promising internal poll numbers and Oliver’s impressive fundraising. In August, despite not accepting any PAC money, Oliver raised more than $250,000 and outraised Williams by 235 percent in the second quarter of the year.
Williams, however, was a well-funded candidate. He owns a car dealership, and was the ninth-richest member of the House in 2018. Williams serves on the powerful House Financial Services Committee and has aligned himself closely with Trump, voting with the president over 94 percent of the time. When Trump declared a state of emergency to seize funding for his border wall last year, Williams defended the move, insisting in a statement that Trump had “no option” but to do so.
Texas has the fastest-growing population in the United States, and the influx of new residents is rapidly changing the state’s demographics. In 2018, for example, for every one white person who moved to Texas, nearly nine Hispanics arrived. Voting patterns are also changing: Beto O’Rourke’s near-successful challenge to GOP Sen. Ted Cruz was the closest Senate race in the state in four decades. This cycle, O’Rourke has been working to mobilize his massive campaign list to help elect other Democrats.
Read Our Complete Coverage Election 2020
In addition to demographic trends that could have boded well for Oliver, Texas Monthly reported that three of the four Texas counties that added the most new voters since 2018 fall partially within Texas’s 25th Congressional District. Oliver had banked on momentum from Biden’s run and broader Democratic organizing throughout the state. Biden endorsed her last month, saying, “She’s overcome poverty, homelessness and raised a son with a preexisting condition. She’s a champion for her community, fighting for affordable health care, housing, education, and good jobs in the clean economy. I’m proud to endorse Julie because we need leaders like her fighting for working families in Congress.”
Still, Oliver had run against an incumbent in a gerrymandered district, and turnout was higher for Republicans than it was during the midterms. The Cook Political Report had projected the race as “likely Republican,” although an internal DCCC poll from July had found Oliver behind by just 2 points — 45 percent to 43 percent.


theintercept--2020-11-03--In Most-Watched House Race, Kara Eastman Takes a Second Shot

social worker and nonprofit leader , is taking her second shot at unseating Republican Rep. Don Bacon , who beat her by just 2 percentage points two years ago .
Her victory would be a rebuke to business-friendly elements of the Democratic Party , which did not seriously back her in 2018 , on the assumption that progressives can ’ t win in red districts .
In 2018 , the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee backed Brad Ashford in the primary ; Ashford is a conservative Democrat with a record as an anti-choice state legislator .
After Eastman defeated Ashford in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little on the general election , backing Eastman with just $ 300,000 toward her race .
This time around , though , the DCCC made substantial investments in Eastman , spending at least $ 2.5 million to elect her .
Eastman has made a point this year to go after Bacon for his vote to repeal the Affordable Care Act , and to take away protections from individuals with preexisting conditions .
Bacon claims he now supports the Affordable Care Act .
“ I am here to fix the system and make it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debate last month .
Bacon , in turn , has tried to paint Eastman as a radical for supporting Medicare for All .
Eastman says she began to see the need for major health care reform after her mother was diagnosed with cancer in 2016 , and her doctor prescribed her a $ 2,500 pill she couldn ’ t afford to get .

Kara Eastman, a social worker and nonprofit leader, lost her second attempt to unseat Republican Rep. Don Bacon in a district Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden carried. Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District, which covers the Omaha metro area, has its own Electoral College vote, which Biden picked up.
Bacon beat Eastman by just 2 percentage points two years ago. This time, she lost by 4.8 points. Eastman got about 25,400 more votes than she did last cycle, but it wasn’t enough to unseat Bacon, who got an additional 30,700 votes.
I want to thank you all for your support. We did not get the result we were hoping for. I want to thank Scott and Sabina, my team, the elected officials who supported me, and the voters of Nebraska's 2nd Congressional District who stood by me. pic.twitter.com/WAHIpgrQ7l — Kara Eastman (@_karaeastman) November 4, 2020
In 2018, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee backed Brad Ashford in the primary; Ashford is a conservative Democrat with a record as an anti-choice state legislator. After Eastman defeated Ashford in the primary, the DCCC spent relatively little on the general election, backing Eastman with just $300,000 toward her race. This time around, though, the DCCC made substantial investments in Eastman, spending at least $2.5 million to elect her.
Eastman made a point this year to go after Bacon for his vote to repeal the Affordable Care Act, and to take away protections from individuals with preexisting conditions. Bacon claims he now supports the Affordable Care Act. “I am here to fix the system and make it better,” he claimed in a debate last month. Bacon, in turn, has tried to paint Eastman as a radical for supporting Medicare for All. Eastman says she began to see the need for major health care reform after her mother was diagnosed with cancer in 2016, and her doctor prescribed her a $2,500 pill she couldn’t afford to get.
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Eastman was a competitive fundraiser throughout the election, raising $3.6 million, next to Bacon’s $3.4 million. In addition to the DCCC’s support, progressive groups had hoped to help Eastman win the seat with some final-stretch spending. Justice Democrats launched a $350,000 independent expenditure to help elect her, and funded ads across digital platforms, broadcast, and TV in the district. The Progressive Change Campaign Committee and Rebellion PAC also teamed up to launch a six-figure independent expenditure, as did the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC, which spent six figures.
Indivisible, which endorsed Eastman in 2018, did not endorse this cycle but did send mail on her behalf, and donated $5,000 to her campaign. The Working Families Party endorsed Eastman in October, and spent on ads in concert with MoveOn and Justice Democrats.
Still, Bacon had a money edge overall. A number of super PACs, including the American Bankers Association, spent more than $5 million to defend Bacon, and according to the Center for Responsive Politics, outside groups backing Bacon outspent Eastman groups.
This year, Eastman beat Ann Ashford — Brad Ashford’s wife — in the Democratic primary. Earlier this month, Brad Ashford announced he would be endorsing Bacon, a blow to Democrats. While Ashford praised the incumbent’s spirit of bipartisanship, Bacon has voted with Trump more than 92 percent of the time. Ann Ashford did not make an endorsement.
Biden endorsed Eastman in September, in one of his first rounds of congressional endorsements. Most polling showed a tight race between Biden and Trump in the district, and Biden won it while Trump won the state’s remaining districts and four Electoral College votes. A poll released in early October by the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC showed Biden had support from 53 percent of likely voters in the district, compared with 42 percent for Trump. The Cook Political Report ranked the race as a “Republican toss-up.”
Update: Nov. 9, 2020
This article has been updated with the final results of the race.


theintercept--2020-11-03--Could Mike Siegel Become the First Red Diaper Baby to Flip a Republican Seat?

Rep. Michael McCaul , a conservative Texas Republican and eight-term incumbent , is facing a competitive rematch against Mike Siegel , a civil rights attorney and former public school teacher running on a progressive platform .
Siegel came within 4.3 percentage points of defeating McCaul during his first run for Congress in 2018 , outperforming the expectations of many political observers .
And internal polling from Siegel ’ s campaign found the two candidates heading into the final stretch of the race statistically tied .
Throughout the campaign , Siegel has been attacked as a “ socialist ” from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Siegel is running as a Democrat and not a socialist , but has said he is a “ proud red-diaper baby.
” The 42-year-old civil rights attorney , who began his career teaching third grade as a Teach for America corps member , has represented labor unions , immigrant families , and low-income renters .
Siegel supports Medicare for All , a Green New Deal , and a range of policies to ensure “ housing for all ” and strengthen the organized labor movement .
Demographic changes across the state have created a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last cycle when the shifts eventually pushed six GOP members of Congress to announce retirement .
As Texas drifts more Democratic , Siegel is one of several other candidates , like Candace Valenzuela and Julie Oliver , who could flip a historically red district while running on a more ambitious platform than the one that Democrats usually run in these races .
The Bernie Sanders-backed Democrat reported raising more than $ 1 million in the third quarter and has earned support from national progressive groups , local labor unions , and even the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has represented Texas ’ s 10th Congressional District since 2005 and is the fourth richest member of Congress , has raised $ 870,000 and has about $ 1.1 million cash on hand .
( He has not contributed to his own campaign . )
McCaul draws part of his $ 113 million wealth through “ alleged predatory landlord practices ” that hurt small businesses mostly owned by people of color , the American Prospect revealed .
To fend off Siegel ’ s challenge , McCaul launched a million-dollar-plus TV and digital ad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an attack against his Democratic opponent .
The Congressional Leadership Fund , a Super PAC dedicated to electing Republicans to the House , has also thrown in more than $ 144,000 into the race , according to Open Secrets .
In the attack ad , which features an anti-Black Lives Matter cop , McCaul ’ s campaign goes after Siegel for supporting criminal justice reform policies like defunding the police and ending contracts for private prisons .
“ It ’ s extreme , it ’ s dangerous , and it ’ s all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Trimm Jr. says in the 30-second ad .
“ Take it from me , Mike Siegel is a threat to your family.
” Siegel immediately called on McCaul to take down the ad , The Intercept previously reported , saying that the ad “ and McCaul ’ s choice to platform a public , certifiable racist is very dangerous.
” Though Siegel has been zeroing in on health care and environmental issues , he ’ s also focused on criminal justice reform and racial justice issues .
He ’ s hammered McCaul @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , from his role in putting together the Muslim ban policy that Donald Trump first promised as a candidate in 2015 to his efforts to ramp up America ’ s disastrous war on drugs .
Notably , McCaul was deeply complicit in the biggest law enforcement scandal in Texas history , as a deputy attorney general under Attorney General John Cornyn , who ’ s now the Senate ’ s No .
2 Republican and facing a tough reelection race himself .
In 1999 , more than 10 percent of the Black population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and arrested , pulled out of their homes in front of television crews and wrongfully charged with dealing cocaine .
Many of them served years in prison for a crime it is now widely understood they did not commit .
Forty-six people , almost all of them Black , were arrested on fabricated drug charges that were entirely based on the testimony of one police officer .
“ As the state ’ s leading prosecutors , Cornyn and McCaul had unique latitude in opening an investigation , taking over the case , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Texas Signal wrote .
“ Instead , they intentionally delayed action and sat on the sidelines for years.
” Siegel has criticized the Republican lawmaker for delaying justice for these innocent individuals , while they were “ languishing in prison , facing severe personal , economic , and family costs.
” Now , 20 years later , Siegel said , he “ is still propping up white supremacists .
”

Mike Siegel, a progressive-populist civil rights attorney who hoped to flip the solidly red Houston-area district in Texas, came in 25,000 votes short as of Tuesday night. Siegel had been hoping to unseat Rep. Michael McCaul, a wealthy Republican congressman who helped author President Donald Trump’s “Muslim ban” policy.
Siegel came within 4.3 percentage points of defeating McCaul during his first run for Congress in 2018, outperforming the expectations of many political observers. This cycle, he failed to match his 2018 performance, coming in almost 7 points behind McCaul on Tuesday.
“Regardless of tonight’s results, we showed that deep in the heart of Texas, a progressive movement is rising,” Siegel said in a statement. “It has been an honor to work with the diverse coalition that powered our campaign and helped mobilize over 178,000 Texans to the polls in support of our vision for change.”
The Bernie Sanders-backed Democrat reported raising more than $1 million in the third quarter and has earned support from national progressive groups, local labor unions, and even the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. McCaul, who has represented Texas’s 10th Congressional District since 2005 and is the fourth richest member of Congress, raised $870,000 and had about $1.1 million cash on hand. (He did not contribute to his own campaign.) McCaul draws part of his $113 million wealth through “alleged predatory landlord practices” that hurt small businesses mostly owned by people of color, the American Prospect revealed.
Demographic changes across the state have created a much more competitive political landscape, starting last cycle when the shifts eventually pushed six GOP members of Congress to announce retirement. As Texas drifts more Democratic, Siegel was one of several other candidates, like Candace Valenzuela and Julie Oliver, who hoped to flip a historically red district while running on a more ambitious platform than the one that Democrats usually run in these races.
The 42-year-old civil rights attorney, who began his career teaching third grade as a Teach for America corps member, has represented labor unions, immigrant families, and low-income renters. Siegel supports Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, and a range of policies to ensure “housing for all” and strengthen the organized labor movement. Throughout the campaign, Siegel had been attacked as a “socialist” from the right. The son of activists, Siegel ran as a Democrat and not a socialist, but has said he is a “proud red diaper baby.”
Internal polling from Siegel’s campaign had found the two candidates heading into the final stretch of the race statistically tied. To fend off Siegel’s challenge, McCaul launched a million-dollar-plus TV and digital ad buy early last month, leading with an attack against his Democratic opponent. The Congressional Leadership Fund, a Super PAC dedicated to electing Republicans to the House, also threw in more than $144,000 into the race, according to Open Secrets.
In the attack ad, which features an anti-Black Lives Matter cop, McCaul’s campaign went after Siegel for supporting criminal justice reform policies like defunding the police and ending contracts for private prisons. “It’s extreme, it’s dangerous, and it’s all true,” Waller County Republican Constable Joe Trimm Jr. says in the 30-second ad. “Take it from me, Mike Siegel is a threat to your family.”
Siegel immediately called on McCaul to take down the ad, The Intercept previously reported, saying that the ad “and McCaul’s choice to platform a public, certifiable racist is very dangerous.”
Though Siegel zeroed in on health care and environmental issues, he also focused on criminal justice reform and racial justice issues. He hammered McCaul on his history of pushing racist policies, from his role in putting together the Muslim ban policy that Trump first promised as a candidate in 2015 to his efforts to ramp up America’s disastrous war on drugs. Notably, McCaul was deeply complicit in the biggest law enforcement scandal in Texas history, as a deputy attorney general under Attorney General John Cornyn, who won reelection as the Senate’s No. 2 Republican on Tuesday.
In 1999, more than 10 percent of the Black population of Tulia, Texas, was handcuffed and arrested, pulled out of their homes in front of television crews and wrongfully charged with dealing cocaine. Many of them served years in prison for a crime it is now widely understood they did not commit. Forty-six people, almost all of them Black, were arrested on fabricated drug charges that were entirely based on the testimony of one police officer.
“As the state’s leading prosecutors, Cornyn and McCaul had unique latitude in opening an investigation, taking over the case, and overturning the convictions in Tulia,” the Texas Signal wrote. “Instead, they intentionally delayed action and sat on the sidelines for years.”
Siegel has criticized the Republican lawmaker for delaying justice for these innocent individuals, while they were “languishing in prison, facing severe personal, economic, and family costs.” Now, 20 years later, Siegel said, he “is still propping up white supremacists.”


theintercept--2020-11-03--J.D. Scholten Goes It Alone in the Race for Steve King's Old Seat

the progressive populist who nearly defeated Steve King two years ago in Iowa ’ s ruby-red 4th Congressional District , is facing Republican state Sen. Randy Feenstra .
A recent poll from Monmouth University found Scholten closing the gap , with his GOP opponent , who ’ s backed by President Donald Trump , holding a 48 percent to 42 percent lead among registered voters .
The dynamics of the race changed back in June , when King , a nine-term incumbent and white nationalist who had been censured by his colleagues in the House and stripped of his committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Feenstra .
After King ’ s loss , analysts like the Cook Political Report downgraded the district from “ tilt Republican ” to “ solid Republican.
” This also led the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee , which encouraged Scholten to run against King a second time , to deprioritize the race .
But the race is still competitive , and Scholten has been laser-focused on the issues that led to his unexpected success in 2018 : Working toward universal health care , breaking up corporate monopolies , and enacting campaign finance reform .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ his opponent through mostly small-dollar donations .
He raised $ 815,637 in the third quarter alone , according to Federal Election Commission filings , compared with Feenstra ’ s $ 456,869 .
Scholten has also been running an entirely grassroots campaign that prioritizes meeting and listening to voters , wrapping up a 374-town tour ( that adhered to social distancing guidelines ) across the sprawling rural district in late October .
Feenstra , meanwhile , has been avoiding voters altogether .
The state senator , who has corporate donors and is just as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hasn ’ t been making as many public appearances as Scholten and only debated him once .
Trump won the district by about 27 points in 2016 .
In July , Scholten officially rejected the possibility of receiving any help from the DCCC , as The Intercept previously reported , saying that he doesn ’ t need their support to win and that he will continue to run the campaign his way .
“ We have an authentic campaign that reflects who I am and my vision for this district , ” Scholten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We won ’ t be beholden to special interests or the DCCC ; instead , we ’ re reaching out to folks across the political spectrum to earn votes.
” As a first-time candidate , Scholten came within 3 percentage points of beating King and built a remarkable base of support in the process .
He outperformed nearly 40 percent of the candidates in the DCCC ’ s “ Red-to-Blue ” program , which targets seats that have a promising chance to flip .
He almost didn ’ t run for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ openly weighing a run for the Senate seat currently held by Joni Ernst .
But DCCC head Rep. Cheri Bustos “ begged ” him to run against King a second time , he said , and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer helped clear the field for Theresa Greenfield , who ’ s now the Democratic Senate nominee .
“ The way the DCCC ’ s system is , candidates like me , they don ’ t really care much about , ” Scholten said over the summer .
“ If I could self-fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me .
I mean , the organizing and just the grassroots organization , we created something that ’ s so authentic and so organic that I don ’ t think they know how to deal with something like that .
We need more working-class people in D.C. , and their system is not made for that .
”

J.D. Scholten, the progressive populist who nearly defeated Steve King two years ago in Iowa’s ruby-red 4th Congressional District, conceded to Republican state Sen. Randy Feenstra. As of Tuesday night, Scholten came in almost 30 points behind his opponent, who unseated King, a nine-term incumbent and white nationalist who had been censured by his colleagues in the House and stripped of his committee assignments, in the primary.
After King’s loss, analysts like the Cook Political Report downgraded the district from “tilt Republican” to “solid Republican.” This also led the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which encouraged Scholten to run against King a second time, to deprioritize the race.
“Building trust takes time and standing up to the status quo and establishment is no easy feat,” Scholten said on Tuesday night in a statement.
Scholten had been laser-focused on the issues that led to his unexpected success in 2018: Working toward universal health care, breaking up corporate monopolies, and enacting campaign finance reform. He continued to dramatically outraise his opponent through mostly small-dollar donations. He raised $815,637 in the third quarter alone, according to Federal Election Commission filings, compared with Feenstra’s $456,869. And a recent poll from Monmouth University had previously found Scholten closing the gap, with his GOP opponent, who’s backed by President Donald Trump, holding a 48 percent to 42 percent lead among registered voters.
Scholten also ran an entirely grassroots campaign that prioritized meeting and listening to voters, wrapping up a 374-town tour (that adhered to social distancing guidelines) across the sprawling rural district in late October. Feenstra, meanwhile, avoided voters altogether. The state senator, who has corporate donors and is just as anti-immigrant and pro-Trump as King is, hadn’t made as many public appearances as Scholten and only debated him once. Trump won the district by about 27 points in 2016.
In July, Scholten officially rejected the possibility of receiving any help from the DCCC, as The Intercept previously reported, saying that he doesn’t need their support to win and that he will continue to run the campaign his way. “We have an authentic campaign that reflects who I am and my vision for this district,” Scholten said in a statement announcing the decision. “We won’t be beholden to special interests or the DCCC; instead, we’re reaching out to folks across the political spectrum to earn votes.”
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As a first-time candidate, Scholten came within 3 percentage points of beating King and built a remarkable base of support in the process. He outperformed nearly 40 percent of the candidates in the DCCC’s “Red-to-Blue” program, which targets seats that have a promising chance to flip. He almost didn’t run for the seat again, at one point openly weighing a run for the Senate seat currently held by Joni Ernst. But DCCC head Rep. Cheri Bustos “begged” him to run against King a second time, he said, and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer helped clear the field for Theresa Greenfield, who’s now the Democratic Senate nominee.
“The way the DCCC’s system is, candidates like me, they don’t really care much about,” Scholten said over the summer. “If I could self-fund, they’d be all over me. I mean, the organizing and just the grassroots organization, we created something that’s so authentic and so organic that I don’t think they know how to deal with something like that. We need more working-class people in D.C., and their system is not made for that.”


theintercept--2020-11-03--Candace Valenzuela Faces Off Against “Anti-Sharia” Republican in Dallas Suburbs

educator and army veteran , has a chance to flip an open Texas congressional seat in a district that has been represented by a Republican since 2005 and has been steadily diversifying over the last couple decades .
Valenzuela is running against Beth Van Duyne , who has been endorsed by President Donald Trump and ran an “ anti-Sharia ” campaign during her time as mayor of Irving , Texas .
They are competing in Texas ’ s 24th Congressional District , which covers the suburbs between Dallas and Fort Worth and was opened up when 15-year Rep. Kenny Marchant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican members of Texas ’ s congressional delegation to vacate their seats .
Prior to running for Congress , Valenzuela , who was formerly homeless , became the first Black woman to serve on the Carrollton-Farmers Branch school board , north of Dallas , unseating an 18-year incumbent in 2017 .
Like many insurgent candidates in recent years , she became involved in organizing following Trump ’ s election in 2016 , she told The Intercept ’ s Deconstructed last week .
Valenzuela advanced from the July primary runoff by 20 percentage points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second in the March primary to retired Air Force Col. Kim Olson , with 30 percent of the vote .
Her platform includes expanding the Affordable Care Act and offering a public option , supporting the 2020 Justice in Policing Act introduced in June by Congressional Black Caucus Chair Karen Bass , which would ban chokeholds , end the use of no-knock warrants , and establish a national database to track police misconduct and use of force , and working to pass Democrats ’ massive campaign finance reform bill , H.R .
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Candace Valenzuela, an educator, lost a close race to flip an open Texas congressional seat in a district that has been represented by a Republican since 2005 and has been steadily diversifying over the last couple decades.
Valenzuela ran against Beth Van Duyne, who was endorsed by President Donald Trump and ran an “anti-Sharia” campaign during her time as mayor of Irving, Texas. They competed in Texas’s 24th Congressional District, which covers the suburbs between Dallas and Fort Worth and was opened up when 15-year Rep. Kenny Marchant retired last August — one of seven Republican members of Texas’s congressional delegation to vacate their seats. For days, the race was too close to call, with Van Duyne at 48.8 percent of the vote to Valenzuela’s 47.5. Valenzuela conceded the race in a statement Tuesday morning.
“The first time I stepped up to run for office, others told me that I couldn’t do it because I lacked gravitas and, as a mother and woman of color, I didn’t fit the image of an elected official,” she wrote. “Even though we didn’t win this race, we’ve forced the gatekeepers of the political process to reimagine who belongs at the table.”
Prior to running for Congress, Valenzuela, who was formerly homeless, became the first Black woman to serve on the Carrollton-Farmers Branch school board, north of Dallas, unseating an 18-year incumbent in 2017. Like many insurgent candidates in recent years, she became involved in organizing following Trump’s election in 2016, she told The Intercept’s Deconstructed last week. Valenzuela advanced from the July primary runoff by 20 percentage points with 19,950 votes, after coming in second in the March primary to retired Air Force Col. Kim Olson, with 30 percent of the vote.
Her platform included expanding the Affordable Care Act and offering a public option, supporting the 2020 Justice in Policing Act introduced in June by Congressional Black Caucus Chair Karen Bass, which would ban chokeholds, end the use of no-knock warrants, and establish a national database to track police misconduct and use of force, and working to pass Democrats’ massive campaign finance reform bill, H.R. 1.
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Van Duyne was a regional administrator for Trump’s Department of Housing and Urban Development from 2017 to 2019. The president endorsed her in February and tweeted, “She is a Strong Conservative who supports Border Security, Loves our Military, Vets, and supports your #2A.” She ran on prosecuting violent crime, restricting asylum, and getting rid of the Affordable Care Act. Van Duyne has faced accusations of bigotry, and was honored by two anti-Muslim hate groups, the Southern Poverty Law Center reported, for her public attacks on an Islamic tribunal in Texas in 2015. In September, she posted a meme to Twitter picturing a black woman with bruises on her face with the words: “decades of woman beating, rapes, illegal drug use, gambling, dog fighting and all of a sudden the NFL cares about social justice.”
The district, which was created after the 1970 census, leans Republican but has changed drastically over Marchant’s 15 years in Congress. He won reelection last cycle by just 3 percentage points, narrowly avoiding an upset from Democrat Jan McDowell, who ran against him for the first time in 2016 and lost by 17 points.
John McCain won the district by 17 points in 2008, Mitt Romney won it by 22 points in 2012, and Trump won it by just 6 points in 2016. The Dallas-Fort Worth region added 1.2 million people between 2000 and 2010, a 23 percent increase. The majority-minority district currently has 832,000 people: 45 percent white, 24 percent Hispanic, 15 percent Asian, and 13 percent Black.
Democrats picked up two seats in Texas in the 2018 midterms, with Democrats Lizzie Fletcher and Colin Allred ousting powerful Republican incumbents in Dallas and Houston.
The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee made the 24th District one of eight targets this cycle, along with districts in Austin, San Antonio, El Paso, Houston, and Plano. DCCC spent $3.3 million in support of Valenzuela, whose campaign raised $4 million. Valenzuela was also backed by former President Barack Obama, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, his running mate Sen. Kamala Harris, Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Cory Booker, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus BOLD PAC, the Congressional Black Caucus PAC, Asian Americans & Pacific Islanders Rising Empowering PAC, EMILY’s List, the AFL-CIO, End Citizens United, and Planned Parenthood Action Fund.
Correction: Nov. 10, 2020
A previous version of this article incorrectly referred to Valenzuela as an army veteran. The article has also been updated with the results of the election.


theintercept--2020-11-03--Can DCCC Support Make the Difference for Dana Balter in Upstate New York?

competing for a Western New York congressional seat that Republicans have held since 2015 , aiming to prove that Democrats can flip red districts while running on a progressive policy platform .
Balter is in a rematch against three-term Republican John Katko , who narrowly defeated her by 5 points in 2018 .
( By contrast , Katko defeated his Democratic opponents in 2014 and 2016 by margins of 20 percentage points . )
Balter is backed by progressive groups like the Working Families Party and Indivisible , which also backed her 2018 campaign .
National Democrats had backed her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she won her primary .
The party establishment supported her run this time around , with endorsements from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee , EMILY ’ s List , former president Barack Obama , Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden , and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer .
The Syracuse-area district was a target of the DCCC ’ s “ Red to Blue ” program this cycle , and the Cook Political Report has rated it as a Republican toss-up .
Biden led it by 18 percentage points in the lead-up to Tuesday .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Hillary Clinton carried it over Donald Trump by just under 4 points in 2016 .
Balter raised $ 2.7 million to Katko ’ s $ 3.5 million , with last-minute help from a Clinton-headlined fundraiser .
Katko endorsed Trump in January , but said during a debate with Balter last month that he had considered retracting it and didn ’ t like the president ’ s “ personality.
” Balter ’ s platform included universal health care , treating the opioid crisis as a medical and not a criminal problem , ending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marijuana and expunging past convictions , getting big money out of politics , and a $ 15 minimum wage .
Katko , who voted with Trump more than 90 percent of the time during his first term , has hewed closer toward the center on some issues since taking office , voting with the president a little over 50 percent of the time in his second term .
Katko voted in 2015 to strip federal funding from Planned Parenthood and opposes abortion except in cases of rape , incest , or when a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This cycle , he ran on enhancing border security , finding an alternative to the Affordable Care Act , and cutting taxes for small businesses .
Balter also ran on rejecting corporate PAC money and drew attention to Katko ’ s support from corporate interests , including insurance and financial services groups .
Katko ’ s top contributors include the Pro-Israel America PAC , Exelon Corp , the Bankers Healthcare Group , UnitedHealth Group , and the Blackstone Group .
Balter ’ s top contributors were Syracuse University , EMILY ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York , and the Syracuse City School District .

Dana Balter is competing for a Western New York congressional seat that Republicans have held since 2015, aiming to prove that Democrats can flip red districts while running on a progressive policy platform.
Balter is in a rematch against three-term Republican John Katko, who narrowly defeated her by 5 points in 2018. (By contrast, Katko defeated his Democratic opponents in 2014 and 2016 by margins of 20 percentage points.)
Balter is backed by progressive groups like the Working Families Party and Indivisible, which also backed her 2018 campaign. National Democrats had backed her primary opponent, only supporting Balter after she won her primary. The party establishment supported her run this time around, with endorsements from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, EMILY’s List, former president Barack Obama, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer.
The Syracuse-area district was a target of the DCCC’s “Red to Blue” program this cycle, and the Cook Political Report has rated it as a Republican toss-up. Biden led it by 18 percentage points in the lead-up to Tuesday. The district voted twice for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton carried it over Donald Trump by just under 4 points in 2016. Balter raised $2.7 million to Katko’s $3.5 million, with last-minute help from a Clinton-headlined fundraiser. Katko endorsed Trump in January, but said during a debate with Balter last month that he had considered retracting it and didn’t like the president’s “personality.”
Balter’s platform included universal health care, treating the opioid crisis as a medical and not a criminal problem, ending mandatory minimums and private prisons, legalizing marijuana and expunging past convictions, getting big money out of politics, and a $15 minimum wage. Katko, who voted with Trump more than 90 percent of the time during his first term, has hewed closer toward the center on some issues since taking office, voting with the president a little over 50 percent of the time in his second term. Katko voted in 2015 to strip federal funding from Planned Parenthood and opposes abortion except in cases of rape, incest, or when a mother’s life is at risk. This cycle, he ran on enhancing border security, finding an alternative to the Affordable Care Act, and cutting taxes for small businesses.
Balter also ran on rejecting corporate PAC money and drew attention to Katko’s support from corporate interests, including insurance and financial services groups. Katko’s top contributors include the Pro-Israel America PAC, Exelon Corp, the Bankers Healthcare Group, UnitedHealth Group, and the Blackstone Group. Balter’s top contributors were Syracuse University, EMILY’s List, the State University of New York, and the Syracuse City School District.


theintercept--2020-11-04--Trump Says the Election Is Being Stolen. GOP Leaders Aren't So Sure.

declared at the White House last night that “ we did win this election ” and that “ we ’ ll be going to the U.S. Supreme Court.
” He also claimed on Wednesday via Twitter that Democrats are “ trying to STEAL the Election ” and that votes that hadn ’ t been counted by the end of Election Day are somehow illegitimate .
However , Trump ’ s ability to stick to this position and maintain support for it within the Republican Party — critical for any attempt by him to wage legal battles to exclude any votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden took the lead in vote counts in key states , few GOP leaders , elected or in the media , backed Trump ’ s accusations , and most ignored or even repudiated them .
Given the unpredictability of U.S. politics , it is likely that Republicans will reverse themselves if they feel it ’ s politically expedient to do so .
Trump may also have the power to generate enough street chaos that state counts could get into GOP-dominated courts where anything could happen .
This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2000 , who were resistant to getting into the streets themselves .
That said , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , fresh off a successful reelection campaign , clearly seemed uninterested in going to battle for Trump for now .
“ It ’ s not unusual for people to claim they ’ ve won the election .
I can think of that happening on numerous occasions , ” McConnell said on Wednesday morning .
“ But claiming you win the election is different from finishing the counting.
” In a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to support the president , McConnell ’ s deputy , Majority Whip John Thune , R-S.D.
, has not made any comments on the presidential election .
In response to questioning from reporters , House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy , R-Calif. , claimed that “ what POTUS wants to make sure is that every legal vote is counted , ” but he did not endorse Trump ’ s assertions of widespread fraud .
On Twitter , GOP Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida , one of Trump ’ s top opponents in the 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fairly standard good government position that was notable in its subtweeting of the president : Another 2016 Trump rival , Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas , was uncharacteristically quiet on Wednesday .
Cruz had nothing to say about the presidential election on Twitter and did not respond to requests for comment about Trump ’ s remarks .
A third 2016 Trump opponent , former New Jersey Gov .
Chris Christie , told ABC early Wednesday morning that “ there ’ s just no basis to make [ Trump ’ s ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point where you have to let the process play itself out before you judge it to have been flawed.
” Former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum went further on CNN , saying that he was “ very distressed by what I heard the president say.
” The right ’ s media stars , many of whom wield more power than actual politicians , reacted with more variation but generally were not rallying behind any particular Trumpian storyline .
Ben Shapiro , host of the popular eponymous show , was especially unequivocal : Fox ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Twitter on Wednesday about Trump .
Tucker Carlson said nothing at all .
On Wednesday ’ s show , Rush Limbaugh did stand by Trump ’ s version of reality , but with notable anxiety .
“ Come on , folks , you got ta keep the faith .
Stick with me here , ” Limbaugh told his audience .
“ Donald Trump was reelected last night .
Time will show us this .
You know this .
When they stopped counting , it means they ’ re looking for Democrat votes.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tufekci astutely commented Wednesday morning that , from the perspective of the top of the Republican Party , Trump may have served his purpose and can now be discarded : In a statement , Biden spokesperson Jen O ’ Malley Dillon called Trump ’ s assertions “ outrageous , unprecedented , and incorrect … a naked effort to take away the democratic rights of American citizens .
… The counting will not stop .
It will continue until every duly cast vote is counted .
Because that is what our laws — the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right to vote — require.
” In America ’ s morass of uncertainly , one thing that is certain is that anything is possible .
But if Biden ’ s Electoral College edge continues to solidify and GOP support for Trump ’ s position continues to be weak or nonexistent , the day will likely come when none of Trump ’ s fulminations will matter .
There is no precedent for Trump , but previous presidents have never been able to cling to power without the support of their party .
When Richard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proven in the so-called smoking gun tape released on August 5 , 1974 , Nixon was not certain he would resign .
Then the GOP ’ s previous presidential candidate , Barry Goldwater , Republican House leader John Jacob Rhodes , and Senate leader Hugh Scott traveled to the White House to tell him he had to go .
On August 9 , he did .

President Donald Trump declared at the White House last night that “we did win this election” and that “we’ll be going to the U.S. Supreme Court.” He also claimed on Wednesday via Twitter that Democrats are “trying to STEAL the Election” and that votes that hadn’t been counted by the end of Election Day are somehow illegitimate.
However, Trump’s ability to stick to this position and maintain support for it within the Republican Party — critical for any attempt by him to wage legal battles to exclude any votes — appeared fragile by Wednesday afternoon. As Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden took the lead in vote counts in key states, few GOP leaders, elected or in the media, backed Trump’s accusations, and most ignored or even repudiated them.
Given the unpredictability of U.S. politics, it is likely that Republicans will reverse themselves if they feel it’s politically expedient to do so. Trump may also have the power to generate enough street chaos that state counts could get into GOP-dominated courts where anything could happen. This is particularly true with Democratic leadership, as in 2000, who were resistant to getting into the streets themselves.
That said, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., fresh off a successful reelection campaign, clearly seemed uninterested in going to battle for Trump for now. “It’s not unusual for people to claim they’ve won the election. I can think of that happening on numerous occasions,” McConnell said on Wednesday morning. “But claiming you win the election is different from finishing the counting.”
In a sign of the hesitation of GOP leaders to support the president, McConnell’s deputy, Majority Whip John Thune, R-S.D., has not made any comments on the presidential election. In response to questioning from reporters, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., claimed that “what POTUS wants to make sure is that every legal vote is counted,” but he did not endorse Trump’s assertions of widespread fraud.
On Twitter, GOP Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, one of Trump’s top opponents in the 2016 Republican primary turned Trump superfan, took a fairly standard good government position that was notable in its subtweeting of the president:
The result of the presidential race will be known after every legally cast vote has been counted. — Marco Rubio (@marcorubio) November 4, 2020
Another 2016 Trump rival, Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, was uncharacteristically quiet on Wednesday. Cruz had nothing to say about the presidential election on Twitter and did not respond to requests for comment about Trump’s remarks.
A third 2016 Trump opponent, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, told ABC early Wednesday morning that “there’s just no basis to make [Trump’s] argument tonight. … There comes a point where you have to let the process play itself out before you judge it to have been flawed.” Former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum went further on CNN, saying that he was “very distressed by what I heard the president say.”
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The right’s media stars, many of whom wield more power than actual politicians, reacted with more variation but generally were not rallying behind any particular Trumpian storyline.
Ben Shapiro, host of the popular eponymous show, was especially unequivocal:
No, Trump has not already won the election, and it is deeply irresponsible for him to say he has. — Ben Shapiro (@benshapiro) November 4, 2020
Fox’s Sean Hannity had little to say on Twitter on Wednesday about Trump. Tucker Carlson said nothing at all.
On Wednesday’s show, Rush Limbaugh did stand by Trump’s version of reality, but with notable anxiety. “Come on, folks, you gotta keep the faith. Stick with me here,” Limbaugh told his audience. “Donald Trump was reelected last night. Time will show us this. You know this. When they stopped counting, it means they’re looking for Democrat votes.”
University of North Carolina professor Zeynep Tufekci astutely commented Wednesday morning that, from the perspective of the top of the Republican Party, Trump may have served his purpose and can now be discarded:
Thinking like a traditional Republican leader. There's likely a senate majority; there is a solid supreme court majority; they are doing fairly well down ballot (will redistrict for the next decade). The gains are in. Mr.Twitter is destabilizing to the project over the long-term. — zeynep tufekci (@zeynep) November 4, 2020
In a statement, Biden spokesperson Jen O’Malley Dillon called Trump’s assertions “outrageous, unprecedented, and incorrect … a naked effort to take away the democratic rights of American citizens. … The counting will not stop. It will continue until every duly cast vote is counted. Because that is what our laws — the laws that protect every Americans’ constitutional right to vote — require.”
In America’s morass of uncertainly, one thing that is certain is that anything is possible. But if Biden’s Electoral College edge continues to solidify and GOP support for Trump’s position continues to be weak or nonexistent, the day will likely come when none of Trump’s fulminations will matter. There is no precedent for Trump, but previous presidents have never been able to cling to power without the support of their party. When Richard Nixon’s Watergate misconduct was conclusively proven in the so-called smoking gun tape released on August 5, 1974, Nixon was not certain he would resign. Then the GOP’s previous presidential candidate, Barry Goldwater, Republican House leader John Jacob Rhodes, and Senate leader Hugh Scott traveled to the White House to tell him he had to go. On August 9, he did.