lewrockwell--2020-06-15--Interview Most Foul: on the Assassination of President Kennedy.

Imagine this : A so-called presidential historian for a major television network publishes an interview in the most famous newspaper in the world with the most famous singer/songwriter in the world , who has recently written an explosive song accusing the U.S. government of a conspiracy in the assassination of the most famous modern American president , and the interviewer never asks the singer about the specific allegations in his song except to ask him if he was surprised that the song reached number one on the Billboard hit list and other musical and cultural references that have nothing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more .
For that is exactly what Douglas Brinkley , CNN ’ s presidential historian , has just done with his June 12 , 2020 interview with Bob Dylan in the The New York Times .
The interview makes emphatically clear that Brinkley is not in the least interested in what Dylan has to say about the assassination of the President of the United States , John F. Kennedy , whose murder most foul marks in the most profound way possible the devolution of the U.S. into the cesspool it has become .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Money , & Power : ... Barr McClellan Best Price : $ 3.73 Buy New $ 10.90 He introduces the interview by sketching in his relationship with Dylan and tells us that he therefore felt “ comfortable ” reaching out to him in April after Dylan had released his song about the JFK assassination , “ Murder Most Foul.
” He conveniently links to a New York Times piece by John Pareles wherein Pareles writes about the surprise song release , “ The assassination of John F. Kennedy is its core and central @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nation been torn away/and it ’ s beginnin ’ to go into a slow decay ” — while Dylan tries to find answers , or at least clues , in music.
” That is simply false – for Dylan emphatically does not try to find answers or clues to JFK ’ s murder , but boldly states his answer .
If you listen to his piercing voice and follow the lyrics closely , you might be startled to be told , not from someone who can be dismissed as some sort of disgruntled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most famous musician in the world , that there was a government conspiracy to kill JFK , that Oswald didn ’ t do it , and that the killers then went for the president ’ s brothers .
But neither Pareles or the presidential historian interviewer Brinkley has any interest in Dylan ’ s answer .
As I wrote five days after the song ’ s release , it was already clear that the corporate mainstream media were in the process of diverting readers from the core of Dylan ’ s message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has garnered massive publicity from the mainstream media , it hasn ’ t taken long for that media to bury the truth of his words about the assassination under a spectacle of verbiage meant to damn with faint praise .
As the media in a celebrity culture of the spectacle tend to do , the emphasis on the song ’ s pop cultural references is their focus , with platitudes about the assassination and “ conspiracy theories , ” as well as various shameful and gratuitous digs at Dylan for being weird , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ song says , “ they killed him once and they killed him twice , ” so now they can kill him a third time , and then a fourth ad infinitum .
And now the messenger of the very bad news must be dispatched along with the dead president .
Brinkley continues this coverup under the guise of promoting Dylan ’ s upcoming album , Rough and Rowdy Ways , while showing his appreciation for Dylan ’ s music and his genius and asking questions that emphasize cultural and musical allusions in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not allow Dylan ’ s explosive message any breathing room .
Here is Brinkley ’ s opening question , the only semi-direct one the presidential historian deems worthy of asking about “ Murder Most Foul ” and the assassination of an American president .
This question opens the interview and shuts the door on further inquiry .
It is a ridiculous question as well : JFK and the Unspeakabl ... Douglass , James W. Best Price : $ 6.42 Buy New $ 13.52 Could Brinkley really think he was asking a serious question @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brutal assassination , as Dylan describes it : Being led to the slaughter like a sacrificial lamb Shot down like a dog in broad daylight The day that they blew out the brains of the king Thousands were watching , no one saw a thing No , the presidential historian knew the question wasn ’ t serious .
Did he think Dylan was nostalgic for the bloody murder of a man he calls the king , as he sings the part of Hamlet sending his midnight message of truth and revenge to JFK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Brinkley was doing what all the mainstream corporate media do : Making sure the truth was hidden behind a stream of pop cultural references and questions that would appeal to The New York Times ’ aging readers who are nostalgic for their youth as they contemplate old age and death .
When Dylan answers one of his questions about his recent song , “ I Contain Multitudes , ” by saying “ it is trance writing , ” he uses a word that applies to this New York Times ’ interview .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ do what the Times has been doing for nearly six decades : obfuscating the truth about the murder of President Kennedy by the national security state led by the CIA .
The same CIA that has always found a most receptive mouthpiece in the Times .
This interview , that begins with a witless question about nostalgia , ends with the question all the aging baby boomer Times ’ readers were waiting to hear Brinkley ask Dylan : Maryu2019s Mosaic : The ... Peter Janney Best Price : $ 7.76 Buy New $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less sums up this interview .
Murder be damned – even when Dylan ’ s song that initiated this interview , “ Murder Most Foul , ” truly startles and is a redemptive song .
For Dylan holds the mirror up for us .
He unlocks the door to the painful and sickening truth of JFK ’ s assassination .
He shoves the listener in , and , as he writes in Chronicles , “ your head has to go into a different place .
Sometimes it takes a certain somebody to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain somebody .
“ What is the truth and where did it go ?
” he asks .
Brinkley asks other questions to take your head to places where you won ’ t see a thing .
It ’ s quite a magic trick .
The Best of Edward Curtin

Imagine this: A so-called presidential historian for a major television network publishes an interview in the most famous newspaper in the world with the most famous singer/songwriter in the world, who has recently written an explosive song accusing the U.S. government of a conspiracy in the assassination of the most famous modern American president, and the interviewer never asks the singer about the specific allegations in his song except to ask him if he was surprised that the song reached number one on the Billboard hit list and other musical and cultural references that have nothing to do with the assassination.
Imagine no more. For that is exactly what Douglas Brinkley, CNN’s presidential historian, has just done with his June 12, 2020 interview with Bob Dylan in the The New York Times. The interview makes emphatically clear that Brinkley is not in the least interested in what Dylan has to say about the assassination of the President of the United States, John F. Kennedy, whose murder most foul marks in the most profound way possible the devolution of the U.S. into the cesspool it has become. Brinkley has another agenda.
Blood, Money, & Power:... Barr McClellan Best Price: $3.73 Buy New $10.90 (as of 06:10 UTC - Details) He introduces the interview by sketching in his relationship with Dylan and tells us that he therefore felt “comfortable” reaching out to him in April after Dylan had released his song about the JFK assassination, “Murder Most Foul.” He conveniently links to a New York Times piece by John Pareles wherein Pareles writes about the surprise song release, “The assassination of John F. Kennedy is its core and central trauma — “the soul of a nation been torn away/and it’s beginnin’ to go into a slow decay” — while Dylan tries to find answers, or at least clues, in music.”
That is simply false – for Dylan emphatically does not try to find answers or clues to JFK’s murder, but boldly states his answer. If you listen to his piercing voice and follow the lyrics closely, you might be startled to be told, not from someone who can be dismissed as some sort of disgruntled “conspiracy nut,” but by the most famous musician in the world, that there was a government conspiracy to kill JFK, that Oswald didn’t do it, and that the killers then went for the president’s brothers.
But neither Pareles or the presidential historian interviewer Brinkley has any interest in Dylan’s answer. As I wrote five days after the song’s release, it was already clear that the corporate mainstream media were in the process of diverting readers from the core of Dylan’s message:
While the song’s release has garnered massive publicity from the mainstream media, it hasn’t taken long for that media to bury the truth of his words about the assassination under a spectacle of verbiage meant to damn with faint praise. As the media in a celebrity culture of the spectacle tend to do, the emphasis on the song’s pop cultural references is their focus, with platitudes about the assassination and “conspiracy theories,” as well as various shameful and gratuitous digs at Dylan for being weird, obsessed, or old. As the song says, “they killed him once and they killed him twice,” so now they can kill him a third time, and then a fourth ad infinitum. And now the messenger of the very bad news must be dispatched along with the dead president.
Brinkley continues this coverup under the guise of promoting Dylan’s upcoming album, Rough and Rowdy Ways, while showing his appreciation for Dylan’s music and his genius and asking questions that emphasize cultural and musical allusions in the new album, and making certain to not allow Dylan’s explosive message any breathing room.
Here is Brinkley’s opening question, the only semi-direct one the presidential historian deems worthy of asking about “Murder Most Foul” and the assassination of an American president. This question opens the interview and shuts the door on further inquiry. It is a ridiculous question as well:
Was “Murder Most Foul” written as a nostalgic eulogy for a long-lost time?
To which Dylan responds:
To me it’s not nostalgic. I don’t think of “Murder Most Foul” as a glorification of the past or some kind of send-off to a lost age. It speaks to me in the moment. It always did, especially when I was writing the lyrics out.
JFK and the Unspeakabl... Douglass, James W. Best Price: $6.42 Buy New $13.52 (as of 06:45 UTC - Details) Could Brinkley really think he was asking a serious question? Nostalgia? What, for a brutal assassination, as Dylan describes it:
Being led to the slaughter like a sacrificial lamb
….
Shot down like a dog in broad daylight
….
The day that they blew out the brains of the king
Thousands were watching, no one saw a thing
No, the presidential historian knew the question wasn’t serious. Did he think Dylan was nostalgic for the bloody murder of a man he calls the king, as he sings the part of Hamlet sending his midnight message of truth and revenge to JFK’s ghost? Of course not. Brinkley was doing what all the mainstream corporate media do: Making sure the truth was hidden behind a stream of pop cultural references and questions that would appeal to The New York Times’ aging readers who are nostalgic for their youth as they contemplate old age and death.
When Dylan answers one of his questions about his recent song, “I Contain Multitudes,” by saying “it is trance writing,” he uses a word that applies to this New York Times’ interview. It is a trance-inducing interview meant to do what the Times has been doing for nearly six decades: obfuscating the truth about the murder of President Kennedy by the national security state led by the CIA. The same CIA that has always found a most receptive mouthpiece in the Times.
This interview, that begins with a witless question about nostalgia, ends with the question all the aging baby boomer Times’ readers were waiting to hear Brinkley ask Dylan:
How is your health holding up? You seem to be fit as a fiddle. How do you keep mind and body working together in unison?
Maryu2019s Mosaic: The... Peter Janney Best Price: $7.76 Buy New $9.99 (as of 05:25 UTC - Details) From nostalgia to health more or less sums up this interview.
Murder be damned – even when Dylan’s song that initiated this interview, “Murder Most Foul,” truly startles and is a redemptive song. For Dylan holds the mirror up for us. He unlocks the door to the painful and sickening truth of JFK’s assassination. He shoves the listener in, and, as he writes in Chronicles, “your head has to go into a different place. Sometimes it takes a certain somebody to make you realize it.”
Bob is that certain somebody.
“What is the truth and where did it go?” he asks.
Brinkley asks other questions to take your head to places where you won’t see a thing. It’s quite a magic trick.
The Best of Edward Curtin


lewrockwell--2020-06-15--Seattle’s CHAZ: Homesteaders or Illegal Squatters?

Protestors in Seattle have taken over whole city blocks in a neighborhood known as Capitol Hill , just a bit north of downtown .
They occupy city streets and parks , as well as ( apparently ) a police precinct building .
This enclave , dubbed the “ Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone ” or CHAZ , is now making headlines around the world .
Its newly assembled residents have declared CHAZ an independent nation apart from both Seattle and America , and thus exempt from laws and local police jurisdiction .
They have set up fences and checkpoints around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) , and already urban legends are proliferating about warlords taking over , extortion and shakedowns replacing taxes , and new forms of quasi-private security taking hold .
Nobody knows how long the situation will persist , but recall how 2011 ’ s Occupy Wall Street demonstrations lasted many months .
Of course Capitol Hill , like all urban neighborhoods , is a mix of “ public ” and private property .
Ingress and egress for residents and businesses take place via public streets , which are severely impaired at the moment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ stores , and the general quietude and livability of this gentrified neighborhood are very much in flux .
Anyone who owns a condo , shop , or restaurant in the area has a right to be angry and an argument for monetary compensation from both the protestors themselves and the city government that has so badly failed them .
Good luck with that in a Seattle courtroom .
Alaska Homesteader & rsq ... Gates , Nancy Best Price : $ 4.98 Buy New $ 16.49 But what about the purely “ public ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and buildings around Capitol Hill ?
To the extent that the occupied buildings and streets “ belong ” to the city of Seattle , are the protestors legitimately occupying them ?
Can anyone , Seattleite or not , make a valid claim to such property ?
Are they illegal squatters or legitimate homesteaders ?
It seems like an absurd question on its face , and it is : surely the forceful takeover of a long-established area can not be legitimate , even if a few government-owned roads and buildings muck up the principles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Walter Block likens government-owned property to virgin territory , albeit stolen , available to any claimant for homesteading .
In Block ’ s conception , anything owned by the city of Seattle—libraries , buildings , equipment , roads , you name it—is as wide open to anyone as a virgin tract of land in deepest Alaska never touched by humans .
I do not at all claim that property such as government roads or libraries is “ unowned.
” Rather , I claim these holdings were stolen .
I agree that the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only , that this is unjustified .
And , yes , I insist , the same libertarian analysis can be applied , in this context , to virgin and stolen land .
Why ?
This is because for the libertarian , at least as I construe him , stolen land is de jure virgin land , ready for the next homesteader to seize it ( on the assumption that the rightful original owner can not be located , or he acquiesces in the state ’ s seizure , or that , arguendo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) Seattle ’ s mayor Jenny Durkan may not go quite as far as Dr. Block , but she does appear to acknowledge the new , uh , “ community ” essentially colonizing major thoroughfares in the Emerald City .
She may not be ready to grant the CHAZ outright ownership of the streets in question , but neither is she setting any deadlines for eviction : Clearly the mayor is in the midst of a dangerous situation , both literally for the people in the CHAZ and in terms of her own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public relations nightmare .
And from a purely legal perspective , what grants her authority over who occupies Capitol Hill ?
Crimes against Nature : ... Jacoby , Karl Best Price : $ 21.65 Buy New $ 27.80 One answer is taxes , says Dr. Hans-Hermann Hoppe .
In his view , the streets of Seattle are not virgin territory available to homesteaders , but rather akin to land held in trust by ( admittedly unworthy ) state agents on behalf of taxpayers .
If those trustees won ’ t sell the land @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funds to taxpayers , Hoppe ’ s view is that they at least ought to operate and maintain such property on their behalf .
So , for the purpose of countering Dr. Block ’ s contention that government property should be viewed as open to homesteading—and only for that purpose , Hoppe says— ” public ” property should be viewed as being owned by taxpayers .
As such , it should be managed on behalf of the long-suffering ( net ) taxpaying citizens as a matter of simple justice .
Principles aside , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bureaucrats , police , and politicians who control access to and use of “ public ” property are its de facto owners , because only they can sell , encumber , or control its use .
The average American ’ s ownership claim to the local playground or a city library is virtually nil .
Simply try sleeping in them overnight , and you ’ ll quickly find out who really owns them .
So , for the moment , the Seattle protestors have the greatest control over Capitol Hill and hence an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force of “ possession is nine-tenths of the law.
” Skid Road : An Informal ... Morgan , Murray Best Price : $ 12.59 Buy New $ 13.99 Whether their claim is valid comes down to whether they are illegal squatters or righteous Lockean homesteaders .
In a densely settled area like Seattle , with a long history of property titles flowing from valid sales , the question becomes absurd .
Their protests and encampments directly affect the undisputed private property all around them .
The Seattle government has thoroughly controlled the roads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Seattle residents .
Capitol Hill residents , businesses , and visitors rely and depend on existing understandings and contractual arrangements .
Seattle can not be homesteaded , not even city property , in any conceivable manner that does justice to its current inhabitants .
And to the extent that they ’ ve paid for it all through taxes , their right to evict the CHAZ protestors clearly supercedes any “ right ” to conflate occupation with protest .
It ’ s tempting to dismiss the Seattle protestors en masse because of their terrible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrible designs for remaking America without property or markets .
But that doesn ’ t change the thorny question of how to deal with them here and now .
If they are illegal squatters—not to mention disruptors of many who live or work in the area—then their forcible removal is justified .
But New York City lacked the political will to remove Occupy Wall Street campers from Zuccotti Park for many months .
Will ultrawoke Seattle in 2020 , with its obliging mayor , evict the CHAZ protestors anytime soon ?
Listen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ article .
The Best of Jeff Deist

Protestors in Seattle have taken over whole city blocks in a neighborhood known as Capitol Hill, just a bit north of downtown. They occupy city streets and parks, as well as (apparently) a police precinct building. This enclave, dubbed the “Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone” or CHAZ, is now making headlines around the world. Its newly assembled residents have declared CHAZ an independent nation apart from both Seattle and America, and thus exempt from laws and local police jurisdiction. They have set up fences and checkpoints around the area (so much for open borders), and already urban legends are proliferating about warlords taking over, extortion and shakedowns replacing taxes, and new forms of quasi-private security taking hold. Nobody knows how long the situation will persist, but recall how 2011’s Occupy Wall Street demonstrations lasted many months.
Of course Capitol Hill, like all urban neighborhoods, is a mix of “public” and private property. Ingress and egress for residents and businesses take place via public streets, which are severely impaired at the moment. Property values, the viability of retail stores, and the general quietude and livability of this gentrified neighborhood are very much in flux. Anyone who owns a condo, shop, or restaurant in the area has a right to be angry and an argument for monetary compensation from both the protestors themselves and the city government that has so badly failed them.
Good luck with that in a Seattle courtroom. Alaska Homesteader&rsq... Gates, Nancy Best Price: $4.98 Buy New $16.49 (as of 04:11 UTC - Details)
But what about the purely “public” (i.e., government owned) land and buildings around Capitol Hill? To the extent that the occupied buildings and streets “belong” to the city of Seattle, are the protestors legitimately occupying them? Can anyone, Seattleite or not, make a valid claim to such property? Are they illegal squatters or legitimate homesteaders?
It seems like an absurd question on its face, and it is: surely the forceful takeover of a long-established area cannot be legitimate, even if a few government-owned roads and buildings muck up the principles involved. But no less than Professor Walter Block likens government-owned property to virgin territory, albeit stolen, available to any claimant for homesteading. In Block’s conception, anything owned by the city of Seattle—libraries, buildings, equipment, roads, you name it—is as wide open to anyone as a virgin tract of land in deepest Alaska never touched by humans.
I do not at all claim that property such as government roads or libraries is “unowned.” Rather, I claim these holdings were stolen. I agree that the state now possesses them; I argue, only, that this is unjustified. And, yes, I insist, the same libertarian analysis can be applied, in this context, to virgin and stolen land. Why? This is because for the libertarian, at least as I construe him, stolen land is de jure virgin land, ready for the next homesteader to seize it (on the assumption that the rightful original owner cannot be located, or he acquiesces in the state’s seizure, or that, arguendo, we can ignore this rightful owner.)
Seattle’s mayor Jenny Durkan may not go quite as far as Dr. Block, but she does appear to acknowledge the new, uh, “community” essentially colonizing major thoroughfares in the Emerald City. She may not be ready to grant the CHAZ outright ownership of the streets in question, but neither is she setting any deadlines for eviction:
Clearly the mayor is in the midst of a dangerous situation, both literally for the people in the CHAZ and in terms of her own political career. It’s a public relations nightmare. And from a purely legal perspective, what grants her authority over who occupies Capitol Hill? Crimes against Nature:... Jacoby, Karl Best Price: $21.65 Buy New $27.80 (as of 04:11 UTC - Details)
One answer is taxes, says Dr. Hans-Hermann Hoppe. In his view, the streets of Seattle are not virgin territory available to homesteaders, but rather akin to land held in trust by (admittedly unworthy) state agents on behalf of taxpayers. If those trustees won’t sell the land or other property outright and return the funds to taxpayers, Hoppe’s view is that they at least ought to operate and maintain such property on their behalf. So, for the purpose of countering Dr. Block’s contention that government property should be viewed as open to homesteading—and only for that purpose, Hoppe says—”public” property should be viewed as being owned by taxpayers. As such, it should be managed on behalf of the long-suffering (net) taxpaying citizens as a matter of simple justice.
Principles aside, the essence of ownership is control. Bureaucrats, police, and politicians who control access to and use of “public” property are its de facto owners, because only they can sell, encumber, or control its use. The average American’s ownership claim to the local playground or a city library is virtually nil. Simply try sleeping in them overnight, and you’ll quickly find out who really owns them. So, for the moment, the Seattle protestors have the greatest control over Capitol Hill and hence an ownership claim of sorts under the brute force of “possession is nine-tenths of the law.”
Skid Road: An Informal... Morgan, Murray Best Price: $12.59 Buy New $13.99 (as of 04:11 UTC - Details) Whether their claim is valid comes down to whether they are illegal squatters or righteous Lockean homesteaders. In a densely settled area like Seattle, with a long history of property titles flowing from valid sales, the question becomes absurd. Their protests and encampments directly affect the undisputed private property all around them. The Seattle government has thoroughly controlled the roads and police using funds forcibly taxed from Seattle residents. Capitol Hill residents, businesses, and visitors rely and depend on existing understandings and contractual arrangements. Seattle cannot be homesteaded, not even city property, in any conceivable manner that does justice to its current inhabitants. And to the extent that they’ve paid for it all through taxes, their right to evict the CHAZ protestors clearly supercedes any “right” to conflate occupation with protest.
It’s tempting to dismiss the Seattle protestors en masse because of their terrible and violent political beliefs, and their terrible designs for remaking America without property or markets. But that doesn’t change the thorny question of how to deal with them here and now. If they are illegal squatters—not to mention disruptors of many who live or work in the area—then their forcible removal is justified. But New York City lacked the political will to remove Occupy Wall Street campers from Zuccotti Park for many months. Will ultrawoke Seattle in 2020, with its obliging mayor, evict the CHAZ protestors anytime soon?
Listen to the Audio Mises Wire version of this article.
The Best of Jeff Deist


My Philosophical Evolution

As a young high school then college student in the 1960 ’ s , I was told I was a “ liberal ” .
( OK , a classical liberal . )
I was for a color-blind society , valuing individuals by merit , from my own experience .
I was for freedom of association , freedom to choose , and personal responsibiity .
Sound and stable money , charity by choice from personal passion , upward mobility and equal rights under the law were my ideals .
I was opposed to a military draft and foreign wars for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Peace & Love .
As a young entrepreneur in the 1970s & 80s , I was told that I was not a liberal anymore .
I was a “ libertarian ” , accused of not having a heart for the “ disadvantaged ” .
Working hard while taking care of my own and those known was not enough shown .
Advocating the lowering or termination of taxes in favor of user fees , volitional financing and competitive privatization threatened the “ liberal ” agendas , those of the political class who wanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enact their social ideals .
I still believed in owning one ’ s own body and what you put in it , as well as the right to be wise or unwise , and live with and learn from the consequences .
Leave us alone , and a market would arise for most anything .
The Evolution of Moral ... Joyce , Richard Best Price : $ 4.05 Buy New $ 17.72 I questioned the use of force .
As a long hours family man & businessman in the 1980s & 90s , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ conservative ” because I did not subscribe to special quotas for politically fashionable “ minorities ” nor taxation and redistribution through social engineering agencies and organizations working against my own values and sovereignty .
I still believed in live and let live .
But for the social critics , that was not enough .
Worse , I was a “ gold bug ” – saving , rather than borrowing to make the economy more prosperous ( for banks and cooperating corporations ) , nor donating to make the connected more powerful .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ As an innocent bystander to the media propaganda wars of the 2000s , the corruption of information , education , public administration and the business world left me reluctant to participate .
Apparently my silence or refusal to join the cultural Marxist social engineers and their globalist corporate puppeteers in expressing postured outrage at selected “ misdeeds ” was my disgrace .
I was now a “ deplorable ” .
For being knowledgeably skeptical as to political agendas , soundbites & stunts , identity politics , government decrees , false science , scamdemics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ news ” , I was labeled a “ conspiracy theorist ” .
It is how the enlightened are discredited .
It is how any spotlight on or resistance to the deep state is deplatformed .
As a witness to the social chaos of June 2020 , I am told that I am part of the problem .
My failure to offer vocal and financial support to the racial racketeers , my failure to “ confess ” and ask for “ forgiveness ” for things I have not done nor condone , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mind nor application , are somehow acts of “ enabling ” .
For not “ excusing ” the rioters and looters , for pointing out the real statistics of crime and policing , for observation that the problems with law enforcement are less racial , but more structural , I must be a “ white supremist racist ” .
( Actually that puts me in the good company of accomplished black Americans as Thomas Sowell , Candace Owens , Larry Elder , Walter Williams , Shelby Steele , Herman Cain , Ben Carson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Over my life , I have supposedly gone from “ liberal ” to ” libertarian ” to “ conservative ” to “ deplorable ” to “ conspiracy theorist ” to “ racist ” .
Yet my worldview had never changed .

As a young high school then college student in the 1960’s, I was told I was a “liberal”. (OK, a classical liberal.) I was for a color-blind society, valuing individuals by merit, from my own experience. I was for freedom of association, freedom to choose, and personal responsibiity. Sound and stable money, charity by choice from personal passion, upward mobility and equal rights under the law were my ideals. I was opposed to a military draft and foreign wars for the benefit of connected corporations and client governments. Peace & Love.
I questioned authority.
As a young entrepreneur in the 1970s & 80s, I was told that I was not a liberal anymore. I was a “libertarian”, accused of not having a heart for the “disadvantaged”. Working hard while taking care of my own and those known was not enough shown. Advocating the lowering or termination of taxes in favor of user fees, volitional financing and competitive privatization threatened the “liberal” agendas, those of the political class who wanted me to pay for intervention programs to enact their social ideals. I still believed in owning one’s own body and what you put in it, as well as the right to be wise or unwise, and live with and learn from the consequences. Leave us alone, and a market would arise for most anything. The Evolution of Moral... Joyce, Richard Best Price: $4.05 Buy New $17.72 (as of 04:11 UTC - Details)
I questioned the use of force.
As a long hours family man & businessman in the 1980s & 90s, I was told I must be a “conservative” because I did not subscribe to special quotas for politically fashionable “minorities” nor taxation and redistribution through social engineering agencies and organizations working against my own values and sovereignty. I still believed in live and let live. But for the social critics, that was not enough. Worse, I was a “gold bug” – saving, rather than borrowing to make the economy more prosperous (for banks and cooperating corporations), nor donating to make the connected more powerful. I practiced defense, not tribute.
I questioned the political class.
As an innocent bystander to the media propaganda wars of the 2000s, the corruption of information, education, public administration and the business world left me reluctant to participate. Apparently my silence or refusal to join the cultural Marxist social engineers and their globalist corporate puppeteers in expressing postured outrage at selected “misdeeds” was my disgrace. I was now a “deplorable”. For being knowledgeably skeptical as to political agendas, soundbites & stunts, identity politics, government decrees, false science, scamdemics, planned chaos and misleading or fake “news”, I was labeled a “conspiracy theorist”. It is how the enlightened are discredited. It is how any spotlight on or resistance to the deep state is deplatformed.
I questioned the official narratives.
As a witness to the social chaos of June 2020, I am told that I am part of the problem. My failure to offer vocal and financial support to the racial racketeers, my failure to “confess” and ask for “forgiveness” for things I have not done nor condone, for attitudes that are not of my own mind nor application, are somehow acts of “enabling”. For not “excusing” the rioters and looters, for pointing out the real statistics of crime and policing, for observation that the problems with law enforcement are less racial, but more structural, I must be a “white supremist racist”. (Actually that puts me in the good company of accomplished black Americans as Thomas Sowell, Candace Owens, Larry Elder, Walter Williams, Shelby Steele, Herman Cain, Ben Carson and Allen West).
I questioned the new normal.
Funny thing. Over my life, I have supposedly gone from “liberal” to” libertarian” to “conservative” to “deplorable” to “conspiracy theorist” to “racist”. Yet my worldview had never changed.


lewrockwell--2020-06-15--Jean Raspail, Author of ‘The Camp of the Saints,’ RIP

Connelly is now a professor of history at Columbia U. , while Kennedy is a professor of history at Yale .
The Strange Death of E ... Murray , Douglas Best Price : $ 7.99 Buy New $ 9.45 “ Now , stretching over that empty sea , aground some fifty yards out , [ lay ] the incredible fleet from the other side of the globe , the rusty , creaking fleet that the old professor had been eyeing since morning .
.
.
.
He pressed his eye to the glass , and the first things he saw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he started to count .
Calm and unhurried .
But it was like trying to count all the trees in the forest , those arms raised high in the air , waving and shaking together , all outstretched toward the nearby shore .
Scraggy branches , brown and black , quickened by a breath of hope .
All bare , those fleshless Gandhi-arms .
.
.
.
thirty thousand creatures on a single ship !
” Welcome to the 300-page narrative of Jean Raspail ’ s disturbing , chilling , futuristic novel The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Paris twenty-one years ago and translated into English a short while later .
Set at some vague time–perhaps fifteen or twenty years–in the future , the novel describes the pilgrimage of a million desperate Indians who , forsaking the ghastly conditions of downtown Calcutta and surrounding villages , commandeer an armada of decrepit ships and set off for the French Riviera .
The catalyst for this irruption is simple enough .
Moved by accounts of widespread famine across an Indian subcontinent collapsing under the sheer weight of its fast-growing population , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adopt a number of young children ; but the policy is reversed when tens of thousands of mothers begin to push their babies against the Belgian consul general ’ s gates in Calcutta .
After mobbing the building in disgust at Belgium ’ s change of mind , the crowd is further inflamed by a messianic speech from one of their number , an untouchable , a gaunt , eye-catching “ turd eater , ” who calls for the poor and wretched of the world to advance upon the Western paradise : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corners of the earth , ” Raspail has the man say , “ and their number is like the sand of the sea .
They will march up over the broad earth and surround the camp of the saints and the beloved city .
.
.
.
” Storming on board every ship within range , the crowds force the crews to take them on a lengthy , horrific voyage , around Africa and through the Strait of Gibraltar to the southern shores of France .
The Madness of Crowds : ... Murray @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buy New $ 13.99 But it is not the huddled mass of Indians , with their “ fleshless Gandhi-arms , ” that is the focus of Raspail ’ s attention so much as the varied responses of the French and the other privileged members of “ the camp of the saints ” as they debate how to deal with the inexorably advancing multitude .
Raspail is particularly effective here in capturing the platitudes of official announcements , the voices of ordinary people , the tone of statements by concerned bishops , and so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in its recounting of the crumbling away of resolve by French sailors and soldiers when they are given the order to repel physically–to shoot or torpedo–this armada of helpless yet menacing people .
It would be much easier , clearly , to confront a military foe , such as a Warsaw Pact nation .
The fifty-one ( short ) chapters are skillfully arranged so that the reader ’ s attention is switched back and forth , within a two-month time frame , between the anxious debates in Paris and events attending the slow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The denouement , with the French population fleeing their southern regions and army units deserting in droves , is especially dramatic .
The Voyage of the Golden Venture Why revisit this controversial and nowadays hard-to-obtain novel ?
The recovery of this neglected work helps us to call attention to the key global problem of the final years of the twentieth century : unbalanced wealth and resources , unbalanced demographic trends , and the relationship between the two .
Many members of the more prosperous economies are beginning to agree with Raspail ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ camps , ” North and South , separate and unequal , in which the rich will have to fight and the poor will have to die if mass migration is not to overwhelm us all .
Migration is the third part of the problem .
If we do not act now to counteract tendencies toward global apartheid , they will only hurry the day when we may indeed see Raspail ’ s vision made real .
One of us ( Kennedy ) first heard The Camp of the Saints referred to at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One such occasion was in the summer of 1991 , following media reports about the thousands of desperate Albanians who commandeered ships to take them to the Italian ports of Bari and Brindisi , where they were locked in soccer stadiums by the local police before being forcibly returned to a homeland so poor that it is one of the few parts of Europe sometimes categorized as “ developing ” countries .
Apparently , one reason for this exodus was that the Albanians had been watching Italian television–including commercials for consumer goods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a silver platter , and the like .
More than a few colleagues mentioned that the incident struck them as a small-scale version of Raspail ’ s grim scenario .
… The Doom of the White Race The Coddling of the Am ... Haidt , Jonathan Best Price : $ 12.68 Buy New $ 13.39 Jean Raspail , born in 1925 , has been writing works of travel and fiction since the 1950s .
Many of his books recount his experiences in Alaska , the Caribbean , the Andes ; he is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Raspail won prizes from the Academie Francaise , and last year only narrowly failed to be elected to that august body .
The Camp of the Saints is different from his other writings .
In the preface , written a decade after the book , he states that one morning in 1972 , at home by the shore of the Mediterranean , he had this vision : “ A million poor wretches , armed only with their weakness and their numbers , overwhelmed by misery , encumbered with starving brown and black children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the vanguard of the multitudes pressing hard against every part of the tired and overfed West .
I literally saw them , saw the major problem they presented , a problem absolutely insoluble by our present moral standards .
To let them in would destroy us .
To reject them would destroy them.
” “ During the ten months I spent writing this book , the vision never left me .
That is why The Camp of the Saints , with all its imperfections , was a kind of emotional outpouring.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or , as Raspail ’ s critics charge , a racist tract dressed up as fiction ?
In some parts of the novel Raspail appears to be resigned , fatalistic , not taking sides : “ The Good are at war with the Bad , true enough , ” he says at one point .
“ But one man ’ s ‘ Bad ’ is another man ’ s ‘ Good , ’ and vice versa .
It ’ s a question of sides.
” And he has the President of France , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ races , attribute to the Grand Mufti of Paris the idea that it is “ just a question of rotation , ” with “ different ones on top at different times ” –as if to imply that it is quite natural for Europe , having expanded outward for the past 500 years , to be overwhelmed in turn by non-Western peoples .
… The message is clear : race , not class or ideology , determines everything , and the wretched of the earth will see no distinction between unfriendly , fascistic Frenchmen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and yuppies on the other .
All have enjoyed too large a share of the world ’ s wealth for too long , and their common fate is now at hand .
It is not just the people of France who suffer that fate .
Near the end of Raspail ’ s novel the mayor of New York is made to share Gracie Mansion with three families from Harlem , the Queen of England must marry her son to a Pakistani , and just one drunken Russian general stands in the way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ In the Philippines , in all the stifling Third World ports–Jakarta , Karachi , Conakry , and again in Calcutta–other huge armadas were ready to weigh anchor , bound for Australia , New Zealand , Europe .
.
.
.
Many a civilization , victim of the selfsame fate , sits tucked in our museums , under glass , neatly labeled.
” To describe The Camp of the Saints as an apocalyptic novel would be a truism .
The very title of the book comes , of course , from Saint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of which are uttered almost exactly by the messianic untouchable early on in the book .
The work is studded with references to much earlier clashes between “ the West ” and “ the Rest ” : to Charles Martel , to the fall of Constantinople , to Don John of Austria , to Kitchener at Omdurman–all to fortify the suggestion that what is unfolding is just part of a millennium-old international Kulturkampf that is always resolved by power and numbers .
When Europe dominated the globe , the Caucasian race ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high point ; as the proportion shrinks , Raspail argues , so the race dooms itself .
In his 1982 preface he spells it out again : “ Our hypersensitive and totally blind West .
.
.
has not yet understood that whites , in a world become too small for its inhabitants , are now a minority and that the proliferation of other races dooms our race , my race , irretrievably to extinction in the century to come , if The Diversity Delusion ... Heather Mac Donald Best Price : $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fast to our present moral principles.
” When The Camp of the Saints first appeared , in 1973 , it was , to put it mildly , not well received .
Sixties radicalism still prevailed in Paris ; a century of capitalist imperialism was blamed for the problems of the Third World , though the feeling was that Africans and Asians now at least had control of their own destinies ; and French intellectuals and bureaucrats believed that they had a special rapport with non-European cultures , unlike the insensitive Anglo-Saxons .
Besides @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s book was also offensive : it insulted almost everything that Sorbonne professors held dear .
The Camp was swiftly dismissed as a racist tract .
As for Raspail , he went off to write other novels and travel books .
But in late 1985 he offended again , by joining forces with the demographer Gerard Dumont to write an article in Le Figaro Magazine claiming that the fast-growing non-European immigrant component of France ’ s population would endanger the survival of traditional French culture , values , and identity .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much more contentious in French politics , and only a year earlier Jacques Chirac , then the mayor of Paris , had publicly warned , “ When you compare Europe with the other continents , it ’ s terrifying .
In demographic terms , Europe is disappearing .
Twenty or so years from now our countries will be empty , and no matter what our technological power , we shall be incapable of putting it to use.
” The Raspail-Dumont article was highly embarrassing to the French Socialist government , which , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , was deeply disturbed by the potential political fallout from such a controversial piece .
No fewer than three Cabinet Ministers , including Prime Minister Laurent Fabius , attacked it as “ racist propaganda ” and “ reminiscent of the wildest Nazi theories.
” Reprinted with permission from The Unz Review .

From The Atlantic a long time ago:
Must It Be the Rest Against the West? December 1994 Absent major changes in North-South relations, the wretched should inherit the earth by about 2025 by Matthew Connelly and Paul Kennedy
Connelly is now a professor of history at Columbia U., while Kennedy is a professor of history at Yale. The Strange Death of E... Murray, Douglas Best Price: $7.99 Buy New $9.45 (as of 04:15 UTC - Details)
“Now, stretching over that empty sea, aground some fifty yards out, [lay] the incredible fleet from the other side of the globe, the rusty, creaking fleet that the old professor had been eyeing since morning. . . . He pressed his eye to the glass, and the first things he saw were arms. . . . Then he started to count. Calm and unhurried. But it was like trying to count all the trees in the forest, those arms raised high in the air, waving and shaking together, all outstretched toward the nearby shore. Scraggy branches, brown and black, quickened by a breath of hope. All bare, those fleshless Gandhi-arms. . . . thirty thousand creatures on a single ship!”
—The Camp of the Saints
Welcome to the 300-page narrative of Jean Raspail’s disturbing, chilling, futuristic novel The Camp of the Saints, first published in Paris twenty-one years ago and translated into English a short while later. Set at some vague time–perhaps fifteen or twenty years–in the future, the novel describes the pilgrimage of a million desperate Indians who, forsaking the ghastly conditions of downtown Calcutta and surrounding villages, commandeer an armada of decrepit ships and set off for the French Riviera. The catalyst for this irruption is simple enough. Moved by accounts of widespread famine across an Indian subcontinent collapsing under the sheer weight of its fast-growing population, the Belgian government has decided to admit and adopt a number of young children; but the policy is reversed when tens of thousands of mothers begin to push their babies against the Belgian consul general’s gates in Calcutta. After mobbing the building in disgust at Belgium’s change of mind, the crowd is further inflamed by a messianic speech from one of their number, an untouchable, a gaunt, eye-catching “turd eater,” who calls for the poor and wretched of the world to advance upon the Western paradise: “The nations are rising from the four corners of the earth,” Raspail has the man say, “and their number is like the sand of the sea. They will march up over the broad earth and surround the camp of the saints and the beloved city. . . .” Storming on board every ship within range, the crowds force the crews to take them on a lengthy, horrific voyage, around Africa and through the Strait of Gibraltar to the southern shores of France. The Madness of Crowds:... Murray, Douglas Best Price: $15.44 Buy New $13.99 (as of 03:02 UTC - Details)
But it is not the huddled mass of Indians, with their “fleshless Gandhi-arms,” that is the focus of Raspail’s attention so much as the varied responses of the French and the other privileged members of “the camp of the saints” as they debate how to deal with the inexorably advancing multitude. Raspail is particularly effective here in capturing the platitudes of official announcements, the voices of ordinary people, the tone of statements by concerned bishops, and so on. The book also seems realistic in its recounting of the crumbling away of resolve by French sailors and soldiers when they are given the order to repel physically–to shoot or torpedo–this armada of helpless yet menacing people. It would be much easier, clearly, to confront a military foe, such as a Warsaw Pact nation. The fifty-one (short) chapters are skillfully arranged so that the reader’s attention is switched back and forth, within a two-month time frame, between the anxious debates in Paris and events attending the slow and grisly voyage of the Calcutta masses. The denouement, with the French population fleeing their southern regions and army units deserting in droves, is especially dramatic.
The Voyage of the Golden Venture
Why revisit this controversial and nowadays hard-to-obtain novel? The recovery of this neglected work helps us to call attention to the key global problem of the final years of the twentieth century: unbalanced wealth and resources, unbalanced demographic trends, and the relationship between the two. Many members of the more prosperous economies are beginning to agree with Raspail’s vision: a world of two “camps,” North and South, separate and unequal, in which the rich will have to fight and the poor will have to die if mass migration is not to overwhelm us all. Migration is the third part of the problem. If we do not act now to counteract tendencies toward global apartheid, they will only hurry the day when we may indeed see Raspail’s vision made real.
One of us (Kennedy) first heard The Camp of the Saints referred to at various times during discussions of illegal migration. One such occasion was in the summer of 1991, following media reports about the thousands of desperate Albanians who commandeered ships to take them to the Italian ports of Bari and Brindisi, where they were locked in soccer stadiums by the local police before being forcibly returned to a homeland so poor that it is one of the few parts of Europe sometimes categorized as “developing” countries. Apparently, one reason for this exodus was that the Albanians had been watching Italian television–including commercials for consumer goods, cat food shown being served on a silver platter, and the like. More than a few colleagues mentioned that the incident struck them as a small-scale version of Raspail’s grim scenario. …
The Doom of the White Race The Coddling of the Am... Haidt, Jonathan Best Price: $12.68 Buy New $13.39 (as of 02:43 UTC - Details)
Jean Raspail, born in 1925, has been writing works of travel and fiction since the 1950s. Many of his books recount his experiences in Alaska, the Caribbean, the Andes; he is not ignorant of foreign lands and cultures. Raspail won prizes from the Academie Francaise, and last year only narrowly failed to be elected to that august body. The Camp of the Saints is different from his other writings. In the preface, written a decade after the book, he states that one morning in 1972, at home by the shore of the Mediterranean, he had this vision: “A million poor wretches, armed only with their weakness and their numbers, overwhelmed by misery, encumbered with starving brown and black children, ready to disembark on our soil, the vanguard of the multitudes pressing hard against every part of the tired and overfed West. I literally saw them, saw the major problem they presented, a problem absolutely insoluble by our present moral standards. To let them in would destroy us. To reject them would destroy them.”
“During the ten months I spent writing this book, the vision never left me. That is why The Camp of the Saints, with all its imperfections, was a kind of emotional outpouring.”
Is this simply a work of imagination or, as Raspail’s critics charge, a racist tract dressed up as fiction? In some parts of the novel Raspail appears to be resigned, fatalistic, not taking sides: “The Good are at war with the Bad, true enough,” he says at one point. “But one man’s ‘Bad’ is another man’s ‘Good,’ and vice versa. It’s a question of sides.” And he has the President of France, puzzling over the question of inequality among races, attribute to the Grand Mufti of Paris the idea that it is “just a question of rotation,” with “different ones on top at different times”–as if to imply that it is quite natural for Europe, having expanded outward for the past 500 years, to be overwhelmed in turn by non-Western peoples. …
The message is clear: race, not class or ideology, determines everything, and the wretched of the earth will see no distinction between unfriendly, fascistic Frenchmen on the one hand and liberal-minded bishops and yuppies on the other. All have enjoyed too large a share of the world’s wealth for too long, and their common fate is now at hand.
It is not just the people of France who suffer that fate. Near the end of Raspail’s novel the mayor of New York is made to share Gracie Mansion with three families from Harlem, the Queen of England must marry her son to a Pakistani, and just one drunken Russian general stands in the way of the Chinese as they swarm into Siberia. “In the Philippines, in all the stifling Third World ports–Jakarta, Karachi, Conakry, and again in Calcutta–other huge armadas were ready to weigh anchor, bound for Australia, New Zealand, Europe. . . . Many a civilization, victim of the selfsame fate, sits tucked in our museums, under glass, neatly labeled.”
To describe The Camp of the Saints as an apocalyptic novel would be a truism. The very title of the book comes, of course, from Saint John’s Apocalypse, the lines of which are uttered almost exactly by the messianic untouchable early on in the book. The work is studded with references to much earlier clashes between “the West” and “the Rest”: to Charles Martel, to the fall of Constantinople, to Don John of Austria, to Kitchener at Omdurman–all to fortify the suggestion that what is unfolding is just part of a millennium-old international Kulturkampf that is always resolved by power and numbers. When Europe dominated the globe, the Caucasian race’s relative share of world population achieved its high point; as the proportion shrinks, Raspail argues, so the race dooms itself. In his 1982 preface he spells it out again: “Our hypersensitive and totally blind West . . . has not yet understood that whites, in a world become too small for its inhabitants, are now a minority and that the proliferation of other races dooms our race, my race, irretrievably to extinction in the century to come, if The Diversity Delusion... Heather Mac Donald Best Price: $12.99 Buy New $12.60 (as of 12:05 UTC - Details) we hold fast to our present moral principles.”
“Not Since Genghis Khan”
When The Camp of the Saints first appeared, in 1973, it was, to put it mildly, not well received. Sixties radicalism still prevailed in Paris; a century of capitalist imperialism was blamed for the problems of the Third World, though the feeling was that Africans and Asians now at least had control of their own destinies; and French intellectuals and bureaucrats believed that they had a special rapport with non-European cultures, unlike the insensitive Anglo-Saxons. Besides being shocking in its contents, Raspail’s book was also offensive: it insulted almost everything that Sorbonne professors held dear. The Camp was swiftly dismissed as a racist tract. As for Raspail, he went off to write other novels and travel books. But in late 1985 he offended again, by joining forces with the demographer Gerard Dumont to write an article in Le Figaro Magazine claiming that the fast-growing non-European immigrant component of France’s population would endanger the survival of traditional French culture, values, and identity. By this time the immigration issue had become much more contentious in French politics, and only a year earlier Jacques Chirac, then the mayor of Paris, had publicly warned, “When you compare Europe with the other continents, it’s terrifying. In demographic terms, Europe is disappearing. Twenty or so years from now our countries will be empty, and no matter what our technological power, we shall be incapable of putting it to use.” The Raspail-Dumont article was highly embarrassing to the French Socialist government, which, though pledged to crack down on illegal immigrants, was deeply disturbed by the potential political fallout from such a controversial piece. No fewer than three Cabinet Ministers, including Prime Minister Laurent Fabius, attacked it as “racist propaganda” and “reminiscent of the wildest Nazi theories.”
Reprinted with permission from The Unz Review.


lewrockwell--2020-06-15--Why Take Away Sports?

Why Take Away Sports?

From a very interesting discussion between Jonathan Pageau and Vesper Stamper .
From the beginning of the lockdown and universal quarantine , I kept wondering about why they took away sports .
Bread and circuses keep the masses calm and compliant .
They kept the bread flowing , with $ 1200 checks , but shut off all the circuses .
Why ?
Jonathan Pageau answered the question , and the answer only makes sense if you knew you wanted riots all along .
Sports , like religion , is a place of identity and communion .
But it is something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuel our aggressive tendencies and to give an outlet to channel our aggression .
We cheer and root and argue about our team .
SDT-1 Self-Defense Tra ... Bradley , Derwin J .
Best Price : $ 29.71 Buy New $ 16.95 The gladiators served the same purpose .
It sublimates our aggression ; it ’ s a communal catharsis of violence .
When you take it away , you end up with what you ’ ve got now : pseudo-religious actions where people are using all religious tropes of scapegoating , catharsis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place where it is permitted is in the protests .
You can ’ t go to church , you can ’ t go to a restaurant , you can ’ t go to sports , but you can go to these protests .
It is the only outlet , and without sports it is the only outlet for aggression .
The Best of Bionic Mosquito

From a very interesting discussion between Jonathan Pageau and Vesper Stamper.
From the beginning of the lockdown and universal quarantine, I kept wondering about why they took away sports. Bread and circuses keep the masses calm and compliant. They kept the bread flowing, with $1200 checks, but shut off all the circuses. Why?
Jonathan Pageau answered the question, and the answer only makes sense if you knew you wanted riots all along. Sports, like religion, is a place of identity and communion. But it is something more. Sports offers a place to fuel our aggressive tendencies and to give an outlet to channel our aggression. We cheer and root and argue about our team. SDT-1 Self-Defense Tra... Bradley, Derwin J. Best Price: $29.71 Buy New $16.95 (as of 04:13 UTC - Details)
The gladiators served the same purpose. It sublimates our aggression; it’s a communal catharsis of violence. When you take it away, you end up with what you’ve got now: pseudo-religious actions where people are using all religious tropes of scapegoating, catharsis, violence, contrition.
The only place where it is permitted is in the protests. You can’t go to church, you can’t go to a restaurant, you can’t go to sports, but you can go to these protests. It is the only outlet, and without sports it is the only outlet for aggression.
Reprinted with permission from Bionic Mosquito.
The Best of Bionic Mosquito


lewrockwell--2020-06-15--Social Distancing Damages Children

Social Distancing Damages Children

After nearly three months of closure , some schools are reopening in the UK .
For lots of children and parents , this is a welcome end to a difficult period of homeschooling and of isolation from both friends and teachers .
However , some parents have raised concerns about the social-distancing measures that have been put in place as conditions for schools to restart teaching .
Liz Cole is one of the founders of UsForThem , a new campaign group that is calling both for all schools to reopen without delay , and for social-distancing measures to be abolished @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find out more .
spiked : What impact are the lockdown and school closures having on children ?
Liz Cole : The impact on children has been very well documented .
The closures have affected the education of a whole generation of children .
But it has also been acknowledged by the government itself that almost seven in 10 respondents to a Department for Education survey reported school closures had impacted on their child ’ s mental health .
Almost three in 10 said it had impacted on their child ’ s physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in April .
Momma , Can I Sleep wit ... Delacruz , Jenny Best Price : $ 22.42 Buy New $ 9.59 There was also a piece in the Guardian discussing the breakdown of safeguarding of children .
School is often the safest place for children to be .
One of the arguments being made is that provision is there for vulnerable children to be in school , but we know that many vulnerable children have actually not been in school .
The government has admitted it has no evidence for how many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where those children are .
There is also a growing body of evidence about the longer-term mental-health impact on young people .
There is a paper by Loades et al , which suggests the loneliness resulting from these disease-containment measures , including school closures , will be associated with subsequent mental-health problems .
It points out that the length of loneliness is a key factor , so as time goes by , this is only going to get worse .
The government really needs to be taking this into account .
Of course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unable to open for full-time education with these social-distancing measures in place , and we are now hearing that disruption is likely to continue into next year .
This is a real concern for children ’ s wellbeing .
What is Social Distanc ... Luckey , Lindsey Coker Buy New $ 8.99 I am a parent of two daughters .
One has gone back to school , into a socially distanced environment .
But the other has got no date for her return , and I can see the impact on her .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have a garden and she is able to use a laptop to do work remotely .
But she is working in isolation , and has no contact with teachers in any meaningful way .
It is very hard as a child to keep positive and keep your wellbeing up , and that does worry me .
We have received some really troubling messages from people whose children are struggling with depression .
Every day that goes by with schools closed , more damage is being done to children .
And now we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a lot of uncertainty about when this will end – that is very worrying .

After nearly three months of closure, some schools are reopening in the UK. For lots of children and parents, this is a welcome end to a difficult period of homeschooling and of isolation from both friends and teachers. However, some parents have raised concerns about the social-distancing measures that have been put in place as conditions for schools to restart teaching. Liz Cole is one of the founders of UsForThem, a new campaign group that is calling both for all schools to reopen without delay, and for social-distancing measures to be abolished. spiked caught up with her to find out more.
spiked: What impact are the lockdown and school closures having on children?
Liz Cole: The impact on children has been very well documented. The closures have affected the education of a whole generation of children. But it has also been acknowledged by the government itself that almost seven in 10 respondents to a Department for Education survey reported school closures had impacted on their child’s mental health. Almost three in 10 said it had impacted on their child’s physical health. That survey was published back in April. Momma, Can I Sleep wit... Delacruz, Jenny Best Price: $22.42 Buy New $9.59 (as of 04:14 UTC - Details)
There was also a piece in the Guardian discussing the breakdown of safeguarding of children. School is often the safest place for children to be. One of the arguments being made is that provision is there for vulnerable children to be in school, but we know that many vulnerable children have actually not been in school. The government has admitted it has no evidence for how many vulnerable children are actually in school and where those children are.
There is also a growing body of evidence about the longer-term mental-health impact on young people. There is a paper by Loades et al, which suggests the loneliness resulting from these disease-containment measures, including school closures, will be associated with subsequent mental-health problems. It points out that the length of loneliness is a key factor, so as time goes by, this is only going to get worse.
The government really needs to be taking this into account. Of course, most schools are going to be unable to open for full-time education with these social-distancing measures in place, and we are now hearing that disruption is likely to continue into next year. This is a real concern for children’s wellbeing. What is Social Distanc... Luckey, Lindsey Coker Buy New $8.99 (as of 04:14 UTC - Details)
I am a parent of two daughters. One has gone back to school, into a socially distanced environment. But the other has got no date for her return, and I can see the impact on her. We are in a good position because we have a garden and she is able to use a laptop to do work remotely. But she is working in isolation, and has no contact with teachers in any meaningful way. It is very hard as a child to keep positive and keep your wellbeing up, and that does worry me.
We have received some really troubling messages from people whose children are struggling with depression. Every day that goes by with schools closed, more damage is being done to children. And now we are talking about extended disruption and there is a lot of uncertainty about when this will end – that is very worrying.
Read the Whole Article