msnbc--2020-10-11--With Covid back in spotlight, Iowa emerges as test for Trump. Can he keep it red?

He watched the first presidential debate as it devolved into chaos .
He saw , days later , that President Donald Trump was diagnosed with Covid-19 , throwing the White House into turmoil .
He also saw Trump 's tweets effectively killing any hope of further economic stimulus before November — and then the president 's equally public attempts to backtrack .
Gilbert , a Democrat in his 70s who runs his family-owned farm in Iowa Falls , Iowa , said he is especially furious with Trump ’ s response to the coronavirus — and his exasperation has only grown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only through the White House , but also in his home state .
“ Everybody here now knows somebody who ’ s gotten sick or even died .
I ’ ve had some associates who passed away , ” Gilbert , who plans to vote for Joe Biden next month after voting for Hillary Clinton in 2016 , said .
“ And the fact that we know now that the president knew about the severity so early , it really puts it all on him , ” he added .
Conversations with 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ central and northeastern Iowa , a purple state that took a chance on Trump in 2016 , reveal enormous discontent with the president ’ s handling of the Covid-19 pandemic .
Lawmakers , strategists and politics watchers in Iowa say that could be enough to help Biden bring it , and its six Electoral College votes , back into the blue column in November .
“ People here went for Trump in 2016 because they wanted a disruptor candidate .
But I don ’ t think they wanted an utter chaos candidate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s become this year , with the pandemic , '' David Yepsen , an Iowa politics guru who covered the subject for the Des Moines Register for 35 years , said .
`` It 's come into particular focus recently with him getting sick and actually spreading it himself . ''
After President Barack Obama comfortably won the state twice , Trump flipped it red in 2016 by a whopping 9 percentage point margin .
Voters took a chance on him , experts have theorized , because his messaging against free trade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Clinton — she received the lowest share of the vote in the state for a Democratic nominee since 1980 .
And for a long while , Iowa had been left off lists of swing states in 2020 , with many politicos saying Trump ’ s successes with new trade deals would keep it firmly in the red column .
But then the pandemic hit .
And while it didn ’ t exactly affect Iowa hard during its first seven months , the state is suffering now .
That , combined with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and hospitalized Oct. 2 , appears enough to make the race a competitive one .
Even before Trump entered Walter Reed hospital , however , polls here had begun to show Biden with a narrow lead , with national polls showing Biden having opened up a double-digit lead .
The Democratic nominee has led the president in two of the last three polls in the state tracked by NBC News , all released since late September .
Strategists explained to NBC News that a number of things have led to this : that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ messaging effectively target Iowa voters ; that younger progressive voters who supported Bernie Sanders in the caucuses wo n't resist supporting the Democratic Party ’ s nominee the way they did in 2016 ; and the fact that Iowa ’ s aging population is alarmed that Trump could cut Social Security ( polls show older voters are fleeing Trump in Iowa and nationwide ) .
Most of all , they said , it is that the public health aspects of Covid-19 have become a serious problem in Iowa .
Confirmed Covid-19 cases in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ summer , with a huge spike happening in September .
Over just the last week , the state has seen the seventh most confirmed cases in the United States and the eighth most coronavirus-related deaths per 100,000 people .
And the most recent polling shows that Iowans are unhappy with the way Trump has handled the pandemic .
A Quinnipiac poll released last week showed 51 percent of likely voters in the state disapproved of Trump ’ s handling of it , compared to 45 percent who said they did , while 52 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do a better job of handling it , compared to 43 percent who said Trump would .
Tim Hagle , an associate professor of political science at the University of Iowa and an expert in state politics , said that the coronavirus-related political roller coaster of the last several weeks — the ugly presidential debate and Trump ’ s hospitalization , in particular — has reminded Iowa voters , especially its large chunk of independents , of how chaotic the president 's national response has been .
“ This has really reminded people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s style .
A lot of people here have grown exhausted with him .
And the feeling that he ’ s been acting unpresidential has really begun to stick with voters here at exactly the wrong time for him , ” Hagle said .
A number of voters in Dubuque , the industrial city of about 60,000 on the banks of the Mississippi River , however , were quick to point out that the race isn ’ t all about Trump ’ s performance .
Many of them have embraced the stable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and several said they were well-aware of the specifics of his myriad plans to combat the pandemic , even though he hasn ’ t campaigned in the state since he competed in ( and lost ) the Iowa caucuses during the Democratic Party 's primary .
“ He ’ s putting people here at risk .
He could have saved so many lives by taking this more seriously , ” Paul Deiter , 59 , a landscaper in Dubuque who votes Democratic , said .
`` Biden is clearly doing that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ school bus driver in the city , said , “ Biden is a decent man .
And he ’ ll do a decent job stopping the dysfunction of the Trump administration . ''
`` Especially on the virus , '' Johnson , an independent who didn ’ t vote in the general election in 2016 , added .
“ He ’ s not my favorite , but I ’ ll definitely be voting for him , ” Kalee Kerper , 26 , a grocery store employee in Dubuque , said of Biden .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now , she said , “ There ’ s way too much at stake '' to cast her vote anywhere else .
Other voters in the city , who backed the president last time around , have n't wavered .
Katie Martin , a 29-year-old small boutique owner in Dubuque , voted for Trump in 2016 and is voting for him again , citing what she sees as his business acumen .
“ He knows how to run a business , which is good for small businesses , and he knows how to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I don ’ t always agree with the things that come out of his mouth but he helped us grow financially before [ the pandemic ] and he ’ ll do it again.
” Support in Dubuque will be crucial for the Democratic nominee .
Trump turned Dubuque County red for the first time since 1956 , and if Biden were to have any shot at flipping Iowa blue again , it would start here , as well as in the other eight counties along the Mississippi River that Trump flipped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ There ’ s no question that eastern Iowa is going to be the key for Biden to win the state , ” Craig Robinson , the former political director of the Iowa GOP and the editor of The Iowa Republican website , said .
“ He has more appeal to working class people in these counties than Clinton did , ” he added .
“ And the fact of the matter is , Trump is just getting hammered by this Covid environment .
There ’ s genuine fear and concern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Biden : in 2018 , Democrats flipped two of Iowa ’ s four congressional districts blue .
One of them , Rep. Abby Finkenauer , D-Iowa , whose district includes Dubuque County , ran as a blue-collar , union-friendly candidate — a recipe Biden is closely following .
Finkenauer said Biden has effectively weaponized his sense of empathy , while his emphasis on bipartisanship and normalcy is helping him in her district and across the state .
“ People need help .
And the way I was raised , and the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that you do n't have to agree with someone on absolutely everything in order to come together and get things done , whether that ’ s related to stopping the spread of a pandemic , or helping people make it through it financially , ” she said .
“ Trump ’ s style , you just look at the way he walked away from the table while people are suffering , ” she added , referring to the president ’ s sudden abandonment of stimulus talks last week , “ that type of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Biden may also be boosted by a competitive Senate race in the state .
Recent polls show Democratic challenger Theresa Greenfield ahead of incumbent GOP Sen. Joni Ernst .
The Biden campaign appears to sense the opportunity for a pickup .
After not having spent a dime on television or radio in Iowa the entire general election campaign , it has thrown more than $ 1.2 million into advertising in the state since Labor Day , according to Advertising Analytics .
Biden 's spots have largely focused on his proposed response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of health care .
Biden himself , however , hasn ’ t set foot in the state since before the Iowa caucuses , and the campaign ’ s in-person surrogate presence has been limited to one appearance last month by Biden 's wife , Jill Biden , and Doug Emhoff , the husband of Biden 's running mate Kamala Harris .
After going all virtual in March , Biden ’ s campaign only earlier this month resumed in-person activities , like door-knocking , in pivotal swing states , including Iowa .
But Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came too late , and that if Biden wants to win , his campaign must hurry to make up for lost ground .
“ That was a big mistake .
I know they made the decision because of Covid , but Republicans are door-knocking , ” former Sen. Tom Harkin , who represented the state as a Democrat for 30 years , said .
“ It lets people know you ’ re taking the extra step to meet them and ask for their vote .
Even in a pandemic.
” The Trump campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maintained a robust physical presence in the state .
Trump himself visited Cedar Rapids in August , and his campaign announced Saturday that the president would hold a rally in Des Moines on Wednesday .
Vice President Mike Pence has made three visits to the state since June .
The campaign , however , has not spent any money on ads in the state since July 28 , although outside groups supporting Trump have made up the difference .
According to the Trump campaign , it has made in-person contact with 2 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a campaign spokesperson said , will help the president keep the state red .
“ President Trump and his campaign are extremely confident that we ’ ll win Iowa .
We have been talking directly with voters for years about the success of President Trump ’ s America First agenda , whether through our top-tier ground game , in-person and online events , or utilizing digital , TV and radio ads , '' campaign spokesperson Samantha Zager said in a statement to NBC News .
Trump himself has repeatedly defended the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the first presidential debate that he had done a `` great job '' with his response .
At a town hall weeks earlier , he claimed that he `` up-played '' the threat the virus posed .
Biden ’ s Iowa team , meanwhile , made clear they were going all in on the pandemic as the defining issue of the race .
“ Our jobs , our children 's education , and all of our lives and livelihoods have been fundamentally hurt and changed because President Trump has failed to adequately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen that Joe Biden is the only candidate with a plan to contain Covid-19 and to build our country and economy back better , ” Lauren Dillon , the campaign ’ s Iowa state director , said in a statement to NBC News .
Iowa politics experts , however , said Democrats should be concerned about how significantly the battle over filling the Supreme Court vacancy could mobilize the state 's large numbers of socially conservative Republican voters .
“ This has really energized the right , specifically folks like evangelicals , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , ” Hagle , of the University of Iowa , said .
“ This brings them back into the fold in a way that could really put Trump over the edge in a place like Iowa.
” But , as far as Democratic voters like Gilbert , the farmer from central Iowa , are concerned , if Biden just keeps reminding Iowans why so many of their friends and family members continue to fall ill , it might just be enough .
“ It ’ s all just so despicable .
How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really a dereliction of duty , ” he said .
“ We need to hold him accountable .
”

DUBUQUE, Iowa — John Gilbert is angry and exhausted.
He watched the first presidential debate as it devolved into chaos. He saw, days later, that President Donald Trump was diagnosed with Covid-19, throwing the White House into turmoil. He also saw Trump's tweets effectively killing any hope of further economic stimulus before November — and then the president's equally public attempts to backtrack.
Gilbert, a Democrat in his 70s who runs his family-owned farm in Iowa Falls, Iowa, said he is especially furious with Trump’s response to the coronavirus — and his exasperation has only grown as cases surged in recent days not only through the White House, but also in his home state.
“Everybody here now knows somebody who’s gotten sick or even died. I’ve had some associates who passed away,” Gilbert, who plans to vote for Joe Biden next month after voting for Hillary Clinton in 2016, said.
“And the fact that we know now that the president knew about the severity so early, it really puts it all on him,” he added.
Conversations with 20 Democratic, Republican and independent voters in central and northeastern Iowa, a purple state that took a chance on Trump in 2016, reveal enormous discontent with the president’s handling of the Covid-19 pandemic. Lawmakers, strategists and politics watchers in Iowa say that could be enough to help Biden bring it, and its six Electoral College votes, back into the blue column in November.
“People here went for Trump in 2016 because they wanted a disruptor candidate. But I don’t think they wanted an utter chaos candidate. And that’s really what he’s become this year, with the pandemic," David Yepsen, an Iowa politics guru who covered the subject for the Des Moines Register for 35 years, said. "It's come into particular focus recently with him getting sick and actually spreading it himself."
'A lot of people here have grown exhausted with him': From purple to red to purple
After President Barack Obama comfortably won the state twice, Trump flipped it red in 2016 by a whopping 9 percentage point margin. Voters took a chance on him, experts have theorized, because his messaging against free trade resonated, and because they didn't like Clinton — she received the lowest share of the vote in the state for a Democratic nominee since 1980. And for a long while, Iowa had been left off lists of swing states in 2020, with many politicos saying Trump’s successes with new trade deals would keep it firmly in the red column.
But then the pandemic hit. And while it didn’t exactly affect Iowa hard during its first seven months, the state is suffering now. That, combined with the news of Trump himself having been infected and hospitalized Oct. 2, appears enough to make the race a competitive one.
Even before Trump entered Walter Reed hospital, however, polls here had begun to show Biden with a narrow lead, with national polls showing Biden having opened up a double-digit lead. The Democratic nominee has led the president in two of the last three polls in the state tracked by NBC News, all released since late September.
Strategists explained to NBC News that a number of things have led to this: that Biden’s working class persona and messaging effectively target Iowa voters; that younger progressive voters who supported Bernie Sanders in the caucuses won't resist supporting the Democratic Party’s nominee the way they did in 2016; and the fact that Iowa’s aging population is alarmed that Trump could cut Social Security (polls show older voters are fleeing Trump in Iowa and nationwide). Most of all, they said, it is that the public health aspects of Covid-19 have become a serious problem in Iowa.
Confirmed Covid-19 cases in Iowa have been steadily rising since the summer, with a huge spike happening in September. Over just the last week, the state has seen the seventh most confirmed cases in the United States and the eighth most coronavirus-related deaths per 100,000 people. And the most recent polling shows that Iowans are unhappy with the way Trump has handled the pandemic. A Quinnipiac poll released last week showed 51 percent of likely voters in the state disapproved of Trump’s handling of it, compared to 45 percent who said they did, while 52 percent of the respondents said Biden would do a better job of handling it, compared to 43 percent who said Trump would.
Tim Hagle, an associate professor of political science at the University of Iowa and an expert in state politics, said that the coronavirus-related political roller coaster of the last several weeks — the ugly presidential debate and Trump’s hospitalization, in particular — has reminded Iowa voters, especially its large chunk of independents, of how chaotic the president's national response has been.
“This has really reminded people how tired they have grown of Trump’s style. A lot of people here have grown exhausted with him. And the feeling that he’s been acting unpresidential has really begun to stick with voters here at exactly the wrong time for him,” Hagle said.
Biden’s road to victory goes through the East
A number of voters in Dubuque, the industrial city of about 60,000 on the banks of the Mississippi River, however, were quick to point out that the race isn’t all about Trump’s performance. Many of them have embraced the stable and competent image Biden has put forth — and several said they were well-aware of the specifics of his myriad plans to combat the pandemic, even though he hasn’t campaigned in the state since he competed in (and lost) the Iowa caucuses during the Democratic Party's primary.
Tom Johnson, 69, of Dubuque, Iowa, said he didn't vote in the 2016 election, but is voting for Joe Biden this year. Adam Edelman / NBC News
“He’s putting people here at risk. He could have saved so many lives by taking this more seriously,” Paul Deiter, 59, a landscaper in Dubuque who votes Democratic, said. "Biden is clearly doing that."
Tom Johnson, 69, a school bus driver in the city, said, “Biden is a decent man. And he’ll do a decent job stopping the dysfunction of the Trump administration."
"Especially on the virus," Johnson, an independent who didn’t vote in the general election in 2016, added.
“He’s not my favorite, but I’ll definitely be voting for him,” Kalee Kerper, 26, a grocery store employee in Dubuque, said of Biden.
Kerper caucused for Sanders in February. Now, she said, “There’s way too much at stake" to cast her vote anywhere else.
Other voters in the city, who backed the president last time around, haven't wavered.
Katie Martin, a 29-year-old small boutique owner in Dubuque, voted for Trump in 2016 and is voting for him again, citing what she sees as his business acumen.
“He knows how to run a business, which is good for small businesses, and he knows how to run a country,” she said. “I don’t always agree with the things that come out of his mouth but he helped us grow financially before [the pandemic] and he’ll do it again.”
Katie Martin, 29, owner of a small boutique in Dubuque, is supporting Trump. Adam Edelman / NBC News
NBC News interviewed Deiter, Johnson, Kerper and Martin prior to Trump’s Covid-19 diagnosis.
Support in Dubuque will be crucial for the Democratic nominee. Trump turned Dubuque County red for the first time since 1956, and if Biden were to have any shot at flipping Iowa blue again, it would start here, as well as in the other eight counties along the Mississippi River that Trump flipped in 2016, strategists in the state said.
“There’s no question that eastern Iowa is going to be the key for Biden to win the state,” Craig Robinson, the former political director of the Iowa GOP and the editor of The Iowa Republican website, said.
“He has more appeal to working class people in these counties than Clinton did,” he added. “And the fact of the matter is, Trump is just getting hammered by this Covid environment. There’s genuine fear and concern about everything here.”
Another good sign for Biden: in 2018, Democrats flipped two of Iowa’s four congressional districts blue. One of them, Rep. Abby Finkenauer, D-Iowa, whose district includes Dubuque County, ran as a blue-collar, union-friendly candidate — a recipe Biden is closely following.
Finkenauer said Biden has effectively weaponized his sense of empathy, while his emphasis on bipartisanship and normalcy is helping him in her district and across the state.
“People need help. And the way I was raised, and the way people see things here, we understand that you don't have to agree with someone on absolutely everything in order to come together and get things done, whether that’s related to stopping the spread of a pandemic, or helping people make it through it financially,” she said.
“Trump’s style, you just look at the way he walked away from the table while people are suffering,” she added, referring to the president’s sudden abandonment of stimulus talks last week, “that type of thinking just doesn’t work here.”
Biden may also be boosted by a competitive Senate race in the state. Recent polls show Democratic challenger Theresa Greenfield ahead of incumbent GOP Sen. Joni Ernst.
A limited presence — and warning signs — for both candidates
The Biden campaign appears to sense the opportunity for a pickup.
After not having spent a dime on television or radio in Iowa the entire general election campaign, it has thrown more than $1.2 million into advertising in the state since Labor Day, according to Advertising Analytics. Biden's spots have largely focused on his proposed response to the pandemic, and on the issue of health care.
Biden himself, however, hasn’t set foot in the state since before the Iowa caucuses, and the campaign’s in-person surrogate presence has been limited to one appearance last month by Biden's wife, Jill Biden, and Doug Emhoff, the husband of Biden's running mate Kamala Harris.
After going all virtual in March, Biden’s campaign only earlier this month resumed in-person activities, like door-knocking, in pivotal swing states, including Iowa. But Democrats in the state warned that the move came too late, and that if Biden wants to win, his campaign must hurry to make up for lost ground.
Donald Trump was the first Republican to carry Dubuque County, Iowa, in a presidential election since 1956. He carried the state, too, after Barack Obama had won it twice. Adam Edelman / NBC News
“That was a big mistake. I know they made the decision because of Covid, but Republicans are door-knocking,” former Sen. Tom Harkin, who represented the state as a Democrat for 30 years, said. “It lets people know you’re taking the extra step to meet them and ask for their vote. Even in a pandemic.”
The Trump campaign, on the other hand, has maintained a robust physical presence in the state. Trump himself visited Cedar Rapids in August, and his campaign announced Saturday that the president would hold a rally in Des Moines on Wednesday. Vice President Mike Pence has made three visits to the state since June. The campaign, however, has not spent any money on ads in the state since July 28, although outside groups supporting Trump have made up the difference.
According to the Trump campaign, it has made in-person contact with 2 million voters in the state. That outreach, a campaign spokesperson said, will help the president keep the state red.
“President Trump and his campaign are extremely confident that we’ll win Iowa. We have been talking directly with voters for years about the success of President Trump’s America First agenda, whether through our top-tier ground game, in-person and online events, or utilizing digital, TV and radio ads," campaign spokesperson Samantha Zager said in a statement to NBC News.
Trump himself has repeatedly defended the way he's handled the pandemic, saying during the first presidential debate that he had done a "great job" with his response. At a town hall weeks earlier, he claimed that he "up-played" the threat the virus posed.
Biden’s Iowa team, meanwhile, made clear they were going all in on the pandemic as the defining issue of the race.
“Our jobs, our children's education, and all of our lives and livelihoods have been fundamentally hurt and changed because President Trump has failed to adequately address the Covid-19 pandemic. Iowans have seen that Joe Biden is the only candidate with a plan to contain Covid-19 and to build our country and economy back better,” Lauren Dillon, the campaign’s Iowa state director, said in a statement to NBC News.
Iowa politics experts, however, said Democrats should be concerned about how significantly the battle over filling the Supreme Court vacancy could mobilize the state's large numbers of socially conservative Republican voters.
“This has really energized the right, specifically folks like evangelicals, who were possibly drifting away from Trump this year,” Hagle, of the University of Iowa, said. “This brings them back into the fold in a way that could really put Trump over the edge in a place like Iowa.”
But, as far as Democratic voters like Gilbert, the farmer from central Iowa, are concerned, if Biden just keeps reminding Iowans why so many of their friends and family members continue to fall ill, it might just be enough.
“It’s all just so despicable. How Trump’s failed on this is really a dereliction of duty,” he said. “We need to hold him accountable.”


msnbc--2020-10-10--Amy Coney Barrett's faith is a political third rail. Democrats should ask anyway.

During Wednesday 's vice presidential debate , Vice President Mike Pence issued a warning to Democrats in advance of Amy Coney Barrett ’ s confirmation hearings , which begin on Oct. 12 .
The “ brilliant woman ” and mother of “ a sizable American family ” deserves a respectful and fair hearing without being subjected to “ attacks on her Christian faith , ” Pence said .
For many Democrats , however , Barrett ’ s faith raises serious questions about her ability to faithfully interpret the Constitution .
To begin with , there is the matter of her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the conservative Catholic group People of Praise , a term that conjures dystopian fantasies torn from the pages of Margaret Atwood ’ s “ The Handmaid ’ s Tale.
” ( The group no longer uses the term . )
The fact that People of Praise is a closed group organized around a patriarchal leadership structure and bound together through vows of submission only escalates concerns that , once ensconced on the court , Barrett could turn dystopian fantasy into reality — or at least move America in that direction .
Coupled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal career as a means to “ building the Kingdom of God , ” her nomination has heightened fears of impending theocracy .
To conservative Christians , such alarmism only shows how out of touch liberals are with basic Christian teachings .
Patriarchal leadership , female submission and talk of building God ’ s kingdom are widely accepted concepts among conservative Catholics and Protestants alike , and for this reason , many conservatives interpret liberal outrage over Barrett ’ s nomination as an assault on their own faith .
Those who feel sidelined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more reason to attempt to secure a majority on the court in order to protect their right to live according to their values , however unpopular those some of those values are becoming .
Given this polarized context , it ’ s no surprise that leading Democrats have signaled a reticence to confront Barrett on the issue of her faith .
Yet the precise nature of her beliefs , how those beliefs shape her judicial philosophy and how they align with democratic norms remain legitimate questions , particularly at a moment when American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exploration of these questions , however , must be done with precision , guided by an understanding of the religious movement that has shaped Barrett ’ s beliefs , and also with an awareness of how that tradition intersects with American Christianity more broadly .
Barrett ’ s People of Praise community traces its roots back to the interdenominational charismatic renewal that swept through American Christianity in the 1960s .
Within this revival there emerged a “ shepherding ” discipleship movement ; seeking to provide order and discipline , this movement established hierarchical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have compared to “ a pyramid scheme for discipleship.
” This philosophy of “ shepherding and discipleship , ” or “ headship and submission , ” took hold within evangelical charismatic networks such as Maranatha Christian Churches and C. J. Mahaney ’ s Sovereign Grace Ministries ( SGM ) .
It also influenced charismatic Catholic “ covenant communities ” such as Mother of God , located along with SGM in the Washington D.C. suburbs , Word of God in Ann Arbor , Michigan , and Barrett ’ s People of Praise , founded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Sharing a commitment to patriarchal leadership , these communities asked members to covenant with one another — to enter into a lifelong vow of service to one another and to God , spiritually and financially , and to submit to designated authorities .
This hierarchical structure of spiritual authority , however , was susceptible to abuse , and in time , allegations of exploitative and authoritarian practices began to surface within the various communities .
Maranatha Christian Churches mostly dissolved in 1989 after coming under fire for its alleged “ authoritarian orientation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exerting control over minute details of members ’ lives .
In the 1990s , allegations of surveillance , financial abuses , and authoritarian practices led the Archdiocese of Washington to intervene and largely disband Mother of God , and similar allegations prompted an investigation of Word of God .
In 2011 , allegations of bullying and blackmail led C. J. Mahaney to take a leave of absence , and the following year a class-action lawsuit was brought against Mahaney and SGM for cultivating a patriarchal and authoritarian culture that was “ conducive to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of children.
” ( SGC Fairfax executive pastor Vince Hinders denied the allegations at the time , telling Washingtonian Magazine : “ We want you to know that we never covered up or tried to cover up child abuse of any kind in our church.
” ) The influence of the shepherding movement was not limited to formal communities .
Particularly within conservative evangelicalism , its teachings spread far and wide .
Mahaney , for example , was closely connected to other New Calvinist pastors who reshaped the landscape of conservative evangelicalism through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ T4G ) and The Gospel Coalition .
The evangelical men ’ s movement of the 1990s , too , served as a vehicle for the broader transmission of these teachings .
Before he converted to evangelical Christianity and founded the Promise Keepers movement , Bill McCartney was a devout Catholic who had been discipled by the Word of God community .
Changing the language of covenant to that of “ promise keeping , ” he promoted male headship and female submission within his organization and incorporated a hierarchical leadership structure that tasked “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tied to conservative organizations such as Focus on the Family , Promise Keepers was never as apolitical as McCartney claimed .
Still , the movement encompassed diverse views .
Many participants embraced conservative politics and rigid gender hierarchies , while others found the teachings compatible with more progressive causes and more egalitarian gender roles .
Herein lies the challenge in deciphering the social and political implications of religious teachings : the same words can mean vastly different things to different people .
For some , language about “ building the Kingdom of God @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s neighbors and working for human flourishing .
For others , it might entail imposing theocracy or promoting an exclusivist interpretation of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution .
Some may pay mere lip service to language of male headship , while others might work to impose hierarchical gender roles within their own families and within society at large .
As I argue in my book “ Jesus and John Wayne , ” this variation in meaning is often lost on those outside religious circles , but even among those on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more innocuous expressions is not always apparent .
As a result , more moderate adherents end up providing cover to more extreme applications ; many , too , interpret criticism of extreme expressions as an attack on faith itself .
This is the conundrum that Democrats now face .
Precisely because of the varied applications of conservative religious commitments , it is appropriate to ask Amy Coney Barrett to address , in specific terms , her own convictions and how her faith shapes her judicial philosophy .
Doing so , however , will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Christians .
Democrats may well deem it politically expedient to skirt the issue entirely , but American citizens are right to want to weigh her answers .

During Wednesday's vice presidential debate, Vice President Mike Pence issued a warning to Democrats in advance of Amy Coney Barrett’s confirmation hearings, which begin on Oct. 12. The “brilliant woman” and mother of “a sizable American family” deserves a respectful and fair hearing without being subjected to “attacks on her Christian faith,” Pence said.
For many Democrats, Barrett’s faith raises serious questions about her ability to faithfully interpret the Constitution.
For many Democrats, however, Barrett’s faith raises serious questions about her ability to faithfully interpret the Constitution. To begin with, there is the matter of her past role as a “handmaid” in the conservative Catholic group People of Praise, a term that conjures dystopian fantasies torn from the pages of Margaret Atwood’s “The Handmaid’s Tale.” (The group no longer uses the term.) The fact that People of Praise is a closed group organized around a patriarchal leadership structure and bound together through vows of submission only escalates concerns that, once ensconced on the court, Barrett could turn dystopian fantasy into reality — or at least move America in that direction. Coupled with Barrett’s characterization of her legal career as a means to “building the Kingdom of God,” her nomination has heightened fears of impending theocracy.
To conservative Christians, such alarmism only shows how out of touch liberals are with basic Christian teachings. Patriarchal leadership, female submission and talk of building God’s kingdom are widely accepted concepts among conservative Catholics and Protestants alike, and for this reason, many conservatives interpret liberal outrage over Barrett’s nomination as an assault on their own faith. Those who feel sidelined by shifting societal standards have all the more reason to attempt to secure a majority on the court in order to protect their right to live according to their values, however unpopular those some of those values are becoming.
Given this polarized context, it’s no surprise that leading Democrats have signaled a reticence to confront Barrett on the issue of her faith. Yet the precise nature of her beliefs, how those beliefs shape her judicial philosophy and how they align with democratic norms remain legitimate questions, particularly at a moment when American democracy appears less than resilient. Any exploration of these questions, however, must be done with precision, guided by an understanding of the religious movement that has shaped Barrett’s beliefs, and also with an awareness of how that tradition intersects with American Christianity more broadly.
Barrett’s People of Praise community traces its roots back to the interdenominational charismatic renewal that swept through American Christianity in the 1960s. Within this revival there emerged a “shepherding” discipleship movement; seeking to provide order and discipline, this movement established hierarchical structures of authority and submission that critics have compared to “a pyramid scheme for discipleship.”
This philosophy of “shepherding and discipleship,” or “headship and submission,” took hold within evangelical charismatic networks such as Maranatha Christian Churches and C. J. Mahaney’s Sovereign Grace Ministries (SGM). It also influenced charismatic Catholic “covenant communities” such as Mother of God, located along with SGM in the Washington D.C. suburbs, Word of God in Ann Arbor, Michigan, and Barrett’s People of Praise, founded in 1971 in South Bend, Indiana.
Sharing a commitment to patriarchal leadership, these communities asked members to covenant with one another — to enter into a lifelong vow of service to one another and to God.
Sharing a commitment to patriarchal leadership, these communities asked members to covenant with one another — to enter into a lifelong vow of service to one another and to God, spiritually and financially, and to submit to designated authorities. This hierarchical structure of spiritual authority, however, was susceptible to abuse, and in time, allegations of exploitative and authoritarian practices began to surface within the various communities.
Maranatha Christian Churches mostly dissolved in 1989 after coming under fire for its alleged “authoritarian orientation,” including pastors’ penchant for exerting control over minute details of members’ lives. In the 1990s, allegations of surveillance, financial abuses, and authoritarian practices led the Archdiocese of Washington to intervene and largely disband Mother of God, and similar allegations prompted an investigation of Word of God. In 2011, allegations of bullying and blackmail led C. J. Mahaney to take a leave of absence, and the following year a class-action lawsuit was brought against Mahaney and SGM for cultivating a patriarchal and authoritarian culture that was “conducive to and protective of physical and sexual abuse of children.” (SGC Fairfax executive pastor Vince Hinders denied the allegations at the time, telling Washingtonian Magazine: “We want you to know that we never covered up or tried to cover up child abuse of any kind in our church.”)
The influence of the shepherding movement was not limited to formal communities. Particularly within conservative evangelicalism, its teachings spread far and wide. Mahaney, for example, was closely connected to other New Calvinist pastors who reshaped the landscape of conservative evangelicalism through organizations like Together For the Gospel (T4G) and The Gospel Coalition. The evangelical men’s movement of the 1990s, too, served as a vehicle for the broader transmission of these teachings. Before he converted to evangelical Christianity and founded the Promise Keepers movement, Bill McCartney was a devout Catholic who had been discipled by the Word of God community. Changing the language of covenant to that of “promise keeping,” he promoted male headship and female submission within his organization and incorporated a hierarchical leadership structure that tasked “shepherds” with holding others accountable.
Tied to conservative organizations such as Focus on the Family, Promise Keepers was never as apolitical as McCartney claimed. Still, the movement encompassed diverse views. Many participants embraced conservative politics and rigid gender hierarchies, while others found the teachings compatible with more progressive causes and more egalitarian gender roles. Herein lies the challenge in deciphering the social and political implications of religious teachings: the same words can mean vastly different things to different people.
For some, language about “building the Kingdom of God” entails nothing more than loving one’s neighbors and working for human flourishing. For others, it might entail imposing theocracy or promoting an exclusivist interpretation of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Some may pay mere lip service to language of male headship, while others might work to impose hierarchical gender roles within their own families and within society at large.
As I argue in my book “Jesus and John Wayne,” this variation in meaning is often lost on those outside religious circles, but even among those on the inside, the distance between extreme and more innocuous expressions is not always apparent. As a result, more moderate adherents end up providing cover to more extreme applications; many, too, interpret criticism of extreme expressions as an attack on faith itself.
This is the conundrum that Democrats now face. Precisely because of the varied applications of conservative religious commitments, it is appropriate to ask Amy Coney Barrett to address, in specific terms, her own convictions and how her faith shapes her judicial philosophy. Doing so, however, will certainly elicit heated resistance from fellow conservative Christians. Democrats may well deem it politically expedient to skirt the issue entirely, but American citizens are right to want to weigh her answers.


msnbc--2020-10-13--Amy Coney Barrett uses the Ginsburg rule 'very carefully' on day two of SCOTUS confirmation hearing

Amy Coney Barrett uses the Ginsburg rule 'very carefully ' on day two of SCOTUS confirmation hearing

Amy Coney Barrett uses the Ginsburg rule 'very carefully' on day two of SCOTUS confirmation hearing
Pete Williams says Amy Coney Barrett is using the Ginsburg rule “like everybody else who has read the transcript” of RBG’s confirmation hearing on the second day of SCOTUS confirmation hearing.Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-13--'He knows': Trump fixated on 'likely' loss to Biden, per Trump insider

New reporting shows Trump’s inner circle worried he failed to handle Covid hitting the White House, bungled debates over a final stimulus package before the election, and 'blew' his chance to reset the campaign - raising broader questions of whether he is self-sabotaging. 'Art of the Deal' co-author Tony Schwartz discusses Trump’s penchant for hurting himself, how his approach has coarsened over the years, and the wider potential danger facing the U.S. if Trump loses and tries 'to bring us down with him' before leaving office, in this interview with MSNBC's Ari Melber.Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-13--Trump holds his first rally since coronavirus diagnosis

The president in Florida on Monday kicked off four straight days of rallies with his first event since his coronavirus diagnosis. Top U.S. infectious diseases expert Dr. Anthony Fauci said rallies are 'asking for trouble'. The panel discusses.Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-13--Barrett: 'I am not hostile' to the Affordable Care Act

Judge Amy Coney Barrett was questioned about past opinions she has written and claimed she was "not hostile" to the Affordable Care Act. "I apply the law, I follow the law, you make the policy," she told Sen. Dick Durbin.Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-13--Republican senator asks Amy Coney Barrett to show her blank notepad at confirmation hearing

Public financial disclosure should not be new to Thomas: Fmr. ethics officer on new report on gifts 07:43


msnbc--2020-10-13--Georgia officials claim voter enthusiasm is behind hours-long lines

The first day of in-person early voting in Georgia saw hours-long lines. So what was behind the huge delays? We talk to reporter Hope Ford of WXIA to get some answers.Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-13--Dr. Jha: Johnson & Johnson pausing clinical trial for Covid-19 vaccine ‘reminder’ of Trump's ‘absurd

Dr. Jha: Johnson & Johnson pausing clinical trial for Covid-19 vaccine ‘reminder’ of Trump's ‘absurdity’ to ask vaccine be ready by election day
Dr. Ashish Jha, the dean of the Brown University School of Public Health, tells Lawrence O'Donnell that Johnson & Johnson pausing clinical trials after an "unexplained" illness is "reassuring that the process by which we are developing the vaccine is working." Dr. Jha says Trump claiming he's immune "sends all the wrong public health messages."Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-12--Day one of Supreme Court confirmation hearing ends with 'clear lines' across the aisle

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msnbc--2020-10-12--Jaime Harrison: I'm talking about bringing people together

Meacham: Pence probably saved the republic, but I don't always want to count on one person to do it 08:18


msnbc--2020-10-12--Iowa voters on the importance of the Supreme Court in the 2020 elections

Iowa voters on the importance of the Supreme Court in the 2020 elections
President Trump plans to rally in Iowa for incumbent Republican Senator Joni Ernst, a member of the Judiciary Committee who trails Democrat Theresa Greenfield in recent polling. NBC's Maura Barrett speaks with Cedar Rapids voters about their views on the Supreme Court.Oct. 12, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-11--Michigan voters discuss the terrorist plot against Gov. Whitmer: ‘Absolutely despicable’

Voters in Detroit discuss the rise of white supremacist and anti-government militias in Michigan with MSNBC’s Ali Velshi during the fifth stop of the “Velshi Across America 2020” tour, covering eight swing states before the election.Oct. 11, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-14--Voting rights group asks Supreme Court to let late mail ballots in Wisconsin count

Voting rights groups in Wisconsin asked the U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday to lift a lower court ruling that prevents the state from counting mail-in ballots that arrive after the polls close on Election Day .
The voter groups , the state and national Democratic party , and the League of Women Voters filed a lawsuit seeking to extend the deadline for accepting the ballots .
They said the flood of absentee ballots and problems arising from the coronavirus pandemic will make it harder for voters to receive their mail ballots and return them on time .
Judge William Conley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Western District of Wisconsin agreed and ordered the state to accept ballots that arrive up to six days after election day , as long as they are postmarked before the polls close .
But the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit blocked the order .
`` A last-minute event may require a last-minute reaction .
But it is not possible to describe COVID-19 as a last-minute event , '' the court said .
The Supreme Court is already considering a dispute over late ballots in Pennsylvania .
And similar cases are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Carolina .
Courts are typically reluctant to change the rules as Election Day gets closer , but in asking the Supreme Court to lift the appeals court stay , the Wisconsin groups said there 's no risk of voter confusion in granting their request.
`` The ballots of a substantial number of voters who will follow all of Wisconsin 's rules will arrive after the current receipt deadline because of conditions caused by the pandemic , '' they said .
Without relief from the Supreme Court , the groups said , `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Before ruling , the court will likely ask for a response from state officials and the Republican party , which have opposed extending the ballot deadline .

Voting rights groups in Wisconsin asked the Supreme Court on Tuesday to lift a lower-court ruling that prevents the state from counting mail-in ballots that arrive after the polls close on Election Day.
The voter groups, the state and national Democratic parties and the League of Women Voters sued to extend the deadline to accept the ballots. They said the flood of absentee ballots and problems arising from the coronavirus pandemic will make it harder for voters to receive their mail ballots and return them on time.
U.S. District Judge William Conley agreed and ordered the state to accept ballots that arrive up to six days after Election Day, as long as they are postmarked before the polls close.
But the 7th U.S. Court of Appeals blocked the order.
"A last-minute event may require a last-minute reaction. But it is not possible to describe COVID-19 as a last-minute event," the court said.
The Supreme Court is already considering a dispute over late ballots in Pennsylvania. And similar cases are pending in Arizona, Michigan and North Carolina.
Courts are typically reluctant to change the rules as Election Day gets closer, but in asking the Supreme Court to lift the appeals court's stay, the Wisconsin groups said there's no risk of voter confusion in granting their request.
"The ballots of a substantial number of voters who will follow all of Wisconsin's rules will arrive after the current receipt deadline because of conditions caused by the pandemic," they said.
Without relief from the Supreme Court, the groups said, "mass disenfranchisement of Wisconsin voters would ensue."
Before ruling, the court is likely to ask for a response from state officials and the Republican Party, who have opposed extending the ballot deadline.


msnbc--2020-10-13--Barrett reveals formula for reversing landmark rulings

WASHINGTON — With the help of senators of both parties , Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett laid out a road map for overturning the Roe v. Wade ruling protecting abortion rights and the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing school segregation .
Barrett declined to say Tuesday how she would rule on any future cases , including those involving abortion , racial discrimination , voting rights and the Affordable Care Act .
But she did articulate clear views about the relative susceptibility of Roe and Brown to being reversed .
She said Brown is settled only so long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal , state or local — for segregating schools .
And she said Roe , because it is the subject of more controversy , is more open to being thrown out .
Download the NBC News app for breaking news and politics Brown , Barrett said under questioning from Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham , R-S.C. , is among a handful of cases considered `` super precedents '' in the legal community because `` it is unthinkable it would be overturned . ''
While Barrett noted that `` super precedent '' is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doctrine that binds the Supreme Court , she said reversing Brown would require that `` Congress or some state or local government impose segregation again . ''
That apparently was n't the sound bite Graham wanted to hear .
He quickly interjected .
`` Let us stop there , '' he said .
`` If you want to make yourself famous , you can say we want to go back to segregation , '' Graham said .
`` The point you 're making is the court just can not wake up and say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ... Before a decision could be made , somebody would have to be dumb enough to pass a law saying , 'Let us go back to segregated schools . '
Is that fair to say ? ''
`` That 's fair to say , '' Barrett replied to the helpful cue from Graham .
Neither Barrett nor Graham mentioned that the bar for a challenge is not whether the government has imposed segregation but whether a litigant claims that it has .
It would then be up to the court to decide whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment , which is the underpinning of Brown .
Therefore , Brown , which more than two dozen Trump nominees to the federal bench have declined to say was rightly decided , is at risk only if someone sues .
The effect of the exchange between Graham and Barrett may well be to put a chilling effect on potential suits against laws perceived to implement segregation .
It serves as a warning to progressive groups that any challenge to perceived discrimination makes Brown vulnerable in a way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the federal judiciary is stocked with new Trump appointees who have refused to affirm Brown , it is not inconceivable that a lower court would reject a claim of unconstitutional discrimination in schools , knowing the question would be appealed to the high court .
Consequently , Barrett and Graham may also have created space for state or local governments to implement more discriminatory school policies without the fear of being challenged by litigants who are concerned about the prospects of Brown 's being overturned .
Barrett 's exchange with Sen. Amy Klobuchar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking on the two rulings .
Barrett said Brown `` is precedent . ''
In a previously written article , she said that `` it is super precedent '' and that because `` people consider it to be on that very small list of things that are so agreed upon by everyone , calls for its overruling do not exist . ''
Supreme Court justices sometimes reverse the rulings of their predecessors when there is no public outcry on one side or the other .
That is why so few case names are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ v. Board of Education and Roe v. Wade .
`` I 've been answering a lot of questions about Roe , which I think indicates Roe does not fall in [ the super precedent ] category , '' Barrett said .
`` Scholars across the spectrum say that it does not mean that Roe should be overruled ... and as Richard Fallon from Harvard said , Roe is not a super precedent , but that does not mean it should be overruled . ''
That is , the Roe ruling is weaker than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calls for its reversal .
And yet the modern confirmation process is a reflection of the changing priorities of the public and of its representatives in government at the federal , state and local levels .
The grilling of nominees dates to the wake of the Brown ruling , when segregationists began dominating hearings with questions about whether nominees agreed with the decision and others by the court under the leadership of Chief Justice Earl Warren .
Southern-bloc senators accused the court of legislating from the bench , a term that has survived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A third senator , Sheldon Whitehouse , D-R.I , used an unusual carousel of charts to make a point about the way interest groups seek to influence the composition of the court and its decisions — by culling lists of potential picks for Republican presidents and spending untold millions of dollars on promoting those nominees and cases that would challenge existing law .
It is `` all of the same funders over and over again , bringing the cases and providing this orchestrated chorus , '' Whitehouse said during a soliloquy in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barrett .
Some of the same strategies used by the political right today mirror those of civil rights lawyers more than half a century ago , and modern progressive interest groups are well-funded and active both in advising Democratic presidents and trying to influence which cases get to the high court .
To Barrett 's point about Brown , it is such litigation that gives the court the power to interpret the Constitution and its application to federal , state and local laws .
What the senators revealed for the public over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Brown could be overturned — according to Barrett .

WASHINGTON — With the help of senators of both parties, Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett laid out a road map for overturning the Roe v. Wade ruling protecting abortion rights and the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing school segregation.
Barrett declined to say Tuesday how she would rule on any future cases, including those involving abortion, racial discrimination, voting rights and the Affordable Care Act.
But she did articulate clear views about the relative susceptibility of Roe and Brown to being reversed. She said Brown is settled only so long as no one sues the government — federal, state or local — for segregating schools. And she said Roe, because it is the subject of more controversy, is more open to being thrown out.
Download the NBC News app for breaking news and politics
Brown, Barrett said under questioning from Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., is among a handful of cases considered "super-precedents" in the legal community because "it is unthinkable it would be overturned."
While Barrett noted that "super-precedent" is a term of art rather than a doctrine that binds the Supreme Court, she said reversing Brown would require that "Congress or some state or local government impose segregation again."
That apparently wasn't the sound bite Graham wanted to hear. He quickly interjected.
"Let us stop there," he said. "If you want to make yourself famous, you can say we want to go back to segregation," Graham said. "The point you're making is the court just cannot wake up and say, 'Let us revisit Brown.' ... Before a decision could be made, somebody would have to be dumb enough to pass a law saying, 'Let us go back to segregated schools.' Is that fair to say?"
"That's fair to say," Barrett replied to the helpful cue from Graham.
Neither Barrett nor Graham mentioned that the bar for a challenge is not whether the government has imposed segregation but whether a litigant claims that it has. It would then be up to the court to decide whether a law or a policy violated the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment, which is the underpinning of Brown.
Therefore, Brown, which more than two dozen Trump nominees to the federal bench have declined to say was rightly decided, is at risk only if someone sues. The effect of the exchange between Graham and Barrett may well be to put a chilling effect on potential suits against laws perceived to implement segregation.
It serves as a warning to progressive groups that any challenge to perceived discrimination makes Brown vulnerable in a way that it is not now. Because the federal judiciary is stocked with new Trump appointees who have refused to affirm Brown, it is not inconceivable that a lower court would reject a claim of unconstitutional discrimination in schools, knowing the question would be appealed to the high court.
Consequently, Barrett and Graham may also have created space for state or local governments to implement more discriminatory school policies without the fear of being challenged by litigants who are concerned about the prospects of Brown's being overturned.
Barrett's exchange with Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., revealed more about her thinking on the two rulings.
Barrett said Brown "is precedent." In a previously written article, she said that "it is super-precedent" and that because "people consider it to be on that very small list of things that are so agreed upon by everyone, calls for its overruling do not exist."
Supreme Court justices sometimes reverse the rulings of their predecessors when there is no public outcry on one side or the other. That is why so few case names are as familiar to the public as Brown v. Board of Education and Roe v. Wade.
"I've been answering a lot of questions about Roe, which I think indicates Roe does not fall in [the super-precedent] category," Barrett said. "Scholars across the spectrum say that it does not mean that Roe should be overruled ... and as Richard Fallon from Harvard said, Roe is not a super-precedent, but that does not mean it should be overruled."
That is, the Roe ruling is weaker than the Brown ruling specifically because there are calls for its reversal. And yet the modern confirmation process is a reflection of the changing priorities of the public and of its representatives in government at the federal, state and local levels.
The grilling of nominees dates to the wake of the Brown ruling, when segregationists began dominating hearings with questions about whether nominees agreed with the decision and others by the court under the leadership of Chief Justice Earl Warren. Southern-bloc senators accused the court of legislating from the bench, a term that has survived in the lexicon of Senate confirmations.
A third senator, Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I, used an unusual carousel of charts to make a point about the way interest groups seek to influence the composition of the court and its decisions — by culling lists of potential picks for Republican presidents and spending untold millions of dollars on promoting those nominees and cases that would challenge existing law.
It is "all of the same funders over and over again, bringing the cases and providing this orchestrated chorus," Whitehouse said during a soliloquy in which he declined to ask any questions of Barrett.
Some of the same strategies used by the political right today mirror those of civil rights lawyers more than half a century ago, and modern progressive interest groups are well-funded and active both in advising Democratic presidents and trying to influence which cases get to the high court.
To Barrett's point about Brown, it is such litigation that gives the court the power to interpret the Constitution and its application to federal, state and local laws. What the senators revealed for the public over the course of the day is how Roe and Brown could be overturned — according to Barrett.


msnbc--2020-10-13--Video shows biggest WWII bomb found in Poland exploding while being defused

WARSAW - The biggest World War Two bomb ever found in Poland exploded under water on Tuesday as navy divers tried to defuse it .
More than 750 people had been evacuated from the area near the Piast Canal outside the town of Swinoujscie where the Tallboy bomb used by Britain 's Royal Air Force ( RAF ) was found .
It weighed nearly 12,000 lbs , including almost 5,300 lbs of explosive .
`` The deflagration process turned into detonation .
The object can be considered as neutralized , it will not pose any more threat , '' Second-Lieutenant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 8th Coastal Defense Flotilla , was quoted as saying by state-run news agency PAP .
`` All mine divers were outside the danger zone . ''
Swinoujscie contains a liquefied natural gas ( LNG ) terminal but a spokesman for the town 's mayor told PAP no one was injured and no infrastructure had been damaged .
The Piast Canal connects the Baltic Sea with the Oder River on Poland 's border with Germany .
The bomb was dropped by the RAF in 1945 in an attack on the German cruiser Lutzow .

WARSAW - The biggest World War Two bomb ever found in Poland exploded under water on Tuesday as navy divers tried to defuse it.
More than 750 people had been evacuated from the area near the Piast Canal outside the town of Swinoujscie where the Tallboy bomb used by Britain's Royal Air Force (RAF) was found. It weighed nearly 12,000 lbs, including almost 5,300 lbs of explosive.
"The deflagration process turned into detonation. The object can be considered as neutralized, it will not pose any more threat," Second-Lieutenant Grzegorz Lewandowski, the spokesman of the 8th Coastal Defense Flotilla, was quoted as saying by state-run news agency PAP.
"All mine divers were outside the danger zone."
Swinoujscie contains a liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal but a spokesman for the town's mayor told PAP no one was injured and no infrastructure had been damaged.
The Piast Canal connects the Baltic Sea with the Oder River on Poland's border with Germany. The bomb was dropped by the RAF in 1945 in an attack on the German cruiser Lutzow.


msnbc--2020-10-13--Father of three still missing nearly six weeks after disappearing from North Carolina home

A family in Sanford , North Carolina is desperate to know what happened to 32-year-old father of three Cory Dale Moore six weeks after he vanished without a trace .
“ We ’ re left with a lot of question marks at this point , ” said Cory ’ s aunt , Sherri Galvin , who spoke to Dateline on behalf of the family .
“ It ’ s just very frustrating and we ’ re extremely worried about him .
We ’ re all just barely hanging on.
” According to a press release issued by the Lee County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last seen around 2 p.m. on September 3 , 2020 , at his grandmother ’ s house on Pickard Road in Sanford .
He left on foot without his shoes and hasn ’ t been seen or heard from since .
Sherri told Dateline that her nephew was going through a rough time the past two years so in June 2020 , he moved in with his sister in Mooresville , North Carolina and began working at a local natural gas company .
“ His sister got married at the end of August @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Sherri said .
“ I just remember Cory was once again his kind , fun-loving self .
He was happy… he was in good spirits.
” When his sister left for her honeymoon , she gave him a ride to visit his mother and grandmother who live together on Pickard Road in Sanford .
It was the middle of the afternoon on September 3 when Cory ’ s family last saw him .
Cory said he was going to take a shower , but when his mother checked on him a short @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sherri told Dateline that Cory ’ s shoes were still at the house .
But his wallet and cell phone were missing .
He didn ’ t have a car , so Sherri said it appeared he left on foot .
“ It just doesn ’ t make any sense , ” she said .
“ He ’ s never just walked off .
And he ’ s always stayed in contact with his kids , his sister , his mom , me -- someone.
” Sherri explained that Cory has three children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ daughter .
“ He loves those kids , ” Sherri said .
“ He wanted so badly to be a good dad.
” The Lee County Sheriff ’ s Office launched a search in the surrounding area with crews , cadaver dogs and drones .
But there was no trace of Cory .
Sherri told Dateline there has been no activity on Cory ’ s bank account or social media pages since he disappeared .
She said their family is worried that Cory got into trouble with some people he had been messaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had struggled lately and sometimes ended up in bad situations , ” Sherri said .
“ But he didn ’ t deserve this .
He was turning his life around and deserved a second chance.
” Sherri describes her nephew as a “ sweet boy ” who helped her through a divorce by taking her hiking and even accompanying her to a company Christmas party so she wouldn ’ t have to go alone .
That ’ s just the kind of guy he is , ” Sherri added .
“ He ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s son .
He is someone ’ s brother .
Someone ’ s nephew , ” Sherri said .
“ And he ’ s still missing .
We just want to know where he is.
” Cory is 6 ’ 0 ” tall , weighs approximately 210 pounds and has brown hair and a light brown beard .
He has a patch of white hair on the back of his head on the left side .
His tattoos include his last name “ Moore ” on his left forearm , mallard duck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behind his ears .
He was wearing a white tank top , gray shorts and was barefoot .
Anyone who might have information about Cory ’ s whereabouts is asked to call the Lee County Sheriff ’ s Office at 919-775-5531 or the anonymous tip line at 919-718-4577 .

A family in Sanford, North Carolina is desperate to know what happened to 32-year-old father of three Cory Dale Moore six weeks after he vanished without a trace.
“We’re left with a lot of question marks at this point,” said Cory’s aunt, Sherri Galvin, who spoke to Dateline on behalf of the family. “It’s just very frustrating and we’re extremely worried about him. We’re all just barely hanging on.”
Cory Dale Moore
According to a press release issued by the Lee County Sheriff’s Office, Cory was last seen around 2 p.m. on September 3, 2020, at his grandmother’s house on Pickard Road in Sanford. He left on foot without his shoes and hasn’t been seen or heard from since.
Sherri told Dateline that her nephew was going through a rough time the past two years so in June 2020, he moved in with his sister in Mooresville, North Carolina and began working at a local natural gas company.
“His sister got married at the end of August and the whole family was there,” Sherri said. “I just remember Cory was once again his kind, fun-loving self. He was happy… he was in good spirits.”
When his sister left for her honeymoon, she gave him a ride to visit his mother and grandmother who live together on Pickard Road in Sanford.
It was the middle of the afternoon on September 3 when Cory’s family last saw him. Cory said he was going to take a shower, but when his mother checked on him a short time later, he was gone.
Sherri told Dateline that Cory’s shoes were still at the house. But his wallet and cell phone were missing. He didn’t have a car, so Sherri said it appeared he left on foot.
“It just doesn’t make any sense,” she said. “He’s never just walked off. And he’s always stayed in contact with his kids, his sister, his mom, me -- someone.”
Sherri explained that Cory has three children, 4-year-old twin boys and a 3-year-old daughter.
“He loves those kids,” Sherri said. “He wanted so badly to be a good dad.”
The Lee County Sheriff’s Office launched a search in the surrounding area with crews, cadaver dogs and drones. But there was no trace of Cory.
Sherri told Dateline there has been no activity on Cory’s bank account or social media pages since he disappeared. She said their family is worried that Cory got into trouble with some people he had been messaging prior to his disappearance.
“He had struggled lately and sometimes ended up in bad situations,” Sherri said. “But he didn’t deserve this. He was turning his life around and deserved a second chance.”
Sherri describes her nephew as a “sweet boy” who helped her through a divorce by taking her hiking and even accompanying her to a company Christmas party so she wouldn’t have to go alone.
That’s just the kind of guy he is,” Sherri added. “He’s someone’s daddy. Someone’s son. He is someone’s brother. Someone’s nephew,” Sherri said. “And he’s still missing. We just want to know where he is.”
Cory is 6’0” tall, weighs approximately 210 pounds and has brown hair and a light brown beard. He has a patch of white hair on the back of his head on the left side. His tattoos include his last name “Moore” on his left forearm, mallard duck heads on both biceps and blue stars behind his ears. He was wearing a white tank top, gray shorts and was barefoot.
Anyone who might have information about Cory’s whereabouts is asked to call the Lee County Sheriff’s Office at 919-775-5531 or the anonymous tip line at 919-718-4577.


msnbc--2020-10-13--After Obamacare: What Day 1 could look like if it’s repealed

Protesters in Minneapolis take knee , chant names of people who have died at hands of police

The Supreme Court is set to hear the latest challenge to the Affordable Care Act on November 10. With judge Amy Coney Barrett’s nomination to the bench, Democrats quickly speculated what it could mean for healthcare. If Obamacare is struck down and there is no alternative plan in place, millions of Americans could be affected.Oct. 13, 2020


msnbc--2020-10-13--Trump supporters in battleground states largely favor LGBTQ rights, poll finds

Voters in 10 battleground states overwhelmingly support LGBTQ rights — including a plurality , and on some issues a majority , of those who back the re-election of President Donald Trump — according to a report released Tuesday .
Hart Research surveyed 400 likely voters in each of the 10 states — Arizona , Florida , Georgia , Iowa , Michigan , North Carolina , Ohio , Pennsylvania , Texas and Wisconsin — on behalf of the Human Rights Campaign , an LGBTQ advocacy group .
Two telephone polls conducted in the second half of September found “ voters have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across a host of issues.
” Less than 30 percent of respondents believed business owners had a right to deny service to LGBTQ customers , and a majority of respondents supported same-sex marriage and adoption .
On the high end was Pennsylvania , with 67 percent supporting both .
On the low end , only 50 percent of North Carolina voters approve of same-sex marriage , and 52 percent backed LGBTQ people ’ s right to adopt .
The survey found that Joe Biden , the Democratic presidential nominee , leading President Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 states surveyed : Iowa , Ohio and Texas .
Biden , who has been endorsed by HRC , has positioned himself as a staunch ally of LGBTQ rights , saying in an address to the group last month that LGBTQ Americans deserved “ a partner in the White House.
” “ Together we ’ ll pass the Equality Act , protect LGBTQ youth , expand access to health care , support LGBTQ workers , win full rights for transgender Americans , recommit to ending the HIV/AIDS epidemic by 2025 [ and ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just at home , ” Biden said .
The survey also found that “ pro-equality ” Democratic Senate candidates , meaning those who support LGBTQ rights , are faring well in the final stretch of their campaigns .
These battleground-state candidates , the report notes , “ earn substantial support from voters under age 40 , a notably pro-LGBTQ rights audience.
” Examples cited include Mark Kelly of Arizona , who the survey found is leading his Republican challenger , Martha McSally , by 12 percentage points , and Gary Peters of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GOP challenger , John James , by 8 points .
In each battleground state surveyed , more than 40 percent of respondents said they ’ d feel “ less favorable ” toward a politician who opposed LGBTQ rights , with only 5 to 11 percent saying they ’ d feel “ more favorable toward them.
” “ In the current political climate , you have a party and its leaders who are catering to a minority because it ’ s vocal , ” Lucas Acosta , national press secretary for HRC , told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be too strong a word — ’ a small collective.
’ And they ’ re dragging down the candidates that are appeasing them .
The electorate is moving in our direction.
” The survey drilled down into the Equality Act , proposed legislation that would bar anti-LGBTQ discrimination in employment , housing , education , public accommodations and other arenas .
It passed the Democrat-controlled House in 2019 but has not been taken up by the Republican-led Senate .
Support for the bill in all states surveyed outweighed opposition by more than 2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 3 to 1 .
Even among Trump voters , supporters outnumbered opponents by at least 10 percent .
“ Given the arc of public opinion , the GOP Senate ’ s failure to act on this legislation would seem to be a mistake , as large majorities of voters across the diverse group of states express support for it , ” the report stated .
The poll also suggests transgender rights is not the divisive issue opponents would have the public believe .
In September , Republican senators introduced the Protection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which would make it a violation of federal civil rights law for schools to allow transgender females to compete in girls sports .
But according to the Hart Research poll , transgender participation in school sports was ranked the least important issue , compared to the economy , jobs , health care , Covid-19 and other topics .
Voters “ have no interest in seeing transgender people demonized or having basic rights for transgender people used as political footballs , ” the report found .
In every state surveyed , at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people should be able to live free of discrimination .
More than 85 percent said they should have equal access to medical care .
The results seem in contrast with the Trump administration , which has attempted to reverse Affordable Care Act guidelines that determined health care discrimination protections “ on the basis of sex ” applied to transgender patients as well .
It also banned transgender service members from the military and supported the right of homeless shelters to turn away transgender clients .
The White House opposed Bostock v. Clayton County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision that determined Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 protected workers from discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity .
But , by wide margins , voters in all the states said that the next Supreme Court justice should be someone “ who has a record of protecting and advancing legal rights for LGBTQ people.
” Trump ’ s Supreme Court nominee , Judge Amy Coney Barrett , has been criticized by LGBTQ advocacy groups , including HRC , for her past remarks on LGBTQ-related cases and issues , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dissented in Obergefell v. Hodges , the 2015 landmark decision that made same-sex marriage legal across the U.S. Barrett also argued in 2016 during a lecture at Jacksonville University in Florida that interpreting Title IX of the Education Amendments Act , which prohibits sex discrimination in federally funded education programs , to include LGBTQ people would “ seem to strain the text of the statute.
” During her Senate confirmation hearing on Tuesday , Barrett largely declined to answer questions about her views on specific court cases , including Obergefell v. Hodges .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreed with the Supreme Court ’ s decision in the case , she said : “ I have never discriminated on the basis of sexual preference and would not ever discriminate on the basis of sexual preference .
Like racism , I think discrimination is abhorrent .
”

Voters in 10 battleground states overwhelmingly support LGBTQ rights — including a plurality, and on some issues a majority, of those who back the re-election of President Donald Trump — according to a report released Tuesday.
Hart Research surveyed 400 likely voters in each of the 10 states — Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Michigan, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas and Wisconsin — on behalf of the Human Rights Campaign, an LGBTQ advocacy group.
Two telephone polls conducted in the second half of September found that "voters have clear and abiding support for LGBTQ equality across a host of issues."
Less than 30 percent of respondents believed business owners had a right to deny service to LGBTQ customers, and a majority of respondents supported same-sex marriage and adoption. On the high end was Pennsylvania, with 67 percent supporting both. On the low end, only 50 percent of North Carolina voters approved of same-sex marriage, and 52 percent backed LGBTQ people's right to adopt.
The survey found Joe Biden, the Democratic presidential nominee, leading President Donald Trump in all but three of the 10 states surveyed: Iowa, Ohio and Texas. Biden, who has been endorsed by HRC, has positioned himself as a staunch ally of LGBTQ rights, saying in an address to the group last month that LGBTQ Americans deserved "a partner in the White House."
"Together we'll pass the Equality Act, protect LGBTQ youth, expand access to health care, support LGBTQ workers, win full rights for transgender Americans, recommit to ending the HIV/AIDS epidemic by 2025 [and] advance LGBT rights around the globe, not just at home," Biden said.
The survey also found that "pro-equality" Democratic Senate candidates, meaning those who support LGBTQ rights, are faring well in the final stretches of their campaigns. These battleground-state candidates, the report notes, "earn substantial support from voters under age 40, a notably pro-LGBTQ rights audience." Examples cited include Mark Kelly of Arizona, who the survey found is leading his Republican opponent, Sen. Martha McSally, by 12 percentage points, and Sen. Gary Peters of Michigan, who's leading his GOP challenger, John James, by 8 points.
In each battleground state surveyed, more than 40 percent of respondents said they'd feel "less favorable" toward a politician who opposed LGBTQ rights, with only 5 percent to 11 percent saying they'd feel "more favorable toward them."
"In the current political climate, you have a party and its leaders who are catering to a minority, because it's vocal," said Lucas Acosta, national press secretary for HRC. "A 'minority' might be too strong a word — 'a small collective.' And they're dragging down the candidates that are appeasing them. The electorate is moving in our direction."
The survey drilled down into the Equality Act, proposed legislation that would bar anti-LGBTQ discrimination in employment, housing, education, public accommodations and other arenas. It passed the Democratic-controlled House in 2019 but has not been taken up by the Republican-led Senate.
Support for the bill in all of the surveyed states outweighed opposition by more than 2 to 1 — and in some cases more than 3 to 1. Even among Trump voters, supporters outnumbered opponents by at least 10 percentage points.
"Given the arc of public opinion, the GOP Senate's failure to act on this legislation would seem to be a mistake, as large majorities of voters across the diverse group of states express support for it," the report said.
The poll also suggests that transgender rights are not the divisive issue opponents would have the public believe.
In September, Republican senators introduced the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act, which would make it a violation of federal civil rights law for schools to allow transgender females to compete in girls' sports. But according to the Hart Research poll, transgender participation in school sports was ranked the least important issue compared to the economy, jobs, health care, Covid-19 and other topics.
Voters "have no interest in seeing transgender people demonized or having basic rights for transgender people used as political footballs," the report found.
In every state surveyed, at least 60 percent of Trump supporters said trans people should be able to live free of discrimination. More than 85 percent said they should have equal access to medical care. The results seem in contrast with the policies of the Trump administration, which has attempted to reverse Affordable Care Act guidelines that determined that health care discrimination protections "on the basis of sex" applied to transgender patients, as well. It also banned transgender service members from the military and supported the right of homeless shelters to turn away transgender clients.
The White House opposed Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia, the recent Supreme Court decision that determined that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 protected workers from discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity.
But by wide margins, voters in all the states said that the next Supreme Court justice should be someone "who has a record of protecting and advancing legal rights for LGBTQ people."
Trump's Supreme Court nominee, Judge Amy Coney Barrett, has been criticized by LGBTQ advocacy groups, including HRC, for her past remarks on LGBTQ-related cases and issues, including her defense of the justices who dissented in Obergefell v. Hodges, the landmark 2015 decision that made same-sex marriage legal across the U.S. Barrett also argued in 2016 during a lecture at Jacksonville University in Florida that interpreting Title IX of the Education Amendments Act, which prohibits sex discrimination in federally funded education programs, to include LGBTQ people would "seem to strain the text of the statute."
During her Senate confirmation hearing Tuesday, Barrett largely declined to answer questions about her views on specific court cases, including Obergefell v. Hodges. While she would not say whether she agreed with the Supreme Court's decision, she said: "I have never discriminated on the basis of sexual preference and would not ever discriminate on the basis of sexual preference. Like racism, I think discrimination is abhorrent."
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msnbc--2020-10-13--India Oxenberg breaks silence on escape from 'inhumane' NXIVM sex cult

India Oxenberg broke her silence Tuesday about her life and eventual escape from NXIVM , the purported self-help organization whose co-founder and leader was found guilty of sex trafficking and child pornography offenses .
Oxenberg and her mother , `` Dynasty '' star Catherine Oxenberg , discussed their seven-year struggle to break free from the `` inhumane '' sex cult on ABC 's `` Good Morning America . ''
The two were on a publicity tour to promote the new Starz docuseries , “ Seduced : Inside the NXIVM Cult . ''
`` What I thought I was learning was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` What I was learning was the opposite . ''
NXIVM operated purported self-help programs based in Albany , New York , which attracted millionaires and Hollywood stars — including Oxenberg , who said she attended her first meeting with her mother when she was 19 .
Upon joining , Oxenberg said , the group immediately tried to separate her from her mother .
`` That was all strategic , and we were unaware of why they were doing that at the time , '' Oxenberg said .
`` It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'parental alienation . '
'' Prosecutors described the organization as a criminal enterprise that ran a secret society called DOS , in which women were kept as `` slaves '' to service top officials and its leader , Keith Raniere .
Raniere , 60 , was found guilty last year of racketeering , sex trafficking and possession of child pornography and could face life in prison .
His sentencing is scheduled for Oct. 27 .
Prosecutors said women were forced to turn over compromising material that was used to blackmail and force them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of dollars for NXIVM-sponsored classes promising professional development , which prosecutors say forced many into debt .
Oxenberg said she paid the organization close to $ 100,000 over nearly seven years of `` grooming , '' saying she was slowly brainwashed .
`` When you 're unaware , it 's so easy to be led astray , especially by people who are masters at manipulation , '' she said .
Raniere was a `` master of manipulation '' and a `` predator , '' she said .
NXIVM co-founder Nancy Salzman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Seagram liquor heiress Claire Bronfman have all pleaded guilty to charges related to the group .
Oxenberg said Mack , 38 , who pleaded guilty last year to racketeering charges , was the person who recruited her .
`` It was a trap , '' she said .
`` It was a ploy for Keith to enslave women for his own sexual desires .
...
I would describe that sexual relationship as rape . ''
Catherine Oxenberg said she fought for years , both publicly and privately , to help free her daughter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too strong .
`` I was too deeply in , I was scared , and I was confused , '' Oxenberg said .
She started breaking away only after Raniere and Mack were arrested in 2018 , and she said coming to terms with her time in NXIVM was a gradual process .
She said that she hopes sharing her story will help others realize that `` you do n't have to be in a cult to be coerced '' — and that there is a path forward .
Oxenberg said she will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own closure at Raniere 's hearing this month .
`` You do n't have to live with Keith Raniere haunting you .
You can reclaim your life , '' she said .
`` You can learn from it , and you can move on , and you can heal , and you can have love . ''
`` I just feel so lucky that I can have that , '' she said .

India Oxenberg broke her silence Tuesday about her life and eventual escape from NXIVM, the purported self-help organization whose co-founder and leader was found guilty of sex trafficking and child pornography offenses.
Oxenberg and her mother, "Dynasty" star Catherine Oxenberg, discussed their seven-year struggle to break free from the "inhumane" sex cult on ABC's "Good Morning America." The two were on a publicity tour to promote the new Starz docuseries, “Seduced: Inside the NXIVM Cult."
"What I thought I was learning was self-help and personal growth," Oxenberg said. "What I was learning was the opposite."
NXIVM operated purported self-help programs based in Albany, New York, which attracted millionaires and Hollywood stars — including Oxenberg, who said she attended her first meeting with her mother when she was 19.
Upon joining, Oxenberg said, the group immediately tried to separate her from her mother.
"That was all strategic, and we were unaware of why they were doing that at the time," Oxenberg said. "It's actually something I learned later on called 'parental alienation.'"
Prosecutors described the organization as a criminal enterprise that ran a secret society called DOS, in which women were kept as "slaves" to service top officials and its leader, Keith Raniere.
Raniere, 60, was found guilty last year of racketeering, sex trafficking and possession of child pornography and could face life in prison. His sentencing is scheduled for Oct. 27.
Prosecutors said women were forced to turn over compromising material that was used to blackmail and force them into sex.
Members like Oxenberg paid thousands of dollars for NXIVM-sponsored classes promising professional development, which prosecutors say forced many into debt. Oxenberg said she paid the organization close to $100,000 over nearly seven years of "grooming," saying she was slowly brainwashed.
"When you're unaware, it's so easy to be led astray, especially by people who are masters at manipulation," she said. Raniere was a "master of manipulation" and a "predator," she said.
NXIVM co-founder Nancy Salzman, "Smallville" actress Allison Mack and Seagram liquor heiress Clare Bronfman have all pleaded guilty to charges related to the group.
Oxenberg said Mack, 38, who pleaded guilty last year to racketeering charges, was the person who recruited her.
"It was a trap," she said. "It was a ploy for Keith to enslave women for his own sexual desires. ... I would describe that sexual relationship as rape."
Catherine Oxenberg said she fought for years, both publicly and privately, to help free her daughter. But the pull of NXIVM was too strong.
"I was too deeply in, I was scared, and I was confused," Oxenberg said. She started breaking away only after Raniere and Mack were arrested in 2018, and she said coming to terms with her time in NXIVM was a gradual process.
She said that she hopes sharing her story will help others realize that "you don't have to be in a cult to be coerced" — and that there is a path forward.
Oxenberg said she will deliver a victim impact statement for her own closure at Raniere's hearing this month.
"You don't have to live with Keith Raniere haunting you. You can reclaim your life," she said. "You can learn from it, and you can move on, and you can heal, and you can have love."
"I just feel so lucky that I can have that," she said.
CORRECTION (Sept. 8, 2021, 1:45 p.m. ET): An earlier version of this article misspelled the first name of an heir to the Seagram’s liquor fortune. She is Clare Bronfman, not Claire.