theintercept--2020-02-25--Family Separations at the Border Constitute Torture, New Report Claims

As far as we know , as of last December , over 5,500 children had been forcibly separated from their parents under a policy first implemented in 2017 and drastically expanded in 2018 as part of the Trump administration ’ s so-called zero tolerance crackdown on the border .
In their investigation , “ You Will Never See Your Child Again : The Persistent Psychological Effects of Family Separation , ” PHR evaluated 17 adults and nine children from Central America who had been separated between 60 and 69 days .
All of the parents reported already having suffered trauma @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that their children would be harmed or killed if they remained or returned .
And so , in search of protection , they fled .
Instead of finding safety or refuge in the United States , however , they were met with new abuses , and further trauma .
Children were “ forcibly removed from [ parents ’ ] arms ” or simply “ disappeared ” while their parents were taken to court .
Some of the parents were then taunted and mocked by U.S. immigration officials when they asked after their children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and grief was not only expected , but intentional — designed to push parents into giving up their asylum cases .
“ U.S .
officials intentionally carried out actions , ” the report explains , “ causing severe pain and suffering , in order to punish , coerce , and intimidate Central American asylum seekers to give up their asylum claims.
” That intentionality is a key factor that the report leans on to make the argument that the abuse meets the legal standard for torture .
A mother from El Salvador recalled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her at 2 a.m. and interrogated her in front of her daughter .
“ They told her she had broken the law and hence she would be arrested .
They handcuffed her in front of her daughter and then proceeded to take her daughter to another room.
” Another mother from El Salvador recounted asking a U.S. official why her daughter was being taken away from her .
The official reportedly responded that her daughter “ was going to be adopted by an American family and that [ she ] would be deported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ daughter again , ” according to the report .
Another mother whose daughter was taken from her was told she should “ learn to deal with it.
” PHR clinicians chronicled that all those they interviewed exhibited symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma : confusion , constant worry , crying a lot , having difficulty sleeping and eating , nightmares , depression , overwhelming anxiety , panic , and despair .
Parents described feeling “ pure agony ” and being “ incredibly despondent.
” One mother reported that she felt she was in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too , exhibited regression in age-appropriate behaviors , including excessive crying , refusing to eat , nightmares and other sleeping difficulties , loss of developmental milestones , as well as clinging to parents and feeling scared following reunification .
All but two of the children and two of the adults who were evaluated showed signs of suffering post-traumatic stress disorder .
The consequences of torture , especially the torture of children , are severe and long-lasting .
Children who have undergone torture “ have higher rates of chronic medical conditions such as cardiovascular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” the report notes .
“ In addition , there is an increased risk of psychiatric disorders such as anxiety , depression , and psychosis , and of detrimental coping behaviors such as smoking and the use of alcohol or drugs.
” The consequences have “ a domino effect , ” especially in children , said Dr. Ranit Mishori , a senior medical adviser for PHR , influencing overall “ health , mental health , cognition , behavior.
” Such trauma in children can actually physically alter the structure of the brain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explained .
She cited evidence of children who had been separated suffering severe regression even more than a year after they had been reunited with their family .
Hundreds of the children who were separated were preverbal , and the report concluded that the U.S. government taking them from their parents amounted to “ endangering children ’ s very right to their names and identities , a serious violation of children ’ s rights.
” The United States is the only member of the United Nations that is not party to the Convention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signed in New York in 1989 .
For the purposes of the report , PHR followed the Istanbul Protocol : the United Nations guidelines for assessing and documenting torture .
The official U.N. definition of torture is an act that causes severe physical or mental suffering , done intentionally , for the purpose of coercion , punishment , intimidation , or for a discriminatory reason , by a state official or with state consent or acquiescence .
The decision to label this particular set of cruelties as torture was “ not something we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Intercept .
The organization consulted with United Nations experts on torture and carefully considered the legal definition .
“ Part of calling this torture , ” Mishori said , “ is about accountability.
” PHR is calling for reparations for the people who were harmed , specifically in the form of mental health treatment .
People who were deported likely received no specialized attention at all .
Those who remain in the U.S. may have gotten help from nonprofits or government-sponsored programs , but a recent Washington Post investigation revealed that some therapists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about their clients with Immigrations and Customs Enforcement , or ICE , which can then use details against them in their cases .
PHR isn ’ t calling for an international court to take up the case , at least not yet , but they do want an “ internal reckoning , ” Mishori said , especially for those who designed and implemented the policy .
PHR also concluded that the policy of family separation constitutes enforced disappearance , “ which occurs when state agents conceal the fate or whereabouts of a person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent article from Reveal , giving disturbing substance to PHR ’ s claim , detailed the story of a 10-year-old girl who was separated from her family and then disappeared into the shelter system for six years , during which her family had no idea where she was .
In all of the cases examined in the PHR report , there was at least one period where parents had no idea where their children were , were unable to contact them , and “ had no assurance of , or timeline for , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the recommendations in the report is simply to stop family separations .
The government has been ordered to do just that : Trump signed an executive order on June 20 , 2018 , and a federal judge issued a nationwide injunction on the policy six days later .
Yet loopholes were left in place to allow the practice to continue in certain situations , and at least 1,142 children have been separated since the official end to the policy .
That is , according to PHR , another 1,142 children tortured by the @ @ @

The separation of families by U.S. immigration officials at the U.S.-Mexico border amounts to torture, according to a group of medical and human rights experts that performed psychological evaluations of asylum-seekers. Their report for Physicians for Human Rights, a U.S.-based nonprofit that investigates human rights violations around the world, found that the policy of family separation — which officially ended in the summer of 2018 but continues today — “constitutes cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment.” In other words: torture.
As far as we know, as of last December, over 5,500 children had been forcibly separated from their parents under a policy first implemented in 2017 and drastically expanded in 2018 as part of the Trump administration’s so-called zero tolerance crackdown on the border. In their investigation, “You Will Never See Your Child Again: The Persistent Psychological Effects of Family Separation,” PHR evaluated 17 adults and nine children from Central America who had been separated between 60 and 69 days. All of the parents reported already having suffered trauma in their home countries, and feared that their children would be harmed or killed if they remained or returned. And so, in search of protection, they fled.
Instead of finding safety or refuge in the United States, however, they were met with new abuses, and further trauma. Children were “forcibly removed from [parents’] arms” or simply “disappeared” while their parents were taken to court. Some of the parents were then taunted and mocked by U.S. immigration officials when they asked after their children. The subsequent shock, terror, and grief was not only expected, but intentional — designed to push parents into giving up their asylum cases.
“U.S. officials intentionally carried out actions causing severe pain and suffering, in order to punish, coerce, and intimidate Central American asylum seekers to give up their asylum claims.”
“U.S. officials intentionally carried out actions,” the report explains, “causing severe pain and suffering, in order to punish, coerce, and intimidate Central American asylum seekers to give up their asylum claims.” That intentionality is a key factor that the report leans on to make the argument that the abuse meets the legal standard for torture.
A mother from El Salvador recalled the “nightmare” when officers woke her at 2 a.m. and interrogated her in front of her daughter. “They told her she had broken the law and hence she would be arrested. They handcuffed her in front of her daughter and then proceeded to take her daughter to another room.”
Another mother from El Salvador recounted asking a U.S. official why her daughter was being taken away from her. The official reportedly responded that her daughter “was going to be adopted by an American family and that [she] would be deported and that she would never see her daughter again,” according to the report. Another mother whose daughter was taken from her was told she should “learn to deal with it.”
PHR clinicians chronicled that all those they interviewed exhibited symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma: confusion, constant worry, crying a lot, having difficulty sleeping and eating, nightmares, depression, overwhelming anxiety, panic, and despair. Parents described feeling “pure agony” and being “incredibly despondent.” One mother reported that she felt she was in a “black hole.”
Children, too, exhibited regression in age-appropriate behaviors, including excessive crying, refusing to eat, nightmares and other sleeping difficulties, loss of developmental milestones, as well as clinging to parents and feeling scared following reunification. All but two of the children and two of the adults who were evaluated showed signs of suffering post-traumatic stress disorder.
The consequences of torture, especially the torture of children, are severe and long-lasting. Children who have undergone torture “have higher rates of chronic medical conditions such as cardiovascular disease, cancer, and premature death,” the report notes. “In addition, there is an increased risk of psychiatric disorders such as anxiety, depression, and psychosis, and of detrimental coping behaviors such as smoking and the use of alcohol or drugs.”
The consequences have “a domino effect,” especially in children, said Dr. Ranit Mishori, a senior medical adviser for PHR, influencing overall “health, mental health, cognition, behavior.” Such trauma in children can actually physically alter the structure of the brain, as well as DNA, Mishori explained. She cited evidence of children who had been separated suffering severe regression even more than a year after they had been reunited with their family.
The doctor cited evidence of children who had been separated suffering severe regression even more than a year after they had been reunited with their family.
Hundreds of the children who were separated were preverbal, and the report concluded that the U.S. government taking them from their parents amounted to “endangering children’s very right to their names and identities, a serious violation of children’s rights.” The United States is the only member of the United Nations that is not party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, signed in New York in 1989.
For the purposes of the report, PHR followed the Istanbul Protocol: the United Nations guidelines for assessing and documenting torture. The official U.N. definition of torture is an act that causes severe physical or mental suffering, done intentionally, for the purpose of coercion, punishment, intimidation, or for a discriminatory reason, by a state official or with state consent or acquiescence. The decision to label this particular set of cruelties as torture was “not something we took lightly,” Mishori told The Intercept. The organization consulted with United Nations experts on torture and carefully considered the legal definition.
“Part of calling this torture,” Mishori said, “is about accountability.” PHR is calling for reparations for the people who were harmed, specifically in the form of mental health treatment. People who were deported likely received no specialized attention at all. Those who remain in the U.S. may have gotten help from nonprofits or government-sponsored programs, but a recent Washington Post investigation revealed that some therapists working in immigrant detention centers share information about their clients with Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, which can then use details against them in their cases. PHR isn’t calling for an international court to take up the case, at least not yet, but they do want an “internal reckoning,” Mishori said, especially for those who designed and implemented the policy.
PHR also concluded that the policy of family separation constitutes enforced disappearance, “which occurs when state agents conceal the fate or whereabouts of a person who is deprived of liberty.” A recent article from Reveal, giving disturbing substance to PHR’s claim, detailed the story of a 10-year-old girl who was separated from her family and then disappeared into the shelter system for six years, during which her family had no idea where she was.
In all of the cases examined in the PHR report, there was at least one period where parents had no idea where their children were, were unable to contact them, and “had no assurance of, or timeline for, eventual contact or reunification.”
One of the recommendations in the report is simply to stop family separations. The government has been ordered to do just that: Trump signed an executive order on June 20, 2018, and a federal judge issued a nationwide injunction on the policy six days later. Yet loopholes were left in place to allow the practice to continue in certain situations, and at least 1,142 children have been separated since the official end to the policy. That is, according to PHR, another 1,142 children tortured by the U.S. government.


theintercept--2020-02-28--Will a Quiet Week in Afghanistan Lay the Groundwork for Peace?

unfolded on opposite banks of an irrigation canal in southern Afghanistan this week .
On one side , a Taliban military commander , swaddled in a traditional cotton shawl , straddled an idling motorcycle .
Fifty feet away , across the canal , 26-year-old Afghan National Army Captain Mohammad Wali Barakzai thumbed through a loop of prayer beads .
Boghra Canal , in Helmand Province , was built by American engineers in the 1950s to open up large tracts of desert to agriculture .
It was part of a campaign to counter Soviet influence in Afghanistan .
But for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a kind of moat between the Taliban , who control the territory to the north , and Afghan government soldiers protecting Helmand ’ s capital , Lashkar Gah , 10 miles south .
Near-daily fighting since 2016 has made the boundary a no-go zone for civilians .
In recent days , Barakzai and his soldiers had been fortifying an outpost they ’ d built on their side of the canal ; the mud walls of a new bunker were still dark and wet .
But this construction project , the Talib called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violation of the weeklong agreement to reduce violence between the Afghan government , U.S. forces , and the Taliban .
“ If you don ’ t destroy your bunker , ” the Talib cried , “ we will destroy it.
” The exchange , blustery as it was , demonstrated a capacity for trust that many Afghans have doubted and hinted at the willingness of fighters on both sides to allow the possibility of direct peace talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government .
The war in Afghanistan , now in its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Even the commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan , Gen. Austin Scott Miller , says it can ’ t be won militarily .
After a year of formal talks between American and Taliban envoys in Doha , Qatar , this week ’ s so-called reduction in violence was pitched as a trust-building measure that , if successful , could pave the way for a formal peace agreement .
The agreement , which the U.S. is expected to sign with the Taliban on Saturday , would lead to a gradual reduction of U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of al Qaeda and other international terror groups .
( The deal would leave in place an American counterterrorism contingent of unknown size and composition . )
“ The agreement states that all the elements are interdependent , ” and that if either side fails to fulfill their obligations , the process can be suspended , Barnett Rubin of the Center on International Cooperation at NYU told The Intercept .
It would also compel Taliban leaders to start direct talks with the Afghan government , which they have so far refused to recognize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saturday ’ s agreement “ provides for a US-Taliban ceasefire only , ” Rubin said .
“ But a comprehensive ceasefire will be on the table between Afghans.
” The weeklong partial ceasefire , which officially ended at midnight on Friday in Kabul , has been hailed a resounding success .
Violence across the country , even in heavily contested provinces like Helmand , has declined dramatically since the experiment began on February 22 .
The Taliban have mounted a handful of attacks countrywide , reiterating that they never agreed to a total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their ground , but they and U.S. forces have entirely halted offensive operations against the Taliban .
As well as kindling trust between the two sides , the reduced toll on Afghanistan ’ s population as a whole is unprecedented aside from a three-day Eid ceasefire in 2018 .
Peace is still far from certain .
Internecine squabbling within the Afghan government , interference by Pakistan and Iran , the Taliban ’ s unwillingness to acknowledge basic tenets of democracy and human rights , the question of whether its leadership can rally tens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the many challenges of disarming a highly militarized and factionalized society could still derail it .
This is , however , the closest the warring parties have come to reconciliation since U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld squandered a proposed truce by denying amnesty to Taliban leaders in December 2001. side of the canal lies the village of Loy Manda , a hamlet of mud-walled compounds amid lush farmland .
Earlier this week , Rafiullah , 19 , was tending to recently sown poppy and corn fields there .
The fighting had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family ’ s lives have been irreparably damaged by conflict .
Neither Rafiullah nor any of his siblings has ever been to school .
“ I have known war , ” he said , “ since I knew the difference between right and wrong.
” In 2017 , when Loy Manda was under Taliban control , Rafiullah opened a tiny store “ selling tea , sweets , simple things.
” The sounds of fighting never ceased , but the battle seemed far away .
By 2018 , the balance had shifted , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This area changed hands from government to Taliban many times , ” Rafiullah told The Intercept this week .
In late 2018 , the situation became so volatile he abandoned the shop .
The Taliban would fight from within the family ’ s small corn and poppy fields , firing through and destroying much of their crop .
Afghan army mortars did the rest .
On November 24 , 2018 , two Taliban fighters ran inside Rafiullah ’ s family compound and fired machine guns at a passing U.S. and Afghan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ father begged them to leave .
The fighters ran off , but soon after , a U.S. plane made two strafing runs over the house .
According to the injured and witnesses who arrived shortly after , Rafiullah ’ s father , Obaidullah , and his 15-year-old brother Esmatullah were killed instantly .
Twelve women and children and an elderly man were grievously wounded .
Another of Rafiullah ’ s brothers , Ehsanullah , lost his right eye in the attack .
The other eye was ruptured and would be surgically removed later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or head wounds , and at least three children below the age of 10 required operations to remove shrapnel from their chests and stomachs .
When The Intercept visited the family this week , jets roared above .
It was the first time they ’ d heard war planes since the partial ceasefire began .
Rafiullah tried to spot them in the sky .
Ehsanullah sat still and silent .
“ Now I can ’ t even find my way , ” said Ehsanullah , whose blindness overrides any positive feelings about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t care about peace talks , ” he said .
“ I want eyes.
” Ehsanullah ’ s uncle Haji Lal Jan was a bit more sanguine but also weary .
“ Everybody is fed up , ” he said .
“ I will forgive the Taliban for this — that they brought the American bombers to us — but put the guns down.
” In Helmand , where 962 foreign soldiers and marines and an untold number of Afghans have died , people worry primarily about bringing an end to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what the Taliban taking a share of power might mean .
Concerns over issues like women ’ s rights are more pragmatic than ideological .
“ I think if peace comes , security will come , but [ the Taliban ] will stop girls going to school and women working , ” said Haji Lal Jan. “ In my opinion they shouldn ’ t .
Where will a midwife come from ?
Where will a female doctor come from ?
” In his view , which is widely shared , Pakistan is to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ All the bad things are coming from Pakistan , ” he said , and “ if the U.S. doesn ’ t put pressure on Pakistan , peace won ’ t come for a long time.
” They “ are giving safe haven , training and managing their fighters .
… Sheep can ’ t do anything without a shepherd.
” Andrew Watkins , International Crisis Group ’ s senior analyst for Afghanistan , agreed that Pakistan has long influenced elements of the war , and that , if its leaders chose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obstacles to the peace process.
” But Watkins stressed there is little evidence of spoiler tactics to date .
In fact , “ certain steps taken by Pakistan , such as the release of Mullah Baradar [ from prison ] , now appear instrumental in nudging the Taliban ’ s side to the point we ’ ve reached today.
” admitted to Emergency Hospital in Lashkar Gah this week was a young man who was wheeled in on Wednesday with a splintered fibula protruding from ragged flesh where his right foot should have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mine while attending a funeral in the Taliban-controlled district of Marjah .
Nevertheless , admissions were way down among war-wounded : The hospital had admitted just 10 patients between February 22 and 28 .
The numbers were so low that “ unofficially , we ’ ve taken the liberty … to change the criteria for admissions , ” from solely the war-wounded to those injured in car wrecks , industrial accidents , or domestic falls , said Alberto Zanin , the hospital ’ s medical coordinator .
Now , he said , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Zanin expects the total number of admissions for the whole of February to be around 150 , and that only 20 percent of those will have been war-wounded .
By comparison , 171 patients were admitted in February 2019 , and most of their injuries were war-related .
Barakzai , the captain who commands the frontline outpost by the canal , said the Taliban have continued firing on his checkposts from across the water this week , as if to remind him they ’ re still there , “ but not like normal.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ God ” and the “ voice of the people , ” said Lt. Gen. Wali Mohammad Ahmadzai , commander of southern Afghanistan ’ s 215th Corps and Barakzai ’ s superior .
But the general , who fought the Soviets in the 1980s , admits that he “ can ’ t sleep without the sound of fighting.
” Barakzai concedes that to forget , to forgive , would require compromise .
“ I ’ m ready to sacrifice this for the sake of the people.
” It is “ the people , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward to seeing the back of the Americans — but not before peace .
If the Americans leave before then , he said , “ it will be the same as the ’ 90s after the Soviet Union left : a civil war.
” hunched , wiry , and likely somewhere in his 60s , but in his job as the local water manager , he wrestles great spindles that open and close irrigation gates with the vigor of someone a third of his age .
On Monday afternoon , he told The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years rarely allowed him to perform his duties , let alone leave his house .
Even worse , he said , was the suspicion he aroused traveling from one side of Boghra Canal — the front line — to the other .
“ Neither side trusted me , ” he said .
“ Even an Afghan National Army commander told me he ’ d tie me to [ his ] humvee , but since Captain [ Barakzai ] came , everything is fine .
He sees I ’ m an old man.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structure holding the irrigation gates in place doubles as a walkway connecting the two banks .
At times , civilians walking , bicycling , and riding motorcycles formed short queues to get across .
Abdul Malik motored across the 3-foot-wide span from the Taliban side , with his wife and baby riding pillion .
“ Before the ceasefire , ” he said , “ I wasn ’ t allowed to cross the front line .
Now everyone is crossing .
If no one disrupts the peace , it can be like this.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or three motorcyclists would pass the outpost each day .
Now , “ people are happy .
My soldiers are walking by the canal .
The Taliban can see us , but they aren ’ t firing.
” But it didn ’ t last .
On Friday , one of Barakzai ’ s soldiers , a young man named Ajmal , sat on a steel bed frame at the Loy Manda outpost .
His head was wrapped in a scarf that concealed a bandaged wound .
Two days earlier , while he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things were during the ceasefire , a Taliban sniper ’ s bullet had struck him from across the canal .
The bullet exited without damaging his brain .
“ I didn ’ t tell my family , ” Ajmal said .
“ It would make them worry.
” “ We are preparing ” for the week ’ s end , Barakzai said , referring to the bunker he ’ d asked his soldiers to rebuild and that his commander had ordered him to leave standing .
When the week is finished , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same as before .
”

An unlikely scene unfolded on opposite banks of an irrigation canal in southern Afghanistan this week.
On one side, a Taliban military commander, swaddled in a traditional cotton shawl, straddled an idling motorcycle. Fifty feet away, across the canal, 26-year-old Afghan National Army Captain Mohammad Wali Barakzai thumbed through a loop of prayer beads.
Boghra Canal, in Helmand Province, was built by American engineers in the 1950s to open up large tracts of desert to agriculture. It was part of a campaign to counter Soviet influence in Afghanistan. But for the past four years, it has served as a kind of moat between the Taliban, who control the territory to the north, and Afghan government soldiers protecting Helmand’s capital, Lashkar Gah, 10 miles south. Near-daily fighting since 2016 has made the boundary a no-go zone for civilians.
In recent days, Barakzai and his soldiers had been fortifying an outpost they’d built on their side of the canal; the mud walls of a new bunker were still dark and wet. But this construction project, the Talib called from across the canal, was a violation of the weeklong agreement to reduce violence between the Afghan government, U.S. forces, and the Taliban.
“If you don’t destroy your bunker,” the Talib cried, “we will destroy it.”
The exchange, blustery as it was, demonstrated a capacity for trust that many Afghans have doubted and hinted at the willingness of fighters on both sides to allow the possibility of direct peace talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government.
A rare, civilized exchange between Taliban fighters, on the far bank, and soldiers from the Afghan National Army’s 215 Corps, 2nd Battalion, 1st Company, on the third day of the weeklong reduction in violence agreement. Photo: Andrew Quilty
The war in Afghanistan, now in its 19th year, is at a stalemate. Even the commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, Gen. Austin Scott Miller, says it can’t be won militarily. After a year of formal talks between American and Taliban envoys in Doha, Qatar, this week’s so-called reduction in violence was pitched as a trust-building measure that, if successful, could pave the way for a formal peace agreement.
The agreement, which the U.S. is expected to sign with the Taliban on Saturday, would lead to a gradual reduction of U.S. forces in return for a Taliban disavowal of al Qaeda and other international terror groups. (The deal would leave in place an American counterterrorism contingent of unknown size and composition.)
“The agreement states that all the elements are interdependent,” and that if either side fails to fulfill their obligations, the process can be suspended, Barnett Rubin of the Center on International Cooperation at NYU told The Intercept. It would also compel Taliban leaders to start direct talks with the Afghan government, which they have so far refused to recognize, within 10 to 15 days. Saturday’s agreement “provides for a US-Taliban ceasefire only,” Rubin said. “But a comprehensive ceasefire will be on the table between Afghans.”
The weeklong partial ceasefire, which officially ended at midnight on Friday in Kabul, has been hailed a resounding success. Violence across the country, even in heavily contested provinces like Helmand, has declined dramatically since the experiment began on February 22. The Taliban have mounted a handful of attacks countrywide, reiterating that they never agreed to a total ceasefire. Afghan government forces have stood their ground, but they and U.S. forces have entirely halted offensive operations against the Taliban. As well as kindling trust between the two sides, the reduced toll on Afghanistan’s population as a whole is unprecedented aside from a three-day Eid ceasefire in 2018.
Peace is still far from certain. Internecine squabbling within the Afghan government, interference by Pakistan and Iran, the Taliban’s unwillingness to acknowledge basic tenets of democracy and human rights, the question of whether its leadership can rally tens of thousands of fighters toward peace, and the many challenges of disarming a highly militarized and factionalized society could still derail it.
This is, however, the closest the warring parties have come to reconciliation since U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld squandered a proposed truce by denying amnesty to Taliban leaders in December 2001.
Local residents cross the Boghra Canal in Nad-i Ali District’s Loy Manda. Under normal circumstances, the canal marks the front line between government and Taliban forces. Photo: Andrew Quilty
On the Afghan army side of the canal lies the village of Loy Manda, a hamlet of mud-walled compounds amid lush farmland. Earlier this week, Rafiullah, 19, was tending to recently sown poppy and corn fields there. The fighting had stopped for the moment, but his family’s lives have been irreparably damaged by conflict.
Neither Rafiullah nor any of his siblings has ever been to school. “I have known war,” he said, “since I knew the difference between right and wrong.”
In 2017, when Loy Manda was under Taliban control, Rafiullah opened a tiny store “selling tea, sweets, simple things.” The sounds of fighting never ceased, but the battle seemed far away. By 2018, the balance had shifted, and Loy Manda was on the front line.
“This area changed hands from government to Taliban many times,” Rafiullah told The Intercept this week. In late 2018, the situation became so volatile he abandoned the shop. The Taliban would fight from within the family’s small corn and poppy fields, firing through and destroying much of their crop. Afghan army mortars did the rest.
On November 24, 2018, two Taliban fighters ran inside Rafiullah’s family compound and fired machine guns at a passing U.S. and Afghan Special Forces convoy. Rafiullah’s father begged them to leave. The fighters ran off, but soon after, a U.S. plane made two strafing runs over the house. According to the injured and witnesses who arrived shortly after, Rafiullah’s father, Obaidullah, and his 15-year-old brother Esmatullah were killed instantly. Twelve women and children and an elderly man were grievously wounded.
Photo: Andrew Quilty
Another of Rafiullah’s brothers, Ehsanullah, lost his right eye in the attack. The other eye was ruptured and would be surgically removed later that day. Others had broken limbs or head wounds, and at least three children below the age of 10 required operations to remove shrapnel from their chests and stomachs. When The Intercept visited the family this week, jets roared above. It was the first time they’d heard war planes since the partial ceasefire began. Rafiullah tried to spot them in the sky. Ehsanullah sat still and silent.
“Now I can’t even find my way,” said Ehsanullah, whose blindness overrides any positive feelings about the prospect of peace. “I don’t care about peace talks,” he said. “I want eyes.”
Ehsanullah’s uncle Haji Lal Jan was a bit more sanguine but also weary. “Everybody is fed up,” he said. “I will forgive the Taliban for this — that they brought the American bombers to us — but put the guns down.”
In Helmand, where 962 foreign soldiers and marines and an untold number of Afghans have died, people worry primarily about bringing an end to the violence on their doorstep, rather than what the Taliban taking a share of power might mean. Concerns over issues like women’s rights are more pragmatic than ideological.
“I think if peace comes, security will come, but [the Taliban] will stop girls going to school and women working,” said Haji Lal Jan. “In my opinion they shouldn’t. Where will a midwife come from? Where will a female doctor come from?”
In his view, which is widely shared, Pakistan is to blame for Afghanistan’s recent troubles. “All the bad things are coming from Pakistan,” he said, and “if the U.S. doesn’t put pressure on Pakistan, peace won’t come for a long time.” They “are giving safe haven, training and managing their fighters. … Sheep can’t do anything without a shepherd.”
Andrew Watkins, International Crisis Group’s senior analyst for Afghanistan, agreed that Pakistan has long influenced elements of the war, and that, if its leaders chose to, they “could create real obstacles to the peace process.” But Watkins stressed there is little evidence of spoiler tactics to date. In fact, “certain steps taken by Pakistan, such as the release of Mullah Baradar [from prison], now appear instrumental in nudging the Taliban’s side to the point we’ve reached today.”
Rafiullah’s brother Ehsanullah, then 14, is attended by his uncle Sardar Wali at Emergency Hospital for the war-wounded in Lashkar Gah, Helmand, in December 2018. Ehsanullah and 12 others from his family were admitted after their home was struck by an American war plane. Photo: Andrew Quilty
Among the patients admitted to Emergency Hospital in Lashkar Gah this week was a young man who was wheeled in on Wednesday with a splintered fibula protruding from ragged flesh where his right foot should have been. He had stepped on a mine while attending a funeral in the Taliban-controlled district of Marjah.
Nevertheless, admissions were way down among war-wounded: The hospital had admitted just 10 patients between February 22 and 28. The numbers were so low that “unofficially, we’ve taken the liberty … to change the criteria for admissions,” from solely the war-wounded to those injured in car wrecks, industrial accidents, or domestic falls, said Alberto Zanin, the hospital’s medical coordinator. Now, he said, it looks more like a pediatric hospital. Zanin expects the total number of admissions for the whole of February to be around 150, and that only 20 percent of those will have been war-wounded.
By comparison, 171 patients were admitted in February 2019, and most of their injuries were war-related.
Barakzai, the captain who commands the frontline outpost by the canal, said the Taliban have continued firing on his checkposts from across the water this week, as if to remind him they’re still there, “but not like normal.”
“Peace is the order of God” and the “voice of the people,” said Lt. Gen. Wali Mohammad Ahmadzai, commander of southern Afghanistan’s 215th Corps and Barakzai’s superior. But the general, who fought the Soviets in the 1980s, admits that he “can’t sleep without the sound of fighting.”
Barakzai concedes that to forget, to forgive, would require compromise. “I’m ready to sacrifice this for the sake of the people.” It is “the people,” too, he said, who look forward to seeing the back of the Americans — but not before peace. If the Americans leave before then, he said, “it will be the same as the ’90s after the Soviet Union left: a civil war.”
On the final afternoon of a one-week partial ceasefire, men and boys descended on a bridge in Chah-e Anjir, outside Lashkar Gah, to watch motorcyclists ride up its steep concrete embankment and perform tricks. When asked about the occasion, one onlooker, Omar, said, “It’s Friday, and the last hours of the ceasefire.” Photo: Andrew Quilty
Abdul Wadoud is hunched, wiry, and likely somewhere in his 60s, but in his job as the local water manager, he wrestles great spindles that open and close irrigation gates with the vigor of someone a third of his age. On Monday afternoon, he told The Intercept how the constant fighting in recent years rarely allowed him to perform his duties, let alone leave his house. Even worse, he said, was the suspicion he aroused traveling from one side of Boghra Canal — the front line — to the other.
“Neither side trusted me,” he said. “Even an Afghan National Army commander told me he’d tie me to [his] humvee, but since Captain [Barakzai] came, everything is fine. He sees I’m an old man.”
On the canal, a narrow concrete structure holding the irrigation gates in place doubles as a walkway connecting the two banks. At times, civilians walking, bicycling, and riding motorcycles formed short queues to get across.
Abdul Malik motored across the 3-foot-wide span from the Taliban side, with his wife and baby riding pillion. “Before the ceasefire,” he said, “I wasn’t allowed to cross the front line. Now everyone is crossing. If no one disrupts the peace, it can be like this.”
Barakzai estimated that previously, only two or three motorcyclists would pass the outpost each day. Now, “people are happy. My soldiers are walking by the canal. The Taliban can see us, but they aren’t firing.”
But it didn’t last. On Friday, one of Barakzai’s soldiers, a young man named Ajmal, sat on a steel bed frame at the Loy Manda outpost. His head was wrapped in a scarf that concealed a bandaged wound. Two days earlier, while he was talking with another soldier about how quiet things were during the ceasefire, a Taliban sniper’s bullet had struck him from across the canal. The bullet exited without damaging his brain. “I didn’t tell my family,” Ajmal said. “It would make them worry.”
“We are preparing” for the week’s end, Barakzai said, referring to the bunker he’d asked his soldiers to rebuild and that his commander had ordered him to leave standing. When the week is finished, he said, “it will be the same as before.”


theintercept--2020-02-28--Joe Biden’s Chief Strategist Lobbied to Undermine Barack and Michelle Obama’s Signature Initiatives

has leaned heavily on his association with Barack Obama , touting ties to the former president in every debate and airing television ads filled with montages that imply Obama ’ s support .
The former vice president ’ s campaign , however , is being led by Anita Dunn , a Democratic strategist who has been employed over the last decade by interests seeking to undermine Barack and former first lady Michelle Obama ’ s progressive priorities .
Dunn joined the campaign last year as an adviser and was elevated to a management role following a shakeup after the former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa and New Hampshire earlier this month .
Dunn briefly served as the White House communications director during Obama ’ s first term , but left the administration to return to SKDKnickerbocker , an advertising and consulting firm she founded that lobbies for a variety of corporate interests , and where she serves as a partner .
As of November , she was still leading the firm .
The “ D ” in the firm ’ s name refers to Dunn .
The first “ K ” is for Bill Knapp , currently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Michael Bloomberg ’ s campaign .
The elevation of Dunn highlights the thinness of Biden ’ s appeal as an Obama liberal .
Biden has championed a pledge to reject lobbyist support , mirroring Obama ’ s original campaign pitch , but has embraced not only a range of special interests , but the very lobbyist spearheading his bid personifies the type of double-dealing in Washington , D.C. , that helped eviscerate Obama ’ s progressive legacy .
Dunn did not immediately respond to a message left with her office .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign to take on the junk food industry by providing voluntary guidelines to discourage foods with high levels of added sugars , salt , and fat from being marketed to children .
The guidelines , while celebrated by nutrition experts and public health advocates , were dead in the water within a year .
Industry lobbyists for companies like General Mills , Kellogg , PepsiCo , and Time Warner flooded the administration with complaints , claiming that the guidelines would kill jobs , and worked with legislators to slip a provision into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delay the guidelines .
The campaign to defeat Obama ’ s initiative was managed by none other than Dunn , whose firm created an ad-hoc group , the Sensible Food Policy Coalition , to bring industry together in opposition to the guidelines .
Dunn , asked in 2011 by the Washington Post about working with the junk food industry against the Obamas , brushed off criticism .
“ At the end of the day , combating childhood obesity is not a question of what gets advertised but a matter of more exercise , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Dunn said .
Over the years , SKDKnickerbocker has worked closely with other interest groups seeking to derail another signature Obama initiative .
After reports showed that major for-profit colleges were systematically misleading students , pushing them into high-cost degrees with poor training and fraudulent promises of jobs after graduation , the Department of Education under Obama pursued a new policy to ensure that tens of billions in taxpayer money would only go to for-profit schools that met a certain standard for students ’ debt levels and income after graduation .
Dunn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owned a network of for-profit colleges , to undermine the Obama administration ’ s crackdown .
According to the New York Times , Dunn visited the White House frequently and worked to shape the for-profit college industry ’ s message to fight the Obama initiative .
After a series of defeats , the Obama administration eventually passed the so-called gainful employment regulation on for-profit colleges .
But for-profit colleges ultimately prevailed .
The rule has been largely rolled back by President Donald Trump ’ s Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos .
As a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to push the Obama administration into backing more conservative , business-friendly policies — policies with which Biden was generally aligned .
The consulting firm represented two corporate lobbying coalitions , WIN America and the Alliance for Competitive Taxation , which both pushed the administration to embrace corporate tax cuts and a tax holiday on overseas corporate earnings .
The plan ultimately failed under Obama , but similar ideas figured prominently in Trump ’ s 2017 tax cut .
The Pete Peterson Foundation — a powerful force in Washington , D.C. , that financed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expenditures , including cuts to Social Security , during Obama ’ s first term — also retained SKDKnickerbocker to manage its media efforts in 2010 .
Shortly after the tea party wave , the Peterson Foundation released an advocacy campaign designed to promote an austerity agenda .
The campaign included a campaign ads for a faux presidential candidate named Hugh Jidette .
The Peterson-backed effort demanded an increase in the Social Security retirement age and lower payments for Social Security beneficiaries .
Tax disclosures show that the Peterson ’ s media consultant for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paid more than $ 5 million in 2010 and 2011 .
Biden , notably , led the effort to cut government spending with a focus on Social Security .
Biden and his close aide Bruce Reed played a pivotal role in the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform , pushing to cut entitlement programs .
As The Intercept has reported , SKDKnickerbocker has taken on other controversial clients .
The firm was retained by the NSO Group , an Israel company involved in hacking phones for a range of despotic clients .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the utility conglomerate that owns SCE & G , a local South Carolina utility that charges the highest electricity rates in the country .
Lobbying disclosures show that Dunn ’ s firm is still involved in lobbying efforts .
The company is currently retained by the Fur Information Council , a group battling the push to regulate the fur industry in New York City .
The group is also retained by Amazon and the New York City Center for Charter School Excellence .
The Biden campaign has also leaned on SKDKnickerbocker for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Federal Election Commission shows that the Biden campaign has paid Dunn ’ s company at least $ 624,048 .
Dunn ’ s role as an adviser to the wealthy and well-connected is closely documented .
After the Times reported on a long history of sexual assault allegations against Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein , Dunn reached out to Weinstein to offer damage control advice .
In 2012 , I spoke briefly to Dunn about her role as a lobbyist .
I asked her how she could square her dedication to corporate clients with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ given Obama ’ s promise to drain the influence of corporate lobbyists in America .
“ I work with some corporations because the fact of the matter is we ’ re in a democracy and there ’ s a dialogue and people have a right to be heard , ” said Dunn .
“ And the fact of the matter is that most of the time when I work with people , they have a story to be told and we tell it .
”

Joe Biden’s presidential campaign has leaned heavily on his association with Barack Obama, touting ties to the former president in every debate and airing television ads filled with montages that imply Obama’s support.
The former vice president’s campaign, however, is being led by Anita Dunn, a Democratic strategist who has been employed over the last decade by interests seeking to undermine Barack and former first lady Michelle Obama’s progressive priorities.
Dunn joined the campaign last year as an adviser and was elevated to a management role following a shakeup after the former vice president’s poor showing in Iowa and New Hampshire earlier this month. Dunn briefly served as the White House communications director during Obama’s first term, but left the administration to return to SKDKnickerbocker, an advertising and consulting firm she founded that lobbies for a variety of corporate interests, and where she serves as a partner. As of November, she was still leading the firm. The “D” in the firm’s name refers to Dunn. The first “K” is for Bill Knapp, currently on leave from the company to work for Michael Bloomberg’s campaign.
The elevation of Dunn highlights the thinness of Biden’s appeal as an Obama liberal. Biden has championed a pledge to reject lobbyist support, mirroring Obama’s original campaign pitch, but has embraced not only a range of special interests, but the very lobbyist spearheading his bid personifies the type of double-dealing in Washington, D.C., that helped eviscerate Obama’s progressive legacy. Dunn did not immediately respond to a message left with her office.
In 2010, Michelle Obama unveiled a bold campaign to take on the junk food industry by providing voluntary guidelines to discourage foods with high levels of added sugars, salt, and fat from being marketed to children.
The guidelines, while celebrated by nutrition experts and public health advocates, were dead in the water within a year. Industry lobbyists for companies like General Mills, Kellogg, PepsiCo, and Time Warner flooded the administration with complaints, claiming that the guidelines would kill jobs, and worked with legislators to slip a provision into the government’s budget designed to indefinitely delay the guidelines.
The campaign to defeat Obama’s initiative was managed by none other than Dunn, whose firm created an ad-hoc group, the Sensible Food Policy Coalition, to bring industry together in opposition to the guidelines.
Dunn, asked in 2011 by the Washington Post about working with the junk food industry against the Obamas, brushed off criticism. “At the end of the day, combating childhood obesity is not a question of what gets advertised but a matter of more exercise, healthier eating habits and working together,” Dunn said.
Over the years, SKDKnickerbocker has worked closely with other interest groups seeking to derail another signature Obama initiative.
After reports showed that major for-profit colleges were systematically misleading students, pushing them into high-cost degrees with poor training and fraudulent promises of jobs after graduation, the Department of Education under Obama pursued a new policy to ensure that tens of billions in taxpayer money would only go to for-profit schools that met a certain standard for students’ debt levels and income after graduation.
Dunn worked directly with Kaplan Education, which owned a network of for-profit colleges, to undermine the Obama administration’s crackdown. According to the New York Times, Dunn visited the White House frequently and worked to shape the for-profit college industry’s message to fight the Obama initiative.
After a series of defeats, the Obama administration eventually passed the so-called gainful employment regulation on for-profit colleges. But for-profit colleges ultimately prevailed. The rule has been largely rolled back by President Donald Trump’s Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos.
As a firm, SKDKnickerbocker has also been retained to push the Obama administration into backing more conservative, business-friendly policies — policies with which Biden was generally aligned.
The consulting firm represented two corporate lobbying coalitions, WIN America and the Alliance for Competitive Taxation, which both pushed the administration to embrace corporate tax cuts and a tax holiday on overseas corporate earnings. The plan ultimately failed under Obama, but similar ideas figured prominently in Trump’s 2017 tax cut.
The Pete Peterson Foundation — a powerful force in Washington, D.C., that financed the push for steep cuts to government expenditures, including cuts to Social Security, during Obama’s first term — also retained SKDKnickerbocker to manage its media efforts in 2010. Shortly after the tea party wave, the Peterson Foundation released an advocacy campaign designed to promote an austerity agenda. The campaign included a campaign ads for a faux presidential candidate named Hugh Jidette.
The Peterson-backed effort demanded an increase in the Social Security retirement age and lower payments for Social Security beneficiaries. Tax disclosures show that the Peterson’s media consultant for the campaign was SKDKnickerbocker, which was paid more than $5 million in 2010 and 2011.
Biden, notably, led the effort to cut government spending with a focus on Social Security. Biden and his close aide Bruce Reed played a pivotal role in the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, pushing to cut entitlement programs.
As The Intercept has reported, SKDKnickerbocker has taken on other controversial clients. The firm was retained by the NSO Group, an Israel company involved in hacking phones for a range of despotic clients. SKDKnickerbocker was also retained by Dominion Energy, the utility conglomerate that owns SCE&G, a local South Carolina utility that charges the highest electricity rates in the country.
Lobbying disclosures show that Dunn’s firm is still involved in lobbying efforts. The company is currently retained by the Fur Information Council, a group battling the push to regulate the fur industry in New York City. The group is also retained by Amazon and the New York City Center for Charter School Excellence.
The Biden campaign has also leaned on SKDKnickerbocker for campaign services, including direct mail. The Federal Election Commission shows that the Biden campaign has paid Dunn’s company at least $624,048.
Dunn’s role as an adviser to the wealthy and well-connected is closely documented. After the Times reported on a long history of sexual assault allegations against Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, Dunn reached out to Weinstein to offer damage control advice.
In 2012, I spoke briefly to Dunn about her role as a lobbyist. I asked her how she could square her dedication to corporate clients with her professed role as a Democrat, given Obama’s promise to drain the influence of corporate lobbyists in America.
“I work with some corporations because the fact of the matter is we’re in a democracy and there’s a dialogue and people have a right to be heard,” said Dunn. “And the fact of the matter is that most of the time when I work with people, they have a story to be told and we tell it.”


theintercept--2020-02-28--Bloomberg Has Hired the Vice Chairs of the Texas and California Democratic Parties

City Mayor Mike Bloomberg has hired two state Democratic party vice chairs in Super Tuesday states with two of the top three highest number of pledged delegates .
Bloomberg hired Texas Democratic Party Vice Chair Carla Brailey as a senior adviser to his campaign in December , and he hired California State Democratic Party Vice Chair Alexandra Rooker for a similar role in January .
Both Brailey and Rooker are superdelegates who will likely vote for the Democratic presidential nominee at the party ’ s national convention this summer .
Hiring the leadership of a state party doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it indicates Bloomberg ’ s intent to effectively purchase political support , said Brendan Fischer , the federal reform program director at the Campaign Legal Center .
“ This does seem to fit a longstanding pattern of Bloomberg using his billions to help generate support among political elites , ” he said .
Rooker is one of two members of Bloomberg ’ s campaign staff who also sits on the Democratic National Committee ’ s rules committee , which recommends rules for the convention , the convention agenda , the convention ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party ’ s charter , and other resolutions .
In November , the month he entered the presidential race , Bloomberg gave $ 320,000 to the DNC , his first contributions to the committee since 1998 .
( He was a registered Republican from 2001 to 2007 , after which he became an independent .
He registered as a Democrat in 2018 . )
He also donated $ 10,000 to the Texas Democratic Party , where Brailey has been vice chair since June 2018 , as well as $ 10,000 to the California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Bloomberg campaign did not respond to requests for comment on their hiring .
Brailey rose through the local Washington Democratic Party structure , as a protege of former Mayor Adrian Fenty , who was himself the patron of current D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser , a high-profile backer of Bloomberg .
Bloomberg will appear on the ballot for the first time on Super Tuesday , March 3 .
His campaign has poured tens of millions of dollars into both Texas and California where there are 416 and 228 delegates up for grabs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has hired a number of party alums in addition to Rooker , who was also previously a vice president and shop steward for the Communication Workers Association Local 9400 .
Former state Democratic Party executive director Chris Masami Myers is leading Bloomberg ’ s California strategy , and Courtni Pugh is a senior adviser focusing on outreach to black and Latino voters ; Pugh previously led Sen. Kamala Harris ’ s California strategy before she dropped out of the presidential race in December .
Bloomberg has spent at least $ 46.3 million on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has dozens of offices there , and his campaign has said they planned to hire at least 800 staffers in the state .
( They had hired around 300 staffers by the first week of February . )
In December , Bloomberg opened a headquarters in Houston and at least 16 additional field offices around the state .
He has hired more than 160 canvassers and announced the opening of 11 additional field offices this month .
He has spent at least $ 35.5 million alone on TV ads in Texas so far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support from about half of Texas ’ s Democratic congressional delegation .
Sanders opened five field offices in the state in February , and Warren started opening offices in December .
In Texas , Steyer has spent an estimated $ 3.1 million on television ads , Sanders has spent an estimated $ 2.7 million on ads , and Warren has spent an estimated $ 46,000 . )
Recent polls show him around 17 percent , trailing behind only Sanders and Biden , who are tied at 24 percent .
Beyond spending a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategy has drawn criticism from inside the campaign .
The campaign only started knocking on doors in Texas last week and is counting on Election Day turnout , said a senior staffer with the campaign , who requested anonymity to protect their continued employment , while more than half of voting in Texas happens early or by mail .
A campaign spokesperson said that voter engagement began in January , but did not respond to specific questions about those efforts .
Around 58 percent of the vote in Texas ’ s 2018 marquee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most votes ever given to a Democratic candidate in a statewide election , came in early or by mail , according to the Texas Secretary of State ’ s office .
This year , early voting began on February 18 and will continue through Friday .
“ It ’ s odd that they are really banking on the election day turnout instead of focusing on the early voting , ” according to the campaign staffer .
The campaign started training organizers just last week , after early voting had begun , the staffer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hired people who don ’ t know the basics of canvassing .
“ A lot of the organizers don ’ t know how to cut turf , so like , the leadership from the field department , we have been cutting turf for the whole state , ” said the staffer , who took a job with the Bloomberg campaign because it pays well , but will likely vote for Biden .
Bloomberg has been endorsed by Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner , who governs the state ’ s largest city .
Turner is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country who have endorsed Bloomberg , a nice return on his investment in mayoral training and support programs in recent years .
Bloomberg also has backing in Texas from state Reps. Julie Johnson , Cesár Blanco , Joe Deshotel , and former mayors Bill White of Houston and John Cook of El Paso .
California Reps. Scott Peters , Harley Rouda , and Pete Aguilar have endorsed Bloomberg , along with California State Treasurer Fiona Ma .
Peters ’ s longtime chief of staff , MaryAnne Pintar , is the California regional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bloomberg also has endorsements from the current mayors of San Francisco , Chula Vista , San Jose , and a former mayor of Los Angeles .

Former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg has hired two state Democratic party vice chairs in Super Tuesday states with two of the top three highest number of pledged delegates. Bloomberg hired Texas Democratic Party Vice Chair Carla Brailey as a senior adviser to his campaign in December, and he hired California State Democratic Party Vice Chair Alexandra Rooker for a similar role in January.
Both Brailey and Rooker are superdelegates who will likely vote for the Democratic presidential nominee at the party’s national convention this summer. Hiring the leadership of a state party doesn’t appear to break any campaign laws, but it indicates Bloomberg’s intent to effectively purchase political support, said Brendan Fischer, the federal reform program director at the Campaign Legal Center. “This does seem to fit a longstanding pattern of Bloomberg using his billions to help generate support among political elites,” he said.
Rooker is one of two members of Bloomberg’s campaign staff who also sits on the Democratic National Committee’s rules committee, which recommends rules for the convention, the convention agenda, the convention’s permanent officers, amendments to the party’s charter, and other resolutions. In November, the month he entered the presidential race, Bloomberg gave $320,000 to the DNC, his first contributions to the committee since 1998. (He was a registered Republican from 2001 to 2007, after which he became an independent. He registered as a Democrat in 2018.) He also donated $10,000 to the Texas Democratic Party, where Brailey has been vice chair since June 2018, as well as $10,000 to the California Democratic Party. Brailey, Rooker, and the Bloomberg campaign did not respond to requests for comment on their hiring.
Brailey rose through the local Washington Democratic Party structure, as a protege of former Mayor Adrian Fenty, who was himself the patron of current D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser, a high-profile backer of Bloomberg.
Bloomberg will appear on the ballot for the first time on Super Tuesday, March 3. His campaign has poured tens of millions of dollars into both Texas and California where there are 228 and 416 delegates up for grabs, respectively.
In California, Bloomberg has hired a number of party alums in addition to Rooker, who was also previously a vice president and shop steward for the Communication Workers Association Local 9400. Former state Democratic Party executive director Chris Masami Myers is leading Bloomberg’s California strategy, and Courtni Pugh is a senior adviser focusing on outreach to black and Latino voters; Pugh previously led Sen. Kamala Harris’s California strategy before she dropped out of the presidential race in December. Bloomberg has spent at least $46.3 million on television ads in California so far, has dozens of offices there, and his campaign has said they planned to hire at least 800 staffers in the state. (They had hired around 300 staffers by the first week of February.)
In December, Bloomberg opened a headquarters in Houston and at least 16 additional field offices around the state. He has hired more than 160 canvassers and announced the opening of 11 additional field offices this month. He has spent at least $35.5 million alone on TV ads in Texas so far. (For comparison, Biden has support from about half of Texas’s Democratic congressional delegation. Sanders opened five field offices in the state in February, and Warren started opening offices in December. In Texas, Steyer has spent an estimated $3.1 million on television ads, Sanders has spent an estimated $2.7 million on ads, and Warren has spent an estimated $46,000.) Recent polls show him around 17 percent, trailing behind only Sanders and Biden, who are tied at 24 percent.
Beyond spending a lot of money, Bloomberg’s Texas strategy has drawn criticism from inside the campaign. The campaign only started knocking on doors in Texas last week and is counting on Election Day turnout, said a senior staffer with the campaign, who requested anonymity to protect their continued employment, while more than half of voting in Texas happens early or by mail. A campaign spokesperson said that voter engagement began in January, but did not respond to specific questions about those efforts. Around 58 percent of the vote in Texas’s 2018 marquee Senate race, the race with the most votes ever given to a Democratic candidate in a statewide election, came in early or by mail, according to the Texas Secretary of State’s office. This year, early voting began on February 18 and will continue through Friday.
“It’s odd that they are really banking on the election day turnout instead of focusing on the early voting,” according to the campaign staffer. The campaign started training organizers just last week, after early voting had begun, the staffer said.
Additionally, the campaign has hired people who don’t know the basics of canvassing. “A lot of the organizers don’t know how to cut turf, so like, the leadership from the field department, we have been cutting turf for the whole state,” said the staffer, who took a job with the Bloomberg campaign because it pays well, but will likely vote for Biden.
Bloomberg has been endorsed by Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner, who governs the state’s largest city. Turner is one of more than 100 mayors around the country who have endorsed Bloomberg, a nice return on his investment in mayoral training and support programs in recent years. Bloomberg also has backing in Texas from state Reps. Julie Johnson, Cesár Blanco, Joe Deshotel, and former mayors Bill White of Houston and John Cook of El Paso. California Reps. Scott Peters, Harley Rouda, and Pete Aguilar have endorsed Bloomberg, along with California State Treasurer Fiona Ma. Peters’s longtime chief of staff, MaryAnne Pintar, is the California regional director for Bloomberg’s campaign. Bloomberg also has endorsements from the current mayors of San Francisco, Chula Vista, San Jose, and a former mayor of Los Angeles.


theintercept--2020-02-27--Coronavirus Spending Bill Could Be Used to Cement Spying Powers, Surveillance Critics in Congress Wa

Coronavirus Spending Bill Could Be Used to Cement Spying Powers, Surveillance Critics in Congress Warned

But those negotiations have been thrown off track , with critics of the spying program alarmed by the possibility that congressional leaders may try to use the coronavirus outbreak — and the coinciding legislation to fund a response — as a vehicle to muscle through an unamended extension or reauthorization .
House Democrats have been working on plans to further amend a provision of the Patriot Act , which as of 2015 provides a way for the government to get American citizens ’ phone records from telecom companies .
This and other key provisions of the Patriot Act must be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance authority lapses .
The Democrats ’ amended bill would pull the provision ’ s authorization while allowing and tweaking other other ways the government collects records .
The congressional effort to rein in the government ’ s surveillance powers before a looming deadline on March 15 could run up against a new opponent : the coronavirus .
The Trump administration ’ s request for $ 2.5 billion to mitigate the coronavirus pandemic is likely to become an unstoppable legislative vehicle — as must-pass legislation that congressional leaders of both parties could use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FBI ’ s call detail records program .
Such a move would sidestep the House ’ s reform effort and instead push through a clean reauthorization of the program .
The Senate , said a Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee , is “ threatening to put that clean reauthorization into something like coronavirus funding which would make it impossible to defeat if we don ’ t come up with a bill here .
Pelosi and Schiff will never allow it to expire.
” “ I would say it is still chatter at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chatter that could become their Plan A , ” a Senate Republican aide , who requested anonymity because they are not authorized to speak on the matter , told The Intercept .
Josh Withrow , senior policy analyst at the GOP-leaning libertarian organization Freedom Works , said that he has heard from a number of his sources on Capitol Hill on both sides of the aisle that the coronavirus vehicle is a looming threat .
“ It ’ s a real fear , ” he said .
“ It obviously seems to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d run into a little bit of a problem with that , because they already have a lot of conservatives questioning the dollar amount and saying , just pass a clean coronavirus.
” in question is the “ call detail records ” program , which sets out how the FBI or NSA can obtain phone records stored by telecom providers .
Prior to that , the NSA collected phone records in bulk , relying on a secret interpretation of the Patriot Act that a federal appeals court disputed in 2015 .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence value , the NSA voluntarily shut down the call details records program in 2019 , leading many in Congress to question why the Trump administration was seeking to extend the legal basis for a now-defunct program .
Civil liberties groups now see the reauthorization fight as a bellwether for whether Congress can bring itself to roll back surveillance authorities even in cases where the intelligence community determines they have limited intelligence value .
On Wednesday , the House Judiciary Committee had been scheduled to meet to vote on the product of closed-door @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , his counterpart on the intelligence committee Rep. Adam Schiff , Republicans , and the intelligence community .
Rep. Zoe Lofgren , a California Democrat who has been a lead civil liberties reformer on the committee , had said that she would introduce five amendments to the bill .
Given that there is bipartisan skepticism of surveillance authority — Republicans have become increasingly opposed to it in the wake of the inspector general report into Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court abuses surrounding the Carter Page case — the amendments had a reasonable chance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would push forward with an Intelligence version of the bill and ditch the Judiciary legislation .
With Lofgren ’ s unexpected amendments surfacing , the hearing was canceled at the last minute .
If the negotiations looked deadlocked , committee members worried , it upped the chance that the Senate , with the backing of House leaders , would attach the reauthorization to the must-pass coronavirus bill .
“ We are trying to work out something and ensure also that the Senate does not push a clean reauthorization .
So we needed more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member , citing the looming coronavirus vehicle .
The negotiations over surveillance reform are also complicated by the fact that congressional House leadership can decide which version of a bill receives a vote on the floor .
In January 2018 , while members of Congress were considering whether to reauthorize a different NSA surveillance , House leadership advanced a hastily written bill passed by the House Intelligence Committee under Rep. Adam Schiff , which was much more favorable to the intelligence community , over a counterpart authored by the Judiciary Committee .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Schiff are much more closely aligned than her and Nadler .
Schiff is increasingly being viewed in the House as a potential successor to Pelosi as House Speaker .
Pelosi herself was the former top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee .
House skeptics of mass surveillance have good reason to fear that funding to combat the impact of coronavirus may be used to pass this legislation .
The last time critics of government overreach attempted to reform the USA Freedom Act — which modified the Patriot Act — they were denied a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attached to a must-pass government spending bill .
The promise from leadership at the time was that the extension would be short-term , and skeptics would have an opportunity the next time around for reforms .
That ’ s now in doubt .
“ We have to have a separate vote on something as important as this FISA reauthorization , ” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal , D-Wash. , a member of the Judiciary Committee .
One major question mark hanging over the process this time is what type of changes Trump loyalists — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s handling of investigations into Trump associates — may demand .
Rep. Jim Jordan and Sen. Rand Paul have both signaled a desire for some type of reform , with Paul tweeting that he “ spoke with Trump , ” and that the FISA Court — the secret court which approves certain types of surveillance requests from the intelligence community — should be “ forbidden from ever spying on or investigating Americans .
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The congressional effort to rein in the government’s surveillance powers before a looming deadline on March 15 could run up against a new opponent: a new coronavirus.
House Democrats have been working on plans to further amend a provision of the Patriot Act, which as of 2015 provides a way for the government to get American citizens’ phone records from telecom companies. This and other key provisions of the Patriot Act must be reauthorized by March 15, or the surveillance authority lapses. The Democrats’ amended bill would pull the provision’s authorization while allowing and tweaking other other ways the government collects records.
But those negotiations have been thrown off track, with critics of the spying program alarmed by the possibility that congressional leaders may try to use the coronavirus outbreak — and the coinciding legislation to fund a response — as a vehicle to muscle through an unamended extension or reauthorization.
The Trump administration’s request for $2.5 billion to mitigate the coronavirus pandemic is likely to become an unstoppable legislative vehicle — as must-pass legislation that congressional leaders of both parties could use to ram through a reauthorization of the FBI’s call detail records program. Such a move would sidestep the House’s reform effort and instead push through a clean reauthorization of the program.
The Senate, said a Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, is “threatening to put that clean reauthorization into something like coronavirus funding which would make it impossible to defeat if we don’t come up with a bill here. Pelosi and Schiff will never allow it to expire.”
“I would say it is still chatter at this point. But it is also chatter that could become their Plan A,” a Senate Republican aide, who requested anonymity because they are not authorized to speak on the matter, told The Intercept.
Josh Withrow, senior policy analyst at the GOP-leaning libertarian organization Freedom Works, said that he has heard from a number of his sources on Capitol Hill on both sides of the aisle that the coronavirus vehicle is a looming threat. “It’s a real fear,” he said. “It obviously seems to have some legs, but I think they’d run into a little bit of a problem with that, because they already have a lot of conservatives questioning the dollar amount and saying, just pass a clean coronavirus.”
The program in question is the “call detail records” program, which sets out how the FBI or NSA can obtain phone records stored by telecom providers. Prior to that, the NSA collected phone records in bulk, relying on a secret interpretation of the Patriot Act that a federal appeals court disputed in 2015.
But due to widespread compliance issues and limited intelligence value, the NSA voluntarily shut down the call details records program in 2019, leading many in Congress to question why the Trump administration was seeking to extend the legal basis for a now-defunct program. Civil liberties groups now see the reauthorization fight as a bellwether for whether Congress can bring itself to roll back surveillance authorities even in cases where the intelligence community determines they have limited intelligence value.
On Wednesday, the House Judiciary Committee had been scheduled to meet to vote on the product of closed-door negotiations between Judiciary Committee Chair Jerry Nadler, his counterpart on the intelligence committee Rep. Adam Schiff, Republicans, and the intelligence community.
Rep. Zoe Lofgren, a California Democrat who has been a lead civil liberties reformer on the committee, had said that she would introduce five amendments to the bill. Given that there is bipartisan skepticism of surveillance authority — Republicans have become increasingly opposed to it in the wake of the inspector general report into Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court abuses surrounding the Carter Page case — the amendments had a reasonable chance of success, opening the possibility that leadership would push forward with an Intelligence version of the bill and ditch the Judiciary legislation.
With Lofgren’s unexpected amendments surfacing, the hearing was canceled at the last minute. If the negotiations looked deadlocked, committee members worried, it upped the chance that the Senate, with the backing of House leaders, would attach the reauthorization to the must-pass coronavirus bill.
“We are trying to work out something and ensure also that the Senate does not push a clean reauthorization. So we needed more time,” said the Judiciary Committee member, citing the looming coronavirus vehicle.
The negotiations over surveillance reform are also complicated by the fact that congressional House leadership can decide which version of a bill receives a vote on the floor. In January 2018, while members of Congress were considering whether to reauthorize a different NSA surveillance, House leadership advanced a hastily written bill passed by the House Intelligence Committee under Rep. Adam Schiff, which was much more favorable to the intelligence community, over a counterpart authored by the Judiciary Committee.
On surveillance issues, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Schiff are much more closely aligned than she and Nadler. Schiff is increasingly being viewed in the House as a potential successor to Pelosi as House Speaker. Pelosi herself was the former top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee.
House skeptics of mass surveillance have good reason to fear that funding to combat the impact of coronavirus may be used to pass this legislation. The last time critics of government overreach attempted to reform the USA Freedom Act — which modified the Patriot Act — they were denied a standalone vote, when it was instead attached to a must-pass government spending bill. The promise from leadership at the time was that the extension would be short-term, and skeptics would have an opportunity the next time around for reforms. That’s now in doubt.
“We have to have a separate vote on something as important as this FISA reauthorization,” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., a member of the Judiciary Committee.
One major question mark hanging over the process this time is what type of changes Trump loyalists — who were highly critical of the FBI’s handling of investigations into Trump associates — may demand. Rep. Jim Jordan and Sen. Rand Paul have both signaled a desire for some type of reform, with Paul tweeting that he “spoke with Trump,” and that the FISA Court — the secret court which approves certain types of surveillance requests from the intelligence community — should be “forbidden from ever spying on or investigating Americans.”