democracynow--2020-02-12--Feminist Scholar Barbara Smith on Identity Politics & Why She Supports Bernie Sanders for President

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The War and Peace Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , as we continue to look at the presidential race following Bernie Sanders ’ victory in the New Hampshire primary .
The race now moves to Nevada and South Carolina .
We ’ re joined by the legendary African-American feminist scholar Barbara Smith , founder of the Combahee River Collective and of Kitchen Table : Women of Color Press .
Barbara Smith recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ headlined “ I helped coin the term 'identity politics ' .
I ’ m endorsing Bernie Sanders.
” Her latest book is Ain ’ t Gon na Let Nobody Turn Me Around : Forty Years of Movement Building with Barbara Smith .
She ’ s joining us from the capital of New York state , Albany .
Barbara Smith , welcome to Democracy Now !
It ’ s great to have you with us .
We are speaking to you — BARBARA SMITH : Great to be with you , Amy .
Thank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re speaking to you on the day after the New Hampshire primary , after , actually , in the last two weeks , the primary , first primary , and caucus , Iowa and New Hampshire , that take place in two of the whitest states in the country .
And now we move to states of far more diversity , Nevada and South Carolina , and then on to Super Tuesday .
So , you are now supporting Bernie Sanders .
You ’ re a surrogate for Senator Sanders .
I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you give us a little of your background .
I was recently at the Combahee River in South Carolina , after we did an environmental justice forum in Orangeburg , speaking with some of the presidential candidates , and made that trip to the Combahee River because it is so significant — Harriet Tubman and all that she had accomplished .
But talk about your background , before you tell us why you support Senator Sanders .
BARBARA SMITH : Are we starting at birth , or are we going to fast-forward ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ like to start .
BARBARA SMITH : Well , I think it ’ s really important for people to know — and I say this in the article that was in The Guardian — it ’ s important for people to know that I was born under Jim Crow .
I was born in 1946 , so Jim Crow was the law of the land during that time , during my growing-up years .
And the reason it ’ s important , I think , is because it shaped very much who I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of U.S. democracy , that we ’ re still trying to improve .
I have lived on the East Coast for many years .
I teach and write .
And probably more important than even those other things is that I ’ ve been involved in movements for social justice since the 1960s .
I joined the civil rights movement as a teenager .
And even though I lived in the North , the Congress of Racial Equality and other civil rights organizations were strong in Cleveland .
And as I said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and from that day to this I ’ ve been politically active in working for positive political , social justice and change .
AMY GOODMAN : And the Combahee River Collective , what it is , what it was , its significance ?
And also , you are credited with helping to coin the term “ identity politics.
” And what that means ?
BARBARA SMITH : Yes .
The Combahee River Collective was a group of black feminists in Boston from the mid-1970s until around 1980 .
And we are best known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been involved in many movements , including the movement to end the war in Vietnam , the civil rights movement , as I mentioned , the Panthers .
We had a lot of movement experience , even though we were quite young at that time .
It was always a small group .
And I ’ ve always liked working in small grassroots groups .
But what we ’ re most known for is that we wrote a statement , the Combahee River Collective Statement , in 1977 .
It was actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wonderful antiracist and feminist scholar Zillah Eisenstein .
And the book was titled Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism .
So , we wrote something for the book , that she asked us to do , and the something turned out to be the Combahee River Collective Statement , which , seemingly , has stood the test of time .
And many people still read it , refer to it .
And , in fact , the Black Lives Matter and Movement for Black Lives , those movements actually say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of ideas of black women ’ s liberation that were in that statement .
And indeed , the phrase “ identity politics ” is in the statement .
I ’ ve spent quite a few years — decades , actually — trying to find if indeed that phrase appears anywhere earlier than 1977 .
And I consult with friends who are scholars and researchers and deep readers , and no one has ever been able to show me or find that it was anywhere else prior to that .
We ’ re still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with that .
AMY GOODMAN : So , talk today about why you ’ ve decided to support Bernie Sanders .
The corporate media makes a great deal out of saying he doesn ’ t have the support of African Americans , so important , and particularly African-American women .
You almost never see on CNN or MSNBC — I ’ m not talking about Fox here — a commentator who is a , you know , outright supporter of Bernie Smith — of Bernie Sanders .
So , talk about when you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
BARBARA SMITH : I decided in 2016 .
I supported him then , and I supported him before the campaign reached out to me in 2016 to see if I would be interested in being involved in — and I was — in an LGBTQ steering committee .
So , I was asked to take part , to be a part of that .
And I also worked on women ’ s issues .
It was pretty late during the primary season , but I worked very hard , as I always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as we possibly could to bring in those constituencies .
So , as I said , I didn ’ t just decide .
I decided in 2016 , before I even had any working contact with the campaign .
And , of course , I continue to support him during this 2020 election cycle .
AMY GOODMAN : So , talk about what it is that he represents that you feel is most important , and why you ’ re willing to go out and campaign for him around the country .
BARBARA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders is because of the fact that he has a theory of change .
You know , that ’ s a popular phrase now .
He has an understanding of like why things are not working in our U.S. society , and he has ideas like Medicare and healthcare for all , like changing the criminal justice system , like having access to college for all young people and not just for those who are privileged .
He has good ideas about how we can actually fulfill that promise that the Founders supposedly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way , since they didn ’ t really include people like me .
They didn ’ t include women .
They didn ’ t include black people .
But they had some great ideas about freedom and justice for all .
He has the plans .
He has the passion and the compassion .
He has the base of support , which is much more diverse than , I think , any of the other candidate at this point .
He just — you know , we ’ re just in sync .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ age , and we were both involved in movements in our younger days , as students .
And we just — as I said , I don ’ t — I ’ ve only met him once , so I don ’ t know him .
It ’ s not like we ’ re like buddies or anything like that .
It doesn ’ t come from that kind of contact .
It comes from looking at what he is standing for , what he proposes to do and what he has done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aware of him .
Someone asked me , “ When did you first know about Bernie Sanders ?
” I said , “ I feel like I ’ ve known about him all of — at least all of his life , and — his political life , because I knew about him when he was a mayor in Burlington.
” So , I have definitely followed him through the years .
AMY GOODMAN : In 2016 , Bernie Sanders said identity politics distracts from what he considered real issues , like economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Has he changed his view of identity politics ?
I mean , you say you ’ ve only spoken with him once , but what are your thoughts about that ?
BARBARA SMITH : I think he ’ s obviously changed .
And that ’ s manifested in the kind of campaign that he ’ s running .
There ’ s such a commitment to having a diverse , multiracial , multiethnic , various religions — I mean , I loved the coverage of the mosque , where people voted in Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people there , many of whom were immigrants , how they voted and supported Bernie Sanders .
But that took outreach from the campaign .
That did not just magically happen .
I think that he has changed .
And I also think that the term “ identity politics ” has been so distorted , so distorted since we originally coined it .
And I should say , Amy — I should tell you what we meant by it .
What we meant in 1977 by “ identity politics ” is that black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own political agendas , period .
That ’ s all that we meant .
All the things that have been attached to the term “ identity politics ” in succeeding decades , that ’ s not what we were talking about .
And the reason that we said that back then is because of the fact that it was not thought that black women had any particular political issues or concerns that needed to be addressed and worked on .
So , there ’ s a title of a book .
You may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s my book , All the Women Are White , All the Blacks Are Men , But Some of Us Are Brave .
And that was the perspective back then , that black politics and black liberation agendas were one-size-fit-all for both black men and women .
And it ’ s not , of course .
I mean , all black people have things in common and have realities in common and injustices in common that we need to address .
And women also , regardless of race , have issues in common @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , access to reproductive freedom .
But what we were saying is that there are things that we experience , who are people — as people who are both and simultaneously black and women and also other identities , working-class .
Many of us were lesbians in the Combahee River Collective .
So , we were really looking at systems of oppression as they interlocked .
And subsequently , Kim Crenshaw , the legal scholar , came up with the concept of “ intersectionality.
” But as I said , we weren @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who wasn ’ t our identical mirror image .
That was not what we meant .
We just said we have a right to shape our own political identity — I ’ m sorry , our own political agenda , that comes out of our political identity .
That ’ s what we meant by “ identity politics.
” AMY GOODMAN : Could you speak to young activists who work around issues of identity politics , and what advice would you give them , Barbara Smith ?
BARBARA SMITH : Well , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ ve got to work in coalition .
You can not be so — what ’ s the word ?
— so immersed in your own particular experiences , your wonderful , multilayered , complex experiences of your identity .
You can ’ t be so immersed in that , that you can not look out at that person across the room , across the street , in another neighborhood , in another nation , around the globe .
You can not be so immersed in what you are experiencing that you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a need to work for justice and do it in coalition and in solidarity with others .
And I think that ’ s what has been lost .
I think that because identity politics and black feminism and some of the things that I have actually helped to establish in academic context , I think that sometimes when they ’ re talked about in academic context , people don ’ t understand that , no , what we ’ re really talking about is positioning ourselves so that we can build a mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice .
So , when people think that the only people we ’ re talking to are people who have the exact same list of identities that they have , I always say , “ Why would I want to work with people who are just like me ?
That would be boring.
” So , that would be my major advice , is take that risk .
Take that risk of joining in coalitions , doing work on the ground where you live .
Like , if you live in a city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are a lot of issues , but one of the issues might likely be gun violence .
Another one might be poverty or poor housing .
Another one might be schools that are not of sufficient quality so that everybody has great opportunities as they grow up and become adults and get into life .
See what it would be like to walk into a school board meeting .
Do you see what I ’ m saying ?
Maybe you do .
I bet you do , Amy .
But it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that we work for justice across the board .
And that doesn ’ t mean that we can ’ t be in our own — you know , our own safe spaces , in our own kind of home kind of environments .
We can do both .
AMY GOODMAN : As Bernie Sanders now , if you can give him advice , as the senator coming off of a popular win in Iowa and an outright win in New Hampshire , at least with 87 % of the figures in at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Carolina , the Nevada —Nevada is first and then the South Carolina primary .
What advice do you have for him , as he moves from the whitest states in the country to states with a majority-people-of-color population ?
BARBARA SMITH : Well , I would not presume to give Senator Sanders advice .
I really would not .
I ’ m really happy to be a part of the campaign .
I think that he is effective , and the campaign has been effective , in attracting more diverse constituencies .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ said this to someone a few days ago — I feel like if Senator Sanders can get in front of the electorate , if he can connect with them and share his message and his ideas with them , I think they ’ re going to be really taking a lot of notice .
There are a lot of myths going on — well , always — in the society about race and racism and who is who and what is what .
And there ’ s certainly a — there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of talk about who can appeal to black voters in particular .
And my feeling is , let ’ s just watch us .
You know , watch us watch him .
I think that they ’ re doing a really good job of connecting with our incredibly beautiful , diverse United States , all the kinds of people who live here .
And I just think that the more that that happens , the more effective and the more he ’ ll be known .
And we ’ ll just see what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I said , I wouldn ’ t put it — AMY GOODMAN : I ’ m going to ask you to stay with us , as we break and then move on to some other subjects that I think you ’ d be very interested in .
And I also wanted to clarify : South Carolina is actually majority white , but 78 % of South Carolina ’ s Democrats are African-American .
More than three-quarters of the Democrats in South Carolina are black .
Barbara Smith , author , activist , independent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Collective and of Kitchen Table : Women of Color Press .
Her latest book , Ain ’ t Gon na Let Nobody Turn Me Around : Forty Years of Movement Building with Barbara Smith .
She ’ ll stay with us .
But when we come back , we ’ re going to speak to the journalist who unearthed audio of billionaire presidential candidate Mike Bloomberg defending stop-and-frisk .
And we look at Pete Buttigieg ’ s record of overpolicing the black community in South Bend , Indiana .
Stay with us .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the South African a cappella group .
The founder , Joseph Shabalala , died at the age of 78 .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we continue to look at the presidential race following Bernie Sanders’ victory in the New Hampshire primary. The race now moves to Nevada and South Carolina.
We’re joined by the legendary African-American feminist scholar Barbara Smith, founder of the Combahee River Collective and of Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press. Barbara Smith recently wrote a column in The Guardian newspaper headlined “I helped coin the term 'identity politics'. I’m endorsing Bernie Sanders.” Her latest book is Ain’t Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Around: Forty Years of Movement Building with Barbara Smith. She’s joining us from the capital of New York state, Albany.
Barbara Smith, welcome to Democracy Now! It’s great to have you with us. We are speaking to you —
BARBARA SMITH: Great to be with you, Amy. Thank you.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re speaking to you on the day after the New Hampshire primary, after, actually, in the last two weeks, the primary, first primary, and caucus, Iowa and New Hampshire, that take place in two of the whitest states in the country. And now we move to states of far more diversity, Nevada and South Carolina, and then on to Super Tuesday. So, you are now supporting Bernie Sanders. You’re a surrogate for Senator Sanders. I was wondering if we could step back and you give us a little of your background. I was recently at the Combahee River in South Carolina, after we did an environmental justice forum in Orangeburg, speaking with some of the presidential candidates, and made that trip to the Combahee River because it is so significant — Harriet Tubman and all that she had accomplished. But talk about your background, before you tell us why you support Senator Sanders.
BARBARA SMITH: Are we starting at birth, or are we going to fast-forward?
AMY GOODMAN: Wherever you’d like to start.
BARBARA SMITH: Well, I think it’s really important for people to know — and I say this in the article that was in The Guardian — it’s important for people to know that I was born under Jim Crow. I was born in 1946, so Jim Crow was the law of the land during that time, during my growing-up years. And the reason it’s important, I think, is because it shaped very much who I was and my perspective on this project of U.S. democracy, that we’re still trying to improve.
I have lived on the East Coast for many years. I teach and write. And probably more important than even those other things is that I’ve been involved in movements for social justice since the 1960s. I joined the civil rights movement as a teenager. And even though I lived in the North, the Congress of Racial Equality and other civil rights organizations were strong in Cleveland. And as I said, I got involved as a teenager, and from that day to this I’ve been politically active in working for positive political, social justice and change.
AMY GOODMAN: And the Combahee River Collective, what it is, what it was, its significance? And also, you are credited with helping to coin the term “identity politics.” And what that means?
BARBARA SMITH: Yes. The Combahee River Collective was a group of black feminists in Boston from the mid-1970s until around 1980. And we are best known — we were political activists. We had been involved in many movements, including the movement to end the war in Vietnam, the civil rights movement, as I mentioned, the Panthers. We had a lot of movement experience, even though we were quite young at that time. It was always a small group. And I’ve always liked working in small grassroots groups.
But what we’re most known for is that we wrote a statement, the Combahee River Collective Statement, in 1977. It was actually for a book that was edited by the wonderful antiracist and feminist scholar Zillah Eisenstein. And the book was titled Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism. So, we wrote something for the book, that she asked us to do, and the something turned out to be the Combahee River Collective Statement, which, seemingly, has stood the test of time. And many people still read it, refer to it. And, in fact, the Black Lives Matter and Movement for Black Lives, those movements actually say that they have relied upon the kinds of ideas of black women’s liberation that were in that statement.
And indeed, the phrase “identity politics” is in the statement. I’ve spent quite a few years — decades, actually — trying to find if indeed that phrase appears anywhere earlier than 1977. And I consult with friends who are scholars and researchers and deep readers, and no one has ever been able to show me or find that it was anywhere else prior to that. We’re still searching. I think computers might help with that.
AMY GOODMAN: So, talk today about why you’ve decided to support Bernie Sanders. The corporate media makes a great deal out of saying he doesn’t have the support of African Americans, so important, and particularly African-American women. You almost never see on CNN or MSNBC — I’m not talking about Fox here — a commentator who is a, you know, outright supporter of Bernie Smith — of Bernie Sanders. So, talk about when you decided that he was your presidential candidate.
BARBARA SMITH: I decided in 2016. I supported him then, and I supported him before the campaign reached out to me in 2016 to see if I would be interested in being involved in — and I was — in an LGBTQ steering committee. So, I was asked to take part, to be a part of that. And I also worked on women’s issues. It was pretty late during the primary season, but I worked very hard, as I always do, and we did as much as we possibly could to bring in those constituencies. So, as I said, I didn’t just decide. I decided in 2016, before I even had any working contact with the campaign. And, of course, I continue to support him during this 2020 election cycle.
AMY GOODMAN: So, talk about what it is that he represents that you feel is most important, and why you’re willing to go out and campaign for him around the country.
BARBARA SMITH: The reason I support Bernie Sanders is because of the fact that he has a theory of change. You know, that’s a popular phrase now. He has an understanding of like why things are not working in our U.S. society, and he has ideas like Medicare and healthcare for all, like changing the criminal justice system, like having access to college for all young people and not just for those who are privileged. He has good ideas about how we can actually fulfill that promise that the Founders supposedly put out, in their very flawed way, since they didn’t really include people like me. They didn’t include women. They didn’t include black people. But they had some great ideas about freedom and justice for all. He has the plans. He has the passion and the compassion. He has the base of support, which is much more diverse than, I think, any of the other candidate at this point.
He just — you know, we’re just in sync. He and I are near the same age, and we were both involved in movements in our younger days, as students. And we just — as I said, I don’t — I’ve only met him once, so I don’t know him. It’s not like we’re like buddies or anything like that. It doesn’t come from that kind of contact. It comes from looking at what he is standing for, what he proposes to do and what he has done, actually. I’ve been aware of him. Someone asked me, “When did you first know about Bernie Sanders?” I said, “I feel like I’ve known about him all of — at least all of his life, and — his political life, because I knew about him when he was a mayor in Burlington.” So, I have definitely followed him through the years.
AMY GOODMAN: In 2016, Bernie Sanders said identity politics distracts from what he considered real issues, like economic inequality and the decline of organized labor. Has he changed his view of identity politics? I mean, you say you’ve only spoken with him once, but what are your thoughts about that?
BARBARA SMITH: I think he’s obviously changed. And that’s manifested in the kind of campaign that he’s running. There’s such a commitment to having a diverse, multiracial, multiethnic, various religions — I mean, I loved the coverage of the mosque, where people voted in Iowa, and how 99% of the people there, many of whom were immigrants, how they voted and supported Bernie Sanders. But that took outreach from the campaign. That did not just magically happen. I think that he has changed.
And I also think that the term “identity politics” has been so distorted, so distorted since we originally coined it. And I should say, Amy — I should tell you what we meant by it. What we meant in 1977 by “identity politics” is that black women have a right to determine our own political agendas, period. That’s all that we meant. All the things that have been attached to the term “identity politics” in succeeding decades, that’s not what we were talking about.
And the reason that we said that back then is because of the fact that it was not thought that black women had any particular political issues or concerns that needed to be addressed and worked on. So, there’s a title of a book. You may have heard of it. It’s my book, All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave. And that was the perspective back then, that black politics and black liberation agendas were one-size-fit-all for both black men and women. And it’s not, of course. I mean, all black people have things in common and have realities in common and injustices in common that we need to address. And women also, regardless of race, have issues in common, like violence against women, for example, access to reproductive freedom. But what we were saying is that there are things that we experience, who are people — as people who are both and simultaneously black and women and also other identities, working-class. Many of us were lesbians in the Combahee River Collective. So, we were really looking at systems of oppression as they interlocked. And subsequently, Kim Crenshaw, the legal scholar, came up with the concept of “intersectionality.” But as I said, we weren’t badmouthing or putting down anyone who wasn’t our identical mirror image. That was not what we meant. We just said we have a right to shape our own political identity — I’m sorry, our own political agenda, that comes out of our political identity. That’s what we meant by “identity politics.”
AMY GOODMAN: Could you speak to young activists who work around issues of identity politics, and what advice would you give them, Barbara Smith?
BARBARA SMITH: Well, the first thing I would say is, you’ve got to work in coalition. You cannot be so — what’s the word? — so immersed in your own particular experiences, your wonderful, multilayered, complex experiences of your identity. You can’t be so immersed in that, that you cannot look out at that person across the room, across the street, in another neighborhood, in another nation, around the globe. You cannot be so immersed in what you are experiencing that you cannot see that wider arc of a need to work for justice and do it in coalition and in solidarity with others. And I think that’s what has been lost. I think that because identity politics and black feminism and some of the things that I have actually helped to establish in academic context, I think that sometimes when they’re talked about in academic context, people don’t understand that, no, what we’re really talking about is positioning ourselves so that we can build a mass movement for positive political change and for justice. So, when people think that the only people we’re talking to are people who have the exact same list of identities that they have, I always say, “Why would I want to work with people who are just like me? That would be boring.”
So, that would be my major advice, is take that risk. Take that risk of joining in coalitions, doing work on the ground where you live. Like, if you live in a city, there’s probably — there are a lot of issues, but one of the issues might likely be gun violence. Another one might be poverty or poor housing. Another one might be schools that are not of sufficient quality so that everybody has great opportunities as they grow up and become adults and get into life. See what it would be like to walk into a school board meeting. Do you see what I’m saying? Maybe you do. I bet you do, Amy. But it’s just really so important that we stretch and that we work for justice across the board. And that doesn’t mean that we can’t be in our own — you know, our own safe spaces, in our own kind of home kind of environments. We can do both.
AMY GOODMAN: As Bernie Sanders now, if you can give him advice, as the senator coming off of a popular win in Iowa and an outright win in New Hampshire, at least with 87% of the figures in at this point, heading down now to South Carolina, the Nevada —Nevada is first and then the South Carolina primary. What advice do you have for him, as he moves from the whitest states in the country to states with a majority-people-of-color population?
BARBARA SMITH: Well, I would not presume to give Senator Sanders advice. I really would not. I’m really happy to be a part of the campaign. I think that he is effective, and the campaign has been effective, in attracting more diverse constituencies. I feel like — and I just said this to someone a few days ago — I feel like if Senator Sanders can get in front of the electorate, if he can connect with them and share his message and his ideas with them, I think they’re going to be really taking a lot of notice. There are a lot of myths going on — well, always — in the society about race and racism and who is who and what is what. And there’s certainly a — there’s a lot of chatter and a lot of talk about who can appeal to black voters in particular. And my feeling is, let’s just watch us. You know, watch us watch him. I think that they’re doing a really good job of connecting with our incredibly beautiful, diverse United States, all the kinds of people who live here. And I just think that the more that that happens, the more effective and the more he’ll be known. And we’ll just see what happens.
AMY GOODMAN: Barbara Smith, I’m going to —
BARBARA SMITH: But as I said, I wouldn’t put it —
AMY GOODMAN: I’m going to ask you to stay with us, as we break and then move on to some other subjects that I think you’d be very interested in. And I also wanted to clarify: South Carolina is actually majority white, but 78% of South Carolina’s Democrats are African-American. More than three-quarters of the Democrats in South Carolina are black. Barbara Smith, author, activist, independent scholar, founder of the Combahee River Collective and of Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press. Her latest book, Ain’t Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Around: Forty Years of Movement Building with Barbara Smith. She’ll stay with us. But when we come back, we’re going to speak to the journalist who unearthed audio of billionaire presidential candidate Mike Bloomberg defending stop-and-frisk. And we look at Pete Buttigieg’s record of overpolicing the black community in South Bend, Indiana. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: Ladysmith Black Mambazo, the South African a cappella group. The founder, Joseph Shabalala, died at the age of 78.


democracynow--2020-02-12--Bernie Sanders Wins New Hampshire Primary with Key Support from Youth Voters

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont has won the New Hampshire primary a week after he won the popular vote in Iowa .
With 87 % of precincts reporting , Sanders has 25.7 % of the vote , narrowly beating former South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg , who is at 24.4 % .
Senator Amy Klobuchar placed third with nearly 20 % of the vote .
Both Senator Elizabeth Warren and former Vice President Joe Biden received under 10 % of the vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent weeks and months .
On Tuesday , Biden cancelled his election night party in New Hampshire and headed to South Carolina , which holds its primary on February 29th .
President Trump easily won the Republican primary in New Hampshire .
Former Massachusetts Governor Bill Weld placed second with 9.2 % of the vote .
At a celebration in Manchester , New Hampshire , Bernie Sanders said his victory in New Hampshire is “ the beginning of the end for Donald Trump.
” AMY GOODMAN : Pete Buttigieg addressed supporters in Nashua @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AMY GOODMAN : As the results of the New Hampshire primary came in , two more Democratic candidates dropped out : Senator Michael Bennet of Colorado and entrepreneur Andrew Yang , who campaigned for a universal basic income .
We go now to Manchester , New Hampshire , where we ’ re joined by John Nichols of The Nation , where he ’ s covering the race .
Welcome back to Democracy Now !
, John .
So , summarize what happened .
Yes , at this point , the latest news , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary .
JOHN NICHOLS : That is correct .
And it was a significant win .
I know you ’ ll hear a lot of punditry today that says that he didn ’ t win by as much as he did in 2016 .
But the fact of the matter is that in an intense race where the lead moved among many candidates in the polls over the last several months , when all was said and done , Bernie Sanders prevailed .
He prevailed because , again , as in Iowa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a huge victory among young voters .
In towns like Durham , New Hampshire , and Keene , it was clear that their votes just really put him into a much stronger position .
Sanders also did a surprisingly good job of mobilizing in some of the urban areas of the state .
And I think that ’ s something worthy of noting .
With that said , there ’ s also a caution here for Sanders , and there ’ s a caution here for all the candidates .
Sixty-three percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their top priority was to get a candidate who can beat Trump .
Among those voters , there was a stronger support for Pete Buttigieg , and Amy Klobuchar did very well .
Among the 35 % , roughly , of voters who said they want someone they agree with on the issues , Sanders did tremendously well .
What Sanders has to do , going forward , is to deliver a message , and I think that — I ’ ve interviewed him about this .
I think he does understand this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that you can vote for the person you agree with and also beat Trump .
It ’ s that electability message .
And the strength of the electability message is something that was illustrated by Amy Klobuchar ’ s win — or , strong showing .
And Amy Klobuchar did very , very well in New Hampshire because she framed the entire close of her campaign around an electability argument .
It brought her up so rapidly that at some points last night there was speculation that she might even pull ahead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think the takeaway from New Hampshire is , A , Sanders won .
That ’ s a big deal .
It will get national attention and worthy of such .
But , B , going forward , all of these candidates clearly are going to have to make a very strong argument around electability , which is rooted not just in slogans and , you know , happy talk , but in really detailed arguments about what the polls show and what is possible .
AMY GOODMAN : Can you talk about , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Oh , yeah , it was easy for Bernie Sanders , because he is from next door , he ’ s from Vermont ” ?
Of course , Elizabeth Warren is also from next door to New Hampshire , right ?
She ’ s from Massachusetts .
And her support really plummeted , along with Biden .
And we ’ ll talk about that .
JOHN NICHOLS : Yeah , that ’ s true .
You know , look , the neighboring state thing is of relevance .
It shouldn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something .
And in the counties and towns along the Vermont border , Bernie Sanders did very well .
So we don ’ t have to underestimate that .
But as you point out , Elizabeth Warren , who actually comes from the state that has , in many ways , a larger influence in New Hampshire , didn ’ t do that well .
Remember , southern New Hampshire is — a lot of it ’ s in the Boston media market and is very much touched by Massachusetts media , Massachusetts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen to have a tremendous advantage .
She also had a great level of organization and a great level of energy on the ground .
She put a lot of time and money into the state .
But it did not work .
And for the Warren campaign , that becomes a real factor .
I think a couple things need to be noted here .
First off , she , I think more than any other candidate , was hurt by the fact that she was in Washington focusing on impeachment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ well .
So was Klobuchar .
But for Warren , that focus on impeachment took away from her time to really deliver that personal message , that she ’ s very , very good at doing , at town halls and things like that .
Sanders , on the other hand , did something really smart .
And that was , he relied heavily on surrogates who came into the state .
If Bernie Sanders couldn ’ t be present , someone prominent and well known and , frankly , who could draw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working the cities on his behalf .
And so , I do think that ’ s a factor .
And going forward , Warren says she wants to fight on , and I think she should .
But going forward , the critical test now is , if she can be physically present in these states — and that ’ s particularly South Carolina and Nevada — can she begin to make those connections that bring her numbers up ?
She ’ s really in a tough testing point here .
But , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for her .
AMY GOODMAN : And Joe Biden essentially giving up on New Hampshire and heading to South Carolina yesterday .
JOHN NICHOLS : Well , I mean , with all due respect , he gave up on New Hampshire in the debate on Friday night .
I have never , ever seen a candidate say , “ You know , I took a hit in Iowa , and I ’ m probably going to take a hit here.
” He essentially telegraphed in that Friday night debate , going into that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t expect to win .
In fact , he didn ’ t even expect to do very well .
And so , long before he flew out of state on Primary Day , which was , by the way , much noted in New Hampshire media , he had already telegraphed to voters that he didn ’ t think he was going to do very well .
Well , New Hampshire voters like to send a signal with their vote .
And I believe that some of his comments Friday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people to look much more seriously at Pete Buttigieg and at Amy Klobuchar .
I think both of them benefited by Biden ’ s , you know , frankly , bumbling and politically inept performance .
And I have to say one final thing : The way that Biden handled New Hampshire ought to send up every red flag and put off every alarm bell you can hear about the thought of him running against Donald Trump .
I mean , he really did not do a good job in New Hampshire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that when we talked about Donald Trump winning the Republican primary , beating Bill Weld — AMY GOODMAN : — some might have thought , “ What about the other person opposing him , Joe Walsh ?
” He dropped out last week , the Illinois congressmember , saying , “ I would rather have a socialist in the White House than a dictator , than a king , than Donald Trump , ” indicating he would vote for Bernie Sanders if he were the Democratic candidate .
JOHN NICHOLS : That is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Weld yesterday .
He was campaigning very hard .
I talked to him .
You know , it ’ s a very interesting thing that Bill Weld put a huge emphasis in his New Hampshire campaigning on his belief in science and his determination to address climate change .
And that , I think , resonated with — you know , look , one in 10 — almost one in 10 people who went and took a Republican ballot yesterday didn ’ t vote for Donald Trump ; they voted for Bill Weld @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another 5 % cast write-in votes or voted for other lesser-known candidates .
So Donald Trump lost 15 % of the Republican vote in New Hampshire .
It ’ s significant because I think there ’ s a sense that there ’ s an absolutely unified Republican enthusiasm for Trump .
He has clearly put a lock on that party .
But there are actually still , I think , a number of grassroots Republicans who are troubled by his presidency , and particularly troubled on issues .
Again , I ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , very much , and I think that resonated with a lot of kind of old-school New England Republicans .
AMY GOODMAN : One of the exit polls showed the concerns of people in New Hampshire : number one , healthcare ; number two , climate change ; then inequality and then foreign policy .
John Nichols , I want to thank you for being with us , The Nation ’ s national affairs correspondent , host of the podcast Next Left .
When we come back , we ’ ll be joined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Smith on why she supports Bernie Sanders , as we head from the whitest states in the country , where the first caucuses and primaries are held , to the next ones , Nevada and South Carolina , where people of color make up a much larger percentage of the population .
Stay with us .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont has won the New Hampshire primary a week after he won the popular vote in Iowa. With 87% of precincts reporting, Sanders has 25.7% of the vote, narrowly beating former South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg, who is at 24.4%. Senator Amy Klobuchar placed third with nearly 20% of the vote. Both Senator Elizabeth Warren and former Vice President Joe Biden received under 10% of the vote, after seeing their support plummet in recent weeks and months. On Tuesday, Biden cancelled his election night party in New Hampshire and headed to South Carolina, which holds its primary on February 29th.
President Trump easily won the Republican primary in New Hampshire. Former Massachusetts Governor Bill Weld placed second with 9.2% of the vote.
At a celebration in Manchester, New Hampshire, Bernie Sanders said his victory in New Hampshire is “the beginning of the end for Donald Trump.”
SEN. BERNIE SANDERS: And the reason I believe we are going to win is that we have an unprecedented grassroots movement from coast to coast of millions of people. The reason that we are going to win is that we are putting together an unprecedented multigenerational, multiracial political movement. And this is a movement from coast to coast which is demanding that we finally have an economy and a government that works for all of us, not wealthy campaign contributors.
AMY GOODMAN: Pete Buttigieg addressed supporters in Nashua after placing second in New Hampshire.
PETE BUTTIGIEG: And here in a state that goes by the motto “Live Free or Die,” you made up your own minds. You asserted that famous independent streak. And thanks to you, a campaign that some said shouldn’t be here at all has shown that we are here to stay.
AMY GOODMAN: As the results of the New Hampshire primary came in, two more Democratic candidates dropped out: Senator Michael Bennet of Colorado and entrepreneur Andrew Yang, who campaigned for a universal basic income.
We go now to Manchester, New Hampshire, where we’re joined by John Nichols of The Nation, where he’s covering the race.
Welcome back to Democracy Now!, John. So, summarize what happened. Yes, at this point, the latest news, Bernie Sanders has won the New Hampshire primary.
JOHN NICHOLS: That is correct. And it was a significant win. I know you’ll hear a lot of punditry today that says that he didn’t win by as much as he did in 2016. But the fact of the matter is that in an intense race where the lead moved among many candidates in the polls over the last several months, when all was said and done, Bernie Sanders prevailed. He prevailed because, again, as in Iowa, he had a significant — actually, a huge victory among young voters. In towns like Durham, New Hampshire, and Keene, it was clear that their votes just really put him into a much stronger position. Sanders also did a surprisingly good job of mobilizing in some of the urban areas of the state. And I think that’s something worthy of noting.
With that said, there’s also a caution here for Sanders, and there’s a caution here for all the candidates. Sixty-three percent of the voters in New Hampshire said that their top priority was to get a candidate who can beat Trump. Among those voters, there was a stronger support for Pete Buttigieg, and Amy Klobuchar did very well. Among the 35%, roughly, of voters who said they want someone they agree with on the issues, Sanders did tremendously well. What Sanders has to do, going forward, is to deliver a message, and I think that — I’ve interviewed him about this. I think he does understand this. He has to deliver a message that you can vote for the person you agree with and also beat Trump. It’s that electability message. And the strength of the electability message is something that was illustrated by Amy Klobuchar’s win — or, strong showing. And Amy Klobuchar did very, very well in New Hampshire because she framed the entire close of her campaign around an electability argument. It brought her up so rapidly that at some points last night there was speculation that she might even pull ahead of Pete Buttigieg.
And so, I think the takeaway from New Hampshire is, A, Sanders won. That’s a big deal. It will get national attention and worthy of such. But, B, going forward, all of these candidates clearly are going to have to make a very strong argument around electability, which is rooted not just in slogans and, you know, happy talk, but in really detailed arguments about what the polls show and what is possible.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about, you know, when people say, “Oh, yeah, it was easy for Bernie Sanders, because he is from next door, he’s from Vermont”? Of course, Elizabeth Warren is also from next door to New Hampshire, right? She’s from Massachusetts. And her support really plummeted, along with Biden. And we’ll talk about that.
JOHN NICHOLS: Yeah, that’s true. You know, look, the neighboring state thing is of relevance. It shouldn’t be denied. It does count for something. And in the counties and towns along the Vermont border, Bernie Sanders did very well. So we don’t have to underestimate that. But as you point out, Elizabeth Warren, who actually comes from the state that has, in many ways, a larger influence in New Hampshire, didn’t do that well. Remember, southern New Hampshire is — a lot of it’s in the Boston media market and is very much touched by Massachusetts media, Massachusetts politics. And so, Warren was seen to have a tremendous advantage. She also had a great level of organization and a great level of energy on the ground. She put a lot of time and money into the state. But it did not work. And for the Warren campaign, that becomes a real factor.
I think a couple things need to be noted here. First off, she, I think more than any other candidate, was hurt by the fact that she was in Washington focusing on impeachment. Now, Sanders was there, as well. So was Klobuchar. But for Warren, that focus on impeachment took away from her time to really deliver that personal message, that she’s very, very good at doing, at town halls and things like that. Sanders, on the other hand, did something really smart. And that was, he relied heavily on surrogates who came into the state. If Bernie Sanders couldn’t be present, someone prominent and well known and, frankly, who could draw a crowd was working the towns and working the cities on his behalf. And so, I do think that’s a factor.
And going forward, Warren says she wants to fight on, and I think she should. But going forward, the critical test now is, if she can be physically present in these states — and that’s particularly South Carolina and Nevada — can she begin to make those connections that bring her numbers up? She’s really in a tough testing point here. But, you know, there are still possibilities for her.
AMY GOODMAN: And Joe Biden essentially giving up on New Hampshire and heading to South Carolina yesterday.
JOHN NICHOLS: Well, I mean, with all due respect, he gave up on New Hampshire in the debate on Friday night. I have never, ever seen a candidate say, “You know, I took a hit in Iowa, and I’m probably going to take a hit here.” He essentially telegraphed in that Friday night debate, going into that incredibly critical final weekend, that he didn’t expect to win. In fact, he didn’t even expect to do very well. And so, long before he flew out of state on Primary Day, which was, by the way, much noted in New Hampshire media, he had already telegraphed to voters that he didn’t think he was going to do very well. Well, New Hampshire voters like to send a signal with their vote. And I believe that some of his comments Friday, and even before, led a lot of people to look much more seriously at Pete Buttigieg and at Amy Klobuchar. I think both of them benefited by Biden’s, you know, frankly, bumbling and politically inept performance.
And I have to say one final thing: The way that Biden handled New Hampshire ought to send up every red flag and put off every alarm bell you can hear about the thought of him running against Donald Trump. I mean, he really did not do a good job in New Hampshire.
AMY GOODMAN: I should say that when we talked about Donald Trump winning the Republican primary, beating Bill Weld —
JOHN NICHOLS: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: — some might have thought, “What about the other person opposing him, Joe Walsh?” He dropped out last week, the Illinois congressmember, saying, “I would rather have a socialist in the White House than a dictator, than a king, than Donald Trump,” indicating he would vote for Bernie Sanders if he were the Democratic candidate.
JOHN NICHOLS: That is correct. And I was with Bill Weld yesterday. He was campaigning very hard. I talked to him. You know, it’s a very interesting thing that Bill Weld put a huge emphasis in his New Hampshire campaigning on his belief in science and his determination to address climate change. And that, I think, resonated with — you know, look, one in 10 — almost one in 10 people who went and took a Republican ballot yesterday didn’t vote for Donald Trump; they voted for Bill Weld. It’s notable that about another 5% cast write-in votes or voted for other lesser-known candidates. So Donald Trump lost 15% of the Republican vote in New Hampshire. It’s significant because I think there’s a sense that there’s an absolutely unified Republican enthusiasm for Trump. He has clearly put a lock on that party. But there are actually still, I think, a number of grassroots Republicans who are troubled by his presidency, and particularly troubled on issues. Again, I’ll circle back. Weld emphasized climate very, very much, and I think that resonated with a lot of kind of old-school New England Republicans.
AMY GOODMAN: One of the exit polls showed the concerns of people in New Hampshire: number one, healthcare; number two, climate change; then inequality and then foreign policy. John Nichols, I want to thank you for being with us, The Nation’s national affairs correspondent, host of the podcast Next Left.
When we come back, we’ll be joined by the legendary African-American feminist scholar Barbara Smith on why she supports Bernie Sanders, as we head from the whitest states in the country, where the first caucuses and primaries are held, to the next ones, Nevada and South Carolina, where people of color make up a much larger percentage of the population. Stay with us.


democracynow--2020-02-12--Headlines for February 12, 2020

Headlines for February 12, 2020

The World Health Organization is warning the coronavirus poses a “ grave threat ” to the world , as the @ @ @ @ @ 1,100 people , with more than 44,000 confirmed infections worldwide .
Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus : @ @ @ @ @ cases in China , this remains very much an emergency for that country , but @ @ @ @ @ grave threat for the rest of the world , unless we use the window of @ @ @ @ @ ” Meanwhile , at least 174 people have now tested positive for coronavirus on the @ @ @ @ @ Diamond Princess , which is docked off the coast of Japan .
There are 3,600 @ @ @ @ @ where crew members say the workers aren ’ t being protected from infection .

The World Health Organization is warning the coronavirus poses a “grave threat” to the world, as the death toll in China tops 1,100 people, with more than 44,000 confirmed infections worldwide.
Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus: “With 99% of cases in China, this remains very much an emergency for that country, but one that holds a very grave threat for the rest of the world, unless we use the window of opportunity that we have now.”
Meanwhile, at least 174 people have now tested positive for coronavirus on the quarantined cruise ship, the Diamond Princess, which is docked off the coast of Japan. There are 3,600 people aboard the ship, where crew members say the workers aren’t being protected from infection.


democracynow--2020-02-13--Did Amy Klobuchar Send an Innocent Teenager to Life in Prison? Questions Mount over Her Record as DA

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
I ’ m Amy Goodman , as we turn to the U.S. presidential race .
After a surprising third-place finish in the New Hampshire primary , Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar is attempting to gain ground in the national polls .
But Klobuchar is also facing mounting scrutiny over her record as a district attorney in Minnesota .
The Minneapolis NAACP , Black Lives Matter Twin Cities and other racial justice groups recently called on Klobuchar to suspend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation by the Associated Press .
The AP report centered on the case of Myon Burrell , an African-American teenager who was sentenced to life in prison over the 2002 murder of 11-year-old Tyesha Edwards .
Klobuchar led this case against Myon Burrell when she was Hennepin County ’ s district attorney .
But the AP report says she may have mishandled the case and that Burrell could be innocent .
The Associated Press report shows how prosecutors had no DNA or fingerprints tying Burrell to the murder and that they relied on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since recanted their testimonies .
Burrell has always maintained his innocence .
On the campaign trail , Klobuchar has cited the jailing of Burrell as one of her achievements .
She brought up the case during a debate in September .
AMY GOODMAN : On Tuesday , Senator Klobuchar was grilled about the case by Sunny Hostin , co-host of The View .
AMY GOODMAN : Sunny Hostin of The View questioning Democratic presidential candidate Amy Klobuchar on Tuesday .
We go now to Minneapolis , where we ’ re joined by Nekima @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist , head of the Racial Justice Network , former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP .
So , if you can talk more about the significance of this case ?
Now , very clearly , Senator Klobuchar brought it up herself to show how , you know , her competence is putting people in jail who killed an 11-year-old child .
Explain what you feel is wrong , and the significance of this AP investigation .
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : It ’ s shocking at this point that Amy Klobuchar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the United States , given the significance of Myon Burrell ’ s case , the fact that he was merely a child himself at the time that he was brought into the criminal justice system .
When he was first interrogated by police — eight hours , no attorney , his mother in the next room — he asked for his mother 13 times .
And he was denied that opportunity to even consult with his mother .
He has maintained his innocence from the beginning .
And in spite of that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case .
She has exploited the tragic death of Tyesha Edwards , the 11-year-old child who was killed in this situation through an accidental shooting outside of her home .
And she exploited Myon Burrell , using his name or using this case repeatedly throughout her career and to bolster her career .
As a matter fact , when she ran for the Senate in 2006 , she put forward a commercial that included Tyesha ’ s mother and other victims of crime , demonstrating that she was tough on crime .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remorse for what she did to Myon and the impact upon his family and the community .
And she is continuing to deflect away questions about her role in the unjust and wrongful conviction of Myon Burrell .
AMY GOODMAN : So , you talk about Myon inside being interrogated as a 16-year-old .
He repeatedly asked for his mother .
His mother was just outside that room , demanding of the police that she be inside with her son , and they told her no .
The day before he was indicted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jail , she was driving home , and her car went off the road .
She hit a tree , it exploded , and she was killed ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : Yes .
Knowing that Myon did not get to even pay his mother respects at her funeral is something that still shocks me to this day — AMY GOODMAN : She did not allow — NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : — just the level of callousness and cruelty .
AMY GOODMAN : She did not allow him ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Myon Burrell to attend his mother ’ s funeral , claiming that he was a threat to public safety .
I have seen people who are incarcerated in prison be allowed to leave prison and go and pay their last respects to their family members at funerals , but Amy Klobuchar denied a child this opportunity .
Again , Myon Burrell has continued to maintain his innocence .
The co-defendants in this case have come forward — in particular , the person who pulled the trigger , back several years ago , saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsibility for the crime .
But his words have fallen upon deaf ears .
And so Myon continues to pay the price , having been locked up for roughly 18 years for a crime that he did not commit .
AMY GOODMAN : Now , to be clear — AMY GOODMAN : To be clear , he has been offered plea deals that would get him out now , and he has said , “ No , I won ’ t plead guilty to a crime I didn ’ t commit ” ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a strong man of faith , and he does not believe that he should have to plead guilty to a crime for which he did not commit .
And he said that he ’ s not only doing this for himself , he ’ s also doing this for Tyesha .
AMY GOODMAN : So , you are calling for — the NAACP , Black Lives Matter Twin Cities are calling for Amy Klobuchar to suspend her presidential campaign .
Can you explain why ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : Absolutely .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , coupled with Amy Klobuchar ’ s predatory behavior as a prosecutor , should be disqualifying .
We know that with the current president in office , there have been a lot of concerns surrounding his questionable conduct , his ethics , his rhetoric .
We are seeing similarities in terms of the way that Amy Klobuchar conducted herself as a prosecutor and the way that she is responding to this case .
Instead of accepting responsibility , acknowledging her mistakes and rolling up her sleeves to help set Myon free , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absolve herself of responsibility and minimize the significance of sending an innocent black teenage boy to prison for life .
That is simply unconscionable , and it is unacceptable .
And those are not the qualities that we need to see in our next president of the United States .
AMY GOODMAN : Let me ask you about this BuzzFeed report .
“ Klobuchar has also been criticized for failing to bring charges against a single police officer who killed a citizen in her eight-year run as the top prosecutor in Minnesota ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than two dozen police-involved killings in that period.
” Nekima Levy Armstrong , can you weigh in here ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : Absolutely .
Amy Klobuchar received the endorsement of police unions when she ran her various campaigns .
And as a result , she did not hold police officers accountable .
She worked very closely with the Minneapolis Police Department , that has had a long history of corruption .
As a matter of fact , about $ 4.8 million in lawsuits were settled against the Minneapolis Police Department in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ period in which Amy Klobuchar was the Hennepin County attorney .
And so she had a very close relationship with police .
The black community called her out consistently for not holding police officers accountable .
As a matter fact , a shooting of a teenager happened in 2004 , and that teenager ’ s mother sent Amy Klobuchar a letter asking her to not use a grand jury and to charge the officers who killed her son .
Amy Klobuchar did not even respond to that mother ’ s letter .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice on behalf of her child .
AMY GOODMAN : Nekima Levy Armstrong , I want to thank you for being with us , civil rights attorney , activist , head of the Racial Justice Network , former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP .
That does it for our show .
Democracy Now !
is accepting applications for paid , year-long news production fellowship here in New York .
Go to democracynow.org for details .
I ’ m Amy Goodman .
Thanks so much for joining us .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! I’m Amy Goodman, as we turn to the U.S. presidential race. After a surprising third-place finish in the New Hampshire primary, Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar is attempting to gain ground in the national polls. But Klobuchar is also facing mounting scrutiny over her record as a district attorney in Minnesota. The Minneapolis NAACP, Black Lives Matter Twin Cities and other racial justice groups recently called on Klobuchar to suspend her presidential campaign, following a shocking investigation by the Associated Press.
The AP report centered on the case of Myon Burrell, an African-American teenager who was sentenced to life in prison over the 2002 murder of 11-year-old Tyesha Edwards. Klobuchar led this case against Myon Burrell when she was Hennepin County’s district attorney. But the AP report says she may have mishandled the case and that Burrell could be innocent. The Associated Press report shows how prosecutors had no DNA or fingerprints tying Burrell to the murder and that they relied on jailhouse informants, some of whom have since recanted their testimonies. Burrell has always maintained his innocence.
On the campaign trail, Klobuchar has cited the jailing of Burrell as one of her achievements. She brought up the case during a debate in September.
SEN. AMY KLOBUCHAR: We found the shooter, and we put him in jail. We did the same for the killer of a little girl named Tyesha Edwards, who was doing her homework at her kitchen table and was shot through the window.
AMY GOODMAN: On Tuesday, Senator Klobuchar was grilled about the case by Sunny Hostin, co-host of The View.
SUNNY HOSTIN: I’ve reviewed the facts of that case, and it is one of the most flawed investigations and prosecutions that I think I have ever seen. When you look at it, you have your homicide detective on tape offering informants 500 bucks apiece for names. When I looked at it, I also saw that Mr. Burrell’s alibis were — alibi witnesses were not looked at. His surveillance tapes were not looked at. I mean, how do you defend something like that to someone like me, who is the mother of a black boy, a black teenager? This case would be my worst nightmare.
SEN. AMY KLOBUCHAR: Well, Sunny, I’ll start with this: I’ve been very clear, all of the evidence needs to be immediately reviewed in that case, the past evidence and also any new evidence that has come forward. I’ve called for that. …
SUNNY HOSTIN: Well, you’re a U.S. senator now. You’re a powerful woman.
SEN. AMY KLOBUCHAR: Yes, yes.
SUNNY HOSTIN: What do you intend to do to right this wrong?
SEN. AMY KLOBUCHAR: Well, I’ve called for the office and the courts to review the evidence. That is what we must do in the justice system. I’ve also worked extensively with the Innocence Project in my previous job, and we reviewed all the serious cases we had that involved DNA evidence. This one didn’t. But we involved — reviewed those cases. I pioneered a new —
SUNNY HOSTIN: It had no gun, it had no DNA evidence, and it had no fingerprints.
JOY BEHAR: Are we prosecuting Amy Klobuchar today?
SEN. AMY KLOBUCHAR: Exactly. So, this is a case that must — It must be reviewed.
AMY GOODMAN: Sunny Hostin of The View questioning Democratic presidential candidate Amy Klobuchar on Tuesday.
We go now to Minneapolis, where we’re joined by Nekima Levy Armstrong, civil rights attorney, activist, head of the Racial Justice Network, former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP.
So, if you can talk more about the significance of this case? Now, very clearly, Senator Klobuchar brought it up herself to show how, you know, her competence is putting people in jail who killed an 11-year-old child. Explain what you feel is wrong, and the significance of this AP investigation.
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: It’s shocking at this point that Amy Klobuchar is still in the race for president of the United States, given the significance of Myon Burrell’s case, the fact that he was merely a child himself at the time that he was brought into the criminal justice system. When he was first interrogated by police — eight hours, no attorney, his mother in the next room — he asked for his mother 13 times. And he was denied that opportunity to even consult with his mother. He has maintained his innocence from the beginning.
And in spite of that information, Amy Klobuchar has exploited this case. She has exploited the tragic death of Tyesha Edwards, the 11-year-old child who was killed in this situation through an accidental shooting outside of her home. And she exploited Myon Burrell, using his name or using this case repeatedly throughout her career and to bolster her career. As a matter fact, when she ran for the Senate in 2006, she put forward a commercial that included Tyesha’s mother and other victims of crime, demonstrating that she was tough on crime. I do not feel that she has any remorse for what she did to Myon and the impact upon his family and the community. And she is continuing to deflect away questions about her role in the unjust and wrongful conviction of Myon Burrell.
AMY GOODMAN: So, you talk about Myon inside being interrogated as a 16-year-old. He repeatedly asked for his mother. His mother was just outside that room, demanding of the police that she be inside with her son, and they told her no. The day before he was indicted, and she was visiting him in jail, she was driving home, and her car went off the road. She hit a tree, it exploded, and she was killed?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Yes. Knowing that Myon did not get to even pay his mother respects at her funeral is something that still shocks me to this day —
AMY GOODMAN: She did not allow —
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: — just the level of callousness and cruelty.
AMY GOODMAN: She did not allow him?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: No, Amy Klobuchar did not allow Myon Burrell to attend his mother’s funeral, claiming that he was a threat to public safety. I have seen people who are incarcerated in prison be allowed to leave prison and go and pay their last respects to their family members at funerals, but Amy Klobuchar denied a child this opportunity.
Again, Myon Burrell has continued to maintain his innocence. The co-defendants in this case have come forward — in particular, the person who pulled the trigger, back several years ago, saying that Myon Burrell was innocent and taking responsibility for the crime. But his words have fallen upon deaf ears. And so Myon continues to pay the price, having been locked up for roughly 18 years for a crime that he did not commit.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, to be clear —
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: And —
AMY GOODMAN: To be clear, he has been offered plea deals that would get him out now, and he has said, “No, I won’t plead guilty to a crime I didn’t commit”?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Absolutely. He is a strong man of faith, and he does not believe that he should have to plead guilty to a crime for which he did not commit. And he said that he’s not only doing this for himself, he’s also doing this for Tyesha.
AMY GOODMAN: So, you are calling for — the NAACP, Black Lives Matter Twin Cities are calling for Amy Klobuchar to suspend her presidential campaign. Can you explain why?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Absolutely. I believe that Myon Burrell’s case, coupled with Amy Klobuchar’s predatory behavior as a prosecutor, should be disqualifying. We know that with the current president in office, there have been a lot of concerns surrounding his questionable conduct, his ethics, his rhetoric. We are seeing similarities in terms of the way that Amy Klobuchar conducted herself as a prosecutor and the way that she is responding to this case. Instead of accepting responsibility, acknowledging her mistakes and rolling up her sleeves to help set Myon free, she is continuing to sidestep these questions, absolve herself of responsibility and minimize the significance of sending an innocent black teenage boy to prison for life. That is simply unconscionable, and it is unacceptable. And those are not the qualities that we need to see in our next president of the United States.
AMY GOODMAN: Let me ask you about this BuzzFeed report. “Klobuchar has also been criticized for failing to bring charges against a single police officer who killed a citizen in her eight-year run as the top prosecutor in Minnesota’s most populous county. There were more than two dozen police-involved killings in that period.” Nekima Levy Armstrong, can you weigh in here?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Absolutely. Amy Klobuchar received the endorsement of police unions when she ran her various campaigns. And as a result, she did not hold police officers accountable. She worked very closely with the Minneapolis Police Department, that has had a long history of corruption. As a matter of fact, about $4.8 million in lawsuits were settled against the Minneapolis Police Department in 122 police misconduct cases during the time period in which Amy Klobuchar was the Hennepin County attorney. And so she had a very close relationship with police.
The black community called her out consistently for not holding police officers accountable. As a matter fact, a shooting of a teenager happened in 2004, and that teenager’s mother sent Amy Klobuchar a letter asking her to not use a grand jury and to charge the officers who killed her son. Amy Klobuchar did not even respond to that mother’s letter. And this was an African-American woman simply demanding justice on behalf of her child.
AMY GOODMAN: Nekima Levy Armstrong, I want to thank you for being with us, civil rights attorney, activist, head of the Racial Justice Network, former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP.
That does it for our show. Democracy Now!is accepting applications for paid, year-long news production fellowship here in New York. Go to democracynow.org for details. I’m Amy Goodman. Thanks so much for joining us.


democracynow--2020-02-13--The Wet'suwet'en Fight Against New Pipeline Spreads Across Canada with Blockades & Occupations

This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
I ’ m Amy Goodman , as we go to a major anti-pipeline struggle in Canada , where protests have broken out across the country in solidarity with Wet ’ suwet ’ en land defenders , whose sovereign land in northern British Columbia was brutally raided last week and over the weekend by Canadian police .
Dozens were arrested in the days-long raid of unceded indigenous territories , where hereditary chiefs have been in a protracted battle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of TransCanada ’ s 400-mile , $ 4.7 billion Coastal GasLink pipeline .
The raids took place about 700 miles north of Vancouver .
This is a land defender confronting armed police officers last week .
AMY GOODMAN : The raids have sparked outrage across Canada and the world .
In Ontario , a Mohawk solidarity protest has shut down the Canadian National Railway for days , halting travel for tens of thousands of passengers .
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called for a quick resolution to the protests on Wednesday .
In fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for more , we go to Wet ’ suwet ’ en territory , where we ’ re joined by land defender , matriarch Molly Wickham .
Her clan , the Gidimt ’ en Clan , was raided last week by 60 heavily militarized officers with assault rifles and dogs .
And in Toronto , we ’ re joined by Pamela Palmater , Mi ’ kmaq lawyer and member of the Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick , chair of the indigenous governance at Ryerson University .
We welcome you both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ let ’ s begin with you .
You ’ re right there at the Wet ’ suwet ’ en Nation .
Can you talk about what is happening ?
Explain what the conflict is around this pipeline .
MOLLY WICKHAM : The conflict that has been going on around this pipeline has been going on for years .
This isn ’ t something new .
Last year , on January 7th , we were also raided by heavily militarized RCMP with lethal overwatch and — AMY GOODMAN : And let me explain : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the non-Canadian audience .
MOLLY WICKHAM : Oh , right , yes .
And so , this is the second year in a row .
And actually , the raid happened on the exact same location a year and a month after the raid that happened last year .
And so this has been an ongoing battle .
But it ’ s also a bigger issue around indigenous rights and title and sovereignty of our nation .
We have a hereditary system that ’ s in place , that has never been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in place , and this is a conflict between that governance system and colonization and the imposition of Indian Act ban systems , which were — came in through the Indian Act from the federal government and are being used against our own people to try and undermine our decision-making and our inherent right to make decisions and protect our territory .
AMY GOODMAN : Can you explain what happened during the most recent arrests of the matriarchs performing a ceremony for missing and murdered indigenous women ?
If you can talk about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exactly what happened ?
And were you arrested , as well ?
MOLLY WICKHAM : So , what happened up at Unist ’ ot ’ en — they ’ re our neighboring clan .
We have five clans within the nation , and each clan is responsible for their territory .
And so , they were doing a ceremony because they have a man camp that is built on their territory , which is supposed to house 400 men , 400 foreign workers that are coming from all different parts of so-called Canada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not from our community .
And we have a huge rate of murdered and missing indigenous women , especially in the north here , where our territory lies .
The highway that runs through our territory is called the “ Highway of Tears ” because of the number of murdered and missing indigenous women .
And so , they have been bringing attention to that fact , that these man camps bring increased rates of violence , increased rates of murder against our women , increased rates of domestic abuse and violence and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities .
And that ’ s what they were performing there .
I was not at the Unist ’ ot ’ en Camp .
I wasn ’ t arrested .
I was one of the ones that was arrested last year .
And currently I ’ m seven months pregnant and wasn ’ t permitted to be out on our territory during the raids .
AMY GOODMAN : And can you talk about who owns Coastal GasLink ?
What is this project ?
MOLLY WICKHAM : This is a project owned by TC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last year .
And they — MOLLY WICKHAM : TransCanada , yeah .
And so , they legally changed it to TC Energy .
But this project has been ongoing for quite a while .
They ’ ve had different investors , mostly Shell , Shell Canada .
And they just received investment , new investment , by AIMCo , just recently , and that ’ s not quite finalized yet .
But it ’ s very — they ’ re walking a tight line in terms of companies that want to invest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the biggest investments .
And that ’ s the terminal that is looking to transport and liquefy the natural gas , or the fracked gas .
And that project hasn ’ t gotten off the ground .
And so , everybody talks about it as if it ’ s a done deal , but the actual terminal itself has not been built in Kitimat .
AMY GOODMAN : In Ontario , a Mohawk solidarity protest has shut down the Canadian National Railway for days , halting travel for tens of thousands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau responding to the solidarity protests .
AMY GOODMAN : So , that ’ s the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau , whose own offices were occupied .
Pamela Palmater is also with us , the Mi ’ kmaq lawyer and member of the Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick , chair of indigenous governance at Ryerson University .
Can you talk about the solidarity protests that are taking place across Canada , including directly in the prime minister ’ s office ?
AMY GOODMAN : And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PALMATER : Yeah , there ’ s lots of solidarity protests .
I mean , it ’ s the Mohawk , the Haudenosaunee peoples shutting down rails .
And there ’ s lots of people .
There was youth and others standing in solidarity at various legislatures , preventing access , occupying minister ’ s offices , also shutting down ports .
There are people shutting down bridges , shutting down highways .
Because this is a repeat offense .
And you can ’ t attack indigenous peoples in a worse way than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Royal Canadian — PAMELA PALMATER : RCMP , yeah , Mounted Police .
I can ’ t get away from the militarized version of them .
And how they ’ re always so heavily armed , how we found out that they were authorized for , quote-unquote , “ lethal overwatch , ” to use as much violence as possible against the Wet ’ suwet ’ en people to literally remove them from their homes , outside of Canada ’ s Constitution , in breach of Canada ’ s so-called rule of law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ en law , in breach of international law .
And so , indigenous peoples all across the country feel this , because this has happened in Oka , this has happened in Miꞌkmaq territory with Elsipogtog .
You know , it ’ s happened in Standing Rock .
It ’ s happened all over Turtle Island .
And so , when the RCMP attack the Wet ’ suwet ’ en , they also attack us .
So we raised in solidarity .
And it ’ s often categorized as an anti-pipeline protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s accurate .
It is for some , but for most of us it ’ s about protecting our indigenous sovereignty and our land rights , which are the two issues that have never been resolved , and they ’ re always trumped , they ’ re always breached , despite how many court cases or how many international protections we have .
And for me , I find it really upsetting that the prime minister , who is not even in Canada , who is actually traveling the world trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United Nations Security Council , you know , in order to maintain peace and security worldwide , can ’ t do that or follow the rule of law here in Canada .
And as you know , the RCMP denied media access to record what was happening , to be able to report on what was happening , removed media people , arrested some of the media .
So , they ’ re reaching their own Constitution , their own Charter of Rights , yet they espouse the rule of law .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s really talking about is the law of rulers .
They pick and choose which laws suit their economic and political purposes , while at the same time continuing to commit genocide against indigenous peoples , because we know from the national inquiry one of the ways to commit genocide against indigenous peoples is to forcibly remove them from their lands , which is something that is completely prohibited under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples , which is now supposed to be law in B.C .
AMY GOODMAN @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ suwet ’ en system of governance , how it has affected how hereditary chiefs have tried to engage with the governments of Canada and British Columbia on this pipeline issue ?
Pamela Palmater ?
PAMELA PALMATER : Is that a question for Molly ?
Oh , sorry .
Well , I don ’ t speak for the Wet ’ suwet ’ en , but what I know from talking to Wet ’ suwet ’ en peoples , like Molly and other hereditary leaders , is that , you know , this isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that — AMY GOODMAN : Well , let me put that question to Molly Wickham .
Molly , if you can explain how the hereditary chiefs work and how that has affected their communication with both Canada and British Columbia and the company ?
MOLLY WICKHAM : So , we have 13 house chiefs .
We have five clans .
And our house chiefs are the speakers on behalf of the clans collectively .
We ’ ve maintained this system .
Our laws are solidified and ratified in our feast hall , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the federal government .
And so , this is the way that we have always governed ourselves .
This is the way that we are moving forward with this movement , is that it ’ s our traditional leadership and our hereditary system that are making the — speaking on behalf of our decision-makers , which are our clans and our chiefs .
And so , the company has actively undermined — the federal government and the provincial government have actively undermined our system of governance by going to elected band councils , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the federal government .
And so , we are asserting ourselves , as we always have .
We ’ ve never been — you know , we ’ ve always been on our territories .
We ’ ve always occupied our territories .
We ’ ve always used this system of governance and collective decision-making to say and discuss what is and what is not allowed on our territory .
And we have very strong trespass laws .
And Coastal GasLink , TC Energy , the province and the federal government are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unauthorized permission , on lands that we hold full jurisdiction to , to make decisions on .
AMY GOODMAN : To settle this , can you pronounce , Molly Wickham , “ Wet ’ suwet ’ en ” ?
Can you pronounce your nation ?
MOLLY WICKHAM : Yes .
We are the Wet ’ suwet ’ en Nation , and I belong to the Gidimt ’ en Clan .
It ’ s one of the five clans of the nation .
AMY GOODMAN : And are the raids over ?
And what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ built ?
And what are you demanding of the Canadian government ?
MOLLY WICKHAM : We had three raids on Gidimt ’ en territory alone over the course of five days , and it resulted in 21 arrests of our camps , of our territory , 15 of which are moving forward with charges against our land defenders , heavily militarized police force coming in and removing everybody from the territory .
And so , they were not successful in removing our entire camp at Gidimt ’ en at 44 kilometer , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we still have people that are there .
We have people that are moving back in .
The tactical teams have left the area , but there ’ s still a huge RCMP presence and police presence on our territory .
The chiefs have — they served an eviction notice on February 4th — or , January 4th to all Coastal GasLink employees on 22,000 square kilometers of our territory .
And that eviction notice still stands .
And that eviction notice will continue to be enforced by the Wet ’ suwet ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ en law .
AMY GOODMAN : Molly Wickham , I want to thank you so much for being with us , land defender , chief , matriarch of the Gidimt ’ en Clan of Wet ’ suwet ’ en Nation .
And Pamela Palmater , Mi ’ kmaq lawyer , member of the Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick , thank you so much for joining us , as we continue to cover that struggle .
We come back , though , after break , asking the question : Did Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ innocent teenager to life in prison when she was a DA ?
We ’ ll speak with the NAACP in Minneapolis .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : Music by Wet ’ suwet ’ en land defenders .
Special thanks to Michael Toledano and Melissa Cox for the video footage .

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! I’m Amy Goodman, as we go to a major anti-pipeline struggle in Canada, where protests have broken out across the country in solidarity with Wet’suwet’en land defenders, whose sovereign land in northern British Columbia was brutally raided last week and over the weekend by Canadian police. Dozens were arrested in the days-long raid of unceded indigenous territories, where hereditary chiefs have been in a protracted battle to protect their land from the construction of TransCanada’s 400-mile, $4.7 billion Coastal GasLink pipeline. The raids took place about 700 miles north of Vancouver. This is a land defender confronting armed police officers last week.
LAND DEFENDER: We are here for humanity, for life! We are unarmed! We are peaceful! You are killers! You are genocidal maniacs! You have your guns pointed at us!
AMY GOODMAN: The raids have sparked outrage across Canada and the world. In Ontario, a Mohawk solidarity protest has shut down the Canadian National Railway for days, halting travel for tens of thousands of passengers. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called for a quick resolution to the protests on Wednesday. In fact, his offices were occupied.
Well, for more, we go to Wet’suwet’en territory, where we’re joined by land defender, matriarch Molly Wickham. Her clan, the Gidimt’en Clan, was raided last week by 60 heavily militarized officers with assault rifles and dogs. And in Toronto, we’re joined by Pamela Palmater, Mi’kmaq lawyer and member of the Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick, chair of the indigenous governance at Ryerson University.
We welcome you both to Democracy Now! Molly Wickham, let’s begin with you. You’re right there at the Wet’suwet’en Nation. Can you talk about what is happening? Explain what the conflict is around this pipeline.
MOLLY WICKHAM: The conflict that has been going on around this pipeline has been going on for years. This isn’t something new. Last year, on January 7th, we were also raided by heavily militarized RCMP with lethal overwatch and —
AMY GOODMAN: And let me explain: RCMP is Royal Canadian Mounted Police, for the non-Canadian audience.
MOLLY WICKHAM: Oh, right, yes. And so, this is the second year in a row. And actually, the raid happened on the exact same location a year and a month after the raid that happened last year. And so this has been an ongoing battle. But it’s also a bigger issue around indigenous rights and title and sovereignty of our nation. We have a hereditary system that’s in place, that has never been extinguished. Our traditional governance system is in place, and this is a conflict between that governance system and colonization and the imposition of Indian Act ban systems, which were — came in through the Indian Act from the federal government and are being used against our own people to try and undermine our decision-making and our inherent right to make decisions and protect our territory.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you explain what happened during the most recent arrests of the matriarchs performing a ceremony for missing and murdered indigenous women? If you can talk about the wearing of the red dresses and exactly what happened? And were you arrested, as well?
MOLLY WICKHAM: So, what happened up at Unist’ot’en — they’re our neighboring clan. We have five clans within the nation, and each clan is responsible for their territory. And so, they were doing a ceremony because they have a man camp that is built on their territory, which is supposed to house 400 men, 400 foreign workers that are coming from all different parts of so-called Canada and externally, and they’re not from our community. And we have a huge rate of murdered and missing indigenous women, especially in the north here, where our territory lies. The highway that runs through our territory is called the “Highway of Tears” because of the number of murdered and missing indigenous women. And so, they have been bringing attention to that fact, that these man camps bring increased rates of violence, increased rates of murder against our women, increased rates of domestic abuse and violence and drug abuse and alcohol abuse in our communities. And that’s what they were performing there. I was not at the Unist’ot’en Camp. I wasn’t arrested. I was one of the ones that was arrested last year. And currently I’m seven months pregnant and wasn’t permitted to be out on our territory during the raids.
AMY GOODMAN: And can you talk about who owns Coastal GasLink? What is this project?
MOLLY WICKHAM: This is a project owned by TC Energy. They changed their name after last year. And they —
AMY GOODMAN: TC being TransCanada?
MOLLY WICKHAM: TransCanada, yeah. And so, they legally changed it to TC Energy. But this project has been ongoing for quite a while. They’ve had different investors, mostly Shell, Shell Canada. And they just received investment, new investment, by AIMCo, just recently, and that’s not quite finalized yet. But it’s very — they’re walking a tight line in terms of companies that want to invest in this project. LNG Canada is one of the biggest investments. And that’s the terminal that is looking to transport and liquefy the natural gas, or the fracked gas. And that project hasn’t gotten off the ground. And so, everybody talks about it as if it’s a done deal, but the actual terminal itself has not been built in Kitimat.
AMY GOODMAN: In Ontario, a Mohawk solidarity protest has shut down the Canadian National Railway for days, halting travel for tens of thousands of passengers. I want to turn to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau responding to the solidarity protests.
PRIME MINISTER JUSTIN TRUDEAU: We recognize the important democratic right, and we will always defend it, of peaceful protest. This is an important part of our democracy in Canada. But we are also a country of the rule of law, and we need to make sure those laws are respected. That is why I will be — I am encouraging all parties to dialogue to resolve this as quickly as possible.
AMY GOODMAN: So, that’s the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, whose own offices were occupied. Pamela Palmater is also with us, the Mi’kmaq lawyer and member of the Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick, chair of indigenous governance at Ryerson University. Can you talk about the solidarity protests that are taking place across Canada, including directly in the prime minister’s office?
PAMELA PALMATER: Yeah. Well, there’s lots —
AMY GOODMAN: And respond to what he said.
PAMELA PALMATER: Yeah, there’s lots of solidarity protests. I mean, it’s the Mohawk, the Haudenosaunee peoples shutting down rails. And there’s lots of people. There was youth and others standing in solidarity at various legislatures, preventing access, occupying minister’s offices, also shutting down ports. There are people shutting down bridges, shutting down highways. Because this is a repeat offense. And you can’t attack indigenous peoples in a worse way than sending in the Royal Canadian military — Royal Canadian —
AMY GOODMAN: Mounted Police.
PAMELA PALMATER: RCMP, yeah, Mounted Police. I can’t get away from the militarized version of them. And how they’re always so heavily armed, how we found out that they were authorized for, quote-unquote, “lethal overwatch,” to use as much violence as possible against the Wet’suwet’en people to literally remove them from their homes, outside of Canada’s Constitution, in breach of Canada’s so-called rule of law, in breach of Wet’suwet’en law, in breach of international law. And so, indigenous peoples all across the country feel this, because this has happened in Oka, this has happened in Miꞌkmaq territory with Elsipogtog. You know, it’s happened in Standing Rock. It’s happened all over Turtle Island. And so, when the RCMP attack the Wet’suwet’en, they also attack us. So we raised in solidarity. And it’s often categorized as an anti-pipeline protest, but I don’t think that’s accurate. It is for some, but for most of us it’s about protecting our indigenous sovereignty and our land rights, which are the two issues that have never been resolved, and they’re always trumped, they’re always breached, despite how many court cases or how many international protections we have.
And for me, I find it really upsetting that the prime minister, who is not even in Canada, who is actually traveling the world trying to campaign for a seat on the United Nations Security Council, you know, in order to maintain peace and security worldwide, can’t do that or follow the rule of law here in Canada. And as you know, the RCMP denied media access to record what was happening, to be able to report on what was happening, removed media people, arrested some of the media. So, they’re reaching their own Constitution, their own Charter of Rights, yet they espouse the rule of law. And to my mind, what he’s really talking about is the law of rulers. They pick and choose which laws suit their economic and political purposes, while at the same time continuing to commit genocide against indigenous peoples, because we know from the national inquiry one of the ways to commit genocide against indigenous peoples is to forcibly remove them from their lands, which is something that is completely prohibited under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which is now supposed to be law in B.C.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you explain how the Wet’suwet’en system of governance, how it has affected how hereditary chiefs have tried to engage with the governments of Canada and British Columbia on this pipeline issue? Pamela Palmater?
PAMELA PALMATER: Is that a question for Molly? Oh, sorry. Well, I don’t speak for the Wet’suwet’en, but what I know from talking to Wet’suwet’en peoples, like Molly and other hereditary leaders, is that, you know, this isn’t new. This is something that —
AMY GOODMAN: Well, let me put that question to Molly Wickham. Molly, if you can explain how the hereditary chiefs work and how that has affected their communication with both Canada and British Columbia and the company?
MOLLY WICKHAM: So, we have 13 house chiefs. We have five clans. And our house chiefs are the speakers on behalf of the clans collectively. We’ve maintained this system. Our laws are solidified and ratified in our feast hall, in our potlatch, which was banned by the federal government. And so, this is the way that we have always governed ourselves. This is the way that we are moving forward with this movement, is that it’s our traditional leadership and our hereditary system that are making the — speaking on behalf of our decision-makers, which are our clans and our chiefs.
And so, the company has actively undermined — the federal government and the provincial government have actively undermined our system of governance by going to elected band councils, which were imposed by the Indian Act and the federal government. And so, we are asserting ourselves, as we always have. We’ve never been — you know, we’ve always been on our territories. We’ve always occupied our territories. We’ve always used this system of governance and collective decision-making to say and discuss what is and what is not allowed on our territory. And we have very strong trespass laws. And Coastal GasLink, TC Energy, the province and the federal government are providing false authority and false permission, unauthorized permission, on lands that we hold full jurisdiction to, to make decisions on.
AMY GOODMAN: To settle this, can you pronounce, Molly Wickham, “Wet’suwet’en”? Can you pronounce your nation?
MOLLY WICKHAM: Yes. We are the Wet’suwet’en Nation, and I belong to the Gidimt’en Clan. It’s one of the five clans of the nation.
AMY GOODMAN: And are the raids over? And what is happening with the actual pipeline being built? And what are you demanding of the Canadian government?
MOLLY WICKHAM: We had three raids on Gidimt’en territory alone over the course of five days, and it resulted in 21 arrests of our camps, of our territory, 15 of which are moving forward with charges against our land defenders, heavily militarized police force coming in and removing everybody from the territory. And so, they were not successful in removing our entire camp at Gidimt’en at 44 kilometer, where the raid happened last year, so we still have people that are there. We have people that are moving back in. The tactical teams have left the area, but there’s still a huge RCMP presence and police presence on our territory. The chiefs have — they served an eviction notice on February 4th — or, January 4th to all Coastal GasLink employees on 22,000 square kilometers of our territory. And that eviction notice still stands. And that eviction notice will continue to be enforced by the Wet’suwet’en according to Wet’suwet’en law.
AMY GOODMAN: Molly Wickham, I want to thank you so much for being with us, land defender, chief, matriarch of the Gidimt’en Clan of Wet’suwet’en Nation. And Pamela Palmater, Mi’kmaq lawyer, member of the Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick, thank you so much for joining us, as we continue to cover that struggle.
We come back, though, after break, asking the question: Did Democratic presidential candidate Amy Klobuchar help send an innocent teenager to life in prison when she was a DA? We’ll speak with the NAACP in Minneapolis. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: Music by Wet’suwet’en land defenders. Special thanks to Michael Toledano and Melissa Cox for the video footage.