dailykos--2020-05-29--The Curious Case of Casey Askar: An immigrant running on a Trump platform in Southwest Florida

This article first appeared on the blog The Paradise Progressive .
Why would a man making a great deal of money with a successful business in a specialized field want to subject himself to the expense , uncertainty and scrutiny of running for the Congress of the United States ?
Ask Casey Askar , because back on March 20 , just as the coronavirus pandemic was breaking , he waded into the warm , swampy waters of Southwest Florida ’ s 19th Congressional District as a candidate for the US House of Representatives .
Askar might have been counted as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other for a shot at Rep. Francis Rooney ’ s seat except that he decided to put serious skin in the game .
In the first quarter of 2020 he gave his own campaign a $ 3 million loan on top of $ 506,230 in campaign contributions .
Askar might not have been considered a serious contender based on his personal profile , civic involvement or policy positions but that kind of money made him the best-financed candidate in the 19th District .
It means he has to be taken seriously if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ television ad for Askar is now running on local TV stations , so voters are likely hearing his name for the first time .
So , who is Casey Askar , who is supporting him , what would he mean for Southwest Florida and what are his chances of winning ?
Officially , Askar ’ s is an immigrant success story .
He tells it in a campaign video and on his website .
At age 7 he and his family fled their home in Iraq because of persecution of Christians .
Although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for this exodus , Askar does reference Saddam Hussein .
Saddam Hussein is gone , hanged after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 , but it ’ s worth remembering his dictatorship to put Askar in context .
Saddam was a brutal , absolute tyrant .
An Arab nationalist , he promoted his interests first and on his own initiative mired his country in wars with Iran , Kuwait and the world ’ s countries , led by the United States .
He divided Iraqis , oppressing Iraqi Shiites and at one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was his tyranny that in 1989 an Iraqi dissident authored a book that summed up his reign in its title : Republic of Fear .
After getting to the United States , the Askar family opened a store , where Askar worked .
At 18 he joined the US Marine Corps and when his father fell ill , as the oldest of four children , he became head of the household ( although he doesn ’ t say at what age this occurred ) .
He worked in the family store and saved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He was able to expand the gym and open up half a dozen locations around the country .
While his campaign biography does not mention his geographic roots in America , Askar ’ s base is Detroit , Michigan , which is home to a lively and active Middle Eastern immigrant population .
Oddly , he also doesn ’ t mention in his campaign biography that along the way he obtained a Master of Business Administration degree from Harvard Business School ( perhaps as a veteran ’ s benefit ? )
.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Early on , perhaps when he expanded the gym , Askar learned the magic of franchising .
His fortune has been built on franchising and its associated specialty , branding .
And its foundation was…pizza .
“ I had a vast array of business and franchise experience from early on in my career .
In 2006 , I was given the opportunity to buy Detroit-based Papa Romano ’ s and I was instantly hooked on pizza concepts , ” he told the website Franchise Chatter in 2015 .
“ Pizza is consumed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sale , and we know it ’ s not going away any time soon – there ’ s tremendous staying power .
Being involved in the pizza industry as a franchisor is a great opportunity because there are simple operational processes that allow you to master the system.
” After Papa Romano ’ s , his company , Askar Brands , purchased one new pizza “ concept ” every year until 2010 and expanded the ones it already had .
By 2015 it had 200 pizza “ units.
” It also shared its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chains , helping them expand .
“ Our biggest success story comes with Denver-based Blackjack Pizza , which we acquired in 2012 .
This was an attractive company to us because it was a successful , homegrown , regional brand , ” Askar recalled in the interview .
“ We retained many of Blackjack ’ s original employees and have been able to apply our operational resources and expertise to turn Blackjack Pizza into one of the most popular pizza concepts in the western US states.
” Today Askar Brands , where Askar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brother Sam is chief executive officer , lists seven restaurant chains in its portfolio : Papa Romano ’ s , Papa ’ s Pizza , Breadeaux Pizza , Blackjack Pizza , Mr. Pita , Stucchi ’ s and CJs Brewing Company .
Most , though not all , are based in the upper Midwest , and Detroit , Michigan area .
In addition to brands , Askar built companies to support restaurant chains and franchisees and owned and managed commercial real estate .
In February of this year , using proceeds from fossil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Southeast Enterprises Holdings to purchase 47 Dunkin ’ Donuts ( since re-named just Dunkin ’ ) stores in the Miami , Fort Lauderdale and West Palm Beach markets in Florida .
He also laid plans to expand the franchise throughout South Florida .
“ As we did our research , our data really showed where Dunkin ’ has been going and their trajectory continues to go up , ” Askar told Laura Layden of the Naples Daily News .
Askar didn ’ t reveal when—or if—he moved full-time to Southwest Florida , although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Naples .
He and his six children attend St. Ann ’ s Catholic Church and he is involved in a variety of schools and civic organizations , including Ave Maria University .
For all of his business success and philanthropic activities , Askar has no record of political involvement , legislative experience or even political donations of any kind .
So naturally , it made sense to run for Congress .
When Askar filed his 2020 campaign report with the Federal Election Commission ( FEC ) for the first quarter of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just for the $ 3 million personal loan he ’ d made to his campaign .
Clearly , he ’ d been busy .
He had 270 donations that netted him $ 506,230 .
Some of these donors contributed to both his primary and general election races , so there were fewer donors than donations ( i.e.
, the same person contributed twice ) .
Also , members of the extensive Askar clan kicked in as well .
Notwithstanding these factors , it was an impressive range of donations and even more impressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the contributors .
Unlike some of his rivals , the majority—102 , or 62 percent—came from Florida , which indicated some grassroots support that could translate into votes at the polls .
Unsurprisingly , given his origin and business interests , the next largest portion—28 percent—came from Michigan .
Of his Florida contributions , the vast majority , 65 percent , came from Naples in Collier County .
There was little representation of Lee County , where only three donors were based in Fort Myers , seven in Bonita Springs and two in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the political scene , Askar had been laying the groundwork for some time among his business friends , franchisees and acquaintances .
There were some local A-list business types supporting Askar ’ s bid .
Chief among these was Rocky Patel , the restauranteur , cigar entrepreneur and owner of the high-end cigar bar “ Burn , ” which has an outlet in Naples ’ Mercato mall ( currently closed during the pandemic ) .
Not only did Rocky himself contribute to Askar , so did the top managers of his entire organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , owner of Gates Construction , which has done extensive work in Southwest Florida .
It ’ s clear that Askar is the business candidate in the District 19 race .
He ’ s also a Republican “ Young Gun , ” part of a candidate recruitment program run by House Minority Leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy ( R-23-Calif. ) .
It may have been this organization that recruited and urged Askar to run for Congress .
When he filed his FEC report Askar hadn ’ t spent much yet .
He paid the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get on the ballot and he paid $ 12,916.21 to Winred , a national , online conservative fundraising organization also being used by other District 19 Republican candidates .
There was no mention of staff salaries or consultant fees .
When he first announced his candidacy , Askar was a simple , two-dimensional Trumper .
His main plank was that he stood with President Donald Trump .
He made no mention or had any apparent interest in local issues .
Since then ( and following questions from The Paradise Progressive , below @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have filled out some of his policy positions .
He ’ s pro-Trump but otherwise his policy positions are standard , conventional , conservativism .
He ’ s also bought television air time and his ad campaign not only expresses support for Trump , he also makes a point of blaming China for the COVID-19 outbreak .
In the ad , while a blot of red spreads out from China across the globe , Askar intones , “ China unleashed the Wuhan pandemic on the world , costing trillions , costing jobs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the screen and says “ This crisis proves that President Trump is right ” and expresses support for all of Trump ’ s positions .
The ad is called “ China must pay , America must rebuild.
” On other issues he decries government spending .
“ Washington ’ s problem is not that it taxes too little , but that it spends too much , ” his website states .
He ’ s anti-choice ; pro-gun ; pro-border wall ; pro-lower prescription drug prices ; pro-veterans ; anti-China ; pro-Israel ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a local issue is water quality where he calls for full funding of the Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan and completion of its projects .
Weirdly , he calls for “ completion ” of the Everglades Agricultural Area , which is not a project but a special area south of Lake Okeechobee established by Florida in 1948 .
( This reference may be the result of ignorance , carelessness , bad staff work or all of the above . )
So what are Askar ’ s chances and what would his election to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only thing that makes Askar a credible candidate in the 19th Congressional District is his cash ; otherwise he would not be a factor in this election .
The fact that the coronavirus pandemic and the lockdown has stopped all forms of in-person campaigning means that campaigns are now almost completely reliant on digital or broadcast media , with the latter being more powerful .
However , it is also very expensive .
In the past Askar ’ s lack of a public profile , endorsements , political networks , field organization , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign .
Now he has to be considered the front runner if only because he has the potential means to blanket the airwaves .
That , plus the cost of consultants and paid campaign workers , is going to make this a very expensive project for him .
But as COVID-19 has given to Askar with one hand , it may have also taken away with the other .
One has to wonder about the state of a business empire built on casual , seated dining , which is the kind of enterprise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And this is especially true for pizza , where Askar ’ s dining-in restaurant chains are up against dedicated take-out “ concepts ” like Domino ’ s .
What is more , the lockdowns are especially stringent in Michigan , where the majority of Askar ’ s businesses are based .
The pandemic has also completely disrupted the restaurant supply chain and delivered a blow against the kind of commercial real estate and rental holdings in his empire .
Keeping what he ’ s built is going to take care and attention .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for sure .
These factors are also going to affect his donors , some of whom are restauranteurs , reducing their future donations .
Right now his investment in South Florida Dunkin ’ franchises looks like prescient move—but he may also regret making that $ 3 million campaign loan , which could have been used to save jobs and keep units functioning .
The bottom line is that Askar may not be as rich a candidate as he was when he closed his FEC campaign books on March 31 .
And he has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 174,000 annual salary as a member of Congress is worth turning away from a business empire it took him a lifetime to build and which needs his management now .
Then again , he ’ s got plenty of relatives to look after it .
The likelihood is that Askar was recruited by Rep. McCarthy ’ s Republican Young Guns .
One can almost hear the pitch : “ You ’ re an attractive candidate with a biography of business success and military service .
You ’ ll have an easy run in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Republican National Congressional Committee and its donor network .
You ’ re from the Midwest and so are most of the voters who will vote in the primary .
All you have to do is win the primary , which is decided by a few old people who automatically vote Republican .
You ’ ll be able to buy them with some TV spots .
It ’ ll be a cakewalk : no muss , fuss or mess.
” Of course , the nine other Republican candidates running might beg to disagree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interests of Southwest Florida .
With Askar the region and its people would get yet another rich but untutored congressional representative , an alleged “ outsider ” with no knowledge of Congress , legislation , politics or government .
( To read the full history of the 19th Congressional District ’ s representation in Congress , see the article “ A tale of two swamps : Why Southwest Florida can ’ t keep its congressmen.
” ) Askar would join a sad parade of wealthy Southwest Florida businessmen who ran as outsiders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ignorance , who foundered once they arrived in the nation ’ s capital .
Thinking that they ’ d be treated like imperial CEOs , these men discovered they were really just foot soldiers and cannon fodder .
When the heady buzz of election victory and the novelty of putting “ Rep. ” in front of their names wore off , they faced tough choices and the real pressures of governing .
Their reactions were to withdraw from their congressional duties into absenteeism and retirement and not promote the region ’ s vital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real losers were the people of Southwest Florida .
Despite these considerations , Askar has a relatively good chance of winning his primary—certainly as good , if not better , than his Republican competitors .
But to at least get past the primary he ’ s got to win over the hardcore Trumpers in the District who are certain to vote in that primary regardless of plagues , hurricanes or infirmities .
That means Askar has to continue to prove his total and undying loyalty to President Donald J. Trump .
And therein @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Casey Askar is an immigrant who thrived and succeeded in America and served her in uniform .
He ’ s proud of his success and hard work and entrepreneurship as well he should be .
Now he has a shot at reaching a new pinnacle in life by being elected a member of the United States House of Representatives .
But to do that he has to pledge his loyalty and vow to implement the program of a man dedicated to making sure that no one like Casey Askar will ever rise again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants like Casey Askar , whether they come to the United States legally or illegally , seeking a better life or just asylum .
If Donald Trump had been president when Casey Askar and his family left Iraq , they would have been shut out of America .
They were coming from a largely Muslim country ; they were poor ; and they were fleeing a strong man , an autocrat , whom Trump would have likely admired .
They would have been forced to wait for acceptance in some other country and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the parents .
They might have even been put in cages .
There ’ s no indication from any of his public sources that Askar is thinking deeply about the implications of what he ’ s doing and saying .
There ’ s no sense that he ’ s pondering beyond just the next step in his campaign .
What he does—what all candidates do—in the quest for public office has a profound effect on the future of America , whether they ’ re running for dog catcher or president .
Casey Askar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bolster the rule of a man who is profoundly anti-immigrant , instinctively anti-democratic , and deeply racist ; a man who plays Americans off against each other and is driven by , to use his own words , “ hatred , prejudice and rage.
” It is this man ’ s program that Askar is pledging to implement .
If Askar wins on his current platform he will have a historic role in turning the open , tolerant America that welcomed and nurtured him into a closed , isolated society dominated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an accomplice in turning history ’ s greatest republic of reason into a third-rate republic of fear .
Askar fled such a place before—it was called Iraq .
Now , while celebrating his own success as an immigrant , he is running on a platform that will encourage , embolden and enable an American Saddam Hussein .
Is this what America really needs ?
And is this what Casey Askar really wants ?

This article first appeared on the blog The Paradise Progressive.
May 15, 2020 by David Silverberg.
Why would a man making a great deal of money with a successful business in a specialized field want to subject himself to the expense, uncertainty and scrutiny of running for the Congress of the United States?
Ask Casey Askar, because back on March 20, just as the coronavirus pandemic was breaking, he waded into the warm, swampy waters of Southwest Florida’s 19th Congressional District as a candidate for the US House of Representatives.
Askar might have been counted as just one of 10 Republican contenders elbowing each other for a shot at Rep. Francis Rooney’s seat except that he decided to put serious skin in the game. In the first quarter of 2020 he gave his own campaign a $3 million loan on top of $506,230 in campaign contributions.
Askar might not have been considered a serious contender based on his personal profile, civic involvement or policy positions but that kind of money made him the best-financed candidate in the 19th District. It means he has to be taken seriously if only for the cash alone.
A television ad for Askar is now running on local TV stations, so voters are likely hearing his name for the first time.
So, who is Casey Askar, who is supporting him, what would he mean for Southwest Florida and what are his chances of winning?
Pizza man
Officially, Askar’s is an immigrant success story. He tells it in a campaign video and on his website.
At age 7 he and his family fled their home in Iraq because of persecution of Christians. Although he doesn’t give a year for this exodus, Askar does reference Saddam Hussein.
Saddam Hussein is gone, hanged after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, but it’s worth remembering his dictatorship to put Askar in context. Saddam was a brutal, absolute tyrant. An Arab nationalist, he promoted his interests first and on his own initiative mired his country in wars with Iran, Kuwait and the world’s countries, led by the United States. He divided Iraqis, oppressing Iraqi Shiites and at one point gassing Iraqi Kurds. So crushing was his tyranny that in 1989 an Iraqi dissident authored a book that summed up his reign in its title: Republic of Fear.
After getting to the United States, the Askar family opened a store, where Askar worked. At 18 he joined the US Marine Corps and when his father fell ill, as the oldest of four children, he became head of the household (although he doesn’t say at what age this occurred). He worked in the family store and saved up enough to buy a small gym. He was able to expand the gym and open up half a dozen locations around the country.
While his campaign biography does not mention his geographic roots in America, Askar’s base is Detroit, Michigan, which is home to a lively and active Middle Eastern immigrant population.
Oddly, he also doesn’t mention in his campaign biography that along the way he obtained a Master of Business Administration degree from Harvard Business School (perhaps as a veteran’s benefit?). He also never mentions his current age.
Early on, perhaps when he expanded the gym, Askar learned the magic of franchising. His fortune has been built on franchising and its associated specialty, branding. And its foundation was…pizza.
“I had a vast array of business and franchise experience from early on in my career. In 2006, I was given the opportunity to buy Detroit-based Papa Romano’s and I was instantly hooked on pizza concepts,” he told the website Franchise Chatter in 2015. “Pizza is consumed in the US on such a large sale, and we know it’s not going away any time soon – there’s tremendous staying power. Being involved in the pizza industry as a franchisor is a great opportunity because there are simple operational processes that allow you to master the system.”
After Papa Romano’s, his company, Askar Brands, purchased one new pizza “concept” every year until 2010 and expanded the ones it already had. By 2015 it had 200 pizza “units.”
It also shared its expertise with other small, regional pizza chains, helping them expand.
“Our biggest success story comes with Denver-based Blackjack Pizza, which we acquired in 2012. This was an attractive company to us because it was a successful, homegrown, regional brand,” Askar recalled in the interview. “We retained many of Blackjack’s original employees and have been able to apply our operational resources and expertise to turn Blackjack Pizza into one of the most popular pizza concepts in the western US states.”
Today Askar Brands, where Askar is president and Board chairman while his brother Sam is chief executive officer, lists seven restaurant chains in its portfolio: Papa Romano’s, Papa’s Pizza, Breadeaux Pizza, Blackjack Pizza, Mr. Pita, Stucchi’s and CJs Brewing Company. Most, though not all, are based in the upper Midwest, and Detroit, Michigan area.
In addition to brands, Askar built companies to support restaurant chains and franchisees and owned and managed commercial real estate.
In February of this year, using proceeds from fossil fuel investments he sold, Askar formed Southeast Enterprises Holdings to purchase 47 Dunkin’ Donuts (since re-named just Dunkin’) stores in the Miami, Fort Lauderdale and West Palm Beach markets in Florida. He also laid plans to expand the franchise throughout South Florida.
“As we did our research, our data really showed where Dunkin’ has been going and their trajectory continues to go up,” Askar told Laura Layden of the Naples Daily News.
Askar didn’t reveal when—or if—he moved full-time to Southwest Florida, although he has been characterized as a resident of Naples. He and his six children attend St. Ann’s Catholic Church and he is involved in a variety of schools and civic organizations, including Ave Maria University.
For all of his business success and philanthropic activities, Askar has no record of political involvement, legislative experience or even political donations of any kind.
So naturally, it made sense to run for Congress.
To fill in some of the gaps in Askar’s biography, on April 23, The Paradise Progressive submitted questions to Askar in an e-mail to his campaign. Personal: What is your age? (Does not appear on your website or Facebook page) Have you ever held an elected or appointed governmental position? Do you have any legislative experience? Are you a full-time Floridian and do you live in the 19th Congressional District? (If you want to be more specific about your place of residence that will be welcome—I’m refraining from asking your street address). No response has been received—and none is expected.
Business man
When Askar filed his 2020 campaign report with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) for the first quarter of the year, it was impressive and not just for the $3 million personal loan he’d made to his campaign.
Clearly, he’d been busy. He had 270 donations that netted him $506,230. Some of these donors contributed to both his primary and general election races, so there were fewer donors than donations (i.e., the same person contributed twice). Also, members of the extensive Askar clan kicked in as well. Notwithstanding these factors, it was an impressive range of donations and even more impressive than the amount was the nature of the contributors.
Unlike some of his rivals, the majority—102, or 62 percent—came from Florida, which indicated some grassroots support that could translate into votes at the polls. Unsurprisingly, given his origin and business interests, the next largest portion—28 percent—came from Michigan. Of his Florida contributions, the vast majority, 65 percent, came from Naples in Collier County. There was little representation of Lee County, where only three donors were based in Fort Myers, seven in Bonita Springs and two in Estero.
Despite his newcomer status on the political scene, Askar had been laying the groundwork for some time among his business friends, franchisees and acquaintances.
There were some local A-list business types supporting Askar’s bid. Chief among these was Rocky Patel, the restauranteur, cigar entrepreneur and owner of the high-end cigar bar “Burn,” which has an outlet in Naples’ Mercato mall (currently closed during the pandemic). Not only did Rocky himself contribute to Askar, so did the top managers of his entire organization. Another standout name was Todd Gates, owner of Gates Construction, which has done extensive work in Southwest Florida.
It’s clear that Askar is the business candidate in the District 19 race. He’s also a Republican “Young Gun,” part of a candidate recruitment program run by House Minority Leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-23-Calif.). It may have been this organization that recruited and urged Askar to run for Congress.
When he filed his FEC report Askar hadn’t spent much yet. He paid the state’s $10,440 filing fee to get on the ballot and he paid $12,916.21 to Winred, a national, online conservative fundraising organization also being used by other District 19 Republican candidates. There was no mention of staff salaries or consultant fees.
To clarify Askar’s candidacy, these questions were submitted to the Casey Askar campaign on April 23: I’ve reviewed your website and personal story. What, however, do you feel specifically qualifies you to represent Southwest Florida? Why are you a better a candidate to serve SWFL in Congress than any of the other candidates running? No answer has been received.
Trump man
When he first announced his candidacy, Askar was a simple, two-dimensional Trumper. His main plank was that he stood with President Donald Trump. He made no mention or had any apparent interest in local issues.
Since then (and following questions from The Paradise Progressive, below), Askar and his campaign consultants have filled out some of his policy positions. He’s pro-Trump but otherwise his policy positions are standard, conventional, conservativism.
He’s also bought television air time and his ad campaign not only expresses support for Trump, he also makes a point of blaming China for the COVID-19 outbreak. In the ad, while a blot of red spreads out from China across the globe, Askar intones, “China unleashed the Wuhan pandemic on the world, costing trillions, costing jobs, costing American lives.” Then he appears on the screen and says “This crisis proves that President Trump is right” and expresses support for all of Trump’s positions. The ad is called “China must pay, America must rebuild.”
On other issues he decries government spending. “Washington’s problem is not that it taxes too little, but that it spends too much,” his website states. He’s anti-choice; pro-gun; pro-border wall; pro-lower prescription drug prices; pro-veterans; anti-China; pro-Israel; and pro-religious freedom.
His only mention of a local issue is water quality where he calls for full funding of the Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan and completion of its projects. Weirdly, he calls for “completion” of the Everglades Agricultural Area, which is not a project but a special area south of Lake Okeechobee established by Florida in 1948. (This reference may be the result of ignorance, carelessness, bad staff work or all of the above.)
To clarify Askar’s political positions, in its April 23 message to the Askar campaign The Paradise Progressive posed the following questions: What do you regard as the primary interests of Southwest Florida vis-à-vis the federal government? Do you believe that climate change is induced by human activity? What committee assignments would you pursue in Congress? If you were in Congress right now, what specific actions would you take to serve SWFL regarding the Coronavirus pandemic? When the 117th Congress takes office in January 2021, the United States is likely to be in the midst of a deep economic downturn, even a depression. As the member of Congress from the 19th Congressional District, what would you specifically do at the federal level to support, sustain and improve the economy of Southwest Florida? What specific actions would you take in Congress to advance CERP and ensure that Florida and SWFL receives its full, contracted appropriation? What specific actions would you take in Congress to prevent oil exploitation off the Southwest Florida coast? What specific actions would you take in Congress to advance work done to date to prevent harmful algal blooms? If the election is held as scheduled, there is a high probability that you would serve in a Democratic House of Representatives. What specific actions would you take to work with a Democratic majority? To date no answers have been received—and none are expected.
Congress man?
So what are Askar’s chances and what would his election to Congress mean for Southwest Florida?
The crumbling crust
The only thing that makes Askar a credible candidate in the 19th Congressional District is his cash; otherwise he would not be a factor in this election.
The fact that the coronavirus pandemic and the lockdown has stopped all forms of in-person campaigning means that campaigns are now almost completely reliant on digital or broadcast media, with the latter being more powerful. However, it is also very expensive.
In the past Askar’s lack of a public profile, endorsements, political networks, field organization, volunteers and infrastructure might have crippled his campaign. Now he has to be considered the front runner if only because he has the potential means to blanket the airwaves. That, plus the cost of consultants and paid campaign workers, is going to make this a very expensive project for him.
But as COVID-19 has given to Askar with one hand, it may have also taken away with the other. One has to wonder about the state of a business empire built on casual, seated dining, which is the kind of enterprise most impacted by the pandemic lockdowns. And this is especially true for pizza, where Askar’s dining-in restaurant chains are up against dedicated take-out “concepts” like Domino’s. What is more, the lockdowns are especially stringent in Michigan, where the majority of Askar’s businesses are based. The pandemic has also completely disrupted the restaurant supply chain and delivered a blow against the kind of commercial real estate and rental holdings in his empire. Keeping what he’s built is going to take care and attention. Of course, only his accountant knows for sure.
These factors are also going to affect his donors, some of whom are restauranteurs, reducing their future donations.
Right now his investment in South Florida Dunkin’ franchises looks like prescient move—but he may also regret making that $3 million campaign loan, which could have been used to save jobs and keep units functioning.
The bottom line is that Askar may not be as rich a candidate as he was when he closed his FEC campaign books on March 31. And he has to ask himself whether pursuing a $174,000 annual salary as a member of Congress is worth turning away from a business empire it took him a lifetime to build and which needs his management now. Then again, he’s got plenty of relatives to look after it.
Joining the sad parade
The likelihood is that Askar was recruited by Rep. McCarthy’s Republican Young Guns. One can almost hear the pitch: “You’re an attractive candidate with a biography of business success and military service. You’ll have an easy run in a safely Republican district, backed by the Republican National Congressional Committee and its donor network. You’re from the Midwest and so are most of the voters who will vote in the primary. All you have to do is win the primary, which is decided by a few old people who automatically vote Republican. You’ll be able to buy them with some TV spots. It’ll be a cakewalk: no muss, fuss or mess.”
Of course, the nine other Republican candidates running might beg to disagree.
But unconsidered in this are the interests of Southwest Florida. With Askar the region and its people would get yet another rich but untutored congressional representative, an alleged “outsider” with no knowledge of Congress, legislation, politics or government. (To read the full history of the 19th Congressional District’s representation in Congress, see the article “A tale of two swamps: Why Southwest Florida can’t keep its congressmen.”)
Askar would join a sad parade of wealthy Southwest Florida businessmen who ran as outsiders, ignorant of government and proud of their ignorance, who foundered once they arrived in the nation’s capital.
Thinking that they’d be treated like imperial CEOs, these men discovered they were really just foot soldiers and cannon fodder. When the heady buzz of election victory and the novelty of putting “Rep.” in front of their names wore off, they faced tough choices and the real pressures of governing. Their reactions were to withdraw from their congressional duties into absenteeism and retirement and not promote the region’s vital interests.
In the end, the real losers were the people of Southwest Florida.
The tragedy of Casey Askar
Despite these considerations, Askar has a relatively good chance of winning his primary—certainly as good, if not better, than his Republican competitors. But to at least get past the primary he’s got to win over the hardcore Trumpers in the District who are certain to vote in that primary regardless of plagues, hurricanes or infirmities. That means Askar has to continue to prove his total and undying loyalty to President Donald J. Trump.
And therein lays the tragedy of Casey Askar.
Casey Askar is an immigrant who thrived and succeeded in America and served her in uniform. He’s proud of his success and hard work and entrepreneurship as well he should be. Now he has a shot at reaching a new pinnacle in life by being elected a member of the United States House of Representatives.
But to do that he has to pledge his loyalty and vow to implement the program of a man dedicated to making sure that no one like Casey Askar will ever rise again. Trump is a man who despises immigrants like Casey Askar, whether they come to the United States legally or illegally, seeking a better life or just asylum.
If Donald Trump had been president when Casey Askar and his family left Iraq, they would have been shut out of America. They were coming from a largely Muslim country; they were poor; and they were fleeing a strong man, an autocrat, whom Trump would have likely admired. They would have been forced to wait for acceptance in some other country and the children might have been separated from the parents. They might have even been put in cages.
There’s no indication from any of his public sources that Askar is thinking deeply about the implications of what he’s doing and saying. There’s no sense that he’s pondering beyond just the next step in his campaign. What he does—what all candidates do—in the quest for public office has a profound effect on the future of America, whether they’re running for dog catcher or president.
Casey Askar, an Iraqi immigrant, is running to bolster the rule of a man who is profoundly anti-immigrant, instinctively anti-democratic, and deeply racist; a man who plays Americans off against each other and is driven by, to use his own words, “hatred, prejudice and rage.”
It is this man’s program that Askar is pledging to implement. If Askar wins on his current platform he will have a historic role in turning the open, tolerant America that welcomed and nurtured him into a closed, isolated society dominated by a single tyrant. He will be an accomplice in turning history’s greatest republic of reason into a third-rate republic of fear. Askar fled such a place before—it was called Iraq. Now, while celebrating his own success as an immigrant, he is running on a platform that will encourage, embolden and enable an American Saddam Hussein.
Is this what America really needs? And is this what Casey Askar really wants?
Liberty lives in light
©2020 by David Silverberg


dailykos--2020-05-29--Naval War College professor queries why Trump supporters voted for such a wuss

Everybody needs to read this one : So why is it that all of these macho red necks vote the @ @ @ @ @ to the office of the presidency ?

Everybody needs to read this one:
www.theatlantic.com/…
So why is it that all of these macho red necks vote the biggest pansy in politics in to the office of the presidency?


dailykos--2020-05-29--Why Should We Care?

Why Should We Care?

First of all , we elected men and women to the Pennsylvania State House of Representatives to make decisions for the greater good .
It is their job to think about neighbors , communities , our state and our general well-being .
How does that mission jibe with a Republican decision not to tell your work mates that you have tested positive ?
The GOP chose not to inform their colleagues in working meetings ; colleagues who would be leaving the committee room and going home to their families ?
Frankly , that feels like dangerous level of self-interest by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Republicans sitting in leadership who were totally silent .
A decision was made NOT to tell Democrats .
Why ?
Probably because not telling saved them from some level of criticism for being hypocrites .
Silence from a Republican leadership that clearly believes rules do not apply to them .
All Republicans agreed , tacitly or openly , not to tell .
These same Republicans had bellowed long and loud over the six-day interval ; telling anyone who would listen that THEY did not support the Governor ’ s plans .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ believed that there was no on-going pandemic problem .
That was the Republican position at a time when more than 5,000 Pennsylvanians had died ?
The Republicans will tell you that no rule was broken .
A search of the various guidelines does not find a specific rule demanding transparency .
But isn ’ t transparency always the rule ?
Who among us does not believe in the importance of being informed and of sharing important information ?
Do we want our school boards to start hiding information from us ?
Our doctors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doctors sharing information about us as individuals .
The AMA Code of Medical Ethics Opinion 5.05 state exceptions to patient confidentiality must be made when in the context of the greater good .
A doctor would be advised to report , but not the Republicans ?
How does that work for our greater good ?
Republicans looking for a specific rule must have found it hard to ignore this : • None “ Employers need to follow guidelines set by state and local authorities .
• None If an employee is confirmed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees of their possible exposure to COVID-19 in the workplace but must adhere to HIPAA guidelines .
• None Sick employees should follow the CDC recommendations and employers should consult with the local health department for additional guidance.
” ( https : //www.ehstoday.com/covid19/article/21128937/cdc-updates-its-returntowork-standards I suppose we can quibble as to whether the Republican leadership should be considered employers .
Actually , all of us are their employers .
We pay their salaries and we want transparency .
Finally , the arrogance and the complete lack of community by the Republican Majority is simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times for everyone .
The GOP kept a man ’ s positive tests under wraps for more than a week .
Rep. Lewis ( R 105 which is near Harrisburg ) , has “ Coronavirus Information ” on his WEBSITE !
There are more than 50 separate articles about everything , health , resources , business , feds ; it ’ s all there .
A large header reads : “ It Takes all of us to fight CORONAVIRUS ” .
Yep .
Seeing that makes one even more furious at Lewis and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is right , why did they think it was okay not to follow the rules ?
The Washington Post quoted one colleague calling them “ Callous liars ” !
Say one thing , know one thing , and do the opposite is a fair example of lying .
So that is why we care .
And thank goodness , most of us do .

First of all, we elected men and women to the Pennsylvania State House of Representatives to make decisions for the greater good. It is their job to think about neighbors, communities, our state and our general well-being. How does that mission jibe with a Republican decision not to tell your work mates that you have tested positive? The GOP chose not to inform their colleagues in working meetings; colleagues who would be leaving the committee room and going home to their families? Frankly, that feels like dangerous level of self-interest by the Republican that tested positive, and by the Republicans sitting in leadership who were totally silent.
A decision was made NOT to tell Democrats. Why? Probably because not telling saved them from some level of criticism for being hypocrites. Silence from a Republican leadership that clearly believes rules do not apply to them. All Republicans agreed, tacitly or openly, not to tell.
These same Republicans had bellowed long and loud over the six-day interval; telling anyone who would listen that THEY did not support the Governor’s plans. THEY did not wear masks. THEY believed that there was no on-going pandemic problem. That was the Republican position at a time when more than 5,000 Pennsylvanians had died?
The Republicans will tell you that no rule was broken. A search of the various guidelines does not find a specific rule demanding transparency. But isn’t transparency always the rule? Who among us does not believe in the importance of being informed and of sharing important information? Do we want our school boards to start hiding information from us? Our doctors? Yes, there are rules about doctors sharing information about us as individuals. The AMA Code of Medical Ethics Opinion 5.05 state exceptions to patient confidentiality must be made when in the context of the greater good. A doctor would be advised to report, but not the Republicans? How does that work for our greater good?
Republicans looking for a specific rule must have found it hard to ignore this:
“Employers need to follow guidelines set by state and local authorities.
If an employee is confirmed to have COVID-19, employers should inform fellow employees of their possible exposure to COVID-19 in the workplace but must adhere to HIPAA guidelines.
Sick employees should follow the CDC recommendations and employers should consult with the local health department for additional guidance.” (https://www.ehstoday.com/covid19/article/21128937/cdc-updates-its-returntowork-standards
I suppose we can quibble as to whether the Republican leadership should be considered employers. Actually, all of us are their employers. We pay their salaries and we want transparency.
Finally, the arrogance and the complete lack of community by the Republican Majority is simply awful to behold. These are tough times for everyone. The GOP kept a man’s positive tests under wraps for more than a week. Rep. Lewis (R 105 which is near Harrisburg), has “Coronavirus Information” on his WEBSITE! There are more than 50 separate articles about everything, health, resources, business, feds; it’s all there. A large header reads: “It Takes all of us to fight CORONAVIRUS”. Yep. Seeing that makes one even more furious at Lewis and his colleagues. If they KNOW what is right, why did they think it was okay not to follow the rules? The Washington Post quoted one colleague calling them “Callous liars”! Say one thing, know one thing, and do the opposite is a fair example of lying.
So that is why we care. And thank goodness, most of us do.
Ann Melby Shenkle
Doylestown, PA 1l8901


dailykos--2020-05-30--Hydroxychloroquine Could Help Trump – Politically

This month President Donald Trump boldly continued to promote the antimalarial drug hydroxychloroquine as a protection against being infected by covid-19 .
In an almost off-handed comment during a briefing he said he was taking it himself , although the size of the dosage was not mentioned .
At the same time , a new study of 96,000 coronavirus patients on six continents taking the drug concluded that they experienced a 34 percent increase in risk of mortality and a 137 percent increased risk of a serious heart arrhythmias .
Those findings would seem to answer Trump ’ s question @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose ?
” in encouraging people to take the drug .
The media , with CNN often in the lead , has kept hammering away at Trump ’ s apparent ignorance or hubris or just stubbornness in pushing the consumption of hydroxychloroquine as a possible way of stopping the pandemic .
Their primarily liberal audience probably reacts with disgust at having such an irresponsible president leading innocent but desperate and frightened Americans down a path toward a measurable risk of heart problems or death .
Liberals likely expect that it could only damage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so fast ; here ’ s why hydroxychloroquine is not a risk for Trump .
Promoting a potentially harmful drug for treating Covid-19 , is not moving the political needle .
No number of experts testifying on CNN or MSNBC against the use of this drug will alter the mindset of Republicans as a whole .
Surveys show they trust Trump ’ s handling of the pandemic .
For instance , the number of coronavirus infections have exploded from early March , when Trump disbanded the Directorate for Global Health Security and at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the coronavirus .
The number of confirmed infections soared from twenty-nine on March 4 to over twenty-six thousand on May 4 according to the University of Washington ’ s IHME .
Nevertheless , Republicans have been far less concerned with the coronavirus than Democrats or Independents .
According to the NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist Poll taken on March 12-13 , 2020 , 60 % of Republicans did not believe coronavirus was a real threat , while 50 % of Independents did .
Two months later in late May , 82.2 % of Republicans approved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic while only 12.5 % of Democrats did , according to a poll by FiveThirtyEight .
The pandemic could also hurt the Democrat vote more than the Republican vote in this coming November ’ s elections .
Black and Hispanic populations account for a higher share of confirmed cases and deaths compared to their share of the total population according to a mid-April analysis from Kaiser Family Foundation .
It also found adults with low incomes are more likely to have higher rates of chronic conditions compared to adults with high incomes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illness if infected with coronavirus .
These populations are the most likely to be harmed by taking hydroxychloroquine because of the greater likelihood of complications coming from their well-documented poor health conditions .
They also overwhelmingly vote for Democrats The percentage of validated 2016 voters in these three groups reported voting as follows : Blacks 91 % for Clinton , 6 % for Trump ; Hispanics 66 % for Clinton , 28 % for Trump ; people making less than $ 30,000 a year 53 % for Clinton , 41 % for Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s voting base , any complaints about their illnesses or deaths from using hydroxychloroquine will not likely result in the administration quickly responding or even publicly acknowledging it .
Most importantly , Trump ’ s promoting hydroxychloroquine shows that he can buck the health experts who he strongly implies are providing foolish overprotective restrictions that are putting people out of work and out of business .
He does not point to infection charts and lecture about the dangers of getting back to normal life .
Instead he comes across as just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and true drug to give Americans a chance to get over this pandemic .
He is says I ’ m taking it , and I ’ m doing fine .
Try it !
His attitude of being bold and going forward has him applauding protestors in Michigan who want their restrictions lifted , by tweeting “ Liberate ” Michigan .
He understands that culture has far more influence than data in swaying the populace : how people perceive the pandemic determines their behavior more than what they know about it .
He frames @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the elites and the people , not a dry discussion of the facts lead by academics .
Remember Trump was a very successful producer of a popular TV realty show .
He knows what grabs people ’ s attention .
It is not tables with numbers on it .
Thus , he promotes an unproven drug and refuses to wear a face mask .
Not wearing one communicates that he is with those who want to move on and not dwell on the minutiae of health statistics .
Those statistics may actually work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ count will soon exceed 100,000 and the infection rate climbs over a million and a half , the flip side of those charts is that 90 % of the population feels fine or in the same health condition they had before the pandemic .
Less than 5 % of the population has been tested with over 80 % of those showing not being infected with the virus .
And many of those infected may never show any symptoms .
As a result , a false sense of security will continue to grow , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends who have a confirmed infection .
Consequently , Trump has downplayed the need for testing because it is time consuming , costly , not reliable and most importantly it might highlight the extent to which the virus has spread .
That would encourage the Democrats in office to continue restrictions on social and business interactions to avoid further infections and deaths .
That is something Trump will not tolerate because he desperately needs to get the economy moving before November if he is to stand a chance of being reelected .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ key swing states who voted for him .
Many Democrats , according to a poll by Morning Consult , believe he was responsible for the strong economy before the pandemic hit .
In 2019 , just 49 percent of Democrats said Trump was responsible for the then-strong economy , but in the latest survey , 70 percent said Trump was responsible .
He must not let them slip away as unemployment among them skyrockets .
As a calculating pragmatist , Trump is focused on the calendar .
It doesn ’ t matter what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Above all , people have to get back to work and receiving income before the election .
He will either be president , in which case his strategy worked for remaining as president , or if he loses , then the pandemic will be someone else ’ s problem .
The only effective counter to Trump ’ s narrative is to capture the cultural high ground by emphasizing that America is one community , not separate cultural tribes .
That a united community protects everyone and not just the lucky healthy ones .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ protective measures must be designed to move toward normalcy in social and business activities , in a cautious and controlled fashion .
The data supports such an approach .
Recently two studies released by universities identified an economic benefit of over $ 5 trillion results from saving lives across the country in an effort to slow the pandemic down , despite the massive hit to our economy through societal distance restrictions .
But that rational approach is boring and too abstract for many people .
Instead this nation needs leaders who can stoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among our citizens .
When that spirit is overshadowed by individualism and personal protection , our society and republic splinters into factions and ultimately invites our nation ’ s collapse .
Nick Licata served 5 terms on the Seattle City Council , named progressive municipal official of the year by The Nation , and is founding board chair of Local Progress , a national network of 1,000 progressive municipal officials .
Subscribe to Licata ’ s newsletter Urban Politics

This month President Donald Trump boldly continued to promote the antimalarial drug hydroxychloroquine as a protection against being infected by covid-19. In an almost off-handed comment during a briefing he said he was taking it himself, although the size of the dosage was not mentioned. At the same time, a new study of 96,000 coronavirus patients on six continents taking the drug concluded that they experienced a 34 percent increase in risk of mortality and a 137 percent increased risk of a serious heart arrhythmias. Those findings would seem to answer Trump’s question of “What do you have to lose?” in encouraging people to take the drug.
The media, with CNN often in the lead, has kept hammering away at Trump’s apparent ignorance or hubris or just stubbornness in pushing the consumption of hydroxychloroquine as a possible way of stopping the pandemic. Their primarily liberal audience probably reacts with disgust at having such an irresponsible president leading innocent but desperate and frightened Americans down a path toward a measurable risk of heart problems or death. Liberals likely expect that it could only damage his chances for being reelected.
Not so fast; here’s why hydroxychloroquine is not a risk for Trump. Promoting a potentially harmful drug for treating Covid-19, is not moving the political needle. No number of experts testifying on CNN or MSNBC against the use of this drug will alter the mindset of Republicans as a whole. Surveys show they trust Trump’s handling of the pandemic.
For instance, the number of coronavirus infections have exploded from early March, when Trump disbanded the Directorate for Global Health Security and at the same time declared a national emergency around the coronavirus. The number of confirmed infections soared from twenty-nine on March 4 to over twenty-six thousand on May 4 according to the University of Washington’s IHME. Nevertheless, Republicans have been far less concerned with the coronavirus than Democrats or Independents. According to the NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist Poll taken on March 12-13, 2020, 60% of Republicans did not believe coronavirus was a real threat, while 50% of Independents did. Two months later in late May, 82.2 % of Republicans approved of Trump’s handling of the pandemic while only 12.5 % of Democrats did, according to a poll by FiveThirtyEight.
The pandemic could also hurt the Democrat vote more than the Republican vote in this coming November’s elections. Black and Hispanic populations account for a higher share of confirmed cases and deaths compared to their share of the total population according to a mid-April analysis from Kaiser Family Foundation. It also found adults with low incomes are more likely to have higher rates of chronic conditions compared to adults with high incomes, which could increase their risk of serious illness if infected with coronavirus. These populations are the most likely to be harmed by taking hydroxychloroquine because of the greater likelihood of complications coming from their well-documented poor health conditions. They also overwhelmingly vote for Democrats
The percentage of validated 2016 voters in these three groups reported voting as follows: Blacks 91% for Clinton, 6 % for Trump; Hispanics 66 % for Clinton, 28 % for Trump; people making less than $30,000 a year 53 % for Clinton, 41% for Trump. Since they are not part of Trump’s voting base, any complaints about their illnesses or deaths from using hydroxychloroquine will not likely result in the administration quickly responding or even publicly acknowledging it.
Most importantly, Trump’s promoting hydroxychloroquine shows that he can buck
the health experts who he strongly implies are providing foolish overprotective restrictions that are putting people out of work and out of business. He does not point to infection charts and lecture about the dangers of getting back to normal life. Instead he comes across as just using common sense to promote a tried and true drug to give Americans a chance to get over this pandemic. He is says I’m taking it, and I’m doing fine. Try it! His attitude of being bold and going forward has him applauding protestors in Michigan who want their restrictions lifted, by tweeting “Liberate” Michigan.
He understands that culture has far more influence than data in swaying the populace: how people perceive the pandemic determines their behavior more than what they know about it. He frames the pandemic as a cultural war between the elites and the people, not a dry discussion of the facts lead by academics. Remember Trump was a very successful producer of a popular TV realty show. He knows what grabs people’s attention. It is not tables with numbers on it. Thus, he promotes an unproven drug and refuses to wear a face mask. Not wearing one communicates that he is with those who want to move on and not dwell on the minutiae of health statistics.
Those statistics may actually work in his favor. While the death count will soon exceed 100,000 and the infection rate climbs over a million and a half, the flip side of those charts is that 90% of the population feels fine or in the same health condition they had before the pandemic. Less than 5% of the population has been tested with over 80% of those showing not being infected with the virus. And many of those infected may never show any symptoms. As a result, a false sense of security will continue to grow, since few people have relatives or close friends who have a confirmed infection.
Consequently, Trump has downplayed the need for testing because it is time consuming, costly, not reliable and most importantly it might highlight the extent to which the virus has spread. That would encourage the Democrats in office to continue restrictions on social and business interactions to avoid further infections and deaths. That is something Trump will not tolerate because he desperately needs to get the economy moving before November if he is to stand a chance of being reelected.
He must hold onto the democrats in the key swing states who voted for him. Many Democrats, according to a poll by Morning Consult, believe he was responsible for the strong economy before the pandemic hit. In 2019, just 49 percent of Democrats said Trump was responsible for the then-strong economy, but in the latest survey, 70 percent said Trump was responsible. He must not let them slip away as unemployment among them skyrockets.
As a calculating pragmatist, Trump is focused on the calendar. It doesn’t matter what the pandemic does after the election. Above all, people have to get back to work and receiving income before the election. He will either be president, in which case his strategy worked for remaining as president, or if he loses, then the pandemic will be someone else’s problem.
The only effective counter to Trump’s narrative is to capture the cultural high ground by emphasizing that America is one community, not separate cultural tribes. That a united community protects everyone and not just the lucky healthy ones. It is also one that recognizes that protective measures must be designed to move toward normalcy in social and business activities, in a cautious and controlled fashion. The data supports such an approach.
Recently two studies released by universities identified an economic benefit of over $5 trillion results from saving lives across the country in an effort to slow the pandemic down, despite the massive hit to our economy through societal distance restrictions. But that rational approach is boring and too abstract for many people. Instead this nation needs leaders who can stoke the American spirit of cooperation and trust among our citizens. When that spirit is overshadowed by individualism and personal protection, our society and republic splinters into factions and ultimately invites our nation’s collapse.
Nick Licata served 5 terms on the Seattle City Council, named progressive municipal official of the year by The Nation, and is founding board chair of Local Progress, a national network of 1,000 progressive municipal officials.
Subscribe to Licata’s newsletter Urban Politics


dailykos--2020-05-30--Bill Barr Announces Today That Leftist Groups Have “Hijacked” The George Floyd Protests

Without any evidence and taking no questions from the press , Attorney General William Barr blamed leftist groups for the @ @ @ @ @ specifically cited ANTIFA , a group whose name stands for anti-fascism is a peaceful loosely @ @ @ @ @ as on-line activists .
They will sometimes show up at events to counter protest by @ @ @ @ @ most likely be at home trying to beat back Alt-Right propaganda and lobby local governments @ @ @ @ @ marches and raise awareness about extremistism from their computer .
They certainly would not burn @ @ @ @ @ another red herring from the Trump administration .
They see an opportunity to try and @ @ @ @ @ .
Please stay alert , don ’ t get used again .
This is a @ @ @ @

Without any evidence and taking no questions from the press, Attorney General William Barr blamed leftist groups for the eruption of violence. He specifically cited ANTIFA, a group whose name stands for anti-fascism is a peaceful loosely organized group that mostly operates as on-line activists. They will sometimes show up at events to counter protest by White Nationalists, but are most likely be at home trying to beat back Alt-Right propaganda and lobby local governments to reject right wing supremeist marches and raise awareness about extremistism from their computer. They certainly would not burn minority businesses. This is another red herring from the Trump administration. They see an opportunity to try and save Trump’s presidency. Please stay alert, don’t get used again. This is a very dangerous tactic.


dailykos--2020-05-31--More Reasons Why the COVID Crisis Will Be Worse Than the 1930s

Well before the pandemic-crisis struck , analysts were sounding warnings that corporate debt had reached such dangerously high levels that a normal downturn in the business cycle would see many corporate bankruptcies .
But the analysts did not count on the rescue by the COVID-19 stimulus package .
Now , just as in 2008 , the wealthy are going to cream off most of the stimulus package while only a little will trickle down to the workers .
The present stimulus funds will be used to pay down that massive but avoidable corporate debt .
Why avoidable ?
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explained how corporations changed their sensible business practice from saving 50 % of dividends for corporate use including economic downturns and paying out only the other half in dividends , to stripping out every cent of profit by dividends , in the first article in this series here .
An even more extractive , predatory practice hides under the term ‘ the leveraged buyout ’ .
Equity and hedge funds scour the country to find corporations , large or small , that have net assets and a good cash flow .
Then they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assets .
Here ’ s how it ’ s done : Equity fund Pain Capital discovers Victim Co. that operates a chain of profitable supermarkets and owns the locations free and clear of mortgages .
Pain needs $ 100 million to buy enough shares to control Victim Co .
Pain is willing to put up 10 million and convinces a lender to advance 90 million by committing to have the corporation pledge its supermarket buildings as security for the debt and assume the payments .
As soon Pain has control , it votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Directors , who quickly implement the plan .
If a public company , Pain may take the company private .
From then on , Victim Co. is saddled with this massive debt for no proper corporate reason .
Now , the stimulus money will go to pay off this type of corporate debt first ; some of what ’ s left may go to the employees .
Eric Reed ’ s no bleeding-heart lefty .
He writes on a very conservative , Trump friendly , Wall Street website , TheStreet .
Reed worries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this leveraged-buyout tactic has gone too far .
He notes that many such targeted businesses , once very profitable , go bankrupt .
According to him , leveraged buyouts have imposed debt payments up to seven times their gross earnings ( EBITA ) on the acquired companies .
How big a deal is it ?
As Reuters has reported , “ the volume of leveraged loans reached $ 1.3 trillion in the U.S. and Europe in 2018 , versus $ 734 billion in 2007 ” .
For those of us used to thinking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , those numbers are so high they may be incomprehensible .
But we can assume that a lot of stimulus money will be sucked up to meet those installment payments .
Profiting from an Economic Downturn : Profiting from a Bankruptcy Why aren ’ t the equity and hedge funds worried about losing their investment through bankruptcy ?
They know how to make money on a bankruptcy too — especially by underfunding worker pensions ( of course , executive pensions are always fully funded ) .
They also know how to cherry pick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assets and purchase them at fire-sale prices in the bankruptcy .
For anyone who thinks it couldn ’ t be worse than what they have read so far , you can read here about these and other moves in the equity and hedge-fund predatory playbook using the recent Sears bankruptcy as an example .
As part of the safety net to protect deposit money , which contain the savings of America , commercial banks ( not investment banks ) were allowed to borrow from the Federal Reserve Bank at a very low interest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a short-term basis .
During the 2008 crisis , that facility was extended to most investment banks as they became bank holding companies .
Now investment banks could get relief originally intended only for commercial banks .
As part of the COVID-19 stimulus package , that safety measure has been further extended to help corporations .
In recognition of the potentially disastrous effect on the economy by the towering corporate debt , a huge chunk of the stimulus will go to the Fed so it can purchase the precarious corporate bonds , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ described as junk bonds — they are high yield because they are high risk ) from the lenders .
Does anyone see another upward transfer of wealth by socialistic measures here ?
Government deficit — Federal Reserve Bank — High-end lenders — Future government debt paid by taxpayers .
No consideration has been given to the fact that the wealthy equity and hedge funds , who got dividends that left the companies vulnerable , should have to pay back some of what they took .
The mere thought would horrify any well-conditioned mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always , to save the system ; but with an added justification not available in 2008 : It wasn ’ t their fault .
The large corporate entities claiming a bailout didn ’ t create this crisis in the first place .
Nobody could have seen the pandemic coming , they plead .
But it was their fault in not following the most basic risk-management precautions by keeping a reserve for any type of downturn .
The Economic Policy Institute graft , below , shows how government policies reduced economic inequality after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the 1970s .
The wealthy successfully fought back with new methods starting then .
Most readers will be familiar with corporate lawyer Lewis Powell ’ s memo in 1971 .
( Nixon rewarded him a scant two months later with an appointment to the US Supreme Court for his efforts on behalf of the wealth class . )
It was a manifesto to rally support against the gains made in the 1960s by consumer and environmental groups that were cutting into corporate profits .
The memo ‘ woke ’ the corporate world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the left .
The captains of industry did more than outlined in the Powell call to arms .
They used invisible methods , by which I mean tactics of which the general public is unaware .
There was no need for sitting around an oaken table on a secret isle to plan and plot .
Different stragies were born from shared values and knowledge of parts of the system only they had .
There has never been a greater example of Francis Bacon ’ s insight : knowledge is power .
They have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For those who doubt that this could be happening in America , I recommend reading what Gillian Tett , the US editor of the ultra conservative Financial Times , had to say on how the elite stay in power as quoted in the new documentary on Piketty ’ s Capitalism in the 21st Century here .
Here ’ s a recap of the risky extraction policies that violated any reasonable business practice for the financial health of corporations and that were abandoned for the personal benefit of the shareholders or executives .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it , I ’ ve explained each of these in more detail in other posts as indicated below .
These are all policies that came into effect after 1970 and changed the fair distribution of the gross national product to all income groups from equally to both the income and wealth inequality that we see today .
• From 1970 , the boards of directors of corporations started stripping out all profits by dividends to shareholders instead of keeping 50 % for corporate needs according to the shareholder value theory discussed here .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ expenses.From then on Corporations had to borrow to meet normal business expenses .
• Since 1981 , by SEC rule 10 b– 18 , executives have been able to executive extreme insider trading by causing their corporation to buyback their shares with no oversight by the SEC .
See : Cashing In on the Covid Crisis • Since 1982 , promoted by Michael Milkin , the number of leveraged buyouts exploded adding most of the cost of the takeover share purchase to the corporate debt with no benefit to the corporations .
• @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to exceed the historic 20 to 1 median worker pay ratio .
In 1990 , the gap mushroomed reaching the present-day ratio of 300 to 1 .
Contrary to general opinion , the CEOs set their own pay .
Seems impossible ?
I explain how here .
If economic inequality is to be stopped , those practices must be stopped .
It ’ s not hard to see how to do that , but the hardest part is getting voters , especially the working class , to see that these are the causes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not minority groups , and is not new immigrants .
But most voters have no idea about how this part of the corporate system works .
It ’ s a matter , first , for education .

Well before the pandemic-crisis struck, analysts were sounding warnings that corporate debt had reached such dangerously high levels that a normal downturn in the business cycle would see many corporate bankruptcies. But the analysts did not count on the rescue by the COVID-19 stimulus package. Now, just as in 2008, the wealthy are going to cream off most of the stimulus package while only a little will trickle down to the workers. The present stimulus funds will be used to pay down that massive but avoidable corporate debt.
Why avoidable? It is the result of predatory practices. I explained how corporations changed their sensible business practice from saving 50% of dividends for corporate use including economic downturns and paying out only the other half in dividends, to stripping out every cent of profit by dividends, in the first article in this series here. An even more extractive, predatory practice hides under the term ‘the leveraged buyout’. Equity and hedge funds scour the country to find corporations, large or small, that have net assets and a good cash flow. Then they buy those companies primarily with their own assets. Here’s how it’s done:
The Leveraged Buyout
Equity fund Pain Capital discovers Victim Co. that operates a chain of profitable supermarkets and owns the locations free and clear of mortgages. Pain needs $100 million to buy enough shares to control Victim Co. Pain is willing to put up 10 million and convinces a lender to advance 90 million by committing to have the corporation pledge its supermarket buildings as security for the debt and assume the payments. As soon Pain has control, it votes in its choices for the Board of Directors, who quickly implement the plan. If a public company, Pain may take the company private. From then on, Victim Co. is saddled with this massive debt for no proper corporate reason. Now, the stimulus money will go to pay off this type of corporate debt first; some of what’s left may go to the employees.
Eric Reed’s no bleeding-heart lefty. He writes on a very conservative, Trump friendly, Wall Street website, TheStreet. Reed worries, in enlightened capitalist self-interest, that this leveraged-buyout tactic has gone too far. He notes that many such targeted businesses, once very profitable, go bankrupt. According to him, leveraged buyouts have imposed debt payments up to seven times their gross earnings (EBITA) on the acquired companies.
How big a deal is it? As Reuters has reported, “the volume of leveraged loans reached $1.3 trillion in the U.S. and Europe in 2018, versus $734 billion in 2007”. For those of us used to thinking in hundreds, and occasionally in thousands, those numbers are so high they may be incomprehensible. But we can assume that a lot of stimulus money will be sucked up to meet those installment payments.
Profiting from an Economic Downturn: Profiting from a Bankruptcy
Why aren’t the equity and hedge funds worried about losing their investment through bankruptcy? They know how to make money on a bankruptcy too — especially by underfunding worker pensions (of course, executive pensions are always fully funded).
They also know how to cherry pick, with insider information, the best assets and purchase them at fire-sale prices in the bankruptcy. For anyone who thinks it couldn’t be worse than what they have read so far, you can read here about these and other moves in the equity and hedge-fund predatory playbook using the recent Sears bankruptcy as an example.
Creeping Socialism in America
As part of the safety net to protect deposit money, which contain the savings of America, commercial banks (not investment banks) were allowed to borrow from the Federal Reserve Bank at a very low interest rate (called the discount window) on a short-term basis. During the 2008 crisis, that facility was extended to most investment banks as they became bank holding companies. Now investment banks could get relief originally intended only for commercial banks.
As part of the COVID-19 stimulus package, that safety measure has been further extended to help corporations. In recognition of the potentially disastrous effect on the economy by the towering corporate debt, a huge chunk of the stimulus will go to the Fed so it can purchase the precarious corporate bonds, including high-yield bonds (otherwise more accurately described as junk bonds — they are high yield because they are high risk) from the lenders. Does anyone see another upward transfer of wealth by socialistic measures here? Government deficit — Federal Reserve Bank — High-end lenders — Future government debt paid by taxpayers. No consideration has been given to the fact that the wealthy equity and hedge funds, who got dividends that left the companies vulnerable, should have to pay back some of what they took. The mere thought would horrify any well-conditioned mind.
This bailout is justified, as always, to save the system; but with an added justification not available in 2008: It wasn’t their fault. The large corporate entities claiming a bailout didn’t create this crisis in the first place. Nobody could have seen the pandemic coming, they plead. But it was their fault in not following the most basic risk-management precautions by keeping a reserve for any type of downturn.
When Extraction Began to Trump Reason
The Economic Policy Institute graft, below, shows how government policies reduced economic inequality after the Roaring Twenties, but how inequality increased after the 1970s.
The date of 1970 is significant
The wealthy successfully fought back with new methods starting then. Most readers will be familiar with corporate lawyer Lewis Powell’s memo in 1971. (Nixon rewarded him a scant two months later with an appointment to the US Supreme Court for his efforts on behalf of the wealth class.) It was a manifesto to rally support against the gains made in the 1960s by consumer and environmental groups that were cutting into corporate profits. The memo ‘woke’ the corporate world to the necessity of strategies to defeat the left. The captains of industry did more than outlined in the Powell call to arms. They used invisible methods, by which I mean tactics of which the general public is unaware. There was no need for sitting around an oaken table on a secret isle to plan and plot. Different stragies were born from shared values and knowledge of parts of the system only they had. There has never been a greater example of Francis Bacon’s insight: knowledge is power. They have it; average voters don’t.
For those who doubt that this could be happening in America, I recommend reading what Gillian Tett, the US editor of the ultra conservative Financial Times, had to say on how the elite stay in power as quoted in the new documentary on Piketty’s Capitalism in the 21st Century here.
Here’s a recap of the risky extraction policies that violated any reasonable business practice for the financial health of corporations and that were abandoned for the personal benefit of the shareholders or executives. For those that have the stomach for it, I’ve explained each of these in more detail in other posts as indicated below. These are all policies that came into effect after 1970 and changed the fair distribution of the gross national product to all income groups from equally to both the income and wealth inequality that we see today.
From 1970, the boards of directors of corporations started stripping out all profits by dividends to shareholders instead of keeping 50% for corporate needs according to the shareholder value theory discussed here. Corporations had to borrow to meet ongoing expenses.From then on Corporations had to borrow to meet normal business expenses.
Since 1981, by SEC rule 10 b– 18, executives have been able to executive extreme insider trading by causing their corporation to buyback their shares with no oversight by the SEC. See: Cashing In on the Covid Crisis
Since 1982, promoted by Michael Milkin, the number of leveraged buyouts exploded adding most of the cost of the takeover share purchase to the corporate debt with no benefit to the corporations.
Beginning in 1970, executive compensation began to exceed the historic 20 to 1 median worker pay ratio. In 1990, the gap mushroomed reaching the present-day ratio of 300 to 1. Contrary to general opinion, the CEOs set their own pay. Seems impossible? I explain how here.
If economic inequality is to be stopped, those practices must be stopped.
It’s not hard to see how to do that, but the hardest part is getting voters, especially the working class, to see that these are the causes of their precarious financial situation. It’s not minority groups, and is not new immigrants. But most voters have no idea about how this part of the corporate system works. It’s a matter, first, for education.