msnbc--2020-11-23--State-by-state breakdown of coronavirus travel restrictions

Guidance on traveling and travel restrictions varies across the United States as the country faces new surges in Covid-19 cases ahead of Thanksgiving travel .
The patchwork of restrictions between regions highlights the ability of states to take different approaches while dealing with the coronavirus pandemic .
While all of the Northeast and most of the mid-Atlantic states have implemented statewide travel restrictions , more than half the states , including two of the biggest , Texas and Florida , have no such restrictions .
California , Oregon and Washington introduced tough travel restrictions in November , requiring all out-of-state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two weeks on arrival .
States hit the hardest when the epidemic began in the United States last spring , such as New York , New Jersey and Connecticut , also have some of the most stringent travel restrictions .
As of Nov. 23 , any traveler from the more than 40 states and territories currently on the tri-state ’ s advisory list must self-quarantine for 14 days .
States will appear on the advisory list if they have new daily positive test rates higher than 10 per 100,000 residents or are states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate over a seven-day rolling average .
Instead of opting for statewide restrictions , some local officials have imposed restrictions on travel to the most populous cities .
Check the interactive map below to see the latest guidance on travel and possible travel restrictions .
This map will be updated weekly .

Guidance on traveling and travel restrictions varies across the United States as the country faces new surges in Covid-19 cases.
The patchwork of restrictions between regions highlights the ability of states to take different approaches while dealing with the coronavirus pandemic.
While all of the Northeast and most of the mid-Atlantic states have implemented statewide travel restrictions, more than half the states, including two of the biggest, Texas and Florida, have no such restrictions.
States hit the hardest when the epidemic began in the United States last spring, such as New York, New Jersey and Connecticut, have some of the most stringent travel restrictions.
Instead of opting for statewide restrictions, some local officials have imposed restrictions on travel to the most populous cities.
Check the interactive map below to see the latest guidance on travel and possible travel restrictions. This map will be updated weekly.


msnbc--2020-11-23--Tracking coronavirus case surges in the United States

Covid-19 cases are once again rising across the country .
But not all upticks are the same .
In states @ @ @ @ @ South Dakota , new cases have risen steadily since July , with daily counts as @ @ @ @ @ highs .
In states such as Maryland , New York and Texas , new daily @ @ @ @ @ the spring surges , but they began to tick up again this fall .
NBC @ @ @ @ @ are seeing prolonged or dramatic case increases as the country heads into a winter President-elect @ @ @ @ @ final presidential debate as “ dark.
” The charts below show each state ’ s @ @ @ @ @ cases .
Areas highlighted in red represent periods where the rate of new cases exceeds @ @ @ @ @ longer the red line , the longer cases have been increasing and the more rapidly @ @ @ @ @ The charts will update daily before 11 a.m. Eastern .

Measuring stress levels at hospital intensive care units can help hospitals plan and manage their surge capacity. The stress level is based on the share of ICU hospital beds used by Covid patients. Low-stress hospitals have less than 10% of critical care beds occupied by Covid patients, while high-stress hospitals have from 30% to 59%.


msnbc--2020-11-24--Lawrence: Emily Murphy lied about the transition for 15 days

Dr. Jha : The virus is now 'truly a nationwide event '

Lawrence: Trump's lawyers are too cowardly to quit or to tell Trump to shut up 08:15


msnbc--2020-11-24--David Dinkins, NYC's first Black mayor, dies at 93

Meacham: Pence probably saved the republic, but I don't always want to count on one person to do it 08:18


msnbc--2020-11-24--Exiting Trump puts dubious characters in top roles at Pentagon, NSA

Meacham: Pence probably saved the republic, but I don't always want to count on one person to do it


msnbc--2020-11-24--Ted Cruz mocks Covid-19 safety warnings as Texans die

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msnbc--2020-11-24--Trump tried to bend an election to his will. He failed.

Trump tried to bend an election to his will. He failed.
With his legal team and the bully pulpit of the presidency, Trump tried to overturn the will of the people. As the Biden transition officially begins with GSA approval, it's clear Trump failed. Susan Page reacts.Nov. 24, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-24--Jaime Harrison launches new PAC to help Dems


msnbc--2020-11-24--'Racist dog whistle' underpins Trump attack on election results: Ifill

Sherrilyn Ifill, president and director-counsel for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, explains why the tactics Donald Trump is using to challenge the outcome of the election are more than a means to an end: They encourage a racist narrative for which he should be held to account.Nov. 24, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-24--Trump allows Biden transition to proceed, but won't concede

The Trump administration's GSA has finally approved the Biden transition after a 16-day delay, but the president still says he will fight on refusing to concede to Pres.-elect Biden.Nov. 24, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-24--Trump dismantles decades-old surveillance treaty irreparably on his way out the door

Rachel Maddow describes how Donald Trump in his lame duck period has not only abruptly removed the U.S from the decades old Open Skies Treaty that supplies the U.S. and its allies with surveillance data on Russian military activities, but has taken steps to dispose of the program's specialized planes and removed the option of replacing them.Nov. 24, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-24--Trump's final veto threat caps a presidency devoted to making racism a policy

President Donald Trump is threatening to veto the annual defense spending bill , which would change the names of U.S. military bases that honor Confederate military leaders .
For someone who came into office on a wave of racism and who in one of his first official acts made racism an official policy of the U.S. government , it only makes sense that one of Trump 's last would be just as deeply racist .
The president has skillfully stoked the racism inherent in his base .
He has consistently helped translate this into official actions since his first days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Muslim ban , in a trend that continues to place white people 's grievances over national security .
Back in December 2015 , Trump declared that if elected , he would call `` for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States until our country 's representatives can figure out what the hell is going on . ''
One week after Trump took office , he signed Executive Order 13769 , implementing the `` Muslim ban '' that he 'd promised , which among other provisions barred people from seven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three months .
The hastily written order was attacked , correctly , as being racially motivated , which appeared to be backed up by Trump 's own statements .
A new , expanded order in March 2017 was meant to act as a fig leaf , showing that the restrictions were about more than just religion .
The Supreme Court eventually upheld the third version of the order , which remains in effect today .
The court 's imprimatur does n't change the thinking behind the original ban .
The logic that gave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the logic that had Trump screaming about the threat of migrant caravans ahead of the 2018 midterm elections , and it 's the same as the logic behind Trump 's current veto threat .
He knows who his base is and what they care about .
In 2017 , Trump nursed his supporters ' fears about Muslim terrorists lurking among refugees .
In 2018 , he warned them about the invasion of immigrants from Latin America .
In his waning days in office , he 's going all in on protecting `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In all of these cases , Trump has positioned himself as the champion of a white America under siege .
Currently at stake is the National Defense Authorization Act , the biggest and normally one of the most bipartisan annual spending bills to pass in Congress .
This year 's is likely to dole out about $ 740.5 billion in defense spending over the current fiscal year to fund the country 's major defense priorities .
It will also include , according to NBC News , `` a pay raise for troops @ @ @ @ @ @ @ armor , which does n't yet exist . ''
Versions of the measure that passed both houses of Congress included amendments to redesignate `` any Department of Defense property currently named after a person who served in the political or military leadership of any armed rebellion against the United States '' ( which is a formal way of referring to the Confederacy and its leadership ) , according to the House 's version .
The Army bases in question are strewn throughout the American South and were named , in part , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in former Confederate territory .
`` It should be noted that the naming occurred in the spirit of reconciliation , not division , '' Brig .
Gen. Malcolm B .
Frost said in 2015 when pushing back against a name change at Fort Rucker , an Alabama site named for Confederate officer Edmund Rucker .
The Pentagon 's hesitance transformed into acceptance over the summer , with Mark Esper , then the defense secretary , agreeing that the bases ' names needed changing .
Trump very much disagreed , having latched onto the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Confederate battle flag as an easy way to earn points with his core voting bloc .
In June , Trump summed up his stance when he tweeted out his undying support for brave Confederate soldiers like Gen. Braxton Bragg , considered by historians to have been one of the most incompetent Southern generals , and Gen. Henry Benning , who argued that abolition of slavery would lead to the destruction of the white race , declaring , `` Give me pestilence and famine sooner than that . ''
The House and the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed to iron out the differences between their versions of the bill .
But House Armed Services Committee ranking member Mac Thornberry of Texas told Defense News that he 's concerned that the veto threat will push the bill 's passage into next year .
`` I worry that people will say , 'Oh , we can just do it later ' — flippant — 'because it 's just too politically volatile right now ' because of all the good in the bill and nearly insurmountable obstacles to resurrecting it , '' Thornberry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considerations — and a lot of money — on the line for what 's essentially a bid to keep racists happy .
It 's worth wondering how much of this pettiness is based on Trump 's own racist beliefs .
How much of it is his angling for a 2024 presidential bid and wanting to ensure he does n't alienate his base in the meantime ?
That 's unclear , but the effect is the same either way : On his way out the door , Trump remains committed to tying his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keeping the racist through line that 's been present his entire time in office .

President Donald Trump is threatening to veto the annual defense spending bill, which would change the names of U.S. military bases that honor Confederate military leaders. For someone who came into office on a wave of racism and who in one of his first official acts made racism an official policy of the U.S. government, it only makes sense that one of Trump's last would be just as deeply racist.
The president has skillfully stoked the racism inherent in his base.
The president has skillfully stoked the racism inherent in his base. He has consistently helped translate this into official actions since his first days in office, starting with the so-called Muslim ban, in a trend that continues to place white people's grievances over national security.
Back in December 2015, Trump declared that if elected, he would call "for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States until our country's representatives can figure out what the hell is going on." One week after Trump took office, he signed Executive Order 13769, implementing the "Muslim ban" that he'd promised, which among other provisions barred people from seven Muslim-majority countries from entering the U.S. for three months.
The hastily written order was attacked, correctly, as being racially motivated, which appeared to be backed up by Trump's own statements. A new, expanded order in March 2017 was meant to act as a fig leaf, showing that the restrictions were about more than just religion. The Supreme Court eventually upheld the third version of the order, which remains in effect today.
The court's imprimatur doesn't change the thinking behind the original ban. The logic that gave birth to the order is the same as the logic that had Trump screaming about the threat of migrant caravans ahead of the 2018 midterm elections, and it's the same as the logic behind Trump's current veto threat.
There are serious national security considerations — and a lot of money — on the line for what's essentially a bid to keep racists happy.
He knows who his base is and what they care about. In 2017, Trump nursed his supporters' fears about Muslim terrorists lurking among refugees. In 2018, he warned them about the invasion of immigrants from Latin America. In his waning days in office, he's going all in on protecting "Southern heritage" from liberals and minorities. In all of these cases, Trump has positioned himself as the champion of a white America under siege.
Currently at stake is the National Defense Authorization Act, the biggest and normally one of the most bipartisan annual spending bills to pass in Congress. This year's is likely to dole out about $740.5 billion in defense spending over the current fiscal year to fund the country's major defense priorities. It will also include, according to NBC News, "a pay raise for troops and funding for female-specific uniforms and body armor, which doesn't yet exist."
Versions of the measure that passed both houses of Congress included amendments to redesignate "any Department of Defense property currently named after a person who served in the political or military leadership of any armed rebellion against the United States" (which is a formal way of referring to the Confederacy and its leadership), according to the House's version.
The Army bases in question are strewn throughout the American South and were named, in part, to help win support for the new installations in former Confederate territory. "It should be noted that the naming occurred in the spirit of reconciliation, not division," Brig. Gen. Malcolm B. Frost said in 2015 when pushing back against a name change at Fort Rucker, an Alabama site named for Confederate officer Edmund Rucker.
The Pentagon's hesitance transformed into acceptance over the summer, with Mark Esper, then the defense secretary, agreeing that the bases' names needed changing. Trump very much disagreed, having latched onto the fight over Confederate monuments and flying a Confederate battle flag as an easy way to earn points with his core voting bloc.
In June, Trump summed up his stance when he tweeted out his undying support for brave Confederate soldiers like Gen. Braxton Bragg, considered by historians to have been one of the most incompetent Southern generals, and Gen. Henry Benning, who argued that abolition of slavery would lead to the destruction of the white race, declaring, "Give me pestilence and famine sooner than that."
...history of Winning, Victory, and Freedom. The United States of America trained and deployed our HEROES on these Hallowed Grounds, and won two World Wars. Therefore, my Administration will not even consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations... — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) June 10, 2020
The House and the Senate have already set up the conference committee needed to iron out the differences between their versions of the bill. But House Armed Services Committee ranking member Mac Thornberry of Texas told Defense News that he's concerned that the veto threat will push the bill's passage into next year.
"I worry that people will say, 'Oh, we can just do it later' — flippant — 'because it's just too politically volatile right now' because of all the good in the bill and nearly insurmountable obstacles to resurrecting it," Thornberry said.
There are serious national security considerations — and a lot of money — on the line for what's essentially a bid to keep racists happy. It's worth wondering how much of this pettiness is based on Trump's own racist beliefs. How much of it is his angling for a 2024 presidential bid and wanting to ensure he doesn't alienate his base in the meantime? That's unclear, but the effect is the same either way: On his way out the door, Trump remains committed to tying his own legacy to that of the Confederacy, keeping the racist through line that's been present his entire time in office.


msnbc--2020-11-24--Why the media needs to use the 'c word' to describe Trump's election fraud

Richard Grenell , the former acting director of national intelligence , former ambassador to Germany and current Trumpist agitator , offered some sage advice to reporters Thursday : `` The journalism industry will improve when there is Truth in labeling its reporting . ''
I think that 's true .
Which is why , Ric , I also think it 's important for the media to call what President Donald Trump 's campaign has tried to set in motion these past few weeks an attempted coup .
Trump tried to instigate an `` autogolpe '' ( also known as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrifying and hard to fathom , but it is also the more accurate way to describe what has happened .
As of this writing , the Trump campaign 's putative putsch failed , with almost comical ineptness .
But it also marked a predictably dangerous turn for an autocratic president who ca n't admit to losing , fair and square .
Here 's how Reuters described the situation on Thursday : `` A senior Trump campaign official told Reuters the plan was to cast enough doubt on the results in crucial states to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appoint their own slates of electors . ''
This reporting is backed up by a series of events in states like Michigan , where Trump tried to cajole and pressure state officials into investigating and hopefully overturning the results .
Monday , after Michigan did finally certify its result , the administrator of the General Services Administration informed President-elect Joe Biden 's campaign in a defensive letter that the agency would order federal agencies to cooperate with a presidential transition .
Reporting is an involved process that aggregates dozens of voices and sorts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president the benefit of the doubt here would be more biased than just reporting the facts as we know them .
Even so , I know that `` coup '' is a big word that carries a lot of historical baggage .
It should n't be used without deliberation .
Can there be a coup that does n't involve a news blackout or tanks in the streets or people cowering in their homes ?
Perhaps movie coups are n't the best archetypes .
Instead , let 's evaluate some of the clearer objections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even when a coup is doomed to fail — and especially when everyone knows that the coup will fail in advance — it can still do damage .
Samarajiva lived through what she calls a `` student coup '' in Sri Lanka , and she writes that America is strong enough to withstand Trump , this time .
But Samarajiva also notes that our democracy encourages bad-faith actors to maximize their power .
She is right .
We need to establish precedents and laws stronger and deeper than the polite norms we ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must also re-evaluate our language and narrative ; the word here is `` coup , '' and the narrative here is `` a coup that did not succeed . ''
Because if the election were closer — if , say , the election came down to only one state — we might have a totally different situation on our hands .
And that 's scary .
Elsewhere , Trump sympathizer Jay Whig argues that it 's unfair to call this a coup because Trump may not even understand what he 's doing — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
But whether Trump is or is n't knowingly committing sedition does n't matter .
Motive matters far less than intention and consequence .
The election was fair ; to even try to subvert it while fomenting a demonstrably false conspiracy is a consequence that demands an explanation .
Others , like political scientist Erica de Bruin , argued early on that Trump had n't actually violated any laws .
I concede that this continues to be more or less true .
It 's true that Trump 's lawyers have seemed unwilling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way that they have in the media .
But it is a felony to tamper with the results of a certified election .
( Georgia 's Republican secretary of state , Brad Raffensperger , certainly seemed to feel he was being pressured by Sen. Lindsey Graham , R-S.C. , to tamper with the certification . )
It is also a felony to offer state legislators or presidential electors a thing of value to influence an official decision .
Several election law experts wrote Monday that the conduct of Trump 's attorneys is grounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this is a political crime — the type that should trigger an impeachment — and an offense against the system itself .
The journalism professor within me , who came of age during a time when accusations of media bias carried more weight , thinks the press should be careful with the word `` coup '' because it could seem overly partisan .
Wo n't the press lose credibility with Republicans if it gangs up on Trump 's post-election machinations ?
But my wizened self disagrees with my former self .
The press @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who have personalized politics , who , in the words of Republican never-Trumper Tim Miller , `` have been trained to believe that the left is evil incarnate . ''
The conspiracy `` sounds so preposterous to everyone else that Republican elected officials can avoid engaging on the merits while they accuse The Media of being mean to them for asking about it and mock liberals for panicking over this subversion of our democracy . ''
Biden understands that the press 's new moral grammar — the president lies ; the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stokes racial animosity — is a healthy development for journalism in its role as an institutional guardrail against authoritarianism .
He also understands that the media 's good instincts can amplify Trump 's bad ones .
With Trump , a hunch can turn into a tweet , which can turn into a strategy , which can turn into a fait accompli in the space of several minutes .
To win , which for Trump means to be the center of attention , is to have an enemy that is suggesting something horrible about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away from the center of attention .
He wants Americans who voted for Trump to focus on his message , mien and mindful transition .
The more amped up the rhetoric , the harder Biden 's job will become .
It will also complicate his informal efforts to reach out to Republican lawmakers .
And yet , the press must not apply a coat of sugar in service of a politician 's agenda .
Establishing a line here is a critical function of the media .
This is how we build those guardrails @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point out what is , and what is not , acceptable in a democracy .
In American elections , there is an implicit trust that people in power will cede their positions when they lose , but a lot of that trust is based on actors ' proceeding in good faith and being responsive to political cues .
Calling out bad-faith politicians who do bad things using executive power is an essential journalistic mission .

Richard Grenell, the former acting director of national intelligence, former ambassador to Germany and current Trumpist agitator, offered some sage advice to reporters Thursday: "The journalism industry will improve when there is Truth in labeling its reporting."
I think that's true. Which is why, Ric, I also think it's important for the media to call what President Donald Trump's campaign has tried to set in motion these past few weeks an attempted coup. Trump tried to instigate an "autogolpe" (also known as a self-coup). This particular label is terrifying and hard to fathom, but it is also the more accurate way to describe what has happened. As of this writing, the Trump campaign's putative putsch failed, with almost comical ineptness. But it also marked a predictably dangerous turn for an autocratic president who can't admit to losing, fair and square.
The Daily Beast cannot continue to call Sam a reporter.
He is a partisan activist and his blogs should be labeled that way.
The journalism industry will improve its credibility when there is Truth in labeling its reporting. https://t.co/XnDdTTeDWV — Richard Grenell (@RichardGrenell) November 19, 2020
Here's how Reuters described the situation on Thursday: "A senior Trump campaign official told Reuters the plan was to cast enough doubt on the results in crucial states to persuade Republican legislators to step in and appoint their own slates of electors."
This reporting is backed up by a series of events in states like Michigan, where Trump tried to cajole and pressure state officials into investigating and hopefully overturning the results. Monday, after Michigan did finally certify its result, the administrator of the General Services Administration informed President-elect Joe Biden's campaign in a defensive letter that the agency would order federal agencies to cooperate with a presidential transition.
Reporting is an involved process that aggregates dozens of voices and sorts through motives and intent. Giving the president the benefit of the doubt here would be more biased than just reporting the facts as we know them.
Even so, I know that "coup" is a big word that carries a lot of historical baggage. It shouldn't be used without deliberation. Can there be a coup that doesn't involve a news blackout or tanks in the streets or people cowering in their homes? Perhaps movie coups aren't the best archetypes. Instead, let's evaluate some of the clearer objections.
Provocatively, Indi Samarajiva argues that even when a coup is doomed to fail — and especially when everyone knows that the coup will fail in advance — it can still do damage. Samarajiva lived through what she calls a "student coup" in Sri Lanka, and she writes that America is strong enough to withstand Trump, this time.
But Samarajiva also notes that our democracy encourages bad-faith actors to maximize their power. She is right. We need to establish precedents and laws stronger and deeper than the polite norms we ask presidents to abide by today. We must also re-evaluate our language and narrative; the word here is "coup," and the narrative here is "a coup that did not succeed." Because if the election were closer — if, say, the election came down to only one state — we might have a totally different situation on our hands. And that's scary.
Elsewhere, Trump sympathizer Jay Whig argues that it's unfair to call this a coup because Trump may not even understand what he's doing — he may genuinely believe he won the election. But whether Trump is or isn't knowingly committing sedition doesn't matter. Motive matters far less than intention and consequence. The election was fair; to even try to subvert it while fomenting a demonstrably false conspiracy is a consequence that demands an explanation.
Others, like political scientist Erica de Bruin, argued early on that Trump hadn't actually violated any laws. I concede that this continues to be more or less true. It's true that Trump's lawyers have seemed unwilling to lie in court in the same way that they have in the media. But it is a felony to tamper with the results of a certified election. (Georgia's Republican secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, certainly seemed to feel he was being pressured by Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., to tamper with the certification.) It is also a felony to offer state legislators or presidential electors a thing of value to influence an official decision. Several election law experts wrote Monday that the conduct of Trump's attorneys is grounds for disbarment. Taken in aggregate, this is a political crime — the type that should trigger an impeachment — and an offense against the system itself.
Taken in aggregate, this is a political crime — the type that should trigger an impeachment — and an offense against the system itself.
The journalism professor within me, who came of age during a time when accusations of media bias carried more weight, thinks the press should be careful with the word "coup" because it could seem overly partisan. Won't the press lose credibility with Republicans if it gangs up on Trump's post-election machinations? But my wizened self disagrees with my former self.
The press already finds it hard to communicate with people who have personalized politics, who, in the words of Republican never-Trumper Tim Miller, "have been trained to believe that the left is evil incarnate." The conspiracy "sounds so preposterous to everyone else that Republican elected officials can avoid engaging on the merits while they accuse The Media of being mean to them for asking about it and mock liberals for panicking over this subversion of our democracy."
Biden understands that the press's new moral grammar — the president lies; the president cheats on his taxes; the president stokes racial animosity — is a healthy development for journalism in its role as an institutional guardrail against authoritarianism.
He also understands that the media's good instincts can amplify Trump's bad ones. With Trump, a hunch can turn into a tweet, which can turn into a strategy, which can turn into a fait accompli in the space of several minutes. To win, which for Trump means to be the center of attention, is to have an enemy that is suggesting something horrible about you.
Biden wants to draw Trump away from the center of attention. He wants Americans who voted for Trump to focus on his message, mien and mindful transition. The more amped up the rhetoric, the harder Biden's job will become. It will also complicate his informal efforts to reach out to Republican lawmakers.
And yet, the press must not apply a coat of sugar in service of a politician's agenda. Establishing a line here is a critical function of the media. This is how we build those guardrails we like to talk about; we point out what is, and what is not, acceptable in a democracy. In American elections, there is an implicit trust that people in power will cede their positions when they lose, but a lot of that trust is based on actors' proceeding in good faith and being responsive to political cues. Calling out bad-faith politicians who do bad things using executive power is an essential journalistic mission.


msnbc--2020-11-25--Steve Schmidt: ‘We’ve entered the corrupt pardon phase of the Trump coup’

'We are talking about lives , ' congresswoman says on relief bill

Steve Schmidt: ‘We’ve entered the corrupt pardon phase of the Trump coup’
Co-founder of the Lincoln Project Steve Schmidt, New York Times editorial board member Mara Gay, and politics editor at the Daily Beast Sam Stein react to President Trump’s pardon of Michael FlynnNov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-25--Tom Brokaw looks forward to better days ahead


msnbc--2020-11-26--‘The impact has been colossal’: Native American tribes hit especially hard by covid-19

Public financial disclosure should not be new to Thomas: Fmr. ethics officer on new report on gifts 07:43


msnbc--2020-11-25--‘Disinformation is killing us’: ‘Former Texas nurse shares experiences of working on the front line

Ashley Bartholomew, a former nurse in El Paso, TX, tells Craig Melvin about her decision to resign as a nurse, and a recent interaction with a Covid-19 patient who believed the virus to be nothing more than the flu.Nov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-25--First 6.4 million doses of vaccine likely in December

The first 6.4M doses of Pfizer's COVID-19 vaccine could be distributed as early as December within 24 hours of approval from the FDA, according to new reports. The panel discusses the latest with the vaccine and rising virus infections.Nov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-25--Trump advisers pushed for transition to begin as GOP calls for it grew

Trump advisers pushed for transition to begin as GOP calls for it grew
President Trump met with top advisers Monday who discussed with him the need to allow the transition for President-elect Joe Biden to proceed. NBC News' Carol Lee joins Morning Joe to discuss along with new reporting on Trump's potential pardon plans.Nov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-25--Breaking: Trump pardons Michael Flynn in first major act since election loss

In his first major executive act since losing the election to Joe Biden, Trump has fully pardoned former national security adviser Michael Flynn. Flynn twice pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the Russian probe. MSNBC's Ari Melber reports on the breaking news and highlights the fact that accepting a pardon confers guilt.Nov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-25--Trump speaks via iPhone speaker at ‘hearing’ on baseless fraud claims

During a Pennsylvania Senate majority Policy Committee public hearing on the 2020 election, President Trump called his personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani and was put on speaker phone. NBC News’ Carol Lee reports on the baseless claims Trump continued to make about the election.Nov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-25--Giuliani's influence on Trump is the Thanksgiving miracle we needed

I believe this country owes a deep debt of gratitude to the former mayor of New York City , Rudolph W. Giuliani .
This feels counterintuitive even as I write it , but I think that we should all take a moment in this turbulent time to be thankful for the man who has given us so much — admittedly , often without realizing it .
Because , for all his misguided blunders and transparent ill intentions , Giuliani has consistently encouraged some of President Donald Trump 's most self-destructive habits .
He has been the media 's best source @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Trump 's worst enemy in the form of a close friend and legal counsel .
I truly believe that the outgoing administration , with all of its outrages and crises , would have been even more of a nightmare , and would have wrought even more destruction , without Giuliani 's helping hand guiding Trump through it all .
Giuliani has encouraged and inflamed some of Trump 's most self-defeating instincts and failures .
And like an archetypal Bond villain who 's been pumped full of truth serum , he 's appeared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the grand strategy at work to anyone who asks .
Giuliani has been described as a proto-Trump in a lot of ways , from his love of attention and cameras to his willingness to make money no matter how shady the income stream .
After he endorsed Trump in 2016 , he was gunning to become secretary of state when those shady income streams kneecapped him , forcing him to withdraw his bid .
Instead , he got a sinecure position as cybersecurity adviser at the White House that we have never spoken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was very funny .
Giuliani 's real skill came into focus less than 10 days into the Trump administration , when he went on Fox News to speak with host Jeanine Pirro about the `` Muslim ban '' that Trump had signed .
He seemed very happy to tell Pirro the whole backstory and why the executive order was n't really a racist attack on Muslims .
`` I 'll tell you the whole history of it , '' Giuliani said .
`` So when he first announced it , he said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up .
He said : 'Put a commission together .
Show me the right way to do it legally . '
`` And what we did was , we focused on , instead of religion , danger — the areas of the world that create danger for us , '' Rudy continued , seemingly unaware how flimsy and blatantly discriminatory his argument was .
The administration wound up having to scrap Rudy 's standards twice over before the Supreme Court finally gave the thumbs-up to Trump 's immigration restrictions .
Giuliani withdrew for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new clients to raise cash from , only to emerge again during the Mueller investigation .
This was Giuliani at his peak , in that he did n't actually do much legal work , it seems .
Instead , he went on television and said what felt like whatever popped into his brain at any given moment , much like his client .
He reportedly did the same off camera — discretion has never been part of the Giuliani Guarantee , trademark pending .
Behind the scenes , he and Trump were looking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which led them to Ukraine .
If it were n't for Giuliani , I do n't see how this whole thing could have happened .
He 's the one who fed Trump conspiracies about the mythical CrowdStrike server that was allegedly hidden in Ukraine .
He 's the one who set up the pressure campaign on the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine , Marie Yovanovich , and got her fired .
He 's the one who got Ukraine 's prosecutor-general to smear the Bidens , buying their self-serving lies hook , line and sinker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's also the one who gave away the game when it was still in progress , talking to The New York Times in March 2019 about his travels : '' 'We 're not meddling in an election , we 're meddling in an investigation , which we have a right to do , ' Mr. Giuliani said in an interview on Thursday when asked about the parallel to the special counsel 's inquiry .
`` 'There 's nothing illegal about it , ' he said .
'Somebody could say it 's improper .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I 'm asking them to do an investigation that they 're doing already and that other people are telling them to stop .
And I 'm going to give them reasons why they should n't stop it because that information will be very , very helpful to my client , and may turn out to be helpful to my government . '
'' In September 2019 , he confirmed live on CNN that he was trying to pressure Ukraine 's government to open a scurrilous investigation into Joe Biden .
The pressure campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the next few months as the House impeachment inquiry combed through Giuliani 's texts with his lackeys and heard testimony about Trump 's demands that government officials assist Giuliani 's schemes .
It 's honestly a shame that Rudy was n't allowed to serve on the president 's defense during his Senate trial like he reportedly wanted .
Instead , the team that did defend Trump all but disavowed Giuliani , calling him `` a minor player '' who was being trotted out to distract the American public .
Throughout the proceedings , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with basically any person who got hold of his phone number .
Getting your client impeached should be a pretty big blow to credibility for any lawyer , and it 's likely to sour the lawyer-client relationship .
But Trump has stuck by Giuliani loyally .
And for this , we should all be glad .
In the post-election miasma , Trump has turned to Giuliani to disastrous effect .
Giuliani insisted that Trump could still win when others told him his loss to Biden was a done deal .
He parachuted into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ellis at his side , telling everyone they now report to him .
He then proceeded to completely botch his first time in court to the point that he 's become not one but several memes .
Giuliani , undeterred , and to the chagrin of many , once again said the quiet part out loud , reportedly telling associates that his strategy was to get state legislatures to reverse the outcome of the election in their states , throwing electoral votes to Trump .
Can you imagine if Trump actually had skilled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It would still have been impossible for him to prevail , but salient points might at least have been made .
We could have been more deeply mired in a lengthy standoff if Trump had someone competent helping him execute his schemes .
Even Michael Cohen did a better job as consigliere over the years — and he 's under house arrest for helping Trump cover up an alleged affair during the 2016 campaign .
In sum , Rudy is the right man for the right time , a perfect foil for this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gullibility , need to brag about his exploits and zeal for conspiracy have saved countless lives by making him the absolute worst person to help shepherd multiple criminal enterprises through the federal government .
So let 's all take a moment this week to be thankful that Rudy Giuliani is exactly who he is .

I believe this country owes a deep debt of gratitude to the former mayor of New York City, Rudolph W. Giuliani. This feels counterintuitive even as I write it, but I think that we should all take a moment in this turbulent time to be thankful for the man who has given us so much — admittedly, often without realizing it.
Can you imagine if Trump actually had skilled lawyers trying to work this case?
Because, for all his misguided blunders and transparent ill intentions, Giuliani has consistently encouraged some of President Donald Trump's most self-destructive habits. He has been the media's best source for Trump's worst behavior. He is Trump's worst enemy in the form of a close friend and legal counsel.
I truly believe that the outgoing administration, with all of its outrages and crises, would have been even more of a nightmare, and would have wrought even more destruction, without Giuliani's helping hand guiding Trump through it all. Giuliani has encouraged and inflamed some of Trump's most self-defeating instincts and failures. And like an archetypal Bond villain who's been pumped full of truth serum, he's appeared completely unable to stop himself from revealing the grand strategy at work to anyone who asks.
Giuliani has been described as a proto-Trump in a lot of ways, from his love of attention and cameras to his willingness to make money no matter how shady the income stream. After he endorsed Trump in 2016, he was gunning to become secretary of state when those shady income streams kneecapped him, forcing him to withdraw his bid. Instead, he got a sinecure position as cybersecurity adviser at the White House that we have never spoken of again, except for when it was very funny.
Giuliani's real skill came into focus less than 10 days into the Trump administration, when he went on Fox News to speak with host Jeanine Pirro about the "Muslim ban" that Trump had signed. He seemed very happy to tell Pirro the whole backstory and why the executive order wasn't really a racist attack on Muslims.
He's the one who fed Trump conspiracies about the mythical CrowdStrike server that was allegedly hidden in Ukraine.
"I'll tell you the whole history of it," Giuliani said. "So when he first announced it, he said, 'Muslim ban.' He called me up. He said: 'Put a commission together. Show me the right way to do it legally.'
"And what we did was, we focused on, instead of religion, danger — the areas of the world that create danger for us," Rudy continued, seemingly unaware how flimsy and blatantly discriminatory his argument was. The administration wound up having to scrap Rudy's standards twice over before the Supreme Court finally gave the thumbs-up to Trump's immigration restrictions.
Giuliani withdrew for a while after that, looking for new clients to raise cash from, only to emerge again during the Mueller investigation. This was Giuliani at his peak, in that he didn't actually do much legal work, it seems. Instead, he went on television and said what felt like whatever popped into his brain at any given moment, much like his client. He reportedly did the same off camera — discretion has never been part of the Giuliani Guarantee, trademark pending. Behind the scenes, he and Trump were looking for ways to discredit Robert Mueller, which led them to Ukraine.
If it weren't for Giuliani, I don't see how this whole thing could have happened. He's the one who fed Trump conspiracies about the mythical CrowdStrike server that was allegedly hidden in Ukraine. He's the one who set up the pressure campaign on the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, Marie Yovanovich, and got her fired. He's the one who got Ukraine's prosecutor-general to smear the Bidens, buying their self-serving lies hook, line and sinker.
In true Giuliani fashion, he's also the one who gave away the game when it was still in progress.
In true Giuliani fashion, he's also the one who gave away the game when it was still in progress, talking to The New York Times in March 2019 about his travels:
"'We're not meddling in an election, we're meddling in an investigation, which we have a right to do,' Mr. Giuliani said in an interview on Thursday when asked about the parallel to the special counsel's inquiry.
"'There's nothing illegal about it,' he said. 'Somebody could say it's improper. And this isn't foreign policy — I'm asking them to do an investigation that they're doing already and that other people are telling them to stop. And I'm going to give them reasons why they shouldn't stop it because that information will be very, very helpful to my client, and may turn out to be helpful to my government.'"
In September 2019, he confirmed live on CNN that he was trying to pressure Ukraine's government to open a scurrilous investigation into Joe Biden. The pressure campaign's inner workings would become public over the next few months as the House impeachment inquiry combed through Giuliani's texts with his lackeys and heard testimony about Trump's demands that government officials assist Giuliani's schemes.
It's honestly a shame that Rudy wasn't allowed to serve on the president's defense during his Senate trial like he reportedly wanted. Instead, the team that did defend Trump all but disavowed Giuliani, calling him "a minor player" who was being trotted out to distract the American public.
Throughout the proceedings, Giuliani continued to talk to and text with basically any person who got hold of his phone number.
Getting your client impeached should be a pretty big blow to credibility for any lawyer, and it's likely to sour the lawyer-client relationship. But Trump has stuck by Giuliani loyally. And for this, we should all be glad.
In the post-election miasma, Trump has turned to Giuliani to disastrous effect. Giuliani insisted that Trump could still win when others told him his loss to Biden was a done deal. He parachuted into the campaign's legal efforts with Jenna Ellis at his side, telling everyone they now report to him. He then proceeded to completely botch his first time in court to the point that he's become not one but several memes.
Charlie Kelly pretending to be a lawyer, except it’s things Rudy Giuliani actually said in court today pic.twitter.com/lGwSSPLnUw — Josh Billinson (@jbillinson) November 18, 2020
Giuliani, undeterred, and to the chagrin of many, once again said the quiet part out loud, reportedly telling associates that his strategy was to get state legislatures to reverse the outcome of the election in their states, throwing electoral votes to Trump.
Can you imagine if Trump actually had skilled lawyers trying to work this case? It would still have been impossible for him to prevail, but salient points might at least have been made. We could have been more deeply mired in a lengthy standoff if Trump had someone competent helping him execute his schemes. Even Michael Cohen did a better job as consigliere over the years — and he's under house arrest for helping Trump cover up an alleged affair during the 2016 campaign.
In sum, Rudy is the right man for the right time, a perfect foil for this moment, an addled former titan whose gullibility, need to brag about his exploits and zeal for conspiracy have saved countless lives by making him the absolute worst person to help shepherd multiple criminal enterprises through the federal government. So let's all take a moment this week to be thankful that Rudy Giuliani is exactly who he is.


msnbc--2020-11-25--America's digital divide is sharp. Covid made it worse.

This holiday season will be unique .
For many of us , it will also be uniquely lonely .
We have lost so many people to Covid-19 and to the wide-ranging effects of the pandemic , among them a growing mental health crisis in America .
If nothing else , holidays give us a reason to gather with family and friends .
This year , that is the one thing we ca n't do — at least not safely .
In accordance with the recommendations of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , many people are choosing not to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of us will have empty places at the table this Thanksgiving .
In lieu of big celebrations , more Americans are opting for small dinners or even solo affairs of heated-up frozen turkey dinners for one .
Luckily , we have technology to see us through the holidays .
In this time of physical distancing , travel restrictions and quarantine lockdowns , our apps and devices are the only way many of us can get close to that sense of holiday togetherness .
But in our pandemic-accelerated shift to living online , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when it comes to the technologies so many of us rely on .
Some are tangible — for example , many of us now live , work and play in the same rooms , eroding the divide between public and private spaces , whereas previously we had different expectations of privacy in each space .
We 're also more exposed and vulnerable online , because of the sheer amount of time and information we 're entrusting to tech platforms and devices .
The pandemic has also accelerated a social divide , laying bare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have access to internet and devices and those who do n't .
By now , most of us are well-versed in using technology to connect with one another .
Many of us work remotely , go to school remotely , socialize remotely , worship remotely , mourn remotely and celebrate remotely .
We have shifted significant parts of our lives online and to connected spaces .
Even if you ca n't sit down and eat with your family on Thanksgiving , you can still use Zoom or Hangouts or FaceTime to video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thanks to technology , many of us do n't have to be truly alone .
But we have also had to give up a significant part of our private selves .
While colleagues could previously walk into your office , they would n't necessarily see your living room , at least without an invitation .
Now , your co-workers see your home , and you see theirs .
Your children see the previously private homes of all of their classmates — and their teachers ' , too .
This goes beyond an interpersonal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reliance on remote connected technologies , we 're also making ourselves more vulnerable online .
The more we use technology to power our lives , the more data we feed into the corporate platforms and products we use .
While some people may have been slower to adopt new technologies in the past , the pressures of the pandemic are likely to have caused them to turn to data-intensive technologies like Facebook Portal and Amazon Echo devices — many of which have n't been strictly regulated and some of which are riddled with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would normally have been more privacy-conscious in the past may now be willing to overlook the privacy risks to get the benefits of connected technologies .
We should n't be too hard on ourselves , though .
At this point , the opportunity to foster connection through technology often feels worth some of the costs to our privacy .
With the internet , social media , remote communication platforms and connected technologies , we now have more ways than ever to be together , even when we are apart .
This can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been able to benefit from this technological connection .
The Federal Communications Commission estimated that more than 21 million Americans lack reliable internet access .
An independent study estimated that the real number may be 42 million .
America faces a stark digital divide , with many people lacking access to steady internet , working computers and mobile devices .
As in most crises , low-income , rural , Black and Latinx communities are suffering the most from the digital divide .
A Pew study last year found that one-third of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broadband internet access .
Another study last year found that only 58 percent of Black respondents and 57 percent of Latinx respondents had access to home desktops or laptop devices , compared to 82 percent of white respondents .
Access to technology is even more limited for families without housing .
This disparity in access to technology has even worse effects in this time of pandemic .
Having a computer and reliable internet at home are prerequisites for going to school , for many jobs and for the sort of social connection technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ computer or internet can mean the difference between a holiday with at least some online meeting of friends and family and a holiday spent truly alone .
It is normal to mourn the loss of the Thanksgiving of your dreams .
It is normal to miss being with the people who matter to you , especially with the emotional weight of holiday memories and expectations .
Sure , the day will pass , as any other Thursday does .
But most of us wo n't be able to enjoy all the comforting traditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we hold so dear .
More than the turkey ( which , let 's face it , is usually dry ) or the mashed potatoes , what we 'll truly miss are the people who make the holiday meaningful and special .
For those who do have access to technology to help connect with communities and family members , we can appreciate the ever-increasing importance of technology in our lives .
With this growing importance come growing risks — risks to privacy and cybersecurity , in addition to digital inequality .
These are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden administration must tackle next year to ensure that future Thanksgivings are safer and more connected for all of us , no matter what happens .
In the meantime , we can all do our best to reach out to our loved ones and those in our communities , particularly people in more vulnerable communities .
And if you find yourself in the giving spirit , take the money you saved from not traveling and hosting large parties this winter and donate to charities that help people who are suffering the worst of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of access to the technologies many of us are using to make the most of this unique holiday season .

This holiday season will be unique. For many of us, it will also be uniquely lonely. We have lost so many people to Covid-19 and to the wide-ranging effects of the pandemic, among them a growing mental health crisis in America.
If nothing else, holidays give us a reason to gather with family and friends. This year, that is the one thing we can't do — at least not safely. In accordance with the recommendations of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, many people are choosing not to travel for the holidays, meaning many of us will have empty places at the table this Thanksgiving. In lieu of big celebrations, more Americans are opting for small dinners or even solo affairs of heated-up frozen turkey dinners for one.
In this time of physical distancing, travel restrictions and quarantine lockdowns, our apps and devices are the only way many of us can get close to that sense of holiday togetherness.
Luckily, we have technology to see us through the holidays. In this time of physical distancing, travel restrictions and quarantine lockdowns, our apps and devices are the only way many of us can get close to that sense of holiday togetherness.
But in our pandemic-accelerated shift to living online, we're also facing some heightened potential drawbacks when it comes to the technologies so many of us rely on. Some are tangible — for example, many of us now live, work and play in the same rooms, eroding the divide between public and private spaces, whereas previously we had different expectations of privacy in each space. We're also more exposed and vulnerable online, because of the sheer amount of time and information we're entrusting to tech platforms and devices. The pandemic has also accelerated a social divide, laying bare the social inequality between people in communities who have access to internet and devices and those who don't.
By now, most of us are well-versed in using technology to connect with one another. Many of us work remotely, go to school remotely, socialize remotely, worship remotely, mourn remotely and celebrate remotely. We have shifted significant parts of our lives online and to connected spaces. Even if you can't sit down and eat with your family on Thanksgiving, you can still use Zoom or Hangouts or FaceTime to video chat and share the day together. Thanks to technology, many of us don't have to be truly alone.
But we have also had to give up a significant part of our private selves. While colleagues could previously walk into your office, they wouldn't necessarily see your living room, at least without an invitation. Now, your co-workers see your home, and you see theirs. Your children see the previously private homes of all of their classmates — and their teachers', too.
This goes beyond an interpersonal breach of privacy. Because of our reliance on remote connected technologies, we're also making ourselves more vulnerable online. The more we use technology to power our lives, the more data we feed into the corporate platforms and products we use. While some people may have been slower to adopt new technologies in the past, the pressures of the pandemic are likely to have caused them to turn to data-intensive technologies like Facebook Portal and Amazon Echo devices — many of which haven't been strictly regulated and some of which are riddled with privacy and cybersecurity vulnerabilities.
People who would normally have been more privacy-conscious in the past may now be willing to overlook the privacy risks to get the benefits of connected technologies.
We shouldn't be too hard on ourselves, though. At this point, the opportunity to foster connection through technology often feels worth some of the costs to our privacy.
With the internet, social media, remote communication platforms and connected technologies, we now have more ways than ever to be together, even when we are apart. This can be a beautiful thing. But not everyone has been able to benefit from this technological connection. The Federal Communications Commission estimated that more than 21 million Americans lack reliable internet access. An independent study estimated that the real number may be 42 million. America faces a stark digital divide, with many people lacking access to steady internet, working computers and mobile devices.
As in most crises, low-income, rural, Black and Latinx communities are suffering the most from the digital divide. A Pew study last year found that one-third of people surveyed in rural communities didn't have broadband internet access. Another study last year found that only 58 percent of Black respondents and 57 percent of Latinx respondents had access to home desktops or laptop devices, compared to 82 percent of white respondents. Access to technology is even more limited for families without housing.
This disparity in access to technology has even worse effects in this time of pandemic. Having a computer and reliable internet at home are prerequisites for going to school, for many jobs and for the sort of social connection technology can bring us. Not having a computer or internet can mean the difference between a holiday with at least some online meeting of friends and family and a holiday spent truly alone.
Not having a computer or internet can mean the difference between a holiday with at least some online meeting of friends and family and a holiday spent truly alone.
It is normal to mourn the loss of the Thanksgiving of your dreams. It is normal to miss being with the people who matter to you, especially with the emotional weight of holiday memories and expectations. Sure, the day will pass, as any other Thursday does. But most of us won't be able to enjoy all the comforting traditions and the company of family and friends we hold so dear. More than the turkey (which, let's face it, is usually dry) or the mashed potatoes, what we'll truly miss are the people who make the holiday meaningful and special.
For those who do have access to technology to help connect with communities and family members, we can appreciate the ever-increasing importance of technology in our lives. With this growing importance come growing risks — risks to privacy and cybersecurity, in addition to digital inequality. These are all serious problems that Congress and the Biden administration must tackle next year to ensure that future Thanksgivings are safer and more connected for all of us, no matter what happens.
In the meantime, we can all do our best to reach out to our loved ones and those in our communities, particularly people in more vulnerable communities. And if you find yourself in the giving spirit, take the money you saved from not traveling and hosting large parties this winter and donate to charities that help people who are suffering the worst of the effects of this pandemic, including lack of access to the technologies many of us are using to make the most of this unique holiday season.


msnbc--2020-11-25--This is how we're keeping each other from starving in a pandemic

When Syona Arora got laid off at the beginning of the pandemic , she found herself with a lot of free time on her hands .
For the first few months , she directed that energy to mutual aid projects in her neighborhood in south Philadelphia — helping match those with needs with those able to fill them .
Then her cousin , who lives in Manhattan in New York City , opened a community fridge : literally a refrigerator , located outside , stocked with food for anyone who needs it .
The pandemic is starving us ; 26 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to eat ; 16 percent of households with children report not having enough to eat .
“ I thought , oh , that ’ s really awesome — I wonder if there ’ s one in Philly I could get involved with , ” Arora told me .
“ I did some research , and there was nothing .
And you know , I didn ’ t have organizing experience .
I don ’ t have a career background in this work .
But I thought , I guess I could figure this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Instagram , seeing if others would be interested , figuring out the legalities .
“ It happened pretty organically , ” she said .
“ And every day , I had people asking me what they can do to help support the fridges , ” which are both in her neighborhood .
It ’ s filled with produce , with dairy products , with things people actually want and need .
It gets wiped down multiple times a day .
It ’ s in better condition than most office fridges .
“ Every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And every day , it fills back up again , ” Arora said .
“ We hold ourselves to a high standard with what goes in the fridge , and we have a high level of respect for each other .
I think that ’ s why we ’ re able to keep this autonomous project running.
” The south Philly community fridges are just one example of the hundreds of ad hoc projects , initiatives and organizations that are filling the gaps in the social safety net right now .
Because the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s what people in precarious financial situations — either dating before or sparked by the spread of the coronavirus — realized months ago .
After an initial infusion of cash , the federal government has failed to pass legislation to relieve the millions of Americans who ’ ve been economically affected by the pandemic .
For many , unemployment benefits are difficult or impossible to access .
New work is sporadic and high-risk .
Those who ’ ve been laid off or had their hours reduced are dealing with food scarcity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In every corner of the country , there are food banks that have been feeding the hungry for decades .
But the calvary of wide scale federal relief is not coming .
Even the most organized and well-funded food banks are overwhelmed .
The organizations filling the gaps in established aid are often ad hoc , organized from the ground up , and figuring it out as they go — but without them , thousands would be struggling even more than they are right now .
In western Montana , Flathead Rez @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distributing food — no strings attached — for months .
Like a lot of coronavirus-inspired organizations , it grew out of a mutual aid group , initially launched to meet the specific individual needs of those out of work or isolated at home .
In the early months of the pandemic , it used Facebook and a Google Spreadsheet to try and cover requests from seven different towns spread across the 1,938-square-mile reservation .
Now , it has taken over a vacant job corps facility and partnered with community development organizations to transport @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distribute it to hundreds of families in need .
“ We don ’ t ask tribal affiliation .
I ’ d say more than half of the families we serve aren ’ t tribal .
We also don ’ t ask for income verification , ” April Charlo , who co-founded thr organizaton , told me .
“ We want to avoid that feeling of shame where you come into a place and you ’ re like , ' I can ’ t believe I ’ m here at a food bank , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ box that basically says ' I ’ m poor and I can ’ t provide for my family . '
We tell people just come , tell us where you ’ re from so we can serve you better , and let us give you food !
” Meera Fickling — another person with no background in organizing or philanthropy , but now one of the leaders of thr Rocky Mountain Mutual Aid Network — told me something similar .
“ We ’ re really aiming for destigmatization , ” she said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and we wouldn ’ t even have the resources to means test even if we wanted to .
If you say you need help , then you need help .
People aren ’ t clients .
They are simply people who need help at a specific time .
Of course , we hope that this goes two ways — if you request help , we welcome people to come and volunteer with us — but we ’ re working to really change the terminology that ’ s accompanied aid.
” That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so much about the community fridge : because there ’ s such a flow of people stocking , servicing and taking from the fridge , you can never make assumptions about what they ’ re there for .
They ’ re just part of the fridge community .
In rural Iowa , the Southeast Linn Community Center fills in the gaps in social services for children , seniors and low-income families .
Before the pandemic , 27 percent of the families it served were headed by an elderly or disabled person .
Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent .
For these households , there ’ s no option for higher risk residents to order groceries online .
The two small local grocery stories don ’ t have the capacity to fulfill many orders .
Families whose children were on free and reduced lunches are receiving additional food stamp money , but that aid doesn ’ t extend to seniors on fixed incomes , many of whom are accustomed to browsing for the best deals to stretch their monthly checks .
And in many households , any surplus income has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ derecho storm that hit the area this summer .
“ It ’ s really hard to categorize suffering right now , ” the center 's executive director , Nicole McAlexander , told me .
“ Everyone is struggling right now .
In a rural community , people value the social aspect so much : when you go to the banker , the post office , the kid ’ s basketball game — there are all these points of connection that tie a small town together and provide its personality .
Those interactions are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to live in these small towns , and it ’ s so hard to access right now.
” Seniors need food right now , but they also need that connection .
Which is why anyone , even those who weren ’ t previously receiving meals , can call the center and sign up over the phone .
he center shifted from frozen meals to hot ones from local , familiar restaurants .
And it has made it so people call in every Monday and actually place an order for their meal , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , routines are so important , ” McAlexander said .
“ We had people who would come in here for coffee in the morning , and then we ’ d see them again at night for bingo .
They ’ re craving routine , and we ’ re trying to give it to them.
” Seniors now call in on Mondays and make their order — and whoever answers the call tries to spend more time in conversation with the person on the other line .
They have volunteers sign up to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what we do , it ’ s going to be so hard , ” McAlexander said , “ It ’ s already been such a long haul.
” That ’ s what the Equitable Giving Circle , based in Portland , Oregon , has been thinking about from the start .
Its work isn ’ t just about Covid-19 need , but creating new ways of thinking about need and support — and repairing relationships that have been broken for years .
Every week , the the group sources food from BIPOC — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color — to feed between 365 and 450 families .
The program started when executive director AJ McCreary attended a Black growers gathering last February , then saw the growing wave of food insecurity brought on by the pandemic .
Her response : “ Let ’ s buy CSAs '' — community-supported agriculture programs — `` from a bunch of Black and brown farmers and give them away.
” In March , the group launched a fundraiser to provide food boxes for 50 families — and raised $ 30,000 in a week .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ wan na double down , ’ ” McCreary recalled .
“ My whole team responded : ‘ This is not how this works .
Not with the produce , and not with the money.
’ But the need was there , so it had to work.
” Between grants from the city and donations , the group has continued to expand its mission : In addition to high-quality fresh produce , it provides eggs , protein drops sourced from Black-owned butcher shops , and is able to cater to specific dietary restrictions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s become almost a game of finding the Black owned businesses , ” McCreary , who grew up in Portland , told me .
“ We just have to look a little harder .
But it shines a light on how hard it is for any Black , Indigenous or marginalized communities to get the word out — and it ’ s really exciting to put such large economic deposits in the Black and brown community.
” The group now has eight people on its payroll , all of whom are Black or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plans for rent and mortgage assistance .
They ’ re organizing Black Friday boxes sourced entirely from Black businesses .
They ’ re hoping to feed 1,000 families a week in the Spring .
And they ’ re doing a lot of teaching .
“ Portland is so white , and it ’ s such a passive progressive place , ” McCreary said .
“ But I ’ m excited for all of these things — and putting over $ 700,000 into the Black and brown economy.
” “ I ’ ve been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” McCreary continued .
“ And you don ’ t run around telling people about needs if they aren ’ t real .
If you ’ re saying you have this need , it ’ s because you have a need .
Your need for assistance , care , support , life , dignity — it ’ s all there .
We believe there ’ s this really amazing thing about trusting people about their needs .
Because when they don ’ t have that need anymore , they will tell you : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care of for a while , they ’ re able to breathe and take care of themselves and others.
” That ’ s the idea at the very core of so many of these projects : How do we provide the sort of short- and long-term security that allows people to feel in control of their lives ?
To receive and then return care ?
As McCreary put it : “ We believe people need care before it ’ s a dire emergency.
” It ’ s time the government believes — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

When Syona Arora got laid off at the beginning of the pandemic, she found herself with a lot of free time on her hands. For the first few months, she directed that energy to mutual aid projects in her neighborhood in south Philadelphia — helping match those with needs with those able to fill them. Then her cousin, who lives in Manhattan in New York City, opened a community fridge: literally a refrigerator, located outside, stocked with food for anyone who needs it.
The cavalry of wide scale federal relief is not coming.
The pandemic is starving us; 26 million Americans now report not having enough to eat; 16 percent of households with children report not having enough to eat.
“I thought, oh, that’s really awesome — I wonder if there’s one in Philly I could get involved with,” Arora told me. “I did some research, and there was nothing. And you know, I didn’t have organizing experience. I don’t have a career background in this work. But I thought, I guess I could figure this out?”
She started posting on Instagram, seeing if others would be interested, figuring out the legalities. “It happened pretty organically,” she said. “And every day, I had people asking me what they can do to help support the fridges,” which are both in her neighborhood. It’s filled with produce, with dairy products, with things people actually want and need. It gets wiped down multiple times a day. It’s in better condition than most office fridges.
“It’s really hard to categorize suffering right now.”
“Every day, the fridge empties out. And every day, it fills back up again,” Arora said. “We hold ourselves to a high standard with what goes in the fridge, and we have a high level of respect for each other. I think that’s why we’re able to keep this autonomous project running.”
The south Philly community fridges are just one example of the hundreds of ad hoc projects, initiatives and organizations that are filling the gaps in the social safety net right now. Because the cavalry isn’t coming. That’s what people in precarious financial situations — either dating before or sparked by the spread of the coronavirus — realized months ago.
After an initial infusion of cash, the federal government has failed to pass legislation to relieve the millions of Americans who’ve been economically affected by the pandemic. For many, unemployment benefits are difficult or impossible to access. New work is sporadic and high-risk. Those who’ve been laid off or had their hours reduced are dealing with food scarcity and hunger — many for the first time.
In every corner of the country, there are food banks that have been feeding the hungry for decades. But the calvary of wide scale federal relief is not coming. Even the most organized and well-funded food banks are overwhelmed. The organizations filling the gaps in established aid are often ad hoc, organized from the ground up, and figuring it out as they go — but without them, thousands would be struggling even more than they are right now.
Before the pandemic, 27 percent of the families served were headed by an elderly or disabled person. Now, that number has risen to 44 percent.
In western Montana, Flathead Rez Community Action (FRCA) has been distributing food — no strings attached — for months. Like a lot of coronavirus-inspired organizations, it grew out of a mutual aid group, initially launched to meet the specific individual needs of those out of work or isolated at home. In the early months of the pandemic, it used Facebook and a Google Spreadsheet to try and cover requests from seven different towns spread across the 1,938-square-mile reservation. Now, it has taken over a vacant job corps facility and partnered with community development organizations to transport produce from local farms and ranches and distribute it to hundreds of families in need.
“We don’t ask tribal affiliation. I’d say more than half of the families we serve aren’t tribal. We also don’t ask for income verification,” April Charlo, who co-founded the organizaton, told me. “We want to avoid that feeling of shame where you come into a place and you’re like, 'I can’t believe I’m here at a food bank,' and you have to check this box that basically says 'I’m poor and I can’t provide for my family.' We tell people just come, tell us where you’re from so we can serve you better, and let us give you food!”
Meera Fickling — another person with no background in organizing or philanthropy, but now one of the leaders of the Rocky Mountain Mutual Aid Network — told me something similar. “We’re really aiming for destigmatization,” she said. “We don’t means test, and we wouldn’t even have the resources to means test even if we wanted to. If you say you need help, then you need help. People aren’t clients. They are simply people who need help at a specific time. Of course, we hope that this goes two ways — if you request help, we welcome people to come and volunteer with us — but we’re working to really change the terminology that’s accompanied aid.” That’s one of things that Arora loves so much about the community fridge: because there’s such a flow of people stocking, servicing and taking from the fridge, you can never make assumptions about what they’re there for. They’re just part of the fridge community.
In rural Iowa, the Southeast Linn Community Center fills in the gaps in social services for children, seniors and low-income families. Before the pandemic, 27 percent of the families it served were headed by an elderly or disabled person. Now, that number has risen to 44 percent. For these households, there’s no option for higher risk residents to order groceries online.
The two small local grocery stories don’t have the capacity to fulfill many orders. Families whose children were on free and reduced lunches are receiving additional food stamp money, but that aid doesn’t extend to seniors on fixed incomes, many of whom are accustomed to browsing for the best deals to stretch their monthly checks. And in many households, any surplus income has been directed to home repairs following the devastating derecho storm that hit the area this summer.
“It’s really hard to categorize suffering right now,” the center's executive director, Nicole McAlexander, told me. “Everyone is struggling right now. In a rural community, people value the social aspect so much: when you go to the banker, the post office, the kid’s basketball game — there are all these points of connection that tie a small town together and provide its personality. Those interactions are one of the reasons that people like to live in these small towns, and it’s so hard to access right now.”
Seniors need food right now, but they also need that connection. Which is why anyone, even those who weren’t previously receiving meals, can call the center and sign up over the phone. he center shifted from frozen meals to hot ones from local, familiar restaurants. And it has made it so people call in every Monday and actually place an order for their meal, which is then delivered.
“For seniors, routines are so important,” McAlexander said. “We had people who would come in here for coffee in the morning, and then we’d see them again at night for bingo. They’re craving routine, and we’re trying to give it to them.” Seniors now call in on Mondays and make their order — and whoever answers the call tries to spend more time in conversation with the person on the other line. They have volunteers sign up to be phone buddies. “But no matter what we do, it’s going to be so hard,” McAlexander said, “It’s already been such a long haul.”
That’s what the Equitable Giving Circle, based in Portland, Oregon, has been thinking about from the start. Its work isn’t just about Covid-19 need, but creating new ways of thinking about need and support — and repairing relationships that have been broken for years. Every week, the the group sources food from BIPOC — Black, Indigenous, and people of color — to feed between 365 and 450 families. The program started when executive director AJ McCreary attended a Black growers gathering last February, then saw the growing wave of food insecurity brought on by the pandemic. Her response: “Let’s buy CSAs" — community-supported agriculture programs — "from a bunch of Black and brown farmers and give them away.”
In March, the group launched a fundraiser to provide food boxes for 50 families — and raised $30,000 in a week. “Then I said, ‘I wanna double down,’” McCreary recalled. “My whole team responded: ‘This is not how this works. Not with the produce, and not with the money.’ But the need was there, so it had to work.”
Between grants from the city and donations, the group has continued to expand its mission: In addition to high-quality fresh produce, it provides eggs, protein drops sourced from Black-owned butcher shops, and is able to cater to specific dietary restrictions of families in need. “It’s become almost a game of finding the Black owned businesses,” McCreary, who grew up in Portland, told me. “We just have to look a little harder. But it shines a light on how hard it is for any Black, Indigenous or marginalized communities to get the word out — and it’s really exciting to put such large economic deposits in the Black and brown community.”
The group now has eight people on its payroll, all of whom are Black or Indigenous. They’re rolling out plans for rent and mortgage assistance. They’re organizing Black Friday boxes sourced entirely from Black businesses. They’re hoping to feed 1,000 families a week in the Spring. And they’re doing a lot of teaching. “Portland is so white, and it’s such a passive progressive place,” McCreary said. “But I’m excited for all of these things — and putting over $700,000 into the Black and brown economy.”
“I’ve been on the needing end of things,” McCreary continued. “And you don’t run around telling people about needs if they aren’t real. If you’re saying you have this need, it’s because you have a need. Your need for assistance, care, support, life, dignity — it’s all there. We believe there’s this really amazing thing about trusting people about their needs. Because when they don’t have that need anymore, they will tell you: I’m OK. After being taken care of for a while, they’re able to breathe and take care of themselves and others.”
That’s the idea at the very core of so many of these projects: How do we provide the sort of short- and long-term security that allows people to feel in control of their lives? To receive and then return care?
As McCreary put it: “We believe people need care before it’s a dire emergency.” It’s time the government believes — and acts — that way, as well.


msnbc--2020-11-24--Trump's last order as president is essentially a bid to keep racists happy


msnbc--2020-11-25--State-by-state breakdown of coronavirus travel restrictions

Guidance on traveling and travel restrictions varies across the United States as the country faces new surges in Covid-19 cases @ @ @ @ @ The patchwork of restrictions between regions highlights the ability of states to take different approaches @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
While all of the Northeast and most of the mid-Atlantic states have implemented @ @ @ @ @ than half the states , including two of the biggest , Texas and Florida , @ @ @ @ @ California , Oregon and Washington introduced tough travel restrictions in November , requiring all out-of-state @ @ @ @ @ self-quarantine for two weeks on arrival .
States hit the hardest when the epidemic began @ @ @ @ @ spring , such as New York , New Jersey and Connecticut , also have some @ @ @ @ @ restrictions .
Instead of opting for statewide restrictions , some local officials have imposed restrictions @ @ @ @ @ populous cities .
Check the interactive map below to see the latest guidance on travel @ @ @ @ @ This map will be updated weekly .

Matt Marshall and Naitian Zhou and Kanwal Syed

Guidance on traveling and travel restrictions varies across the United States as the country faces new surges in Covid-19 cases.
The patchwork of restrictions between regions highlights the ability of states to take different approaches while dealing with the coronavirus pandemic.
While all of the Northeast and most of the mid-Atlantic states have implemented statewide travel restrictions, more than half the states, including two of the biggest, Texas and Florida, have no such restrictions.
States hit the hardest when the epidemic began in the United States last spring, such as New York, New Jersey and Connecticut, have some of the most stringent travel restrictions.
Instead of opting for statewide restrictions, some local officials have imposed restrictions on travel to the most populous cities.
Check the interactive map below to see the latest guidance on travel and possible travel restrictions. This map will be updated weekly.


msnbc--2020-11-25--Tracking coronavirus case surges in the United States

Measuring stress levels at hospital intensive care units can help hospitals plan and manage their surge capacity. The stress level is based on the share of ICU hospital beds used by Covid patients. Low-stress hospitals have less than 10% of critical care beds occupied by Covid patients, while high-stress hospitals have from 30% to 59%.


msnbc--2020-11-26--'Everyone's getting burnt out': Medical workers pushed to brink by rampant Covid spread

U.S. Covid-19 crisis keeps getting worse .
The numbers prove it .

Meacham: Pence probably saved the republic, but I don't always want to count on one person to do it


msnbc--2020-11-26--PA Lt. Governor to Trump lawyer Giuliani: Where's the voter fraud?


msnbc--2020-11-25--Joe Scarborough to Nicolle Wallace: Some of our old friends, ‘are more loyal to a failed reality TV

Joe Scarborough to Nicolle Wallace: Some of our old friends, ‘are more loyal to a failed reality TV host’ than to the Constitution
Host of Morning Joe, Joe Scarborough, speaks to Nicolle Wallace about the lawlessness of the Trump administration and his disbelief that some of their former allies in Washington are now Trump supportersNov. 25, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-26--John Brennan joins Chris Hayes to discuss the pardon of Michael Flynn

“This just sends a very bad signal, not only to Americans, but also to folks around the globe, that this type of activity and behavior is taking place in our government in 2020,” says former CIA Director John Brennan.Nov. 26, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-26--On Trump’s pardon of Flynn, Glenn Kirschner says ‘we have to be prepared to fight corrupt pardons’

On Trump’s pardon of Flynn, Glenn Kirschner says ‘we have to be prepared to fight corrupt pardons’
Glenn Kirschner makes the case that ‘we have to be prepared to fight corrupt pardons’ when it comes to Trump’s pardon of Michael Flynn and commutation of Roger Stone.Nov. 26, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-26--Richard Schiff, Emmy-winning actor from ‘The West Wing,’ on his Covid-19 fight

Richard Schiff tells Lawrence O’Donnell that Covid-19 “wants to beat you. It gets into your system and it feels like wherever you think you can get a breath in, it’s going to go there – and that’s where the cough is going to go. It wants to stop you from breathing.”Nov. 26, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-26--Chris Hayes: This is what essential work looks like

“As we sit down for Thanksgiving this week, a lot of us, thanks to the pandemic, are farther from our families than we would like. But while we prepare smaller meals this year, it is important to remember where all that food comes from,” says Chris Hayes, giving thanks to essential farm workers during the pandemic.Nov. 26, 2020


msnbc--2020-11-26--American exceptionalism sanitized the first Thanksgiving. Let's not mythologize Covid.

We love stories in America .
Especially when we can see ourselves in the heroes .
That 's part of why the tale of the humble Pilgrims , rescued from starvation by kindly Natives , has such a cherished place in our folklore .
Thanksgiving Day , for all its feasting and pageantry , is a holiday built on the stories that we tell ourselves .
This year , though , it is being celebrated as we 're in the throes of a pandemic that a divided country ca n't properly define .
It makes me wonder : What stories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feels like a good time to think about this , with a rough winter ahead and the promise of vaccines waiting on the other side .
I see at least two distinct versions of 2020 that could take root in the fertile soil of our imaginations : the tidy fable that makes us feel good about ourselves and the nuanced , sometimes difficult-to-look-at truth .
Americans have a lot of practice with the former — our exceptionalism lends itself to rejecting anything that feels uncomfortable or immoral .
We need look no further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see how this predilection influences the collective historical record .
Generations of American children struggling to pronounce the word `` cornucopia '' have learned about Squanto , the kindly Native American who helped the colony at Plymouth .
As the tale goes , after landing at Plymouth Rock in 1620 , the Pilgrims — who had risked everything to come to the New World in search of religious freedom — survived the harsh New England winter thanks only to Squanto 's help teaching them to plant corn and catch eels .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with several dozen Indigenous people to share their bounty in the first Thanksgiving in 1621 .
It 's a happy tale , with a positive moral takeaway .
And with the parable having properly been conveyed , the turkey is sliced , the pie is eaten , and everyone goes to watch football .
But the actual story is harder to hear .
It also dovetails rather neatly with this year 's calamities .
The Pilgrims were n't the first Europeans the region 's Wampanoag tribe had encountered and to this point managed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Squanto , whose full name was Tisquantum , was the only surviving member of the Patuxet band .
He did n't just happen to be fluent in English .
Six years before the Mayflower landed in North America , he 'd been taken captive and sold as a slave in Europe , before he eventually made his way back home in 1619 .
But he returned to find only ghosts .
During his time as a slave in Europe , the entirety of his village had died from a plague .
Scientists are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Patuxet people .
A recent theory put forward in the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 's medical journal Emerging Infectious Diseases is that the Natives had succumbed to a wave of leptospirosis — a bacterial disease spread by urine that attacks the renal organs and the central nervous system .
In their study , the authors attribute the outbreak to rats and other rodents brought over to the Americas on European ships .
It 's impossible to know for sure whether that was the culprit ; others have suggested that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hepatitis A or bubonic plague .
It 's also difficult to know how many lives the mystery disease took — one estimate cited in the Emerging Infectious Diseases paper said as many as 2,000 people might have been living in the Patuxet village before its collapse .
But what 's clear is that the abandoned Patuxet land was n't empty for long .
The Pilgrims , fresh off the Mayflower , marveled at the rows of corn their deceased predecessors had planted before their deaths .
It was in part because of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ migration , that Plymouth was able to flourish .
It 's an uncomfortable truth , one that 's wiped out from most quick and easy retellings .
It makes me wonder , then , what uncomfortable truths will be wiped out as we tell the story of Covid-19 in the years to come .
The Trumpist version of the story will likely focus on the brave men and women of America who defied tyranny and cast off their oppressive masks to live free of fear .
The massive death toll goes unmentioned in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ option , which fits the arc of American greatness a little better .
In this retelling , the people of the United States banded together to fight off illness , determined and resolute until a vaccine delivered us from the coronavirus scourge .
Think of it as a secular Hannukah legend , in which the quarantine snacks lasted almost a full year .
The death toll is probably mentioned in this version — but more as a road bump on the way to eventual victory over disease .
I do n't know which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the American mythology .
Or maybe a third , as-yet-unknown version will be the one that schoolchildren recite 30 , 40 , 50 years in the future .
Just as with Thanksgiving , it 's all too easy to sanitize the truth , either to make it more palatable to young students or to make a nation feel better about its mistakes .
But who knows ?
Maybe I 'll be surprised .
Maybe we 've learned enough in the recent past about how to keep the truth of history alive that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 .
Maybe , just maybe , we 'll be mature enough as a country by then that our future speeches and stories and will be the actual , real truth — as we 're living it now .

We love stories in America. Especially when we can see ourselves in the heroes. That's part of why the tale of the humble Pilgrims, rescued from starvation by kindly Natives, has such a cherished place in our folklore.
Thanksgiving Day, for all its feasting and pageantry, is a holiday built on the stories that we tell ourselves. This year, though, it is being celebrated as we're in the throes of a pandemic that a divided country can't properly define. It makes me wonder: What stories will we eventually tell ourselves?
American exceptionalism lends itself to rejecting anything that feels uncomfortable or immoral.
It feels like a good time to think about this, with a rough winter ahead and the promise of vaccines waiting on the other side. I see at least two distinct versions of 2020 that could take root in the fertile soil of our imaginations: the tidy fable that makes us feel good about ourselves and the nuanced, sometimes difficult-to-look-at truth. Americans have a lot of practice with the former — our exceptionalism lends itself to rejecting anything that feels uncomfortable or immoral. We need look no further than the story of the first Thanksgiving to see how this predilection influences the collective historical record.
Generations of American children struggling to pronounce the word "cornucopia" have learned about Squanto, the kindly Native American who helped the colony at Plymouth. As the tale goes, after landing at Plymouth Rock in 1620, the Pilgrims — who had risked everything to come to the New World in search of religious freedom — survived the harsh New England winter thanks only to Squanto's help teaching them to plant corn and catch eels. The Pilgrims, in their gratitude, gathered with several dozen Indigenous people to share their bounty in the first Thanksgiving in 1621.
It's a happy tale, with a positive moral takeaway. And with the parable having properly been conveyed, the turkey is sliced, the pie is eaten, and everyone goes to watch football.
But the actual story is harder to hear. It also dovetails rather neatly with this year's calamities. The Pilgrims weren't the first Europeans the region's Wampanoag tribe had encountered and to this point managed to contain over the previous century. Squanto, whose full name was Tisquantum, was the only surviving member of the Patuxet band. He didn't just happen to be fluent in English. Six years before the Mayflower landed in North America, he'd been taken captive and sold as a slave in Europe, before he eventually made his way back home in 1619. But he returned to find only ghosts.
During his time as a slave in Europe, the entirety of his village had died from a plague. Scientists are still unsure exactly what disease killed off the Patuxet people. A recent theory put forward in the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's medical journal Emerging Infectious Diseases is that the Natives had succumbed to a wave of leptospirosis — a bacterial disease spread by urine that attacks the renal organs and the central nervous system. In their study, the authors attribute the outbreak to rats and other rodents brought over to the Americas on European ships.
It makes me wonder, then, what uncomfortable truths will be wiped out as we tell the story of Covid-19 in the years to come.
It's impossible to know for sure whether that was the culprit; others have suggested that it might have been a viral case of hepatitis A or bubonic plague. It's also difficult to know how many lives the mystery disease took — one estimate cited in the Emerging Infectious Diseases paper said as many as 2,000 people might have been living in the Patuxet village before its collapse. But what's clear is that the abandoned Patuxet land wasn't empty for long. The Pilgrims, fresh off the Mayflower, marveled at the rows of corn their deceased predecessors had planted before their deaths.
It was in part because of these deaths, likely a result of European migration, that Plymouth was able to flourish. It's an uncomfortable truth, one that's wiped out from most quick and easy retellings. It makes me wonder, then, what uncomfortable truths will be wiped out as we tell the story of Covid-19 in the years to come.
The Trumpist version of the story will likely focus on the brave men and women of America who defied tyranny and cast off their oppressive masks to live free of fear. The massive death toll goes unmentioned in this telling.
There's a second option, which fits the arc of American greatness a little better. In this retelling, the people of the United States banded together to fight off illness, determined and resolute until a vaccine delivered us from the coronavirus scourge. Think of it as a secular Hannukah legend, in which the quarantine snacks lasted almost a full year. The death toll is probably mentioned in this version — but more as a road bump on the way to eventual victory over disease.
I don't know which of these versions will eventually become part of the American mythology. Or maybe a third, as-yet-unknown version will be the one that schoolchildren recite 30, 40, 50 years in the future. Just as with Thanksgiving, it's all too easy to sanitize the truth, either to make it more palatable to young students or to make a nation feel better about its mistakes. But who knows? Maybe I'll be surprised. Maybe we've learned enough in the recent past about how to keep the truth of history alive that we'll skip past the bowdlerization of Covid-19.
Maybe, just maybe, we'll be mature enough as a country by then that our future speeches and stories and will be the actual, real truth — as we're living it now.