theverge--2020-08-30--New trailers: The Comey Rule, Never Gonna Snow Again, The Doorman, and more

After the sad news of Chadwick Boseman ’ s death , I planned a marathon of his movies this weekend .
We ’ re still definitely planning to re-watch 42 and Get on Up , but so far we can ’ t stop watching Black Panther .
Boseman is just so magnetic as T ’ Challa and everything about the movie is as stunning on the sixth or seventh watch as it was the first time— the acting , the cinematography , the music , the costumes , and of course the script— all amazing .
If you have not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) you should absolutely remedy that as soon as possible .
In addition to four other trailers to check out this week , a bonus : That ’ s the original Black Panther trailer from 2017 .
The movie went on to earn a Best Picture nomination and three Oscar wins , and grossed more than $ 1 billion at the global box office .
“ Whatever side you ’ re on , you only know half the story , ” according to the trailer for this miniseries based on the former FBI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why he appears to be the “ hero ” of the show , based on the trailer ) .
It stars Jeff Daniels as Comey , Holly Hunter as fired Acting Attorney General Sally Yates , Kingsley Ben-Adir as Barack Obama , and Brendan Gleeson as Donald Trump ( I thought it was a weird choice too but it ’ s interesting at first glimpse ) .
The Comey Rule premieres September 27th ( just over a month before the election ! )
on Showtime .
This drama/documentary is all about how social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if you read The Verge dot com on a regular basis you ’ re probably not unaware of this ?
Billed as a story about “ the dark side of social media ” ( this presumes there is a “ bright ” side to social media but I digress ) , The Social Dilemma has interviews with former employees of Facebook ( the guy who was the “ co-inventor ” of the “ like ” button ) , Pinterest , Google , Twitter , and Instagram , who talk about how their work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around at everything > .
It debuts September 9th on Netflix .
Alec Utgoff ( Dr. Alexei from Season 3 of Stranger Things ) plays a Ukrainian masseur who captivates the members of a gated community in Poland .
The very buzzed-about comedy is Poland ’ s national contender for the 2021 Academy Awards , and was directed by Malgorzata Szumowska .
Never Gon na Snow Again will debut in September at the Venice International Film Festival .
Ruby Rose ( Batwoman ) stars as a former Marine-turned-doorman who has to defend a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ band of thieves led by Jean Reno .
Yes , please , more female action heroes ( thinking particularly about Charlize Theron in The Old Guard ) .
The Doorman will stream on demand beginning October 9th .

After the sad news of Chadwick Boseman’s death, I planned a marathon of his movies this weekend. We’re still definitely planning to re-watch 42 and Get on Up, but so far we can’t stop watching Black Panther.
Boseman is just so magnetic as T’Challa and everything about the movie is as stunning on the sixth or seventh watch as it was the first time— the acting, the cinematography, the music, the costumes, and of course the script— all amazing. If you have not seen it (honestly, why?) you should absolutely remedy that as soon as possible.
In addition to four other trailers to check out this week, a bonus:
Black Panther
That’s the original Black Panther trailer from 2017. The movie went on to earn a Best Picture nomination and three Oscar wins, and grossed more than $1 billion at the global box office.
The Comey Rule
“Whatever side you’re on, you only know half the story,” according to the trailer for this miniseries based on the former FBI director’s memoir (which is why he appears to be the “hero” of the show, based on the trailer). It stars Jeff Daniels as Comey, Holly Hunter as fired Acting Attorney General Sally Yates, Kingsley Ben-Adir as Barack Obama, and Brendan Gleeson as Donald Trump (I thought it was a weird choice too but it’s interesting at first glimpse). The Comey Rule premieres September 27th (just over a month before the election!) on Showtime.
The Social Dilemma
This drama/documentary is all about how social media manipulates us. I mean, if you read The Verge dot com on a regular basis you’re probably not unaware of this? Billed as a story about “the dark side of social media” (this presumes there is a “bright” side to social media but I digress), The Social Dilemma has interviews with former employees of Facebook (the guy who was the “co-inventor” of the “like” button), Pinterest, Google, Twitter, and Instagram, who talk about how their work may have contributed to . It debuts September 9th on Netflix.
Never Gonna Snow Again
Alec Utgoff (Dr. Alexei from Season 3 of Stranger Things) plays a Ukrainian masseur who captivates the members of a gated community in Poland. The very buzzed-about comedy is Poland’s national contender for the 2021 Academy Awards, and was directed by Malgorzata Szumowska. Never Gonna Snow Again will debut in September at the Venice International Film Festival.
The Doorman


theverge--2020-08-30--Republican leader shares faked video of disabled activist on Twitter

A Sunday tweet from Rep. Steve Scalise ( R-LA ) showing a video of activist Ady Barkan got a “ manipulated media ” label from Twitter .
Barkan has ALS and speaks through voice assistance .
In the video , a conversation between Barkan and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden , Barkan asks “ But do we agree that we can redirect some of the funding ?
” The version Scalise tweeted edits in the words “ for police , ” to the end of the question , words which Barkan says in a different context earlier in the video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ email to The Verge that the tweet was labeled “ based on our Synthetic and Manipulated Media policy.
” The video was first noticed by Washington Post reporter Dave Weigel .
In the original video , Barkan asks Biden about what he thinks could be done about police violence .
“ We can reduce the responsibilities assigned to the police and redirect some of the funding for police into mental health counseling , and affordable housing , ” he says .
Later in the clip , he asks “ do we agree that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” to which Biden responds , “ yes.
” The edited version of the clip in Scalise ’ s tweet , adding the words “ for police , ” at the end of that question , makes it appear that Barkan is asking Biden to defund police completely , a position Biden has said he does not support .
Scalise spokesperson Lauren Fine said in an email to The Verge on Sunday that it was clear in the video that Barkan was asking if Biden was open to redirecting funding away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one-minute Twitter video featuring several short clips , we condensed that to the essence of what he was asking , as is common practice for clips run on TV and social media , no matter the speaker ; we paired the police portion with Barkan ’ s final question for clarity because we couldn ’ t include an entire 3-mintue clip in a one minute montage , ” Fine said .
“ We believe Biden ’ s position and answer is clear regardless : when asked twice , he says “ yes ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the police , and that is clear in our video.
” In a tweet Sunday afternoon , Barkan asked Scalise to take the video down .
“ These are not my words .
I have lost my ability to speak , but not my agency or my thoughts , ” Barkan tweeted .
“ You and your team have doctored my words for your own political gain .
Please remove this video immediately .
You owe the entire disability community an apology.
” Joe Biden echoed the sentiment in a tweet Sunday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and a flagrant attempt to spread misinformation at the expense of a man who uses assistive technology , ” Biden said .
“ It should be removed .
Now.
” A Twitter spokesperson did not elaborate on what specifically in Scalise ’ s tweet warranted the “ manipulated ” tag .
But if the video was doctored , it violates the social media platform ’ s policy , which states it ’ s “ most likely to take action ... on more significant forms of alteration , such as wholly synthetic audio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doctored ( spliced and reordered , slowed down ) to change its meaning.
” Social media platforms have tried , with varying degrees of success , to moderate falsified content including “ deepfake ” videos .
Twitter ’ s policy , for instance , won ’ t apply to media that has been “ edited in ways that do not fundamentally alter their meaning , ” such as color-corrected video or retouched photos .
Scalise ’ s tweet appeared to have limited engagement as of Sunday afternoon , with no retweets showing in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tweet .
In response to an inquiry from The Verge , a Twitter spokesperson pointed to its manipulated media policy , which states that among other actions , Twitter may reduce a tweet ’ s visibility , which prevents it from being recommended .
Twitter has previously labeled several of President Trump ’ s tweets with the “ manipulated media ” tag , including a June tweet that edited video of two children playing to appear that one was chasing the other , and to mimic CNN ’ s chryon format to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cable network ( it did not ) .
The video in Scalise ’ s tweet had more than 835,000 views as of Sunday afternoon .

A Sunday tweet from Rep. Steve Scalise (R-LA) showing a video of activist Ady Barkan got a “manipulated media” label from Twitter. Barkan has ALS and speaks through voice assistance.
In the video, a conversation between Barkan and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, Barkan asks “But do we agree that we can redirect some of the funding?” The version Scalise tweeted edits in the words “for police,” to the end of the question, words which Barkan says in a different context earlier in the video.
A Twitter spokesperson confirmed in an email to The Verge that the tweet was labeled “based on our Synthetic and Manipulated Media policy.” As of 10:45PM ET Sunday, the tweet with the manipulated video appears to have been deleted from Scalise’s account.
The video was first noticed by Washington Post reporter Dave Weigel.
In the original video, Barkan asks Biden about what he thinks could be done about police violence. “We can reduce the responsibilities assigned to the police and redirect some of the funding for police into mental health counseling, and affordable housing,” he says. Later in the clip, he asks “do we agree that we can redirect some of the funding?” to which Biden responds, “yes.”
The edited version of the clip in Scalise’s tweet, adding the words “for police,” at the end of that question, makes it appear that Barkan is asking Biden to defund police completely, a position Biden has said he does not support.
Scalise spokesperson Lauren Fine said in an email to The Verge on Sunday that it was clear in the video that Barkan was asking if Biden was open to redirecting funding away from police.
“Obviously, for a one-minute Twitter video featuring several short clips, we condensed that to the essence of what he was asking, as is common practice for clips run on TV and social media, no matter the speaker; we paired the police portion with Barkan’s final question for clarity because we couldn’t include an entire 3-mintue clip in a one minute montage,” Fine said. “We believe Biden’s position and answer is clear regardless: when asked twice, he says “yes” he is open to redirecting funding away from the police, and that is clear in our video.”
In a tweet Sunday afternoon, Barkan asked Scalise to take the video down. “These are not my words. I have lost my ability to speak, but not my agency or my thoughts,” Barkan tweeted. “You and your team have doctored my words for your own political gain. Please remove this video immediately. You owe the entire disability community an apology.”
Joe Biden echoed the sentiment in a tweet Sunday night. “This video is doctored — and a flagrant attempt to spread misinformation at the expense of a man who uses assistive technology,” Biden said. “It should be removed. Now.”
Late Sunday night, Scalise tweeted that he would “honor the request of Ady Barkan and remove the portion of his interview from our video.”
A Twitter spokesperson did not elaborate on what specifically in Scalise’s tweet warranted the “manipulated” tag. But if the video was doctored, it violates the social media platform’s policy, which states it’s “most likely to take action ... on more significant forms of alteration, such as wholly synthetic audio or video or content that has been doctored (spliced and reordered, slowed down) to change its meaning.”
Social media platforms have tried, with varying degrees of success, to moderate falsified content including “deepfake” videos. Twitter’s policy, for instance, won’t apply to media that has been “edited in ways that do not fundamentally alter their meaning,” such as color-corrected video or retouched photos.
The House of Representatives Ethics Committee announced earlier this year that members who share “deep fakes or other audio-visual distortions intended to mislead the public” could be in violation of the House’s Code of Official Conduct. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) tweeted Sunday that Scalise “must take down the doctored video and apologize immediately.”
Scalise’s tweet appeared to have limited engagement as of Sunday afternoon, with no retweets showing in the counter at the bottom of the tweet. In response to an inquiry from The Verge, a Twitter spokesperson pointed to its manipulated media policy, which states that among other actions, Twitter may reduce a tweet’s visibility, which prevents it from being recommended.
Twitter has previously labeled several of President Trump’s tweets with the “manipulated media” tag, including a June tweet that edited video of two children playing to appear that one was chasing the other, and to mimic CNN’s chryon format to make it look like the clip ran on the cable network (it did not).
UPDATE August 30th 2:45PM ET Added comment from Scalise spokesperson.
UPDATE August 30th 7:37PM ET: Added statement from Ady Barkan.
UPDATE August 30th 8:28PM ET: Added statement from Joe Biden.


theverge--2020-08-30--ABC to air Black Panther ad-free on Sunday, followed by tribute to Chadwick Boseman

ABC will show the 2018 movie Black Panther without commercials on Sunday night , followed by an ABC News special “ Chadwick Boseman : A Tribute for a King.
” The Walt Disney Co. , which owns ABC , said in a statement that the special will “ celebrate Boseman ’ s storied life , legacy and career , ” and will “ shine a light on the medical condition he privately battled.
” Boseman died of colon cancer Friday at age 43 , and according to a statement from his family , was first diagnosed with the disease in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ Challa in Black Panther , which won three Academy Awards and grossed more than $ 1 billion at the global box office .
He played T ’ Challa in three other Marvel films , and was set to reprise the role in a Black Panther sequel .
Boseman also played baseball legend Jackie Robinson in 42 , iconic singer James Brown in Get on Up and starred in Spike Lee ’ s Da 5 Bloods .
Black Panther will start on ABC at 8PM ET , followed by the news special at @ @ @

ABC will show the 2018 movie Black Panther without commercials on Sunday night, followed by an ABC News special “Chadwick Boseman: A Tribute for a King.” The Walt Disney Co., which owns ABC, said in a statement that the special will “celebrate Boseman’s storied life, legacy and career,” and will “shine a light on the medical condition he privately battled.”
Boseman died of colon cancer Friday at age 43, and according to a statement from his family, was first diagnosed with the disease in 2016.
Boseman starred as King T’Challa in Black Panther, which won three Academy Awards and grossed more than $1 billion at the global box office. He played T’Challa in three other Marvel films, and was set to reprise the role in a Black Panther sequel. Boseman also played baseball legend Jackie Robinson in 42, iconic singer James Brown in Get on Up and starred in Spike Lee’s Da 5 Bloods.


theverge--2020-08-30--Cloudflare says its Sunday morning problems were due to CenturyLink outage

Cloudflare said its Sunday morning outage affecting numerous websites was due to an IP outage by internet service provider CenturyLink .
According to a tweet from CenturyLink , all affected services have been restored as of 11:15AM ET .
“ Today we saw a widespread Internet outage online that impacted many multiple providers , ” a Cloudflare representative said in an email to The Verge .
“ This was not a Cloudflare-specific outage .
Level 3/CenturyLink was responsible for an outage that affected many Internet services , including Cloudflare .
Cloudflare ’ s automated systems detected the problem and routed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the problem required manual intervention as well.
” The outage began early Sunday , and according to Cloudflare ’ s status page , it was seeing “ an increased level of HTTP 5xx class errors , ” such as 522 and 503 .
In a later update Cloudflare said it had “ identified an issue with a transit provider ” as the cause of the issue , and that it was working on a fix .
The outage was affecting all data centers that use the transit provider .
Cloudflare ’ s services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outages due to peak traffic loads as well as DDoS or spam comment attacks .
DownDetector showed Sunday ’ s outage was affecting the US and parts of western Europe , and sites including Discord , Hulu , Feedly , Xbox Live , and dozens of others appeared to be affected .
CenturyLink suffered a massive outage in 2018 that affected 911 calls , ATM withdrawals , lottery drawings and other services , UPDATE August 30th 11:35AM ET : Added information about CenturyLink and detail that service appears to be restored .

Cloudflare said its Sunday morning outage affecting numerous websites was due to an IP outage by internet service provider CenturyLink. According to a tweet from CenturyLink, all affected services have been restored as of 11:15AM ET.
“Today we saw a widespread Internet outage online that impacted many multiple providers,” a Cloudflare representative said in an email to The Verge. “This was not a Cloudflare-specific outage. Level 3/CenturyLink was responsible for an outage that affected many Internet services, including Cloudflare. Cloudflare’s automated systems detected the problem and routed around them, but the extent of the problem required manual intervention as well.”
The outage began early Sunday, and according to Cloudflare’s status page, it was seeing “an increased level of HTTP 5xx class errors,” such as 522 and 503. In a later update Cloudflare said it had “identified an issue with a transit provider” as the cause of the issue, and that it was working on a fix. The outage was affecting all data centers that use the transit provider.
Cloudflare’s services are meant to prevent websites from suffering outages due to peak traffic loads as well as DDoS or spam comment attacks. DownDetector showed Sunday’s outage was affecting the US and parts of western Europe, and sites including Discord, Hulu, Feedly, Xbox Live, and dozens of others appeared to be affected.
CenturyLink suffered a massive outage in 2018 that affected 911 calls, ATM withdrawals, lottery drawings and other services,


theverge--2020-08-30--Tesla rolls out software update to let its cars’ cameras see speed limit signs

Tesla is pushing a software update that will let its vehicles ’ Autopilot system detect speed limit signs using their cameras , Electrek reported .
When the camera detects a speed limit sign , it will be displayed on the driver visualization in the car and used to set a speed limit warning , according to the software release notes .
The latest software update also adds to its traffic light and stop sign control features , and will sound a chime when your Tesla is sitting at a stoplight that turns green .
It ’ s only intended as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the driver to decide whether and when to actually move the car forward .
In April , Tesla rolled out a software update in beta for its newer cars to allow them to see and respond to stop signs and traffic lights at some intersections .
The “ Traffic Light and Stop Sign Control ” feature was made available to Tesla vehicles with the “ full self-driving ” version of Autopilot , and when activated , slows the car to stop for stoplights and stop signs .
It requires the driver to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or pulling the Autopilot stalk— before the car can move forward .
Musk teased a development version of the Traffic Light and Stop Sign Control feature back n 2018 , saying “ Your Tesla will soon be able to go from your garage at home to parking at work with no driver input at all.
” But even though Tesla calls that version of Autopilot “ full self-driving ” and despite CEO Elon Musk ’ s promises to have fully autonomous Teslas by this year , it ’ s not there yet .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The “ full self-driving ” package , which starts at around $ 7,000 , gives customers access to incremental improvements like the speed limit and stop sign controls .

Tesla is pushing a software update that will let its vehicles’ Autopilot system detect speed limit signs using their cameras, Electrek reported. When the camera detects a speed limit sign, it will be displayed on the driver visualization in the car and used to set a speed limit warning, according to the software release notes.
The latest software update also adds to its traffic light and stop sign control features, and will sound a chime when your Tesla is sitting at a stoplight that turns green. It’s only intended as a notification so it’s up to the driver to decide whether and when to actually move the car forward.
In April, Tesla rolled out a software update in beta for its newer cars to allow them to see and respond to stop signs and traffic lights at some intersections. The “Traffic Light and Stop Sign Control” feature was made available to Tesla vehicles with the “full self-driving” version of Autopilot, and when activated, slows the car to stop for stoplights and stop signs. It requires the driver to take action — either tapping the accelerator or pulling the Autopilot stalk— before the car can move forward.
Musk teased a development version of the Traffic Light and Stop Sign Control feature back n 2018, saying “Your Tesla will soon be able to go from your garage at home to parking at work with no driver input at all.”


theverge--2020-08-31--Rocket Lab returns to flight less than two months after launch failure

Small satellite launcher Rocket Lab successfully returned to flight late Sunday night , less than two months after the company ’ s previous mission failed to reach orbit during launch .
The company ’ s primary rocket , the Electron , took off from Rocket Lab ’ s launch facility in New Zealand , deploying a small Earth-observing satellite into orbit around Earth .
The launch marked a quick turnaround for Rocket Lab after its failed launch on July 4th .
During that mission , the company ’ s Electron also took off from New Zealand , carrying seven small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few minutes into the flight , a faulty electrical connection set off a chain reaction of events that caused the engine on the upper portion of the rocket to shut down early .
As a result , the Electron failed to achieve orbit and fell back to Earth .
The vehicle then burned up in the planet ’ s atmosphere , effectively destroying all of the satellites on board .
The failure marked the biggest mishap yet for Rocket Lab since the company started commercial missions in 2018 .
But by late July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isolated the problem and that the Federal Aviation Administration had given the company permission to start launching again .
Sunday ’ s mission marked Rocket Lab ’ s 14th successful launch .
The Electron lofted just one small satellite called Sequoia for operator Capella Space , designed to observe Earth with synthetic aperture radar .
It ’ s Capella Space ’ s first satellite available for customer use .
The company plans to launch a constellation of these spacecraft into orbit .
As a nod to its payload , Rocket Lab nicknamed this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s Not Optical .
”

Small satellite launcher Rocket Lab successfully returned to flight late Sunday night, less than two months after the company’s previous mission failed to reach orbit during launch. The company’s primary rocket, the Electron, took off from Rocket Lab’s launch facility in New Zealand, deploying a small Earth-observing satellite into orbit around Earth.
The launch marked a quick turnaround for Rocket Lab after its failed launch on July 4th. During that mission, the company’s Electron also took off from New Zealand, carrying seven small satellites into space. But just a few minutes into the flight, a faulty electrical connection set off a chain reaction of events that caused the engine on the upper portion of the rocket to shut down early. As a result, the Electron failed to achieve orbit and fell back to Earth. The vehicle then burned up in the planet’s atmosphere, effectively destroying all of the satellites on board.
The failure marked the biggest mishap yet for Rocket Lab since the company started commercial missions in 2018. But by late July, Rocket Lab said that it had isolated the problem and that the Federal Aviation Administration had given the company permission to start launching again.


theverge--2020-08-31--Why police officers embraced a banned weapon of war

Before tear gas was an instrument of the police , it was an instrument of war .
French , German , and American chemists all experimented with poisonous gases during World War I , and tear gas was specifically developed as a way to force opposing fighters out of the trenches and into the open fields where they could be killed .
After the war ended , US military officials wanted to figure out a way to keep using the gaseous products they had worked so hard to produce .
“ The military R & D kind of fought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and so there was a lot of PR promo for this idea of wartime weapons for peacetime uses , ” says Anna Feigenbaum , a researcher who wrote the book Tear Gas : From the Battlefields of World War I to the Streets of Today .
One of those weapons was tear gas .
During the 1920s , the US Army ’ s Chemical Warfare Service , led by Maj. Gen. Amos Fries , campaigned to police departments across the US on why law enforcement should use tear gas as a crowd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a more humane way to disperse unruly crowds since people didn ’ t die when coming in contact with the gas .
“ There was also a sense that it was cheap , ” says Feigenbaum , “ cheap to produce and cheap to buy .
And it doesn ’ t take a lot of training to use it , so they could deploy it quite quickly.
” Since then , tear gas has become a ubiquitous tool that police departments around the country use against protestors and demonstrators .
Many different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps the most common type used today is made from the compound chlorobenzylidene malononitrile — more commonly known as CS gas .
When deployed , the gas targets three parts of the body : the respiratory system , the eyes , and the skin .
“ The most significant is the respiratory system so you feel like you can ’ t breathe , or that you ’ re choking , ” says Rohini Haar , a research fellow in the Human Rights Center at the University of California at Berkeley and medical expert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And then , of course , the eyes , which start tearing but more commonly , there ’ s a burning and searing pain in your eyes .
And then on your skin , it feels like a burning pain.
” Ultimately , there isn ’ t much research on the effects of tear gas , but the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warns that prolonged exposure may lead to eyesight problems and that tear gas can exacerbate respiratory issues .
There are also many anecdotes connecting tear gas to menstrual changes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States , the amount of tear gas deployed against the public coincides with the number of demonstrations happening in the country at any one time .
Police deployed a significant amount of tear gas throughout the 1920s and ‘ 30s during labor movement protests and then again during the Civil Rights era and during protests against the Vietnam War .
The gas has reappeared now that millions are routinely protesting police brutality in the wake of the police killings of George Floyd , Breonna Taylor , and many others .
Although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s not a social movement happening .
“ There ’ s always been tear gas used on protesters , ” says Feigenbaum , even not during times of massive mobilization .
Tear gas is actually banned for use in wartime , because the Geneva Convention notably prohibits the use of chemical or biological weapons during war .
More recently , in 1993 , the United Nations convened the Chemical Weapons Convention ( CWC ) , which prohibits countries from using riot control agents — such as tear gas — “ as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CWC lays out an exception for law enforcement to use things like tear gas for “ domestic riot control purposes.
” The idea behind this exception was that police officers would likely be deploying tear gas defensively , according to Feigenbaum .
But despite UN and police department guidelines outlining the amount of force that should be used against crowds , police are often documented using tear gas offensively — and in bulk — to move demonstrators out of an area .
“ There ’ s no actual regulation of how much is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Lots and lots and lots of tear gas is used beyond what is sort of prescribed by the manufacturers.
” It ’ s also not as traceable as , say , a gun .
“ Usually if a cop fires a gun , you know where the bullet came from , because everything ’ s registered right back to the police officer , ” says Feigenbaum .
“ But that ’ s not the case for non-lethals .
One of the reasons that police can use those with impunity is because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the weapon and the officer.
” Tear gas has lately become something of a staple for protests ; clouds of it are often visible in videos taken of demonstrators as they clash with police in the streets .
It ’ s almost a normal sight now , an acceptable form of punishment .
“ Tear gas was transformed into a humane technology , ” says Feigenbaum .
“ You ’ re actually supposed to be thankful you ’ ve been tear gassed because you ’ re not being shot .
”

Before tear gas was an instrument of the police, it was an instrument of war. French, German, and American chemists all experimented with poisonous gases during World War I, and tear gas was specifically developed as a way to force opposing fighters out of the trenches and into the open fields where they could be killed. After the war ended, US military officials wanted to figure out a way to keep using the gaseous products they had worked so hard to produce.
“The military R&D kind of fought to stay on after the war had ended, and so there was a lot of PR promo for this idea of wartime weapons for peacetime uses,” says Anna Feigenbaum, a researcher who wrote the book Tear Gas: From the Battlefields of World War I to the Streets of Today. One of those weapons was tear gas.
Capturing The Police is a Verge -wide editorial project that’s meant to both examine the experience of civilians who document and share police violence and to record the larger political moment we find ourselves in. Read and watch more here .
During the 1920s, the US Army’s Chemical Warfare Service, led by Maj. Gen. Amos Fries, campaigned to police departments across the US on why law enforcement should use tear gas as a crowd control measure. They advertised the gas as a more humane way to disperse unruly crowds since people didn’t die when coming in contact with the gas. “There was also a sense that it was cheap,” says Feigenbaum, “cheap to produce and cheap to buy. And it doesn’t take a lot of training to use it, so they could deploy it quite quickly.”
Since then, tear gas has become a ubiquitous tool that police departments around the country use against protestors and demonstrators. Many different forms of the gas exist, but perhaps the most common type used today is made from the compound chlorobenzylidene malononitrile — more commonly known as CS gas. When deployed, the gas targets three parts of the body: the respiratory system, the eyes, and the skin.
“The most significant is the respiratory system so you feel like you can’t breathe, or that you’re choking,” says Rohini Haar, a research fellow in the Human Rights Center at the University of California at Berkeley and medical expert with Physicians for Human Rights. “And then, of course, the eyes, which start tearing but more commonly, there’s a burning and searing pain in your eyes. And then on your skin, it feels like a burning pain.” Ultimately, there isn’t much research on the effects of tear gas, but the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warns that prolonged exposure may lead to eyesight problems and that tear gas can exacerbate respiratory issues. There are also many anecdotes connecting tear gas to menstrual changes and even miscarriages in women.
In the United States, the amount of tear gas deployed against the public coincides with the number of demonstrations happening in the country at any one time. Police deployed a significant amount of tear gas throughout the 1920s and ‘30s during labor movement protests and then again during the Civil Rights era and during protests against the Vietnam War. The gas has reappeared now that millions are routinely protesting police brutality in the wake of the police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and many others. Although police departments use tear gas even when there’s not a social movement happening. “There’s always been tear gas used on protesters,” says Feigenbaum, even not during times of massive mobilization.
Tear gas is actually banned for use in wartime, because the Geneva Convention notably prohibits the use of chemical or biological weapons during war. More recently, in 1993, the United Nations convened the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), which prohibits countries from using riot control agents — such as tear gas — “as a method of warfare.” However the CWC lays out an exception for law enforcement to use things like tear gas for “domestic riot control purposes.”
The idea behind this exception was that police officers would likely be deploying tear gas defensively, according to Feigenbaum. But despite UN and police department guidelines outlining the amount of force that should be used against crowds, police are often documented using tear gas offensively — and in bulk — to move demonstrators out of an area.
“There’s no actual regulation of how much is used,” says Feigenbaum, adding, “Lots and lots and lots of tear gas is used beyond what is sort of prescribed by the manufacturers.” It’s also not as traceable as, say, a gun. “Usually if a cop fires a gun, you know where the bullet came from, because everything’s registered right back to the police officer,” says Feigenbaum. “But that’s not the case for non-lethals. One of the reasons that police can use those with impunity is because there isn’t technical accountability between the weapon and the officer.”
Tear gas has lately become something of a staple for protests; clouds of it are often visible in videos taken of demonstrators as they clash with police in the streets. It’s almost a normal sight now, an acceptable form of punishment. “Tear gas was transformed into a humane technology,” says Feigenbaum. “You’re actually supposed to be thankful you’ve been tear gassed because you’re not being shot.”


theverge--2020-08-31--The advantages of looking like a white dad at protests

For this piece , Verge contributor Sarah Jeong spoke to a 35-year-old white man who regularly attends protests in Portland , OR , to find out what it ’ s like there for him .
Here ’ s his experience , in his own words .
This interview has been edited for length and clarity .
I ’ m a 35-year-old , white , slightly balding man living in Portland , Oregon .
I don ’ t know how to describe my body without sounding like an asshole , but basically : I ’ m an Iraq combat veteran with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I stand up straight .
My torso looks pretty solid .
I kind of look like a cop , I guess .
But without the belly .
And I ’ m white .
I ’ m very , very obviously white .
Starting in my early 30s , I started to notice that I was being treated differently in physical spaces .
It has something to do with dad-dom .
I ’ m not a dad , but I ’ m squarely in that demo , which is something that short-circuits people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear , the bubble I ’ m walking around in comes from two related but different sources .
I read like a white dad , and I also read like — like a figure of authority .
Someone who speaks the language of authority and knows how to wear it casually .
I guess that ’ s just another way of saying that I look like a cop .
Early on in June , I started going to some of the protests here in Portland .
One of them was a die-in on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ march on the Justice Center [ a county building in the middle of downtown that includes courts and a detention center ] .
The fence had been erected at that point .
The sacred fence .
[ Jeong : Many of the early protests in Portland became focused on a relatively flimsy fence erected in front of the Justice Center .
When the fence was dismantled , the protests against the Portland police deescalated and were dying down .
Then federal law enforcement showed up .
The federal authorities have since erected their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has itself predictably become the target of ire . ]
Police eventually dispersed the crowd .
Police and riot vans were driving around , and scared people were running everywhere .
As I left the area , the police tear-gassed the crowd repeatedly .
I ended up walking through multiple clouds of tear gas alongside kids .
Some of them looked too young to drive .
They were crying and clawing at their eyes and saying they couldn ’ t breathe .
That ’ s a sight that will haunt me for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a large group down the street .
Whenever people broke away from the large group , they were either chased down or successively corralled back in .
At one point , I felt like the police weren ’ t paying attention to me , so I made a right turn when the crowd didn ’ t .
Turns out they were paying attention because three or four officers absolutely turned and looked in my direction .
But they just didn ’ t do anything about it .
They turned around again and chased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hadn ’ t seen them leave people alone like that before .
I didn ’ t really know what to do with myself after that .
So I spent the rest of the night walking around taking pictures , which would get me relatively close to the police .
They just never interacted with me — except once , when a riot van with 10 or more officers hanging off the sides drove by me .
One of them looked at me , raised his riot visor , and said “ Go home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This was on a night where I had witnessed them shoving , beating , and violently arresting the people around me .
I was just invisible to them .
I call it a “ bubble ” because a handful of people around me will sometimes benefit , too .
When I was out on subsequent nights , the police would often bull rush us down the street .
I ’ d position myself behind kids or people who are panicking and just walk slowly and calmly .
The cops would put their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right there behind me .
Off to my left and right , I ’ d see people getting shoved to the ground .
So I try to use the bubble for good .
I feel like , if I occupy the police ’ s attention as someone who they have to treat respectfully , that is at least some length of time that they ’ re not turning much more brutal attention on other people .
I have conflicting feelings about the bubble .
There ’ s a crass side of it where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s exhilarating .
But I also feel inadequate because I have this invulnerability , and there are all these people getting arrested around me , and they ’ re too far away for the bubble to protect them .
It ’ s also just confusing to be treated so differently from the people around me .
Look , it ’ s Portland — it ’ s pretty white out here .
But the white people getting arrested tend not to be middle-aged men .
And it ’ s not because we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too .
I believe that other men who look like me also experience this bubble .
I don ’ t think they notice it as it ’ s happening .
But we all notice when it shatters .
With Captain Portland , we noticed that it failed him , and it left everyone shocked .
[ Jeong : Christopher Thomas , a 52-year-old white Navy veteran , became famous when a video of police hitting him with a baton went viral online .
He was dubbed “ Captain Portland ” because he stood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him and maced him in the face .
Thomas ’ hand was broken in the encounter . ]
The protests are a pretty extreme environment where the bubble becomes extra obvious .
But I had already been noticing that people around me have been treating me more deferentially than they were just five years ago .
A year ago , I was on the streetcar here in Portland .
An elderly woman was standing , and two teenage kids were sitting down .
And I just sort of looked at them pointedly and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them looked startled , and then stood up and offered her his seat .
Whatever aura I emanate on the streetcar — it ’ s also what makes the police ignore me in a protest .
This is what comic books and science fiction and fantasy and all that geek shit have been warning us about — or warning me about — my whole life .
This is a power , and powers are corrupting influences .
It manifests in silly ways a lot of the time — like getting teens to give @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it manifests in serious situations , too .
And in some ways , it ’ s scary to have outsized influence over the people around me .
To whatever degree I can , I want to use that to help people .
But there are enough depictions of that influence being corrupting that I ’ ll spend the next 30 , 40 years watching myself for an impulse to throw my weight around .
The temptation to control others is always lurking .
I don ’ t really have a neat conclusion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What am I going to do , ask people to just be decent ?
All I know is what I ’ m going to do with myself and this power I didn ’ t ask for .
I don ’ t know what my experience says about the world or society or how any of it has to change .
I hope someone reads this and figures it out .

For this piece, Verge contributor Sarah Jeong spoke to a 35-year-old white man who regularly attends protests in Portland, OR, to find out what it’s like there for him. Here’s his experience, in his own words. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
I’m a 35-year-old, white, slightly balding man living in Portland, Oregon. I don’t know how to describe my body without sounding like an asshole, but basically: I’m an Iraq combat veteran with a posture that goes with my background. I stand up straight. My torso looks pretty solid. I kind of look like a cop, I guess. But without the belly. And I’m white. I’m very, very obviously white.
Capturing The Police is a Verge -wide editorial project that’s meant to both examine the experience of civilians who document and share police violence and to record the larger political moment we find ourselves in. Read and watch more here .
Starting in my early 30s, I started to notice that I was being treated differently in physical spaces. It has something to do with dad-dom. I’m not a dad, but I’m squarely in that demo, which is something that short-circuits people’s brains. So to be clear, the bubble I’m walking around in comes from two related but different sources. I read like a white dad, and I also read like — like a figure of authority. Someone who speaks the language of authority and knows how to wear it casually. I guess that’s just another way of saying that I look like a cop.
Early on in June, I started going to some of the protests here in Portland. One of them was a die-in on the Burnside Bridge that turned into a march on the Justice Center [a county building in the middle of downtown that includes courts and a detention center]. The fence had been erected at that point. The sacred fence.
[Jeong: Many of the early protests in Portland became focused on a relatively flimsy fence erected in front of the Justice Center. When the fence was dismantled, the protests against the Portland police deescalated and were dying down. Then federal law enforcement showed up. The federal authorities have since erected their own, much sturdier fence, which has itself predictably become the target of ire.]
Police eventually dispersed the crowd. Police and riot vans were driving around, and scared people were running everywhere. As I left the area, the police tear-gassed the crowd repeatedly. I ended up walking through multiple clouds of tear gas alongside kids. Some of them looked too young to drive. They were crying and clawing at their eyes and saying they couldn’t breathe. That’s a sight that will haunt me for a long time.
I was chased with a large group down the street. Whenever people broke away from the large group, they were either chased down or successively corralled back in. At one point, I felt like the police weren’t paying attention to me, so I made a right turn when the crowd didn’t. Turns out they were paying attention because three or four officers absolutely turned and looked in my direction. But they just didn’t do anything about it. They turned around again and chased the rest of the crowd. I hadn’t seen them leave people alone like that before.
I didn’t really know what to do with myself after that. So I spent the rest of the night walking around taking pictures, which would get me relatively close to the police. They just never interacted with me — except once, when a riot van with 10 or more officers hanging off the sides drove by me. One of them looked at me, raised his riot visor, and said “Go home” in a polite tone of voice.
This was on a night where I had witnessed them shoving, beating, and violently arresting the people around me. I was just invisible to them.
I call it a “bubble” because a handful of people around me will sometimes benefit, too. When I was out on subsequent nights, the police would often bull rush us down the street. I’d position myself behind kids or people who are panicking and just walk slowly and calmly. The cops would put their batons to my back and just walk right there behind me. Off to my left and right, I’d see people getting shoved to the ground.
So I try to use the bubble for good. I feel like, if I occupy the police’s attention as someone who they have to treat respectfully, that is at least some length of time that they’re not turning much more brutal attention on other people.
I have conflicting feelings about the bubble. There’s a crass side of it where I feel powerful and invulnerable, and it’s exhilarating. But I also feel inadequate because I have this invulnerability, and there are all these people getting arrested around me, and they’re too far away for the bubble to protect them. It’s also just confusing to be treated so differently from the people around me. Look, it’s Portland — it’s pretty white out here. But the white people getting arrested tend not to be middle-aged men. And it’s not because we’re not out here protesting, too.
I believe that other men who look like me also experience this bubble. I don’t think they notice it as it’s happening. But we all notice when it shatters. With Captain Portland, we noticed that it failed him, and it left everyone shocked.
[Jeong: Christopher Thomas, a 52-year-old white Navy veteran, became famous when a video of police hitting him with a baton went viral online. He was dubbed “Captain Portland” because he stood unmoved and upright while police repeatedly struck him and maced him in the face. Thomas’ hand was broken in the encounter.]
The protests are a pretty extreme environment where the bubble becomes extra obvious. But I had already been noticing that people around me have been treating me more deferentially than they were just five years ago. A year ago, I was on the streetcar here in Portland. An elderly woman was standing, and two teenage kids were sitting down. And I just sort of looked at them pointedly and glanced at the woman. One of them looked startled, and then stood up and offered her his seat.
Whatever aura I emanate on the streetcar — it’s also what makes the police ignore me in a protest.
This is what comic books and science fiction and fantasy and all that geek shit have been warning us about — or warning me about — my whole life. This is a power, and powers are corrupting influences. It manifests in silly ways a lot of the time — like getting teens to give up their seat on the streetcar — but it manifests in serious situations, too.
And in some ways, it’s scary to have outsized influence over the people around me. To whatever degree I can, I want to use that to help people. But there are enough depictions of that influence being corrupting that I’ll spend the next 30, 40 years watching myself for an impulse to throw my weight around. The temptation to control others is always lurking.
I don’t really have a neat conclusion here or a call to action. What am I going to do, ask people to just be decent? All I know is what I’m going to do with myself and this power I didn’t ask for. I don’t know what my experience says about the world or society or how any of it has to change. I hope someone reads this and figures it out.


theverge--2020-08-31--Recording police brutality: how one snap decision changed this town

As Black Lives Matter protests have spread across America , more and more people have begun sharing clips of police violence online .
It ’ s not just happening at protests , either : sometimes police violence is captured in everyday life , which is what happened to Isaiah Benavides on June 2nd , outside a convenience store in Baytown , Texas .
That day , Benavides saw his friend , Jostin Moore , being stopped by a police officer who had previously been accused of targeting and harassing African Americans .
Benavides took out his cellphone and hit record @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends , Skylar Gilmore and Isaiah Phillips , began questioning the arrest .
“ They pulled you over for nothing.
” Officer Nathaniel Brown , of the Baytown Police Department , approached the bystanders as Benavides filmed .
He then slammed Gilmore onto the ground and kneed him in the face .
Gilmore and Philips were both arrested , and Benavides caught it all on tape .
After Benavides posted the video online , it went viral and eventually led to Brown ’ s firing .
Benavides spoke with The Verge to explain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence .
The virality of the video created a path to accountability for the Baytown Police Department , but it might have also put Benavides in harm ’ s way .
“ It made me feel like I was going to get picked up by a black van one day , ” he said .

As Black Lives Matter protests have spread across America, more and more people have begun sharing clips of police violence online. It’s not just happening at protests, either: sometimes police violence is captured in everyday life, which is what happened to Isaiah Benavides on June 2nd, outside a convenience store in Baytown, Texas.
Capturing The Police is a Verge-wide editorial project that’s meant to both examine the experience of civilians who document and share police violence and to record the larger political moment we find ourselves in. Read and watch more here .
That day, Benavides saw his friend, Jostin Moore, being stopped by a police officer who had previously been accused of targeting and harassing African Americans. Benavides took out his cellphone and hit record. He, along with his two friends, Skylar Gilmore and Isaiah Phillips, began questioning the arrest.
“They pulled you over for nothing.”
“‘Cause he Black, huh?
“That’s fucked up.”
“Black lives matter.”
Officer Nathaniel Brown, of the Baytown Police Department, approached the bystanders as Benavides filmed. He then slammed Gilmore onto the ground and kneed him in the face. Gilmore and Philips were both arrested, and Benavides caught it all on tape. After Benavides posted the video online, it went viral and eventually led to Brown’s firing.
Benavides spoke with The Verge to explain the cost of standing up to police violence. The virality of the video created a path to accountability for the Baytown Police Department, but it might have also put Benavides in harm’s way.


theverge--2020-08-31--You can cop-proof your phone, but there’s a better way to stay safe

As protesters met a wall of police surveillance this summer , tech writers set loose a flood of articles on how to “ cop-proof ” your phone .
Bluetooth and Wi-Fi signals can be used to track you in a crowd , the articles pointed out , so it ’ s better to turn them off before you leave the house .
Stingray devices can track you through the cellular signal , which means you might want to leave your devices on airplane mode .
Police may try to search your phone if you ’ re detained — so experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fingerprints and facial recognition and rely on a password you can refuse to give up .
The common wisdom began to extend to social media , and sharing photos and videos .
Uncovered faces are particularly dangerous : they provide grist for the facial recognition systems police use to identify protesters — as happened in New York .
If you do take photos , equally intense countermeasures are recommended .
The most advanced software will automatically blur every face it finds in your photo , turning a crowd photo becomes a sea of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As protestors have flooded streets around the world , more people have become aware of just how easy it is to share more information online than you realize .
And there are lots of ways your digital footprint can be used against you .
But that scramble to reclaim digital footprints can hide the deeper logic of protest , and the trade-off between risk and impact .
There ’ s never been a truly cop-proof phone , any more there ’ s been a cop-proof person .
Exposure can be managed and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ erased — and what remains is pivotal for any successful political action .
Social media is the clearest example of this tradeoff .
Services like Geofeedia let police surveil posts geo-tagged within a certain area , drawing from Facebook , Twitter and Instagram all at once .
( There have been some API disputes — social networks aren ’ t thrilled about being used for surveillance — but most activists assume the basic product has remained intact . )
At the same time , the broadcasting power of social media has become a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Those channels can turn a single march into a citywide event , or knit dozens of individual protests into a nationwide movement .
The surveillance and publicity are inseparable , both direct consequences of protesting in public .
In her 2017 book Twitter and Tear Gas , Zeynep Tufekci argues for a signaling theory of protest : your willingness to march in the streets signals a personal commitment to the issue .
If you ’ re willing to spend the day marching , you ’ re probably going to show up at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to protest peacefully , you might be willing to protest less peacefully if your demands aren ’ t met .
According to Tufekci ’ s theory , a retweet isn ’ t worth much ; it ’ s too easy , and doesn ’ t signal any meaningful commitment to the issue .
Public civil disobedience lies at the other end of the spectrum .
When a local NAACP leader in Portsmouth gets arrested while protesting a confederate statue , for example , their willingness to be publicly charged is part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get murky .
As the countless photos from Ferguson protests showed , the right image can be a powerful force for good .
But even with faces covered , a photograph can pose a threat to anyone in the frame .
The most recent example was Lore-Elisabeth Blumenthal , who was photographed attacking a Philadelphia police car with a flaming wooden shard during a protest in May .
Two police cars were set on fire during the protest , and Blumenthal was charged with felony arson based on public photos of the scene @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the photos , but you can see her t-shirt — a handprint reads “ keep the immigrants , deport the racists , ” which led the police to an Etsy shop where she had left a product review .
Combined with the distinctive tattoo on her forearm , it was enough for them to bring charges against her .
It ’ s hard to know what impact a photograph will have on the world , or how to balance risk against political power .
Technology can help us manage these conflicting impulses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basic tradeoff .
The strongest protections aren ’ t technical at all , but political guarantees like the right to free assembly or the presumption of innocence in court .
Beyond the law , protections come from the solidarity between thousands of protestors and the public pressure one can put on the state .
Risk is only part of the picture .
This summer has shown the incredible impact protests can have on our country , and on the broader fight against police violence .
Every person at every protest has accepted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases like Blumenthal ’ s , the consequences were severe .
But it ’ s important not to lose sight of the broader struggle , and the real , if slow , progress that ’ s made .
Your phone is a vulnerability , just like your right to assembly — but it ’ s a source of power too .
Pressuring our leaders to do what ’ s right is how we make the risks worth it .

As protesters met a wall of police surveillance this summer, tech writers set loose a flood of articles on how to “cop-proof” your phone. Bluetooth and Wi-Fi signals can be used to track you in a crowd, the articles pointed out, so it’s better to turn them off before you leave the house. Stingray devices can track you through the cellular signal, which means you might want to leave your devices on airplane mode. Police may try to search your phone if you’re detained — so experts recommend turning off biometric unlock features like fingerprints and facial recognition and rely on a password you can refuse to give up.
The common wisdom began to extend to social media, and sharing photos and videos. Uncovered faces are particularly dangerous: they provide grist for the facial recognition systems police use to identify protesters — as happened in New York. If you do take photos, equally intense countermeasures are recommended. The most advanced software will automatically blur every face it finds in your photo, turning a crowd photo into a sea of faceless bodies.
Capturing The Police is a Verge -wide editorial project that’s meant to both examine the experience of civilians who document and share police violence and to record the larger political moment we find ourselves in. Read and watch more here .
It was timely advice. As protestors have flooded streets around the world, more people have become aware of just how easy it is to share more information online than you realize. And there are lots of ways your digital footprint can be used against you. But that scramble to reclaim digital footprints can hide the deeper logic of protest, and the trade-off between risk and impact. There’s never been a truly cop-proof phone, any more there’s been a cop-proof person. Exposure can be managed and contained, but it can never be erased — and what remains is pivotal for any successful political action.
Social media is the clearest example of this tradeoff. Services like Geofeedia let police surveil posts geo-tagged within a certain area, drawing from Facebook, Twitter and Instagram all at once. (There have been some API disputes — social networks aren’t thrilled about being used for surveillance — but most activists assume the basic product has remained intact.) At the same time, the broadcasting power of social media has become a huge part of modern protest infrastructure. Those channels can turn a single march into a citywide event, or knit dozens of individual protests into a nationwide movement. The surveillance and publicity are inseparable, both direct consequences of protesting in public.
In her 2017 book Twitter and Tear Gas, Zeynep Tufekci argues for a signaling theory of protest: your willingness to march in the streets signals a personal commitment to the issue. If you’re willing to spend the day marching, you’re probably going to show up at the polls. If you’re willing to protest peacefully, you might be willing to protest less peacefully if your demands aren’t met. According to Tufekci’s theory, a retweet isn’t worth much; it’s too easy, and doesn’t signal any meaningful commitment to the issue. Public civil disobedience lies at the other end of the spectrum. When a local NAACP leader in Portsmouth gets arrested while protesting a confederate statue, for example, their willingness to be publicly charged is part of the point.
In the middle, things get murky. As the countless photos from Ferguson protests showed, the right image can be a powerful force for good. But even with faces covered, a photograph can pose a threat to anyone in the frame. The most recent example was Lore-Elisabeth Blumenthal, who was photographed attacking a Philadelphia police car with a flaming wooden shard during a protest in May. Two police cars were set on fire during the protest, and Blumenthal was charged with felony arson based on public photos of the scene. Her face isn’t visible in the photos, but you can see her t-shirt — a handprint reads “keep the immigrants, deport the racists,” which led the police to an Etsy shop where she had left a product review. Combined with the distinctive tattoo on her forearm, it was enough for them to bring charges against her.
It’s hard to know what impact a photograph will have on the world, or how to balance risk against political power. Technology can help us manage these conflicting impulses, but it can’t change the basic tradeoff. The strongest protections aren’t technical at all, but political guarantees like the right to free assembly or the presumption of innocence in court. Beyond the law, protections come from the solidarity between thousands of protestors and the public pressure one can put on the state.
Risk is only part of the picture. This summer has shown the incredible impact protests can have on our country, and on the broader fight against police violence. Every person at every protest has accepted some measure of risk, and in cases like Blumenthal’s, the consequences were severe. But it’s important not to lose sight of the broader struggle, and the real, if slow, progress that’s made. Your phone is a vulnerability, just like your right to assembly — but it’s a source of power too. Pressuring our leaders to do what’s right is how we make the risks worth it.


theverge--2020-08-31--How to feed a protest

How to feed a protest

On May 28th , three nights after George Floyd ’ s death , Minnesota ’ s national guard deployed over 500 soldiers to Minneapolis and St. Paul .
Protesters set fire to the Third Precinct headquarters .
Police fired rubber bullets , tear gas , and pepper spray into the crowds , which was all documented extensively by smartphone footage .
Mitch Gayns watched from the basement of his girlfriend ’ s parents ’ house in the Twin Cities area , trying not to scream as he saw it unfold .
He felt like he had to do something .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Costco to buy protester & community aid supplies .
If you ’ re one of the 20,000 white people in my mentions who ‘ just wish they could do something ’ venmo or cash app me a few bucks.
” When Gayns got to Costco 20 minutes later , he ’ d received over five thousand dollars .
He loaded his truck full of water , beef stix , turkey jerky , band aids , goggles , and medical supplies , and then delivered the goods to mutual aid sites around the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popup tables , and other networks serving the front lines .
Over the next two weeks , that became his routine : scour Facebook and call around to figure out who needed what , make a shopping list , drive to Costco , purchase the supplies , deliver them , and repeat .
Two to four runs , 6 to 10 thousand dollars each day .
In between , he ’ d go to protests .
Gayns ’ s operation eventually became the Twin Cities Diaper Drive , a network of drivers who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ items to mutual aid sites across the region .
“ Our original plan was ‘ Alright , I feel trapped .
Here , let me go buy some shit , drop some shit off , feel better about myself , go turn on the news , ’ ” Gayns said .
But after the first week of protests , he realized he ’ d accidentally started something bigger .
“ I ’ ve been to plenty of protests and given out some water , but this felt different .
I knew this wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or two-day thing.
” Mutual aid isn ’ t new .
The philosophy dates back to the labor movements of the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries , when “ fraternal societies ” provided orphanages , hospitals , and other community-based services to their members .
It was the core of the Black Panther Party ’ s massive free-breakfast program in the ’ 60s , and it fueled the organizing around Occupy Wall Street in 2011 .
But the term exploded into the mainstream in March , when organizers around the country began establishing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 .
Since the end of May , mutual aid has taken on another task : distributing food and supplies to the front lines of Black Lives Matter protests .
Gayns ’ s Twin Cities Diaper Drive is one of the many organizations that have sprung up around the country to do just that .
Technology and social media have given organizers like Gayns a bigger , broader reach than they ’ ve had in decades past .
During the first weeks of protests , Google Docs listing hundreds of mutual aid funds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from local news to national outlets , directed their readers to donate to sprawling lists of causes : victim memorial fundraisers , bail funds , clean-up efforts , food drives , and more .
Large publications profiled the largest organizations : The People ’ s Bodega and Sikh gurdwaras in New York , Riot Ribs in Portland , and Pimento Jamaican Kitchen in Minneapolis .
Many collectives are not 501 ( c ) ( 3 ) organizations .
( “ My taxes are going to be a fucking mess , ” Gayns says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CashApp , and GoFundMe to collect contributions , which they solicit through social media and word of mouth ; some even bring QR code printouts to rallies , which protesters can scan to quickly donate .
Groups communicate informally in large Slack channels , trading supplies and services on the ground .
They publicize upcoming events on Twitter and Instagram , sharing photos of their tables and tents and inviting followers to come .
They retweet each other .
Gayns , who has worked for tech startups in the past , made heavy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ information and contact volunteers .
“ These weren ’ t crazy innovative things .
They were easy and readily available , ” Gayns says .
The Diaper Drive , he says , “ is very much a popup thing that happens to be happening online , and has support from all around the world.
” At its root , mutual aid largely encompasses horizontal networks of local support where community members work to meet each other ’ s needs , which are often ones that the state has neglected .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mutual aid isn ’ t is charity , which traditionally involves more privileged individuals giving to those who have less .
Which is a key distinction , according to Gayns and other organizers I spoke to .
Mutual aid comes with the expectation that if you need it , you ’ ll be supported in return .
“ I ’ m not showing up to give handouts , ” Gayns says .
“ I ’ m showing up because I am these people , and these people are me.
” That ethos is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups .
“ For me this isn ’ t a trending topic — this is my life , ” says Nikeisah Newton , the founder of Meals 4 Heels , a business she opened last January to serve late-night food to Portland ’ s sex worker community .
“ The continued oppression and neglect for Black women , Black trans community doesn ’ t go away when the media decides it is not newsworthy.
” Food is “ one of the biggest ‘ Fuck You ’ s to the oppressive , racist system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ June , Meals 4 Heels has expanded : they ’ ve worked with mutual aid groups to serve meals , including vegan noodle bowls , to protesters and volunteer groups downtown .
“ As I was told by a local sex-worker advocate , ‘ Feeding people is a form of activism.
’ ” Some organizers were spurred to action after witnessing protest brutality firsthand .
“ I saw these two young girls ... and they were in shorts and spaghetti straps , and they were very unprepared for the gas and for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience at an early Portland protest , who also asked to remain anonymous .
“ They had mascara running down their faces , they must have been about 15 years old , and they were screaming and crying .
And they were running from the police and trying to hide in little alcoves of buildings , ” she said .
“ I remember seeing that and knowing with every fiber of my being that what was happening to them was wrong.
” R. is a member of The Witches , another Portland-based collective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety equipment to protesters .
The Witches has been operating for over two years with a broad focus on spirituality , art , and activism .
But after R. and other members witnessed police violence during the first few nights of protests , the group decided to focus on supporting Black Lives Matter protesters .
At first , The Witches wended through the crowds with backpacks full of water bottles and first aid supplies .
Those backpacks soon became grocery carts full of snacks .
“ We were the snack people , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began operating out of a tent downtown , with signs that read “ The Witches Against White Supremacy.
” Here , they were able to provide food , water , protective gear , and medical supplies , coordinate volunteers , and collect donations in one place .
It wasn ’ t only violence that drove organizers to create mutual-aid groups — some were inspired by acts of solidarity they witnessed at early demonstrations .
“ I ’ ve been going to protests for a while and I have never seen this level of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Gary , a cofounder of PDX Resistance Assistance , who asked to remain pseudonymous due to concerns about online targeting and harassment .
Resistance Assistance provides pizza , burritos , water , protective gear , and first aid to protesters in Portland .
They got started after Gary and a cofounder saw a group of college-aged women handing out pizza at a downtown rally in May .
The group has grown to encompass 10 core members and around 20 volunteers , operating popup tents and fold-up tables .
Supplying protests can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to navigate hostile spaces , both at protests and online , and some have faced harassment from white supremacists and trolls .
Multiple groups I approached for this story told me that due to the risk of targeting by police , they were no longer publicizing their work .
Even larger aid organizations have had to adapt to an increased police presence and the subsequent escalation in violence .
A high-profile example is Riot Ribs , a pop-up 24-hour kitchen that served ribs , chorizo tacos , and Beyond sausages to hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout July , withstanding tear gas , pepper spray , raids , and police attempts to arrest team members and confiscate food — they were being targeted .
Riot Ribs continuously rebuilt its kitchen , and had planned to transfer its funds and leadership to a local nonprofit , but announced at the end of July that it was disbanding because of a bad actor within the organization .
The group said it witnessed that volunteer attempt to steal money , abuse other volunteers , and intercept donations with fake Twitter and Cashapp @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s now Revolution Ribs , a mobile version of Riot Ribs that is feeding people down the west coast in Sprinter vans .
The group plans eventually to head east , and is considering forming an LLC to better separate its members ’ names from the group ’ s donations and vehicles .
The presence of federal forces in Portland has forced other groups to adapt .
The feds trashed The Witches ’ downtown tent daily , R. says , overturning bins and shelves and removing supplies .
In response , the Witches @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and removed any identifying signs .
Members have stopped wearing their trademark witch hats .
Police presence can also make supply runs difficult .
Ella Gagne , who delivered medical supplies throughout Minneapolis and St. Paul during the first month of protests , sometimes had trouble getting into the cities because tanks were blocking the roads .
Gayns was once rushing home from his final delivery run to make an 8 p.m. curfew when he found the bridge to the main highway blocked by police .
He had to turn over the median @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highway to get home .
“ It was fucking terrifying , ” he said .
“ The rest of your day was uplifting ... Then at the end of the day you ’ d see what you were up against , and that was really deflating.
” As the Black Lives Matter protests continue in cities across the country , support for some mutual aid groups seems to be dying down .
“ There was a huge outpouring support for mutual aid , and it is still greater than it normally is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s starting to dwindle in ways that are very concerning to all of us on the ground , ” says Gagne , who began volunteering at the Minneapolis sanctuary camp Powderhorn West in June .
Earlier this summer , Powderhorn was overwhelmed by a large number of volunteers ; by early August , interest had slowed , and there was a smaller group who worked more consistently .
Even so , many of the groups formed in May say they ’ re here to stay .
And they ’ re staying flexible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expanding to a food truck , to service protests for other civil rights , anti-brutality , and environmental causes — they ’ re even considering feeding people in voting lines on election day .
For her part , Newton says that Meals4Heels will continue to serve protesters as long as they ’ re protesting — they ’ re now serving local farmers ’ markets , black and BIPOC wellness events , Pride rallies , and food banks .
“ I ’ m going to keep taking space , ” says Newton .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bullshit ends.
” Other groups hope to serve as models for organizing in the years to come .
The Diaper Drive is now in the hands of an established Minneapolis co-op , which will continue to operate it through August — and hopefully longer , if the donations keep coming .
“ What I ’ m trying to prove to people is that I took the resources at my disposal and used them to help people , and you can do that too , ” said Gayns , who modeled parts of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d seen of protests in Hong Kong .
“ There ’ s so many things you can do that really don ’ t take any effort .
But people need to see the steps .
They need to see the documentation.
” R says that as long as there are protesters to help , The Witches will keep serving them .
“ We plan to continue to help out whoever is the most in need , whoever is the most vulnerable population in our society , ” she says .
“ If that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group , we will find them and we will help.
” “ I have worked with nonprofits before and I have worked with aid organizations ... and seeing the power of community , I think I ’ ll never forget that , ” R says .
“ That ’ s one of the highlights of all of this .
Seeing how a couple of young kids could get together and make a lot of lasting difference and save lives .
”

On May 28th, three nights after George Floyd’s death, Minnesota’s national guard deployed over 500 soldiers to Minneapolis and St. Paul. Protesters set fire to the Third Precinct headquarters. Police fired rubber bullets, tear gas, and pepper spray into the crowds, which was all documented extensively by smartphone footage.
Mitch Gayns watched from the basement of his girlfriend’s parents’ house in the Twin Cities area, trying not to scream as he saw it unfold. He felt like he had to do something. So he tweeted. “Heading to Costco to buy protester & community aid supplies. If you’re one of the 20,000 white people in my mentions who ‘just wish they could do something’ venmo or cash app me a few bucks.”
Capturing The Police is a Verge -wide editorial project that’s meant to both examine the experience of civilians who document and share police violence and to record the larger political moment we find ourselves in. Read and watch more here .
When Gayns got to Costco 20 minutes later, he’d received over five thousand dollars. He loaded his truck full of water, beef stix, turkey jerky, band aids, goggles, and medical supplies, and then delivered the goods to mutual aid sites around the city — street medic groups, churches, popup tables, and other networks serving the front lines. Over the next two weeks, that became his routine: scour Facebook and call around to figure out who needed what, make a shopping list, drive to Costco, purchase the supplies, deliver them, and repeat. Two to four runs, 6 to 10 thousand dollars each day. In between, he’d go to protests.
Gayns’s operation eventually became the Twin Cities Diaper Drive, a network of drivers who now deliver baby supplies and other household items to mutual aid sites across the region.
“Our original plan was ‘Alright, I feel trapped. Here, let me go buy some shit, drop some shit off, feel better about myself, go turn on the news,’” Gayns said. But after the first week of protests, he realized he’d accidentally started something bigger. “I’ve been to plenty of protests and given out some water, but this felt different. I knew this wasn’t going to be a day or two-day thing.”
Mutual aid isn’t new. The philosophy dates back to the labor movements of the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries, when “fraternal societies” provided orphanages, hospitals, and other community-based services to their members. It was the core of the Black Panther Party’s massive free-breakfast program in the ’60s, and it fueled the organizing around Occupy Wall Street in 2011.
But the term exploded into the mainstream in March, when organizers around the country began establishing and publicizing support networks for communities impacted by COVID-19. Since the end of May, mutual aid has taken on another task: distributing food and supplies to the front lines of Black Lives Matter protests. Gayns’s Twin Cities Diaper Drive is one of the many organizations that have sprung up around the country to do just that.
Technology and social media have given organizers like Gayns a bigger, broader reach than they’ve had in decades past. During the first weeks of protests, Google Docs listing hundreds of mutual aid funds spread across the internet. Media, from local news to national outlets, directed their readers to donate to sprawling lists of causes: victim memorial fundraisers, bail funds, clean-up efforts, food drives, and more. Large publications profiled the largest organizations: The People’s Bodega and Sikh gurdwaras in New York, Riot Ribs in Portland, and Pimento Jamaican Kitchen in Minneapolis.
Many collectives are not 501(c)(3) organizations. (“My taxes are going to be a fucking mess,” Gayns says.) They rely on Venmo, CashApp, and GoFundMe to collect contributions, which they solicit through social media and word of mouth; some even bring QR code printouts to rallies, which protesters can scan to quickly donate. Groups communicate informally in large Slack channels, trading supplies and services on the ground. They publicize upcoming events on Twitter and Instagram, sharing photos of their tables and tents and inviting followers to come. They retweet each other.
Come out to our self care and gear event! Happening now in Laurelhurst Park! We are on the corner of SE Cesar Chavez and Ankeny St. on the hill underneath a red tent! #pdxprotest pic.twitter.com/TyhzJgYSyf — THE WITCHES  ✊ ✊ ✊ (@Bitchwitch20) August 12, 2020
Gayns, who has worked for tech startups in the past, made heavy use of Google Sheets to compile drivers’ information and contact volunteers. “These weren’t crazy innovative things. They were easy and readily available,” Gayns says. The Diaper Drive, he says, “is very much a popup thing that happens to be happening online, and has support from all around the world.”
At its root, mutual aid largely encompasses horizontal networks of local support where community members work to meet each other’s needs, which are often ones that the state has neglected. It’s an expression of solidarity. What mutual aid isn’t is charity, which traditionally involves more privileged individuals giving to those who have less.
Which is a key distinction, according to Gayns and other organizers I spoke to. Mutual aid comes with the expectation that if you need it, you’ll be supported in return. “I’m not showing up to give handouts,” Gayns says. “I’m showing up because I am these people, and these people are me.”
That ethos is baked into the organizing principles of these groups. “For me this isn’t a trending topic — this is my life,” says Nikeisah Newton, the founder of Meals 4 Heels, a business she opened last January to serve late-night food to Portland’s sex worker community. “The continued oppression and neglect for Black women, Black trans community doesn’t go away when the media decides it is not newsworthy.”
Food is “one of the biggest ‘Fuck You’s to the oppressive, racist system,” says Newton. Since early June, Meals 4 Heels has expanded: they’ve worked with mutual aid groups to serve meals, including vegan noodle bowls, to protesters and volunteer groups downtown. “As I was told by a local sex-worker advocate, ‘Feeding people is a form of activism.’”
Some organizers were spurred to action after witnessing protest brutality firsthand. “I saw these two young girls...and they were in shorts and spaghetti straps, and they were very unprepared for the gas and for the projectiles,” says R. of her experience at an early Portland protest, who also asked to remain anonymous. “They had mascara running down their faces, they must have been about 15 years old, and they were screaming and crying. And they were running from the police and trying to hide in little alcoves of buildings,” she said. “I remember seeing that and knowing with every fiber of my being that what was happening to them was wrong.”
R. is a member of The Witches, another Portland-based collective that delivers water, food, and safety equipment to protesters. The Witches has been operating for over two years with a broad focus on spirituality, art, and activism. But after R. and other members witnessed police violence during the first few nights of protests, the group decided to focus on supporting Black Lives Matter protesters.
At first, The Witches wended through the crowds with backpacks full of water bottles and first aid supplies. Those backpacks soon became grocery carts full of snacks. “We were the snack people,” R. says. Eventually, the group began operating out of a tent downtown, with signs that read “The Witches Against White Supremacy.” Here, they were able to provide food, water, protective gear, and medical supplies, coordinate volunteers, and collect donations in one place.
It wasn’t only violence that drove organizers to create mutual-aid groups — some were inspired by acts of solidarity they witnessed at early demonstrations. “I’ve been going to protests for a while and I have never seen this level of mutual aid and community support,” says Gary, a cofounder of PDX Resistance Assistance, who asked to remain pseudonymous due to concerns about online targeting and harassment.
Resistance Assistance provides pizza, burritos, water, protective gear, and first aid to protesters in Portland. They got started after Gary and a cofounder saw a group of college-aged women handing out pizza at a downtown rally in May. The group has grown to encompass 10 core members and around 20 volunteers, operating popup tents and fold-up tables.
Supplying protests can be a scary and dangerous job. Groups have to navigate hostile spaces, both at protests and online, and some have faced harassment from white supremacists and trolls. Multiple groups I approached for this story told me that due to the risk of targeting by police, they were no longer publicizing their work.
Even larger aid organizations have had to adapt to an increased police presence and the subsequent escalation in violence. A high-profile example is Riot Ribs, a pop-up 24-hour kitchen that served ribs, chorizo tacos, and Beyond sausages to hundreds of protesters per day in downtown Portland throughout July, withstanding tear gas, pepper spray, raids, and police attempts to arrest team members and confiscate food — they were being targeted.
Riot Ribs continuously rebuilt its kitchen, and had planned to transfer its funds and leadership to a local nonprofit, but announced at the end of July that it was disbanding because of a bad actor within the organization. The group said it witnessed that volunteer attempt to steal money, abuse other volunteers, and intercept donations with fake Twitter and Cashapp handles that impersonated theirs. It’s now Revolution Ribs, a mobile version of Riot Ribs that is feeding people down the west coast in Sprinter vans. The group plans eventually to head east, and is considering forming an LLC to better separate its members’ names from the group’s donations and vehicles.
The presence of federal forces in Portland has forced other groups to adapt. The feds trashed The Witches’ downtown tent daily, R. says, overturning bins and shelves and removing supplies. In response, the Witches moved their tables to other avenues, and removed any identifying signs. Members have stopped wearing their trademark witch hats.
Police presence can also make supply runs difficult. Ella Gagne, who delivered medical supplies throughout Minneapolis and St. Paul during the first month of protests, sometimes had trouble getting into the cities because tanks were blocking the roads. Gayns was once rushing home from his final delivery run to make an 8 p.m. curfew when he found the bridge to the main highway blocked by police. He had to turn over the median and drive the wrong way down the highway to get home. “It was fucking terrifying,” he said. “The rest of your day was uplifting... Then at the end of the day you’d see what you were up against, and that was really deflating.”
As the Black Lives Matter protests continue in cities across the country, support for some mutual aid groups seems to be dying down. “There was a huge outpouring support for mutual aid, and it is still greater than it normally is in Minneapolis, but at the moment it’s starting to dwindle in ways that are very concerning to all of us on the ground,” says Gagne, who began volunteering at the Minneapolis sanctuary camp Powderhorn West in June. Earlier this summer, Powderhorn was overwhelmed by a large number of volunteers; by early August, interest had slowed, and there was a smaller group who worked more consistently.
Even so, many of the groups formed in May say they’re here to stay. And they’re staying flexible. Gary says Resistance Assistance is considering expanding to a food truck, to service protests for other civil rights, anti-brutality, and environmental causes — they’re even considering feeding people in voting lines on election day. For her part, Newton says that Meals4Heels will continue to serve protesters as long as they’re protesting — they’re now serving local farmers’ markets, black and BIPOC wellness events, Pride rallies, and food banks. “I’m going to keep taking space,” says Newton. “I’ll stop when all the bullshit ends.”
Other groups hope to serve as models for organizing in the years to come. The Diaper Drive is now in the hands of an established Minneapolis co-op, which will continue to operate it through August — and hopefully longer, if the donations keep coming. “What I’m trying to prove to people is that I took the resources at my disposal and used them to help people, and you can do that too,” said Gayns, who modeled parts of his early supply runs on footage he’d seen of protests in Hong Kong. “There’s so many things you can do that really don’t take any effort. But people need to see the steps. They need to see the documentation.”
R says that as long as there are protesters to help, The Witches will keep serving them. “We plan to continue to help out whoever is the most in need, whoever is the most vulnerable population in our society,” she says. “If that turns into someone else or some other group, we will find them and we will help.”
“I have worked with nonprofits before and I have worked with aid organizations ... and seeing the power of community, I think I’ll never forget that,” R says. “That’s one of the highlights of all of this. Seeing how a couple of young kids could get together and make a lot of lasting difference and save lives.”