democracynow--2020-09-28--A Criminal Tax Cheat? Bombshell NYT Report Shows Trump Paid No Federal Income Tax for 10 of 15 Years

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : We begin today ’ s show looking at the bombshell report in The New York Times that reveals Donald Trump paid no federal income taxes in 10 of the last 15 years , and he paid just $ 750 in federal income taxes in both 2016 and 2017 .
The Times published the report after obtaining more than two decades of Trump ’ s tax return data .
On Sunday , Trump called the report “ fake news , ” but he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ returns .
The reporting paints a picture of Trump as either an inept entrepreneur or a criminal tax cheat .
For years he has reported massive losses in some of his key business projects , including more than $ 300 million on his golf courses and $ 55 million on his hotel in Washington , D.C.
He ’ s used the losses to offset his taxable income in other areas .
The New York Times also reveals the president has been locked in a battle over taxes with the IRS over a $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his casino business in Atlantic City collapsed .
Trump could be forced to pay over $ 100 million if he loses that fight .
In addition , the Times reports Trump has more than $ 300 million in loans he personally guaranteed that will soon come due .
The Trump family also reduced its tax bill by paying nearly $ 750,000 in so-called consulting fees to Ivanka Trump while she was an employee of the Trump Organization .
Former Department of Justice Inspector General Michael Bromwich responded to the report by writing on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something we didn ’ t when he started balking at the peaceful transfer of power .
If he loses the election , he faces federal and state prosecution for bank fraud , tax fraud , wire fraud , and mail fraud , as does his entire family .
No OLC memo will spare him , ” he said .
The New York Times also reports how President Trump has earned millions of dollars in overseas licensing deals since entering the White House , including $ 3 million from the Philippines , over $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million from Turkey .
In 2017 , Trump paid just $ 750 in federal income taxes in the United States , but he and his businesses paid nearly $ 157,000 in taxes to the Philippines and $ 145,000 in taxes to India .
We begin today ’ s show with Elie Mystal , The Nation 's justice correspondent , author of the magazine 's new monthly column , “ Objection !
” He has reported on the legal fight over Trump ’ s tax returns .
Welcome back to Democracy Now !
, @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significance of this bombshell report in The New York Times ?
ELIE MYSTAL : Yeah , it ’ s a doozy !
Look , I go back on this to Michael Cohen , Trump ’ s former lawyer and fixer ’ s testimony before Congress .
Michael Cohen told us all what the game is .
He said that Trump inflates his assets when it helps him — for instance , to get on the Forbes richest people in the world list — and he deflates his assets when it helps him — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on his tax returns .
Michael Cohen testified to this in front of Congress .
Now , the tax documents that were leaked to The New York Times and they reported on do not prove Michael Cohen ’ s story .
But if Michael Cohen was talking the truth , this is what the tax documents would look like .
AMY GOODMAN : So , you tweeted last night , “ the thing about the tax leak is that while tax avoidance is legal , tax evasion is not.
” Explain .
ELIE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look , at certain high levels — and this is a thing that we fight about a lot politically — but at certain levels of the economy , there are all sorts of tricks wealthy people can do to avoid paying taxes .
It ’ s one of the reasons why tax lawyers are so smart and well paid , right ?
There are tricks .
There are things that you can do .
Decreasing your taxable income with losses from one side of the ledger to offset huge gains on another side @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are various tax avoidance schemes that are legal , that are perfectly legal .
We can argue about whether or not they should be legal , but it is clear that they are legal , right ?
To make it work , you kind of just have to be really bad at something .
Trump happens to be really bad at business , according to these documents , and that is how he is able to fritter away something along the lines of $ 434 million he earned from The Apprentice and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoidance 101 , if what he ’ s saying in the documents is absolutely true .
ELIE MYSTAL : However — I ’ m saying , however , there ’ s also the possibility that the tax documents are fraudulent .
And if they ’ re fraudulent , there is a lot a suggestion here that what we could be looking at is not tax avoidance , it could be the Michael Cohen allegation of tax evasion , which is in fact a crime .
AMY GOODMAN : So , on Sunday night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right as The New York Times was dropping their bombshell report .
AMY GOODMAN : So , Elie Mystal , you tweeted last night there ’ s something he could do to prove this .
ELIE MYSTAL : He could just release his tax returns , which has promised to do multiple times throughout the course of his presidency .
This audit excuse is now — is now known to everybody , right ?
We know what the audit is about .
It ’ s the $ 95 million he paid in taxes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a $ 72.9 million refund on later .
That ’ s what the audit ’ s about .
Everybody knows that now .
Great , we ’ re done .
So now he can just release his taxes , right ?
Like , he can just go to his file cabinet , you know , open the drawer and send out his 2019 tax returns , if he is so — if he is calling this fake news .
Like , we can ’ t just accept anymore this blanket “ fake news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , President Trump ?
Is it fake that you paid your daughter $ 750,000 while she was an employee , potentially to lower your tax bill ?
Is it fake that you called your Westchester property in Bedford , New York , a business and wrote off $ 2.2 million in property taxes as business expenses ?
Is that fake , or did you actually do that ?
Because those are the questions now .
We don ’ t have to just take his word for the fact that he paid lots of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documents that he didn ’ t .
And if those documents are wrong , Donald Trump can release his taxes and show us what he claims is the real truth .
Super simple .
AMY GOODMAN : The New York Times says , “ This time around , he is personally responsible for loans and other debts totaling $ 421 million , with most of it coming due within four years .
Should he win re-election , his lenders could be placed in the unprecedented position of weighing whether to foreclose on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million , Elie Mystal .
ELIE MYSTAL : And we don ’ t know to who .
Like , that is the thing , like , of all of the stories here .
Some of it is just kind of hilarious incompetence on Trump ’ s part .
Some of it is perhaps criminal tax evasion .
The loan , the outstanding loans , is a threat to American sovereignty .
And I am not being hyperbolic when I say that .
One of the reasons why we find large amounts of outstanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal government is that it ’ s a hook into corruption , right ?
Like , the people who you owe money to might have leverage over you as you execute your duties .
The fact that he owes this much money , the fact that we don ’ t even know who he owes the money to , and the fact that he , apparently , according to his taxes , has no legitimate way of paying the money , all makes him a compromised person .
And for a compromised person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a kind of textbook bad egg , that counterterrorism experts and the like have warned us about from the beginning with this man .
So , from a governmental kind of integrity of government perspective , the outstanding loan money is actually the biggest story for people to focus on .
AMY GOODMAN : And The New York Times is promising to publish more stories , and the first debate between him and Joe Biden is Tuesday night .
Elie Mystal , stay with us , because we ’ re going to move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that is President Trump ’ s nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to be justice on the Supreme Court .
Stay with us .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show looking at the bombshell report in The New York Times that reveals Donald Trump paid no federal income taxes in 10 of the last 15 years, and he paid just $750 in federal income taxes in both 2016 and 2017. The Times published the report after obtaining more than two decades of Trump’s tax return data. On Sunday, Trump called the report “fake news,” but he continues to refuse to release his tax returns.
The reporting paints a picture of Trump as either an inept entrepreneur or a criminal tax cheat. For years he has reported massive losses in some of his key business projects, including more than $300 million on his golf courses and $55 million on his hotel in Washington, D.C. He’s used the losses to offset his taxable income in other areas.
The New York Times also reveals the president has been locked in a battle over taxes with the IRS over a $73 million tax refund he claimed after his casino business in Atlantic City collapsed. Trump could be forced to pay over $100 million if he loses that fight. In addition, the Times reports Trump has more than $300 million in loans he personally guaranteed that will soon come due. The Trump family also reduced its tax bill by paying nearly $750,000 in so-called consulting fees to Ivanka Trump while she was an employee of the Trump Organization.
Former Department of Justice Inspector General Michael Bromwich responded to the report by writing on Twitter, quote, “Trump knew something we didn’t when he started balking at the peaceful transfer of power. If he loses the election, he faces federal and state prosecution for bank fraud, tax fraud, wire fraud, and mail fraud, as does his entire family. No OLC memo will spare him,” he said.
The New York Times also reports how President Trump has earned millions of dollars in overseas licensing deals since entering the White House, including $3 million from the Philippines, over $2 million from India and $1 million from Turkey. In 2017, Trump paid just $750 in federal income taxes in the United States, but he and his businesses paid nearly $157,000 in taxes to the Philippines and $145,000 in taxes to India.
We begin today’s show with Elie Mystal, The Nation's justice correspondent, author of the magazine's new monthly column, “Objection!” He has reported on the legal fight over Trump’s tax returns.
Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Elie. Can you talk about the significance of this bombshell report in The New York Times?
ELIE MYSTAL: Yeah, it’s a doozy! Look, I go back on this to Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer and fixer’s testimony before Congress. Michael Cohen told us all what the game is. He said that Trump inflates his assets when it helps him — for instance, to get on the Forbes richest people in the world list — and he deflates his assets when it helps him — for instance, to hide his income on his tax returns. Michael Cohen testified to this in front of Congress. Now, the tax documents that were leaked to The New York Times and they reported on do not prove Michael Cohen’s story. But if Michael Cohen was talking the truth, this is what the tax documents would look like.
AMY GOODMAN: So, you tweeted last night, “the thing about the tax leak is that while tax avoidance is legal, tax evasion is not.” Explain.
ELIE MYSTAL: So, I mean, look, at certain high levels — and this is a thing that we fight about a lot politically — but at certain levels of the economy, there are all sorts of tricks wealthy people can do to avoid paying taxes. It’s one of the reasons why tax lawyers are so smart and well paid, right? There are tricks. There are things that you can do. Decreasing your taxable income with losses from one side of the ledger to offset huge gains on another side of the ledger is commonplace. There are various tax avoidance schemes that are legal, that are perfectly legal. We can argue about whether or not they should be legal, but it is clear that they are legal, right?
To make it work, you kind of just have to be really bad at something. Trump happens to be really bad at business, according to these documents, and that is how he is able to fritter away something along the lines of $434 million he earned from The Apprentice and other licensing deals. That’s tax avoidance 101, if what he’s saying in the documents is absolutely true.
AMY GOODMAN: So, I —
ELIE MYSTAL: However —
AMY GOODMAN: Go ahead.
ELIE MYSTAL: However — I’m saying, however, there’s also the possibility that the tax documents are fraudulent. And if they’re fraudulent, there is a lot a suggestion here that what we could be looking at is not tax avoidance, it could be the Michael Cohen allegation of tax evasion, which is in fact a crime.
AMY GOODMAN: So, on Sunday night, President Trump held a news conference right as The New York Times was dropping their bombshell report.
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: It’s fake news. It’s totally fake news. It’s made-up, fake. We went through the same stories — you could have asked me the same questions four years ago. I had to litigate this and talk about it. Totally fake news. No, actually, I paid tax, but — and you’ll see that as soon as my tax returns — it’s under audit. They’ve been under audit for a long time.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Elie Mystal, you tweeted last night there’s something he could do to prove this.
ELIE MYSTAL: He could just release his tax returns, which has promised to do multiple times throughout the course of his presidency. This audit excuse is now — is now known to everybody, right? We know what the audit is about. It’s the $95 million he paid in taxes to the IRS that he then got a $72.9 million refund on later. That’s what the audit’s about. Everybody knows that now. Great, we’re done. So now he can just release his taxes, right? Like, he can just go to his file cabinet, you know, open the drawer and send out his 2019 tax returns, if he is so — if he is calling this fake news.
Like, we can’t just accept anymore this blanket “fake news” story. What exactly is fake, President Trump? Is it fake that you paid your daughter $750,000 while she was an employee, potentially to lower your tax bill? Is it fake that you called your Westchester property in Bedford, New York, a business and wrote off $2.2 million in property taxes as business expenses? Is that fake, or did you actually do that? Because those are the questions now. We don’t have to just take his word for the fact that he paid lots of taxes. We can see in the documents that he didn’t. And if those documents are wrong, Donald Trump can release his taxes and show us what he claims is the real truth. Super simple.
AMY GOODMAN: The New York Times says, “This time around, he is personally responsible for loans and other debts totaling $421 million, with most of it coming due within four years. Should he win re-election, his lenders could be placed in the unprecedented position of weighing whether to foreclose on a sitting president.” He owes $421 million, Elie Mystal.
ELIE MYSTAL: And we don’t know to who. Like, that is the thing, like, of all of the stories here. Some of it is just kind of hilarious incompetence on Trump’s part. Some of it is perhaps criminal tax evasion. The loan, the outstanding loans, is a threat to American sovereignty. And I am not being hyperbolic when I say that.
One of the reasons why we find large amounts of outstanding debt disqualifying for many positions in the federal government is that it’s a hook into corruption, right? Like, the people who you owe money to might have leverage over you as you execute your duties. The fact that he owes this much money, the fact that we don’t even know who he owes the money to, and the fact that he, apparently, according to his taxes, has no legitimate way of paying the money, all makes him a compromised person. And for a compromised person to be running the American government is a kind of textbook bad egg, that counterterrorism experts and the like have warned us about from the beginning with this man. So, from a governmental kind of integrity of government perspective, the outstanding loan money is actually the biggest story for people to focus on.
AMY GOODMAN: And The New York Times is promising to publish more stories, and the first debate between him and Joe Biden is Tuesday night. Elie Mystal, stay with us, because we’re going to move to another top story this weekend, and that is President Trump’s nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to be justice on the Supreme Court. Stay with us.


democracynow--2020-09-28--Headlines for September 28, 2020

Headlines for September 28, 2020

Coronavirus cases in the U.S. have now topped 7.1 million , with nearly half of all states reporting a rise in daily cases over the past week and major surges reported in the Midwest .
Despite the mounting cases , recent numbers published in the journal The Lancet show only 9 % of the country ’ s population may have been exposed to the coronavirus , meaning the vast majority of people remain susceptible going into the fall and winter months .
Florida said Friday it will fully reopen its economy , allowing restaurants to operate at full capacity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Virginia , Governor Ralph Northam and his wife have tested positive for COVID-19 .
President Trump repeatedly attacked the Democratic governor at his rally in Newport News , Virginia , Friday night , hours after news of Northam ’ s infection was announced .
Virginia officials had attempted to halt the rally , which violates an executive order by Northam banning gatherings of more than 250 people .
In labor news , the airline industry is set to cut over 35,000 jobs by the end of the week , barring a move from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as part of the CARES Act , due to expire at the end of this month .
In education news , New York City ’ s principals union unanimously passed a vote of no confidence in Mayor Bill de Blasio , asking that he cede control of city schools to the state Education Department for the duration of the pandemic .
This comes just days before the now-twice-delayed reopening of the city ’ s public schools , which is scheduled to happen this week .

Coronavirus cases in the U.S. have now topped 7.1 million, with nearly half of all states reporting a rise in daily cases over the past week and major surges reported in the Midwest. Despite the mounting cases, recent numbers published in the journal The Lancet show only 9% of the country’s population may have been exposed to the coronavirus, meaning the vast majority of people remain susceptible going into the fall and winter months.
Florida said Friday it will fully reopen its economy, allowing restaurants to operate at full capacity and banning localities from ordering closures.
In Virginia, Governor Ralph Northam and his wife have tested positive for COVID-19. President Trump repeatedly attacked the Democratic governor at his rally in Newport News, Virginia, Friday night, hours after news of Northam’s infection was announced. Virginia officials had attempted to halt the rally, which violates an executive order by Northam banning gatherings of more than 250 people.
In labor news, the airline industry is set to cut over 35,000 jobs by the end of the week, barring a move from Congress to continue funding payroll protections included as part of the CARES Act, due to expire at the end of this month.
In education news, New York City’s principals union unanimously passed a vote of no confidence in Mayor Bill de Blasio, asking that he cede control of city schools to the state Education Department for the duration of the pandemic. This comes just days before the now-twice-delayed reopening of the city’s public schools, which is scheduled to happen this week.


democracynow--2020-09-29--David Cay Johnston: Trump Deserves to Be Jailed, But System Is Set Up to Let Rich Avoid Paying Taxes

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
When President Trump and Joe Biden meet tonight for their first of three presidential debates — and you can watch it here at democracynow.org at 9 Eastern [ Daylight ] — Trump is expected to face questions about the bombshell report in The New York Times that revealed he paid no federal income tax in 10 of the past 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and '17 .
In a follow-up report , the Times reveals Trump made $ 427 million off the hit reality TV show The Apprentice , providing him a financial lifeline as other investments lost money .
The Times reports , quote , “ Mr .
Trump 's genius , it turned out , wasn ’ t running a company .
It was making himself famous — Trump-scale famous — and monetizing that fame , ” unquote .
Well , the Biden campaign responded quickly on Sunday to The New York Times exposé with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taxes paid by workers compared to Trump .
Teachers paid $ 7,239 .
Firefighters paid $ 5,283 .
Nurses paid , oh , $ 10,216 .
Donald Trump paid $ 750 , while boasting he ’ s a billionaire .
The Times reports also detail Trump ’ s questionable write-offs in tax filings from major business losses and massive debts , including more than $ 300 million in loans that will come due in the next four years .
The revelations have raised national security concerns , with Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vulnerable to financial blackmail from a hostile foreign power and God knows what else.
” He paid more in taxes to the Philippines and India than he did to the United States .
For more , we ’ re joined by David Cay Johnston , Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter who has reported extensively on Donald Trump and his taxes for more than 30 years .
Previously , he worked with The New York Times , now co-founder and editor of DCReport.org .
His most recent book , It ’ s Even Worse Than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Is Doing to America .
So , you have written , David Cay Johnston , “ I think there ’ s lots of evidence that Donald Trump is a criminal-level tax cheat.
” Is this true you think if he were not reelected , he could go to jail on these charges ?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : Well , whether he goes to jail is ultimately the decision of a judge after a trial and conviction .
Does he deserve to go to jail ?
Oh , absolutely .
But on the federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have about 155 million tax returns filed each year , we only prosecute about 1,200 people , and most of those are drug dealers or politicians who took bribes .
There is no serious effort in the United States to prosecute tax criminals .
In fact , the IRS is aware of more than a half-million people who made a high income , did not even file a tax return in 2014 , '15 or ’ 16 , and they 're not even trying to pursue them , because they have no money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the IRS .
In just the last 10 years , they ’ ve gotten rid of one-third of the auditors .
If you make a million dollars or more — we have people in America , Amy , who make several billion dollars a year — your odds of being audited are less than three in a hundred .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And , David , I wanted to ask you about the Times piece not only yesterday , but today , as well , because there ’ s a lot of new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was this mention of this $ 72 million tax refund that Trump claimed , in the few years that he actually did pay taxes .
He then apparently got a refund , because he was claiming , I guess , carryovers of previous losses to get that money back .
Could you explain this whole issue of capital gains and how ultra-wealthy people use losses in future years to not pay taxes ?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : Well , corporations , but not individuals , are allowed to smooth out their income for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes a profit , say , in seven years and loses money in three , they get to use the three losing years to offset their profits from the others .
Trump did something different .
When I got Donald ’ s 2005 income tax return , he only paid $ 3 million of regular income tax on an income of over $ 150 million .
He paid a lower rate than the poorest half of American taxpayers , who that year made , on average , $ 16,000 .
But he did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s called alternative minimum tax .
And for real estate developers , that ’ s not really a tax .
What happens is , the accounting rules cause you to pay the tax one year , and then the government gives it back to you in future years if you stay in the real estate business .
Essentially , the government takes from you a zero-interest loan for a year .
Now , Trump ’ s refund of $ 72 million-plus is supposed to be held back until it is reviewed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Taxation .
Any refund of more than $ 2 million is supposed to be reviewed first by the joint committee .
Trump got the refund .
He got the check .
It ’ s not clear if there was a mistake made here or the joint committee passed on it .
If they did , it ’ s probably because it was seen as an alternative minimum tax refund .
But Donald ’ s claim , you know , that he pays a lot of taxes is based on not really paying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this system in which real estate developers may end up loaning the government money for a year or two at zero interest .
That ’ s not a tax .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And I wanted to ask you about the , in today ’ s article in the Times , section that ’ s kind of buried deep in the story , but it does begin to point at what could be a possible Russia connection , in addition to the Miss Universe contest that they talked about yesterday , this Bayrock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ below the Trump offices in the Trump Tower and that financed a huge amount of the foreign ventures of the Trump Organization .
Could you talk about them ?
Because they were basically being run by Russian oligarchs .
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : Right .
I ’ ve written a lot about this .
And interestingly , Dutch television — I think it ’ s pronounced Zembla — has done really excellent work about this .
Donald Trump has long been connected with mobsters of all kinds , not just New York City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Russian-speaking mobsters .
And he had in his office a convicted violent felon who worked for him named Felix Sater .
Trump has said , “ I wouldn ’ t recognize him if I was in the room.
” I ’ ve got photo and video of them traveling all over the country and doing deals — none of which worked out — together , and some of which appear to be scams .
Trump has very deep financial connections to the Russian oligarchs , who are essentially a criminal gang .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ security that should most worry Americans about Donald Trump .
The pageant , the only beauty pageant — remember , Donald has boasted about how he had the right to walk in on half-naked teenage girls at his beauty pageants because he owned them .
That ’ s the kind of creep he is .
The only one of his beauty pageants that made money was the 2013 pageant in Moscow .
Well , was it really a profit they made , or was it Vladimir Putin or one of his agents putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order to curry favor with him ?
And remember , Donald has never said a single negative word about Vladimir Putin .
In fact , he has said , “ I trust Vladimir Putin , but I don ’ t trust the American intelligence agencies.
” AMY GOODMAN : You know , the Times — DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : There ’ s a lot more [ inaudible ] .
There ’ s a lot more .
I ’ m sorry , Amy .
AMY GOODMAN : The Times did find — they made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not reveal any previously unreported connections to Russia .
However , they talk about the amount of money he paid to the Philippines , the amount of money he paid to India .
And then , a larger point , that a number of people have raised , is : Does this make him a national security risk ?
If these loans are going to come due , these debts of over $ 400 million , what ’ s he going to do to deal with this ?
And did he sign off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personally ?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : Well , let ’ s deal with the forthcoming loans .
It ’ s very clear from the Times reporting that Donald does not have the resources to pay back more than $ 300 million of loans he personally guaranteed .
Now , if you are an actual billionaire , which Donald has never been , and you own valuable assets , you don ’ t have to personally guarantee a loan .
You just pledge the assets as collateral .
So , that ’ s the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not and , as I ’ ve reported as far back as 1990 , never has been a billionaire .
It ’ s just a fraud , a hoax by him .
These loans would come due during a second Trump term .
Well , the resolution of that ’ s , I think , pretty obvious .
Donald Trump appoints the banking regulators in the United States .
He controls the banking regulation system .
Do you think any bank , licensed by the government , is going to foreclose on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No .
They ’ re going to give him what ’ s called a forbearance .
“ Well , we ’ ll extend the terms of your loan , sir .
Perhaps you would like a holiday on your payments .
Could we lower the interest rate for you , sir ?
Please , what could we do as bankers ?
” JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And you ’ ve said that one of the crucial but unstated messages from this report on Trump ’ s taxes is that Americans are , quote , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our own income taxes .
Could you expand on that ?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : Well , I ’ ve been trying to get Americans to understand that what happened , starting with the Reagan administration and the end of the New Deal , is that America devised two income tax systems , separate and unequal .
Those of us who are workers or pensioners , as I am , our taxes are withheld before we get our money .
The government knows how much money we got .
The Trump tax law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 20 taxpayers now is going to do that , and they ’ re almost all going to be very rich .
You can ’ t get a deduction for a charitable gift or a home mortgage or state and local taxes anymore in 95 out of 100 households .
But people who own their own business , like Donald Trump , they are under a different system .
Congress doesn ’ t trust us .
That ’ s why it takes the taxes out first .
But Congress trusts Donald Trump and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fully and faithfully report the actual income they had , and then they will pay all the taxes that they owe .
And the only check on that are audits .
So , what has Congress been doing , in particularly the George W. Bush administration , the Reagan administration — well , a little bit in the Reagan administration , and under Donald Trump ?
Well , they ’ ve been getting rid of auditors , so that your odds , if you ’ re a million-dollar-plus income person , of being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less than 3 % a year .
And even then , the IRS is so badly underfunded and understaffed , that at DCReport we did a five-part story last year about the third Koch brother , Bill Koch , who is getting $ 100 million a year and paying no income taxes , through a device that I think is clearly improper , arguably criminal .
We proved with documents — he was under criminal investigation He ’ s the only Koch brother who supports Donald Trump .
And a couple of weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next-door neighbor at Mar-a-Lago , Bill Koch ’ s criminal investigation suddenly stopped .
AMY GOODMAN : Finally , David Cay Johnston , the first presidential debate is tonight .
What question do you want to see raised about Donald Trump ’ s taxes ?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : Oh , I think the biggest mistake Joe Biden could make would be to somehow attack wealth .
That just doesn ’ t sell in America .
I think that what he should do is press him on , “ All right , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You say it ’ s fake news .
Just show us your Form 1040s back to the year 2000 .
Why don ’ t you just put out your Form 1040s ?
One of them is out .
David Cay Johnston published it three years ago .
Just show those .
And we ’ ll see whether it ’ s fake news or not.
” And Donald will dodge and parry that .
The emails I ’ m getting from people on the right are all designed to tell you that Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion-dollar fortune , all of which is utter nonsense , by the way .
This is a man who is — AMY GOODMAN : We have five seconds .
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON : He hasn ’ t paid off his mortgage .
AMY GOODMAN : Well , David Cay Johnston , I want to thank you for being with us , Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter , editor of DCReport.org , and his most recent book , It ’ s Even Worse Than You Think : What the Trump Administration Is Doing to America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first presidential debate live , 9 Eastern [ Daylight ] Time , at democracynow.org .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
Thanks so much for joining us .
Stay safe .
Wear a mask .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.
When President Trump and Joe Biden meet tonight for their first of three presidential debates — and you can watch it here at democracynow.org at 9 Eastern [Daylight] — Trump is expected to face questions about the bombshell report in The New York Times that revealed he paid no federal income tax in 10 of the past 15 years and just $750 in 2016 and '17. In a follow-up report, the Times reveals Trump made $427 million off the hit reality TV show The Apprentice, providing him a financial lifeline as other investments lost money. The Times reports, quote, “Mr. Trump's genius, it turned out, wasn’t running a company. It was making himself famous — Trump-scale famous — and monetizing that fame,” unquote.
Well, the Biden campaign responded quickly on Sunday to The New York Times exposé with a video ad showing the typical income taxes paid by workers compared to Trump. Teachers paid $7,239. Firefighters paid $5,283. Nurses paid, oh, $10,216. Donald Trump paid $750, while boasting he’s a billionaire.
The Times reports also detail Trump’s questionable write-offs in tax filings from major business losses and massive debts, including more than $300 million in loans that will come due in the next four years. The revelations have raised national security concerns, with Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren saying, quote, “He may be vulnerable to financial blackmail from a hostile foreign power and God knows what else.” He paid more in taxes to the Philippines and India than he did to the United States.
For more, we’re joined by David Cay Johnston, Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter who has reported extensively on Donald Trump and his taxes for more than 30 years. Previously, he worked with The New York Times, now co-founder and editor of DCReport.org. His most recent book, It’s Even Worse Than You Think: What the Trump Administration Is Doing to America.
So, you have written, David Cay Johnston, “I think there’s lots of evidence that Donald Trump is a criminal-level tax cheat.” Is this true you think if he were not reelected, he could go to jail on these charges?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Well, whether he goes to jail is ultimately the decision of a judge after a trial and conviction. Does he deserve to go to jail? Oh, absolutely. But on the federal level in this country, where we have about 155 million tax returns filed each year, we only prosecute about 1,200 people, and most of those are drug dealers or politicians who took bribes. There is no serious effort in the United States to prosecute tax criminals. In fact, the IRS is aware of more than a half-million people who made a high income, did not even file a tax return in 2014, '15 or ’16, and they're not even trying to pursue them, because they have no money. The Congress has cut and cut the IRS. In just the last 10 years, they’ve gotten rid of one-third of the auditors. If you make a million dollars or more — we have people in America, Amy, who make several billion dollars a year — your odds of being audited are less than three in a hundred.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, David, I wanted to ask you about the Times piece not only yesterday, but today, as well, because there’s a lot of new information in there. Especially, there was this mention of this $72 million tax refund that Trump claimed, in the few years that he actually did pay taxes. He then apparently got a refund, because he was claiming, I guess, carryovers of previous losses to get that money back. Could you explain this whole issue of capital gains and how ultra-wealthy people use losses in future years to not pay taxes?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Well, corporations, but not individuals, are allowed to smooth out their income for tax purposes. So, a business makes a profit, say, in seven years and loses money in three, they get to use the three losing years to offset their profits from the others.
Trump did something different. When I got Donald’s 2005 income tax return, he only paid $3 million of regular income tax on an income of over $150 million. He paid a lower rate than the poorest half of American taxpayers, who that year made, on average, $16,000. But he did pay another $35 million of what’s called alternative minimum tax. And for real estate developers, that’s not really a tax.
What happens is, the accounting rules cause you to pay the tax one year, and then the government gives it back to you in future years if you stay in the real estate business. Essentially, the government takes from you a zero-interest loan for a year.
Now, Trump’s refund of $72 million-plus is supposed to be held back until it is reviewed by the staff of the congressional Joint Committee on Taxation. Any refund of more than $2 million is supposed to be reviewed first by the joint committee. Trump got the refund. He got the check. It’s not clear if there was a mistake made here or the joint committee passed on it. If they did, it’s probably because it was seen as an alternative minimum tax refund.
But Donald’s claim, you know, that he pays a lot of taxes is based on not really paying taxes. It’s based on this system in which real estate developers may end up loaning the government money for a year or two at zero interest. That’s not a tax.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And I wanted to ask you about the, in today’s article in the Times, section that’s kind of buried deep in the story, but it does begin to point at what could be a possible Russia connection, in addition to the Miss Universe contest that they talked about yesterday, this Bayrock Group, that actually rented offices right below the Trump offices in the Trump Tower and that financed a huge amount of the foreign ventures of the Trump Organization. Could you talk about them? Because they were basically being run by Russian oligarchs.
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Right. I’ve written a lot about this. And interestingly, Dutch television — I think it’s pronounced Zembla — has done really excellent work about this.
Donald Trump has long been connected with mobsters of all kinds, not just New York City mafioso, but all sorts, particularly of Russian-speaking mobsters. And he had in his office a convicted violent felon who worked for him named Felix Sater. Trump has said, “I wouldn’t recognize him if I was in the room.” I’ve got photo and video of them traveling all over the country and doing deals — none of which worked out — together, and some of which appear to be scams. Trump has very deep financial connections to the Russian oligarchs, who are essentially a criminal gang. And this is the area of national security that should most worry Americans about Donald Trump.
The pageant, the only beauty pageant — remember, Donald has boasted about how he had the right to walk in on half-naked teenage girls at his beauty pageants because he owned them. That’s the kind of creep he is. The only one of his beauty pageants that made money was the 2013 pageant in Moscow. Well, was it really a profit they made, or was it Vladimir Putin or one of his agents putting money in Donald’s pocket in order to curry favor with him? And remember, Donald has never said a single negative word about Vladimir Putin. In fact, he has said, “I trust Vladimir Putin, but I don’t trust the American intelligence agencies.”
AMY GOODMAN: You know, the Times —
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: There’s a lot more [inaudible]. There’s a lot more. I’m sorry, Amy.
AMY GOODMAN: The Times did find — they made the point that the tax documents do not reveal any previously unreported connections to Russia. However, they talk about the amount of money he paid to the Philippines, the amount of money he paid to India. And then, a larger point, that a number of people have raised, is: Does this make him a national security risk? If these loans are going to come due, these debts of over $400 million, what’s he going to do to deal with this? And did he sign off on laws as president that benefit him personally?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Well, let’s deal with the forthcoming loans. It’s very clear from the Times reporting that Donald does not have the resources to pay back more than $300 million of loans he personally guaranteed. Now, if you are an actual billionaire, which Donald has never been, and you own valuable assets, you don’t have to personally guarantee a loan. You just pledge the assets as collateral. So, that’s the first thing that tells you that Donald is not and, as I’ve reported as far back as 1990, never has been a billionaire. It’s just a fraud, a hoax by him.
These loans would come due during a second Trump term. Well, the resolution of that’s, I think, pretty obvious. Donald Trump appoints the banking regulators in the United States. He controls the banking regulation system. Do you think any bank, licensed by the government, is going to foreclose on the president of the United States? No. They’re going to give him what’s called a forbearance. “Well, we’ll extend the terms of your loan, sir. Perhaps you would like a holiday on your payments. Could we lower the interest rate for you, sir? Please, what could we do as bankers?”
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And you’ve said that one of the crucial but unstated messages from this report on Trump’s taxes is that Americans are, quote, “chumps” when it comes to our own income taxes. Could you expand on that?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Well, I’ve been trying to get Americans to understand that what happened, starting with the Reagan administration and the end of the New Deal, is that America devised two income tax systems, separate and unequal. Those of us who are workers or pensioners, as I am, our taxes are withheld before we get our money. The government knows how much money we got. The Trump tax law eliminated itemizing of deductions. Only one in 20 taxpayers now is going to do that, and they’re almost all going to be very rich. You can’t get a deduction for a charitable gift or a home mortgage or state and local taxes anymore in 95 out of 100 households.
But people who own their own business, like Donald Trump, they are under a different system. Congress doesn’t trust us. That’s why it takes the taxes out first. But Congress trusts Donald Trump and everyone like him, that they will fully and faithfully report the actual income they had, and then they will pay all the taxes that they owe. And the only check on that are audits.
So, what has Congress been doing, in particularly the George W. Bush administration, the Reagan administration — well, a little bit in the Reagan administration, and under Donald Trump? Well, they’ve been getting rid of auditors, so that your odds, if you’re a million-dollar-plus income person, of being audited, as I said, are less than 3% a year.
And even then, the IRS is so badly underfunded and understaffed, that at DCReport we did a five-part story last year about the third Koch brother, Bill Koch, who is getting $100 million a year and paying no income taxes, through a device that I think is clearly improper, arguably criminal. We proved with documents — he was under criminal investigation He’s the only Koch brother who supports Donald Trump. And a couple of weeks after Donald Trump became president, his next-door neighbor at Mar-a-Lago, Bill Koch’s criminal investigation suddenly stopped.
AMY GOODMAN: Finally, David Cay Johnston, the first presidential debate is tonight. What question do you want to see raised about Donald Trump’s taxes?
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Oh, I think the biggest mistake Joe Biden could make would be to somehow attack wealth. That just doesn’t sell in America. I think that what he should do is press him on, “All right, the cat’s out of the bag. You say it’s fake news. Just show us your Form 1040s back to the year 2000. Why don’t you just put out your Form 1040s? One of them is out. David Cay Johnston published it three years ago. Just show those. And we’ll see whether it’s fake news or not.” And Donald will dodge and parry that.
The emails I’m getting from people on the right are all designed to tell you that Joe Biden is a secret crook with a billion-dollar fortune, all of which is utter nonsense, by the way. This is a man who is —
AMY GOODMAN: We have five seconds.
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: He hasn’t paid off his mortgage.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, David Cay Johnston, I want to thank you for being with us, Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter, editor of DCReport.org, and his most recent book, It’s Even Worse Than You Think: What the Trump Administration Is Doing to America.
Tonight, we will be streaming the first presidential debate live, 9 Eastern [Daylight] Time, at democracynow.org. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. Thanks so much for joining us. Stay safe. Wear a mask.


democracynow--2020-09-29--Philly Activists Reclaim 50 Vacant Houses, Creating a Model for Organizing as Mass Evictions Loom

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : Keeanga , you ’ re in Philadelphia .
Your book Race for Profit : How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership was a 2020 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for History .
Congratulations .
AMY GOODMAN : But I want to ask about the historic victory in Philadelphia among housing activists after city officials agreed Friday to hand over 50 vacant homes to a community land trust , following months of organizing by unhoused people , including protest encampments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mothers and children who have been occupying 15 vacant city-owned houses will also be permitted to stay as part of the deal .
Philadelphia Housing Action , the group behind the direct action campaign , will set up the community land trust .
On Monday , we reached community organizer Jenn Bennetch at the Camp Teddy encampment and asked her to describe the significance of the victory .
If this works out , then it could be a good push to go and say , like , instead of allowing housing authorities to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money off of them , after they intentionally neglected them until they were too much for them to deal with , then allow community groups to take on those units and rehab them and use them for what their original use was , which is to house people in need .
AMY GOODMAN : So , that ’ s housing organizer Jenn Bennetch .
If you can talk about the significance of this victory ?
And just in the bigger picture , we ’ re talking about tens of millions of Americans face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that you focus on , Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor .
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Sure .
I think this is tremendously significant .
Not only is this a vindication of a strategy that was focused on direct action .
People occupied , you know , tony sections of downtown Philadelphia .
They refused to move .
They acted in solidarity with each other .
There are so many times over the last two months when the city threatened to shut down the camps , when the city threatened legal action against the organizers .
And throughout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not cave in to the pressure .
And they essentially called the city ’ s bluff .
And the city was reluctant to actually move in on the camp , because Philadelphia has been a site of very large , demonstrative protests around police brutality .
There ’ s a well-organized legal protection , as well as activist networks in the city , that I think created some pause and reluctance on the part of city officials .
But I think , even beyond its impact in Philadelphia , which I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bigger lesson to be drawn here , because this dynamic exists all over the country , where you have both empty housing and houseless people — a completely irrational expression of what American capitalism means .
But , even more perniciously , you have public housing authorities — every city has one — which is either sitting on properties , that they should be distributing to people in need of housing , but they are sitting on properties , waiting for the right price point to flip those properties for profit .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be engaged in that kind of predatory , gentrifying behavior .
And so , what has happened here in Philadelphia is creating a model for what all tenant organizing and activist groups should be taking up , which is occupy the space , occupy the properties , and put pressure , political pressure , on public housing authorities to do their job and house people who are unhoused .
It is not that complicated .
We shouldn ’ t be having empty housing and people without homes in the midst of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be having it , but we certainly should not be experiencing this in the midst of a pandemic .
And I think that this is a model , a strategic model , and a tactic that should be generalized by housing groups across the country .
Now is the time , I think , to move on this , because the emergency of housing insecurity is at its most acute point , but also there ’ s a greater connection being made between housing as healthcare , housing as a right , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s own moratorium against evictions , which really demonstrate that housing is an issue of healthcare as well as an issue of shelter .
AMY GOODMAN : Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor , we want to thank you so much for being with us , New Yorker writer , author of Race for Profit : How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership , 2020 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize , and author of From # BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation , assistant professor of African American studies at Princeton University .
Next up , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bombshell report that President Trump did not pay any federal income tax in 10 of the past 15 years .
Trump not only faces the election and possible defeat .
Could he face jail time for tax fraud ?
Stay with us .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Keeanga, you’re in Philadelphia. Your book Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership was a 2020 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for History. Congratulations.
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Thank you.
AMY GOODMAN: But I want to ask about the historic victory in Philadelphia among housing activists after city officials agreed Friday to hand over 50 vacant homes to a community land trust, following months of organizing by unhoused people, including protest encampments and taking over vacant homes. Fifty mothers and children who have been occupying 15 vacant city-owned houses will also be permitted to stay as part of the deal. Philadelphia Housing Action, the group behind the direct action campaign, will set up the community land trust.
On Monday, we reached community organizer Jenn Bennetch at the Camp Teddy encampment and asked her to describe the significance of the victory.
JENN BENNETCH: Not just is it like a win for us, and not just is it a win even for the people in the encampments who will be able to move into homes, but this is also like 50 units that would have been sold to developers and used to speed up the process of gentrification in our neighborhoods. …
We’re going to be able to, like, house people from the encampment, if everything goes through right, and also we’ll be stopping these units from being sold off to the private market and potentially becoming like luxury condos or student housing in our neighborhoods. …
If this works out, then it could be a good push to go and say, like, instead of allowing housing authorities to, like, sell units and make money off of them, after they intentionally neglected them until they were too much for them to deal with, then allow community groups to take on those units and rehab them and use them for what their original use was, which is to house people in need.
AMY GOODMAN: So, that’s housing organizer Jenn Bennetch. If you can talk about the significance of this victory? And just in the bigger picture, we’re talking about tens of millions of Americans face eviction. This is a key area that you focus on, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor.
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Sure. I think this is tremendously significant. Not only is this a vindication of a strategy that was focused on direct action. People occupied, you know, tony sections of downtown Philadelphia. They refused to move. They acted in solidarity with each other. There are so many times over the last two months when the city threatened to shut down the camps, when the city threatened legal action against the organizers. And throughout that, people stood tall. They did not cave in to the pressure. And they essentially called the city’s bluff. And the city was reluctant to actually move in on the camp, because Philadelphia has been a site of very large, demonstrative protests around police brutality. There’s a well-organized legal protection, as well as activist networks in the city, that I think created some pause and reluctance on the part of city officials.
But I think, even beyond its impact in Philadelphia, which I think is tremendous, there’s a bigger lesson to be drawn here, because this dynamic exists all over the country, where you have both empty housing and houseless people — a completely irrational expression of what American capitalism means. But, even more perniciously, you have public housing authorities — every city has one — which is either sitting on properties, that they should be distributing to people in need of housing, but they are sitting on properties, waiting for the right price point to flip those properties for profit. And that is unconscionable for public housing authorities to be engaged in that kind of predatory, gentrifying behavior.
And so, what has happened here in Philadelphia is creating a model for what all tenant organizing and activist groups should be taking up, which is occupy the space, occupy the properties, and put pressure, political pressure, on public housing authorities to do their job and house people who are unhoused. It is not that complicated. We shouldn’t be having empty housing and people without homes in the midst of a pandemic. At no time should we be having it, but we certainly should not be experiencing this in the midst of a pandemic. And I think that this is a model, a strategic model, and a tactic that should be generalized by housing groups across the country.
Now is the time, I think, to move on this, because the emergency of housing insecurity is at its most acute point, but also there’s a greater connection being made between housing as healthcare, housing as a right, that has been demonstrated by the CDC’s own moratorium against evictions, which really demonstrate that housing is an issue of healthcare as well as an issue of shelter.
AMY GOODMAN: Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, we want to thank you so much for being with us, New Yorker writer, author of Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership, 2020 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize, and author of From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation, assistant professor of African American studies at Princeton University.
Next up, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter David Cay Johnston on the bombshell report that President Trump did not pay any federal income tax in 10 of the past 15 years. Trump not only faces the election and possible defeat. Could he face jail time for tax fraud? Stay with us.


democracynow--2020-09-29--Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor: Breonna Taylor's Rigged Case Further Erodes Legitimacy of U.S. Institutions

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
Less than a week after a grand jury failed to charge the police officers who shot Breonna Taylor with her death , a judge has ordered Kentucky ’ s Attorney General Daniel Cameron to release the recording of the grand jury proceedings to the court — not yet clear whether the tape will be made public .
On Monday , an anonymous grand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court transcripts , accusing Cameron of using the grand jury , quote , “ as a shield to deflect accountability and responsibility for those decisions.
” The juror also said jury members should be granted the right to speak freely about the case and be allowed to share , quote , “ any potential charges and defendants presented or not presented.
” The grand jury ’ s only indictments were three counts of wanton endangerment against former Louisville police detective Brett Hankison for shooting into the apartment of a neighbor .
The two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on March 13th were not charged , after the grand jury deemed their actions justified .
On Monday , Brett Hankison pleaded not guilty to three counts of wanton endangerment .
This all comes as Vice News interviews with Louisville SWAT team members have revealed that concerns about the deadly raid that killed Breonna Taylor were raised both before and after it happened .
Still with us , historian Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor in Philadelphia , contributing writer to The New Yorker , professor at Princeton University .
You ’ ve been writing a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taylor case .
The decision came down from the grand jury .
Clearly , the grand jury is upset , saying they were only presented with wanton endangerment .
And none of these three officers were charged with Breonna Taylor ’ s death .
Your comments ?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Well , I think that there are a couple of things .
One is that it ’ s clear — a grand jury is a very kind of — just a procedural formality .
And the fact that this took over two days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was rigged in such a way as to not raise the question of murder or manslaughter , but to advance as weak charges as possible .
And so , the fact that the proceedings may have to be publicized — as you said at the top , it ’ s not clear if the recordings will be made public — but I think that it speaks to two things .
One is that it ’ s important to remember that without the protest movement that exploded around the death of — the killing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May , that nothing would have been done in this case .
Breonna Taylor was shot and killed on March 13th .
And the second thing , which I think is really important , is that this kind of case really contributes to what I think is an unfolding dynamic of radicalization in the United States .
And what I mean is that for millions of people — I don ’ t think thousands , I think millions of people — who have been watching this case across the country , and indeed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go through the , quote-unquote , “ proper channels ” and still come out with a rigged decision raises existential questions for people about the legitimacy of the institutions of governance in the United States , certainly in Kentucky , but in the country at large , because it maps on to those same questions being asked of other institutions .
Again , we ’ re told that the Supreme Court is not a political body , when we are watching , in real time , it being used in the most grotesque @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the criminal justice system is blind to black and white , it ’ s color blind , and then here we can see where it is functioning fully color-conscious .
And so , I think , for millions of people in this country , people who have participated in demonstrations against police brutality , it raises fundamental questions about what is happening in the United States , where even when you do what you are supposed to do , and a case goes through the course that it is supposed to go through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it is supposed to , and it still produces a completely corrupted , injust decision , raises questions about the legitimacy of all of the institutions that are involved in this .
And then people begin to come to their own conclusions about what needs to change and what that change should look like as a result .
So I think that this decision is extremely consequential in the U.S. right now .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.
Less than a week after a grand jury failed to charge the police officers who shot Breonna Taylor with her death, a judge has ordered Kentucky’s Attorney General Daniel Cameron to release the recording of the grand jury proceedings to the court — not yet clear whether the tape will be made public. On Monday, an anonymous grand juror sued in order to unseal the court transcripts, accusing Cameron of using the grand jury, quote, “as a shield to deflect accountability and responsibility for those decisions.” The juror also said jury members should be granted the right to speak freely about the case and be allowed to share, quote, “any potential charges and defendants presented or not presented.”
The grand jury’s only indictments were three counts of wanton endangerment against former Louisville police detective Brett Hankison for shooting into the apartment of a neighbor. The two officers who shot Breonna Taylor six times on March 13th were not charged, after the grand jury deemed their actions justified. On Monday, Brett Hankison pleaded not guilty to three counts of wanton endangerment. This all comes as Vice News interviews with Louisville SWAT team members have revealed that concerns about the deadly raid that killed Breonna Taylor were raised both before and after it happened.
Still with us, historian Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor in Philadelphia, contributing writer to The New Yorker, professor at Princeton University.
You’ve been writing a lot, tweeting a lot about the Breonna Taylor case. The decision came down from the grand jury. Clearly, the grand jury is upset, saying they were only presented with wanton endangerment. And none of these three officers were charged with Breonna Taylor’s death. Your comments?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Well, I think that there are a couple of things. One is that it’s clear — a grand jury is a very kind of — just a procedural formality. And the fact that this took over two days — and it appears as if it was rigged in such a way as to not raise the question of murder or manslaughter, but to advance as weak charges as possible. And so, the fact that the proceedings may have to be publicized — as you said at the top, it’s not clear if the recordings will be made public — but I think that it speaks to two things.
One is that it’s important to remember that without the protest movement that exploded around the death of — the killing of George Floyd at the end of May, that nothing would have been done in this case. Breonna Taylor was shot and killed on March 13th.
And the second thing, which I think is really important, is that this kind of case really contributes to what I think is an unfolding dynamic of radicalization in the United States. And what I mean is that for millions of people — I don’t think thousands, I think millions of people — who have been watching this case across the country, and indeed across the world, to have it go through the, quote-unquote, “proper channels” and still come out with a rigged decision raises existential questions for people about the legitimacy of the institutions of governance in the United States, certainly in Kentucky, but in the country at large, because it maps on to those same questions being asked of other institutions. Again, we’re told that the Supreme Court is not a political body, when we are watching, in real time, it being used in the most grotesque political ways. We are told that the criminal justice system is blind to black and white, it’s color blind, and then here we can see where it is functioning fully color-conscious.
And so, I think, for millions of people in this country, people who have participated in demonstrations against police brutality, it raises fundamental questions about what is happening in the United States, where even when you do what you are supposed to do, and a case goes through the course that it is supposed to go through, an investigation goes through the channels that it is supposed to, and it still produces a completely corrupted, injust decision, raises questions about the legitimacy of all of the institutions that are involved in this. And then people begin to come to their own conclusions about what needs to change and what that change should look like as a result. So I think that this decision is extremely consequential in the U.S. right now.


democracynow--2020-09-29--Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor: We Must Rethink Our Society, from Policing to the Supreme Court

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : President Donald Trump and Democratic challenger , former Vice President Joe Biden will face off tonight in Ohio in the first of three presidential debates .
Host Chris Wallace of Fox News says the 90-minute showdown will focus on both candidates ’ records , the Supreme Court , coronavirus , the economy , race and the integrity of the election .
Each topic presents a pressure point in an unprecedented election season .
Just five weeks before November 3rd , the global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worldwide .
The virus continues to devastate African Americans , Latinx and Indigenous communities across the United States .
As the economic crisis sparked by the pandemic shows no sign of abating , a wave of evictions looms .
And more than four months after the police killing of George Floyd , protests are continuing against police brutality and in defense of Black lives .
Just last week , people poured into the streets in protest after a grand jury failed to charge any of the white police officers who shot and killed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her death .
The presidential debate comes as more than a million Americans have already cast their votes , and millions more are being urged to vote early to ensure their ballots are counted , amidst unprecedented attacks on the democratic process by President Trump and his administration .
This comes as Senate Republicans are racing to confirm right-wing Judge Amy Coney Barrett to fill Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg ’ s seat on the Supreme Court .
For more , we ’ re joined by historian Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor , contributing writer at The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ column is “ The Case for Ending the Supreme Court as We Know It.
” She ’ s also the author of several books , including Race for Profit : How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership , which was a 2020 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for History .
She ’ s joining us from Philadelphia , Pennsylvania .
Professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor , thank you so much for joining us .
Let ’ s start with this latest piece in The New Yorker .
The headline of it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] the Supreme Court as We Know It.
” Can you tell — KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : That ’ s what the headline should have been .
AMY GOODMAN : — the history of the Supreme Court and why you believe this ?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Yeah .
Hi , Amy .
Thanks for having me on .
You know , I think that the history of the Supreme Court has been one of , really , enforcing a conservative social order in the United States for most of its history .
And in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 20th century , during the — when Chief Justice Earl Warren presided over the court , so really from the late 1950s through the late 1960s , is this moment of the Supreme Court defending freedom and rights and all of these things , really is an outlier in the court ’ s history .
And even within those instances , it has come at tremendous pressure from either social movements or shifting international political dynamics , where the United States needed to project itself as a beacon of democracy and really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to African Americans in the South .
And so , I think that the court and the other wings of government always sort of defend the court as an apolitical body that is sort of neutrally making decisions about legal cases , based on legal precedent , and all of this , really , nonsense .
The court is very much a political body .
And now with Trump on the verge of being able to place an absolute reactionary justice on this court , giving it a 6-3 balance , or imbalance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nature of the court , both in the process by which this is happening and also by the potential of what these — the way that this kind of court ’ s decisions may reverberate , I think , remove any illusion that the Supreme Court is anything but a political body doing the work of the right in a very undemocratic , authoritarian way .
And any society , I think , that purports to describe itself as a democracy can not have nine unelected people , or even an expanded court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people , making such consequential and categorical decisions that impact the lives of millions of people .
This type of system , this type of institution , I think , has no place in a democracy .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : Well , but , Professor Taylor , part of , I guess , the reasoning for the establishment of a Supreme Court , not only in this country but in many countries around the world , is to check the powers of an executive branch or even of a legislative branch .
How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obviously , the power that the court currently has would then , somehow or other , devolve to other sections of government , and leaving people open possibly to even more demagogic leaders than President Trump , because , remember , there ’ s still 40 % of the American people that back him no matter what he does .
So , how would you envision a change that would move more in the direction of democracy rather than in the direction of demagogic influence or more authoritarianism ?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say that that is — in some ways , that is representative of how the court has been working .
In my article , I looked through a series of actions and cases throughout the 19th century , were far from being a check on a slide towards undemocratic rule by state and federal legislatures .
The Supreme Court merely reflected what was happening within those bodies .
And I think now , when we look at the way that Trump has been able to circumvent more lengthy and potentially problematic legislative courses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Supreme Court in expectation that he will have a favorable ruling .
He has said in the last several days that his hope is that if there is a contested election , that the Supreme Court , whom he has handpicked the last two and now potentially third justice , will make the determination .
And so , I think that we ’ ve already slid down that slippery slope into a body that hardly serves as a check but is simply reflecting the sort of political imbalances that already exist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it , I think that that is up for a public discussion .
I mean , part of the intent of my article was to say that we are in the midst of a national reckoning about systemic racism in this country , about the way that things are governed , the way that this country functions , that there are all sorts of things being thrown up for question that at one point or another have been to be — have been assumed to be the natural order of things , from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now been thrown into question , to something even like the Sanders campaign and someone openly identifying as a socialist or democratic socialist garnering millions of votes .
To me , that is reflective of people wanting to rethink basic assumptions about what American society should look like .
And I think , in this case , things like the Supreme Court , the Electoral College , all are open for debate and discussion as we are talking about what our country looks like , what it could look like , what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have more democracy , more voices of ordinary people dictating the course of things .
To me , that is what is at the heart of some of the demands of the demonstrations that have been going on over the summer and now into the fall , is that the status quo is no longer working , and now is the time to throw it all open for discussion , throw it all open for debate , that this is an opportunity to be rethinking what kind of society that we want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in essence , isn ’ t the growing right-wing and fascist movement in the country also seeking to rethink and refashion the kind of country that we are , and , in effect , are practicing some of that under Donald Trump ?
So , how do you see putting together the kind of coalition that could actually structurally change the nature of American society to be able to implement some of the changes that you ’ re hoping for , given the reality that there is this intransigent and substantial group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toward more authoritarianism ?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Well , it ’ s a struggle .
It ’ s not a cakewalk .
And so , you know , the country right now is deeply polarized , but I think that I would probably — I don ’ t think that it ’ s polarized in that half the country is on one side and half of the country is on the other .
I think , you know , we ’ re talking about 43 % of people who back Trump .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who actually voted for Trump .
We can look at the 100 million people who didn ’ t participate in the last election , who were never counted in anything and who trend towards being younger , more of color , who would be classified as Democrats in a classical way .
And so , I think that part of the issue that we have is that there is such a myopia with Donald Trump that every sentence , every breath , everything that he does absorbs the entirety of public attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But I think , in doing so , it really minimizes the extent of opposition that exists in the country , not just to him , but to what is happening in this country , where there are all sorts of organizing movements , of demonstrations , of things that continue to percolate just below the surface , whether it ’ s teachers who are mobilizing to protect themselves from the dangers of COVID as government officials try to force them back into school buildings , the ongoing struggle around the rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know , just 10 days ago , the lead story was about the forced sterilization of immigrants in detention , immigrant women in detention in Georgia , and Trump says “ Boo , ” and we move on to the next thing , as if that is not a story that is deserving of deeper investigation .
There is the ongoing struggle around climate , obviously the ongoing movement around Black lives in the struggle against police brutality , the struggle around housing , the struggles around healthcare .
There are all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disparate parts of a mass movement that has the potential to develop in this country , that is constantly overshadowed by the antics of Trump .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : I would agree with you on all of that , and I would agree with you that there ’ s a majority of Americans who want progressive change .
But again , I get back to this 40 % of Americans .
That 40 % has maybe five times as many guns and a much more sort of , at this point , core @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to violence to impose their will .
And my question is : How does the progressive movement deal with that ?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Well , I think part of the point that I was making is that we have the mass — the parts of a mass movement .
What we need are the politics to try to connect these disparate parts together .
We need organizations , not just little organizations working on their own , but we need organizations that reflect the mass — the potential of the mass movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I mean , the right has always had more guns at their disposal .
Our side , the left , the mass , the majority of people who suffer from oppression and exploitation in this country and other countries , have never had the guns to force our agenda onto anyone .
We have always had the mass of our movement , is that which is the vehicle for social transformation .
And I don ’ t think that any of that has changed .
And I think part of the issue is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which the over-hyperfocus on every single thing that Trump does and says magnifies his mesmerizing abilities .
It creates an impression that he ’ s popular , when he ’ s not .
It creates an impression that the forces gathered around him are more massive , when they ’ re not .
I thought it was interesting that the Proud Boys were supposed to have a mass turnout in Portland , Oregon , where thousands of people were predicted to show up , and only 200 did .
And so , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is 200 and shouldn ’ t be taken lightly , but it ’ s also not indicative of a mass movement .
I think in every place where there has been predictions of some mass outpouring of the right , the actual reality has been underwhelming .
And we compare that to what The New York Times reported in June or July in the aftermath of 15 million to 26 million people participating in Black Lives Matter protests , the largest number of participants in political protest in American history , and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have happened over the course of the Trump presidency , and I think it ’ s clear that the other side , that our side , has millions of people who are looking for some direction , who are looking for a political alternative to the status quo as it exists right now .
And so , the challenge is : How do you unite the different aspects of that , the different segments of that , both in protest , in organization ?
How do you develop solidarity ?
All of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
AMY GOODMAN : Professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor , we have to break .
Then we ’ re going to come back .
We ’ re going to link to your latest piece , “ The Case for Ending the Supreme Court as We Know It.
” Also , Democracy Now !
is live-streaming the first presidential debate tonight , 9 Eastern [ Daylight ] Time , at democracynow.org .
When we come back , we ’ re going to look with Professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor at the Breonna Taylor case and also what ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Philadelphia , unhoused people rising up , demanding — and getting — some housing .
Stay with us .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: President Donald Trump and Democratic challenger, former Vice President Joe Biden will face off tonight in Ohio in the first of three presidential debates. Host Chris Wallace of Fox News says the 90-minute showdown will focus on both candidates’ records, the Supreme Court, coronavirus, the economy, race and the integrity of the election. Each topic presents a pressure point in an unprecedented election season.
Just five weeks before November 3rd, the global coronavirus death toll has topped 1 million worldwide. The virus continues to devastate African Americans, Latinx and Indigenous communities across the United States. As the economic crisis sparked by the pandemic shows no sign of abating, a wave of evictions looms.
And more than four months after the police killing of George Floyd, protests are continuing against police brutality and in defense of Black lives. Just last week, people poured into the streets in protest after a grand jury failed to charge any of the white police officers who shot and killed Breonna Taylor in her own home with her death.
The presidential debate comes as more than a million Americans have already cast their votes, and millions more are being urged to vote early to ensure their ballots are counted, amidst unprecedented attacks on the democratic process by President Trump and his administration.
This comes as Senate Republicans are racing to confirm right-wing Judge Amy Coney Barrett to fill Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s seat on the Supreme Court.
For more, we’re joined by historian Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, contributing writer at The New Yorker magazine, where her latest column is “The Case for Ending the Supreme Court as We Know It.” She’s also the author of several books, including Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership, which was a 2020 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for History. She’s joining us from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, thank you so much for joining us. Let’s start with this latest piece in The New Yorker. The headline of it is “The Case for Abolishing [sic] the Supreme Court as We Know It.” Can you tell —
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: That’s what the headline should have been.
AMY GOODMAN: — the history of the Supreme Court and why you believe this?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Yeah. Hi, Amy. Thanks for having me on.
You know, I think that the history of the Supreme Court has been one of, really, enforcing a conservative social order in the United States for most of its history. And in the moment — you know, in the 20th century, during the — when Chief Justice Earl Warren presided over the court, so really from the late 1950s through the late 1960s, is this moment of the Supreme Court defending freedom and rights and all of these things, really is an outlier in the court’s history. And even within those instances, it has come at tremendous pressure from either social movements or shifting international political dynamics, where the United States needed to project itself as a beacon of democracy and really cover up and hide what was happening to African Americans in the South.
And so, I think that the court and the other wings of government always sort of defend the court as an apolitical body that is sort of neutrally making decisions about legal cases, based on legal precedent, and all of this, really, nonsense. The court is very much a political body. And now with Trump on the verge of being able to place an absolute reactionary justice on this court, giving it a 6-3 balance, or imbalance, led by conservatives, the political nature of the court, both in the process by which this is happening and also by the potential of what these — the way that this kind of court’s decisions may reverberate, I think, remove any illusion that the Supreme Court is anything but a political body doing the work of the right in a very undemocratic, authoritarian way.
And any society, I think, that purports to describe itself as a democracy cannot have nine unelected people, or even an expanded court of 13 unelected people or 15 unelected people, making such consequential and categorical decisions that impact the lives of millions of people. This type of system, this type of institution, I think, has no place in a democracy.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, but, Professor Taylor, part of, I guess, the reasoning for the establishment of a Supreme Court, not only in this country but in many countries around the world, is to check the powers of an executive branch or even of a legislative branch. How would you envision the — because, obviously, the power that the court currently has would then, somehow or other, devolve to other sections of government, and leaving people open possibly to even more demagogic leaders than President Trump, because, remember, there’s still 40% of the American people that back him no matter what he does. So, how would you envision a change that would move more in the direction of democracy rather than in the direction of demagogic influence or more authoritarianism?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Well, first of all, I would say that that is — in some ways, that is representative of how the court has been working. In my article, I looked through a series of actions and cases throughout the 19th century, were far from being a check on a slide towards undemocratic rule by state and federal legislatures. The Supreme Court merely reflected what was happening within those bodies. And I think now, when we look at the way that Trump has been able to circumvent more lengthy and potentially problematic legislative courses, that he has simply appealed cases to the Supreme Court in expectation that he will have a favorable ruling. He has said in the last several days that his hope is that if there is a contested election, that the Supreme Court, whom he has handpicked the last two and now potentially third justice, will make the determination. And so, I think that we’ve already slid down that slippery slope into a body that hardly serves as a check but is simply reflecting the sort of political imbalances that already exist.
In terms of what should replace it, I think that that is up for a public discussion. I mean, part of the intent of my article was to say that we are in the midst of a national reckoning about systemic racism in this country, about the way that things are governed, the way that this country functions, that there are all sorts of things being thrown up for question that at one point or another have been to be — have been assumed to be the natural order of things, from a for-profit healthcare system, which has now been thrown into question, to something even like the Sanders campaign and someone openly identifying as a socialist or democratic socialist garnering millions of votes. To me, that is reflective of people wanting to rethink basic assumptions about what American society should look like. And I think, in this case, things like the Supreme Court, the Electoral College, all are open for debate and discussion as we are talking about what our country looks like, what it could look like, what it should look like, how do we have more democracy, more voices of ordinary people dictating the course of things. To me, that is what is at the heart of some of the demands of the demonstrations that have been going on over the summer and now into the fall, is that the status quo is no longer working, and now is the time to throw it all open for discussion, throw it all open for debate, that this is an opportunity to be rethinking what kind of society that we want to live in.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: But, in essence, isn’t the growing right-wing and fascist movement in the country also seeking to rethink and refashion the kind of country that we are, and, in effect, are practicing some of that under Donald Trump? So, how do you see putting together the kind of coalition that could actually structurally change the nature of American society to be able to implement some of the changes that you’re hoping for, given the reality that there is this intransigent and substantial group of Americans who support the current move toward more authoritarianism?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Well, it’s a struggle. It’s not a cakewalk. And so, you know, the country right now is deeply polarized, but I think that I would probably — I don’t think that it’s polarized in that half the country is on one side and half of the country is on the other. I think, you know, we’re talking about 43% of people who back Trump. Then we can look at the numbers of people who actually voted for Trump. We can look at the 100 million people who didn’t participate in the last election, who were never counted in anything and who trend towards being younger, more of color, who would be classified as Democrats in a classical way.
And so, I think that part of the issue that we have is that there is such a myopia with Donald Trump that every sentence, every breath, everything that he does absorbs the entirety of public attention, partly because of the mainstream media. But I think, in doing so, it really minimizes the extent of opposition that exists in the country, not just to him, but to what is happening in this country, where there are all sorts of organizing movements, of demonstrations, of things that continue to percolate just below the surface, whether it’s teachers who are mobilizing to protect themselves from the dangers of COVID as government officials try to force them back into school buildings, the ongoing struggle around the rights of immigrants in this country. You know, just 10 days ago, the lead story was about the forced sterilization of immigrants in detention, immigrant women in detention in Georgia, and Trump says “Boo,” and we move on to the next thing, as if that is not a story that is deserving of deeper investigation. There is the ongoing struggle around climate, obviously the ongoing movement around Black lives in the struggle against police brutality, the struggle around housing, the struggles around healthcare. There are all of these things that are the kind of disparate parts of a mass movement that has the potential to develop in this country, that is constantly overshadowed by the antics of Trump.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I would agree with you on all of that, and I would agree with you that there’s a majority of Americans who want progressive change. But again, I get back to this 40% of Americans. That 40% has maybe five times as many guns and a much more sort of, at this point, core of people who are willing to resort to violence to impose their will. And my question is: How does the progressive movement deal with that?
KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Well, I think part of the point that I was making is that we have the mass — the parts of a mass movement. What we need are the politics to try to connect these disparate parts together. We need organizations, not just little organizations working on their own, but we need organizations that reflect the mass — the potential of the mass movement that I think is in development. I mean, the right has always had more guns at their disposal. Our side, the left, the mass, the majority of people who suffer from oppression and exploitation in this country and other countries, have never had the guns to force our agenda onto anyone. We have always had the mass of our movement, is that which is the vehicle for social transformation. And I don’t think that any of that has changed.
And I think part of the issue is that there’s a way in which the over-hyperfocus on every single thing that Trump does and says magnifies his mesmerizing abilities. It creates an impression that he’s popular, when he’s not. It creates an impression that the forces gathered around him are more massive, when they’re not. I thought it was interesting that the Proud Boys were supposed to have a mass turnout in Portland, Oregon, where thousands of people were predicted to show up, and only 200 did. And so, that is not — you know, 200 is 200 and shouldn’t be taken lightly, but it’s also not indicative of a mass movement. I think in every place where there has been predictions of some mass outpouring of the right, the actual reality has been underwhelming.
And we compare that to what The New York Times reported in June or July in the aftermath of 15 million to 26 million people participating in Black Lives Matter protests, the largest number of participants in political protest in American history, and we look at the number of gatherings that have happened over the course of the Trump presidency, and I think it’s clear that the other side, that our side, has millions of people who are looking for some direction, who are looking for a political alternative to the status quo as it exists right now. And so, the challenge is: How do you unite the different aspects of that, the different segments of that, both in protest, in organization? How do you develop solidarity? All of these questions are the challenges that we face.
AMY GOODMAN: Professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, we have to break. Then we’re going to come back. We’re going to link to your latest piece, “The Case for Ending the Supreme Court as We Know It.”
Also, Democracy Now! is live-streaming the first presidential debate tonight, 9 Eastern [Daylight] Time, at democracynow.org.
When we come back, we’re going to look with Professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor at the Breonna Taylor case and also what’s happening in her city, in Philadelphia, unhoused people rising up, demanding — and getting — some housing. Stay with us.


democracynow--2020-09-29--Headlines for September 29, 2020

Headlines for September 29, 2020

The global death toll from COVID-19 has topped 1 million , but the World Health Organization says the actual toll is likely much higher .
In the United States , more than 205,000 people have died , and over 7.1 million cases have been reported — by far the highest figures in the world .
More than half of all reported COVID-19 deaths have occurred in just four countries : the United States , Brazil , India and Mexico .
On Monday , India became the second country to top 6 million cases .
Public health officials in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report a rising number of new COVID-19 cases .
Hospitalizations are surging in the Midwest .
In the Dakotas , more than a quarter of all COVID-19 tests are coming back positive — the highest rate in the United States .
Meanwhile , The New York Times is reporting top White House officials pressured the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to downplay the risks of sending children back to school .
The pressure campaign was confirmed by Olivia Troye , who served as Vice President Mike Pence ’ s lead staffer on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is reporting the head of the CDC , Dr. Robert Redfield , was overheard on a recent flight disparaging President Trump ’ s new coronavirus adviser , Dr. Scott Atlas , saying , “ Everything he says is false.
” Atlas has faced widespread criticism from public health specialists for questioning mask use and promoting a controversial “ herd immunity ” strategy that could lead to the deaths of millions of Americans .
Atlas is a neuroradiologist with no background in epidemiology .

The global death toll from COVID-19 has topped 1 million, but the World Health Organization says the actual toll is likely much higher. In the United States, more than 205,000 people have died, and over 7.1 million cases have been reported — by far the highest figures in the world. More than half of all reported COVID-19 deaths have occurred in just four countries: the United States, Brazil, India and Mexico. On Monday, India became the second country to top 6 million cases.
Public health officials in the United States are expressing alarm as 21 states report a rising number of new COVID-19 cases. Hospitalizations are surging in the Midwest. In the Dakotas, more than a quarter of all COVID-19 tests are coming back positive — the highest rate in the United States.
Meanwhile, The New York Times is reporting top White House officials pressured the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to downplay the risks of sending children back to school. The pressure campaign was confirmed by Olivia Troye, who served as Vice President Mike Pence’s lead staffer on the task force until July.
NBC is reporting the head of the CDC, Dr. Robert Redfield, was overheard on a recent flight disparaging President Trump’s new coronavirus adviser, Dr. Scott Atlas, saying, “Everything he says is false.” Atlas has faced widespread criticism from public health specialists for questioning mask use and promoting a controversial “herd immunity” strategy that could lead to the deaths of millions of Americans. Atlas is a neuroradiologist with no background in epidemiology.