vox--2020-07-20--America is sleepwalking toward economic catastrophe

The country is ambling toward a cliff , putting millions of Americans ’ lives and livelihoods in danger and all but ensuring prolonged economic distress nationwide .
It didn ’ t have to be this way .
Yet here we are , unable to shake out of it .
The Covid-19 pandemic tossed much of the US economy into disarray earlier this year .
Millions of Americans lost their jobs , and businesses across the country closed their doors as part of a planned shutdown .
In March , Congress passed the CARES Act , an ambitious $ 2 trillion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bleeding .
The plan was to buy the country time to get the virus under control and begin to safely reopen to get the economy on track to recovery .
But things have not gone according to plan .
Amid reopenings , coronavirus cases are spiking across the country , and many states and cities are reversing course .
There are signs the recovery that was happening is dissipating .
And now many of the measures that kept so many American households afloat in recent months are about to come to an abrupt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what , if much of anything , Congress and the White House plan to do about it .
“ It could be cataclysmic , ” said Angela Hanks , deputy executive director of the progressive group Groundwork Collaborative .
“ I don ’ t think there ’ s any way to overestimate what happens when you have a pandemic worsening , not improving , when we have an economic crisis that ’ s intensifying , and frankly , there ’ s no response.
” At the end of the month , the extra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ benefits put in place under the CARES Act is set to expire , which could affect some 33 million workers .
In the coming weeks and months , eviction moratoriums and mortgage and student loan forbearance programs will wind down .
Small businesses continue to struggle to stay afloat , and many of those that got loans have used them up already .
State and local governments are still in dire need of financial assistance .
These issues aren ’ t ones that only plague the parties that are directly affected ; they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Not being able to pay rent isn ’ t just a problem for the tenant — it ’ s also a problem for the landlord .
It ’ s an urgent situation , but many people in government aren ’ t treating it that way .
We ’ re sleepwalking toward catastrophe .
“ The cliff is totally visible in front of us , and yet we ’ re not ready , ” said Paul Krugman , a Nobel Prize-winning economist and New York Times columnist .
“ It ’ s probably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ We designed an economic response that was predicated on a public health response that did not materialize ” The Coronavirus Aid , Relief , and Economic Stability Act , or CARES Act , signed into law by President Trump in March , was an unprecedented act of fiscal policy by the US government .
It entailed measures that would have once seemed unthinkable , including an extra $ 600 in unemployment benefits , $ 1,200 stimulus checks to most Americans , and billions of dollars in forgivable loans to small businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently laid out , the Covid-19 response was larger than the stimulus policies put in place in response to the Great Recession and , from a fiscal standpoint , bigger than the New Deal .
It made a difference .
Personal incomes actually went up in April thanks in large part to unemployment insurance and stimulus checks .
Poverty rates didn ’ t increase .
“ We ’ ve basically kept income growth where it was before , ” said George Pearkes , a global macro strategist at Bespoke Investment Group .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unemployment insurance , then income from households looks about stable.
” The stimulus bill was far from perfect .
Many unemployed people struggled to get the money they deserved , and some issues , such as state and local budget shortfalls , were not addressed .
But in aggregate , the social safety net worked .
“ When incomes get destroyed , people still have certain kinds of liabilities and expenses to pay off , ” said Skanda Amarnath , director of research and analysis at the think tank Employ America .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ types of fiscal policy measures to replace the lost income.
” The stimulus bill had with it an underlying assumption that the economy would improve by the summer , and that was predicated on the country getting the US outbreak under control .
But the country didn ’ t — a series of public policy and leadership failures at the federal , state , and local levels have allowed the virus to thrive .
“ We designed an economic response that was predicated on a public health response that did not materialize , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Ohio State University and research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research .
States such as Texas , Florida , Arizona , and California have begun to close down parts of their economies again as coronavirus cases rise , and other states have paused some reopening plans .
And even where lawmakers are ignoring the problem , consumers , workers , and businesses can ’ t .
According to data from Glassdoor , job openings are falling , and JPMorgan ’ s consumer spending tracker has flattened .
Data from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states that have seen an increase in Covid-19 cases have seen a reversal in hours worked at small businesses .
While it appeared jobs lost in May and June were beginning to come back , that ’ s started to stall .
“ Just across the board , there ’ s a litany of indicators that progress has slowed , and that ’ s going to have bad impacts on labor markets , ” Pearkes said .
The US hasn ’ t fixed the coronavirus problem , so the question now is whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy while it ( hopefully ) tries to do that , or whether it leaves the economic problem as unaddressed as the public health one .
One of the most pressing points of concern is the extra weekly money to the unemployed , which is set to expire at the end of the month .
As Vox ’ s Li Zhou recently laid out , if the program is allowed to expire , some 33 million people who have been kept afloat by those benefits will take an enormous hit .
Congress is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outcome remains uncertain .
“ The loss in payments that we ’ re looking at here is going to be about twice as big as a share of GDP as the Obama stimulus was at its peak , ” Krugman said .
“ We ’ re talking about a really big fiscal contraction about to hit an economy that is nowhere near recovered.
” This would leave millions of workers staring down a dark tunnel .
Many would be forced to go back to work in risky situations , putting not only their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ families ’ .
And it ’ s not clear that there are enough jobs for them to return to .
“ There ’ s going to be a disruption in a significant amount of income for many households , ” said Damon Jones , an economist at the University of Chicago .
“ People are going to be unnecessarily suffering.
” “ There ’ s going to be a disruption in a significant amount of income for many households .
People are going to be unnecessarily suffering.
” The issue stretches far beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ student loan forbearance programs are set to end .
Much of the money given out through the Paycheck Protection Program to keep workers paid has been spent , and many small businesses were locked out of those loans altogether .
There is evidence people are already hurting .
An estimated one in three people in the US missed their housing payments in June , and while we ’ ve seen a recovery in the aggregate unemployment rate , for Black workers , that progress hasn ’ t been shared .
“ We already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dramatically with the pandemic and is racially disproportionate .
Missed mortgages and rent payments , even with the CARES Act , are substantial , ” Logan said .
“ If there ’ s no additional support , we will see a significant number of household balance sheets go to immediate insolvency.
” The longer the pandemic goes on , the worse the economic fallout gets .
Some companies that hoped to weather the storm for a few months are deciding they have no more time to spare .
Both United Airlines and American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of workers in the fall .
And as compared to the restaurant and retail jobs temporarily lost at the outset of the pandemic , many of the job losses happening now are permanent .
“ Those companies don ’ t have a real plan to bring you back , ” said Betsey Stevenson , an economist at the University of Michigan and former Obama administration official .
“ It ’ s thoughtful , these layoffs .
And I ’ m not trying to say they ’ re good , I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision .
They are crunching the numbers , they ’ re looking forward , they ’ re doing their best to forecast for the next six months , and then they ’ re saying they can ’ t sustain this level of payroll.
” It ’ s not just what Congress needs to do again but also what it hasn ’ t done yet .
State and local governments are facing enormous shortfalls that still haven ’ t been addressed .
There is still no broad plan on what to do about kids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an economic problem .
Even if it doesn ’ t affect everyone personally , all the moving parts create a broader drag on the economy that makes the recovery harder and longer .
And all these crises are mounting on top of longstanding systems of racial and economic inequality in the country .
“ There are things we can do now to stem the bleeding , but fundamentally , it ’ s exposed that our economy isn ’ t prepared for a shock of any kind , let alone the scale of economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Hanks said .
You can ’ t pretend your way out of a pandemic This is not the version of 2020 anyone wanted , including the White House and Congress .
But this is the reality we are in : A pandemic has set off an economic calamity , and neither front is under control .
The disease is still spreading , and much of the country is struggling to stay afloat .
The urgency of the situation feels almost undeniable , and yet in some quarters , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategy seems to be hoping that if you ignore the pandemic , it will just go away , and whenever anyone asks about the economy , just point to the stock market , which has become completely disjointed from reality .
Many Republican governors are opting to take the same route , as are many Republicans in Congress .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell wants companies to get liability protections if their workers get sick through 2024 .
“ There are things we can do now to stem the bleeding , but fundamentally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy isn ’ t prepared for a shock of any kind , let alone the scale of economic crisis that we ’ re seeing now ” “ It ’ s been wishful thinking all the way that Trump wanted to preside over a roaring economy spurred on by tax cuts and has simply refused to accept that we have a crisis that requires , at least for the time being , more government , not less , ” Krugman said .
“ You can ’ t really have a roaring economy when people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made a starker assessment : “ In a moment where we are about to see millions of people go broke and have no recourse , among Leader McConnell ’ s proposals is a corporate liability shield that lasts until 2024 and a capital gains tax holiday .
I don ’ t know anyone who would be helped by any of those things , but I do know a lot of people who would be hurt by losing unemployment insurance.
” There are certainly ideas and proposals out there to continue to support the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need during the pandemic .
House Democrats passed the HEROES Act as an ambitious follow-up to the CARES Act , but so far , it ’ s been untouched in the Senate .
And some believe the bill isn ’ t enough .
More recently , a group of progressive organizations including Color of Change and the Sunrise Movement sent a letter to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer pushing them to incorporate paycheck guarantees and anti-monopoly measures in legislation .
The clock is ticking , and the hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it might be too late .
It took states a long time to ramp up their unemployment insurance systems to meet the CARES Act ’ s expansion ; ramping down and then up again is going to cost precious time .
It ’ s not enough to just pass legislation — it also has to grind through the administrative system to be put into place .
At the outset of the pandemic , Congress rushed to react with three separate pieces of legislation .
Lawmakers had time to craft a follow-up bill since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least , haven ’ t used it .
Congress has procrastinated into another urgent situation very much of its own making .
“ They ’ ve had a lot of time to figure this out , and they ’ re just waiting , ” Stevenson said .
It ’ s a failure of astounding magnitude .
The US has been incapable of getting the pandemic under control , and now the government is resistant to addressing the resulting economic reality .
There were so many ways to not end up here .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feels like to everyone , how is it possible that our representatives can move forward comfortably ?
” Jones said .
“ What does it say about how well-functioning our democracy is ?
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

The country is ambling toward a cliff, putting millions of Americans’ lives and livelihoods in danger and all but ensuring prolonged economic distress nationwide. It didn’t have to be this way. Yet here we are, unable to shake out of it.
The Covid-19 pandemic tossed much of the US economy into disarray earlier this year. Millions of Americans lost their jobs, and businesses across the country closed their doors as part of a planned shutdown. In March, Congress passed the CARES Act, an ambitious $2 trillion stimulus package to try to stop the bleeding. The plan was to buy the country time to get the virus under control and begin to safely reopen to get the economy on track to recovery.
But things have not gone according to plan. Amid reopenings, coronavirus cases are spiking across the country, and many states and cities are reversing course. There are signs the recovery that was happening is dissipating. And now many of the measures that kept so many American households afloat in recent months are about to come to an abrupt end. It’s not clear what, if much of anything, Congress and the White House plan to do about it.
“It could be cataclysmic,” said Angela Hanks, deputy executive director of the progressive group Groundwork Collaborative. “I don’t think there’s any way to overestimate what happens when you have a pandemic worsening, not improving, when we have an economic crisis that’s intensifying, and frankly, there’s no response.”
At the end of the month, the extra $600 per week of unemployment insurance benefits put in place under the CARES Act is set to expire, which could affect some 33 million workers. In the coming weeks and months, eviction moratoriums and mortgage and student loan forbearance programs will wind down. Small businesses continue to struggle to stay afloat, and many of those that got loans have used them up already. State and local governments are still in dire need of financial assistance. These issues aren’t ones that only plague the parties that are directly affected; they also have knock-on effects across the economy. Not being able to pay rent isn’t just a problem for the tenant — it’s also a problem for the landlord.
It’s an urgent situation, but many people in government aren’t treating it that way. We’re sleepwalking toward catastrophe.
“The cliff is totally visible in front of us, and yet we’re not ready,” said Paul Krugman, a Nobel Prize-winning economist and New York Times columnist. “It’s probably already too late to avoid enormous hardship.”
“We designed an economic response that was predicated on a public health response that did not materialize”
The Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Stability Act, or CARES Act, signed into law by President Trump in March, was an unprecedented act of fiscal policy by the US government. It entailed measures that would have once seemed unthinkable, including an extra $600 in unemployment benefits, $1,200 stimulus checks to most Americans, and billions of dollars in forgivable loans to small businesses. As Vox’s Dylan Matthews recently laid out, the Covid-19 response was larger than the stimulus policies put in place in response to the Great Recession and, from a fiscal standpoint, bigger than the New Deal.
It made a difference. Personal incomes actually went up in April thanks in large part to unemployment insurance and stimulus checks. Poverty rates didn’t increase.
“We’ve basically kept income growth where it was before,” said George Pearkes, a global macro strategist at Bespoke Investment Group. “If you take the market income and unemployment insurance, then income from households looks about stable.”
The stimulus bill was far from perfect. Many unemployed people struggled to get the money they deserved, and some issues, such as state and local budget shortfalls, were not addressed. But in aggregate, the social safety net worked.
“When incomes get destroyed, people still have certain kinds of liabilities and expenses to pay off,” said Skanda Amarnath, director of research and analysis at the think tank Employ America. “This was exactly where we needed different types of fiscal policy measures to replace the lost income.”
The stimulus bill had with it an underlying assumption that the economy would improve by the summer, and that was predicated on the country getting its outbreak under control. But the country didn’t — a series of public policy and leadership failures at the federal, state, and local levels have allowed the virus to thrive.
“We designed an economic response that was predicated on a public health response that did not materialize,” said Trevon Logan, an economist at Ohio State University and research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research.
States such as Texas, Florida, Arizona, and California have begun to close down parts of their economies again as coronavirus cases rise, and other states have paused some reopening plans. And even where lawmakers are ignoring the problem, consumers, workers, and businesses can’t.
According to data from Glassdoor, job openings are falling, and JPMorgan’s consumer spending tracker has flattened. Data from the team management software provider Homebase shows states that have seen an increase in Covid-19 cases have seen a reversal in hours worked at small businesses. While it appeared jobs lost in May and June were beginning to come back, that’s started to stall.
“Just across the board, there’s a litany of indicators that progress has slowed, and that’s going to have bad impacts on labor markets,” Pearkes said.
What’s at stake
The US hasn’t fixed the coronavirus problem, so the question now is whether the government tries to prop up the economy while it (hopefully) tries to do that, or whether it leaves the economic problem as unaddressed as the public health one.
One of the most pressing points of concern is the extra weekly money to the unemployed, which is set to expire at the end of the month. As Vox’s Li Zhou recently laid out, if the program is allowed to expire, some 33 million people who have been kept afloat by those benefits will take an enormous hit. Congress is still haggling about it, and the outcome remains uncertain.
“The loss in payments that we’re looking at here is going to be about twice as big as a share of GDP as the Obama stimulus was at its peak,” Krugman said. “We’re talking about a really big fiscal contraction about to hit an economy that is nowhere near recovered.”
This would leave millions of workers staring down a dark tunnel. Many would be forced to go back to work in risky situations, putting not only their own health at risk but also their families’. And it’s not clear that there are enough jobs for them to return to.
“There’s going to be a disruption in a significant amount of income for many households,” said Damon Jones, an economist at the University of Chicago. “People are going to be unnecessarily suffering.”
“There’s going to be a disruption in a significant amount of income for many households. People are going to be unnecessarily suffering.”
The issue stretches far beyond unemployment. Much of the money given out through the Paycheck Protection Program to keep workers paid has been spent, and many small businesses were locked out of those loans altogether. There is evidence people are already hurting. An estimated one in three people in the US missed their housing payments in June, and while we’ve seen a recovery in the aggregate unemployment rate, for Black workers, that progress hasn’t been shared.
“We already know that family food insecurity has increased dramatically with the pandemic and is racially disproportionate. Missed mortgages and rent payments, even with the CARES Act, are substantial,” Logan said. “If there’s no additional support, we will see a significant number of household balance sheets go to immediate insolvency.”
The longer the pandemic goes on, the worse the economic fallout gets. Some companies that hoped to weather the storm for a few months are deciding they have no more time to spare. Both United Airlines and American Airlines have signaled they may lay off thousands of workers in the fall. And as compared to the restaurant and retail jobs temporarily lost at the outset of the pandemic, many of the job losses happening now are permanent.
“Those companies don’t have a real plan to bring you back,” said Betsey Stevenson, an economist at the University of Michigan and former Obama administration official. “It’s thoughtful, these layoffs. And I’m not trying to say they’re good, I’m saying they’re not a rushed decision. They are crunching the numbers, they’re looking forward, they’re doing their best to forecast for the next six months, and then they’re saying they can’t sustain this level of payroll.”
It’s not just what Congress needs to do again but also what it hasn’t done yet. State and local governments are facing enormous shortfalls that still haven’t been addressed. There is still no broad plan on what to do about kids and schools, and child care is an economic problem. Even if it doesn’t affect everyone personally, all the moving parts create a broader drag on the economy that makes the recovery harder and longer. And all these crises are mounting on top of longstanding systems of racial and economic inequality in the country.
“There are things we can do now to stem the bleeding, but fundamentally, it’s exposed that our economy isn’t prepared for a shock of any kind, let alone the scale of economic crisis that we’re seeing now,” Hanks said.
You can’t pretend your way out of a pandemic
This is not the version of 2020 anyone wanted, including the White House and Congress. But this is the reality we are in: A pandemic has set off an economic calamity, and neither front is under control. The disease is still spreading, and much of the country is struggling to stay above water.
The urgency of the situation feels almost undeniable, and yet in some quarters, it’s being denied. The president’s strategy seems to be hoping that if you ignore the pandemic, it will just go away, and whenever anyone asks about the economy, just point to the stock market, which has become completely disjointed from reality. Many Republican governors are opting to take the same route, as are many Republicans in Congress. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell wants companies to get liability protections if their workers get sick through 2024.
“There are things we can do now to stem the bleeding, but fundamentally, it’s exposed that our economy isn’t prepared for a shock of any kind, let alone the scale of economic crisis that we’re seeing now”
“It’s been wishful thinking all the way that Trump wanted to preside over a roaring economy spurred on by tax cuts and has simply refused to accept that we have a crisis that requires, at least for the time being, more government, not less,” Krugman said. “You can’t really have a roaring economy when people are afraid to go out.”
Hanks made a starker assessment: “In a moment where we are about to see millions of people go broke and have no recourse, among Leader McConnell’s proposals is a corporate liability shield that lasts until 2024 and a capital gains tax holiday. I don’t know anyone who would be helped by any of those things, but I do know a lot of people who would be hurt by losing unemployment insurance.”
There are certainly ideas and proposals out there to continue to support the economy and get people the help they need during the pandemic. House Democrats passed the HEROES Act as an ambitious follow-up to the CARES Act, but so far, it’s been untouched in the Senate. And some believe the bill isn’t enough. More recently, a group of progressive organizations including Color of Change and the Sunrise Movement sent a letter to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer pushing them to incorporate paycheck guarantees and anti-monopoly measures in legislation.
The clock is ticking, and the hard truth is that on some fronts, it might be too late. It took states a long time to ramp up their unemployment insurance systems to meet the CARES Act’s expansion; ramping down and then up again is going to cost precious time. It’s not enough to just pass legislation — it also has to grind through the administrative system to be put into place.
At the outset of the pandemic, Congress rushed to react with three separate pieces of legislation. Lawmakers had time to craft a follow-up bill since then, but Senate Republicans, at least, largely haven’t used it. Congress has procrastinated into another urgent situation very much of its own making.
“They’ve had a lot of time to figure this out, and they’re just waiting,” Stevenson said.
It’s a failure of astounding magnitude. The US has been incapable of getting the pandemic under control, and now the government is resistant to addressing the resulting economic reality. There were so many ways to not end up here.
“If this is as bad as it feels like to everyone, how is it possible that our representatives can move forward comfortably?” Jones said. “What does it say about how well-functioning our democracy is?”


vox--2020-07-20--Across the country, essential workers are on strike for Black lives

Before she got sick with Covid-19 , Deatric Edie typically left her house at 5:30 in the morning every day and wouldn ’ t get home until 1:30 or 2 in the morning , long after her family was asleep .
She has worked in fast food her whole life to support her four children and now a grandchild , and even after the pandemic hit she worked several jobs : one at McDonald ’ s , another at Papa John ’ s , and a third at Wendy ’ s .
She ’ s a shift leader at McDonald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 9 an hour , even though she says some of her peers make $ 11 .
“ Working three jobs , it ’ s not enough to cover rent , water , and food , ” she said .
“ I still have to find another way to make those ends meet.
” Sometimes that means there ’ s no food in the house .
“ I would go without eating to make sure my kids eat , ” she said .
That was before the pandemic .
Now things are even more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t provide her with protective equipment or force customers to wear masks .
Edie has diabetes and high blood pressure , putting her at higher risk of complications from the coronavirus , but she had to keep working to make sure her family had enough money to pay the rent and buy food .
Then one of her co-workers recently got sick .
A few days ago she felt very ill herself , struggling to breathe .
She tested positive for Covid-19 .
“ I ’ m very scared right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I can ’ t pay rent.
” That means she ’ s now out of work , at home isolating from her family .
She ’ s not getting paid leave from any of her jobs .
“ I ’ m very scared right now , ” she said .
“ My lights can go off , I can ’ t pay rent.
” In response to a request for comment , a McDonald ’ s representative said in a statement , “ McDonald ’ s enhanced over 50 processes in restaurants .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an ample supply of PPE [ personal protective equipment ] with no supply breaks , including gloves and over 100 million masks , in addition to installing protective barriers in restaurants .
We are confident the vast majority of employees are covered with sick pay if they are impacted by COVID-19.
” Being home sick with Covid-19 won ’ t keep Edie from participating in the Strike for Black Lives , though , which she plans to do over FaceTime .
On Monday , tens of thousands of workers from a variety of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 cities will go on strike to demand that the corporations they work for and the government that ’ s supposed to work for them confront systemic racism .
Fast food workers like Edie will be joined by an enormous swath of the workforce : other low-wage workers like airport employees , rideshare drivers , nursing home caregivers , and domestic workers alongside middle-class teachers and nurses and even high-paid Google engineers .
Those who can ’ t strike the whole day will walk off the job for eight minutes and 46 seconds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police officer kept his knee on Black Minneapolis resident George Floyd ’ s neck before he died .
It ’ s a massive action that will bring together major unions as well as grassroots organizers .
The Service Employees International Union , International Brotherhood of Teamsters , and American Federation of Teachers will join forces with the Fight for 15 , United Farm Workers , and the National Domestic Workers Alliance .
Social justice organizations , such as the Movement for Black Lives , Poor People ’ s Campaign , and youth climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a unique partnership : Labor unions don ’ t always act in concert , let alone partner with grassroots and social justice groups .
But demand for putting together such an action came from the bottom : Workers who have been activated by the toll of the pandemic and the massive uprisings against racial injustice and police violence across the country .
They see these things as inextricable .
“ Across the country , people are gaining a new understanding that it is impossible to win economic justice without racial justice .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies , and bold action on climate change all require racial justice , ” said Mary Kay Henry , president of SEIU .
“ This is a unique and hopeful moment in our movement ’ s history , because in organizing this strike with our partners , we found broad acceptance and acclamation that now is the time to take large-scale action to demand that corporations and government do more to dismantle structural racism and protect Black lives .
We are all clear that until Black communities can thrive , none of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low pay , as a Black woman she ’ s also had to deal with racism .
She sees her ordeal reflected in the struggles of the other workers who will go on strike .
“ We … are in the same boat , ” Edie said .
“ Because we all are essential workers and we all are fighting for the same things.
” Trece Andrews works on the front lines caring for elderly nursing home residents in Detroit , Michigan .
Despite her tenure spanning two decades at the same facility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an hour .
She notes she ’ s among the luckier ones at her facility ; those who work in housekeeping , dietary services , or laundry make more like $ 10 an hour .
“ It ’ s poverty wages we make here , ” she said .
She makes so little , in fact , that the nursing home isn ’ t her only job .
She ’ s also started a caregiving business on the side with three clients .
As a single mother , she has to forego healthcare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so much to add her .
She pays out of pocket for her shots and annual physicals .
Andrews is now caring for the elderly in the middle of a pandemic that preys on the vulnerable .
Nursing homes have been linked to a third of Michigan ’ s Covid-19 deaths .
At first , she said , her facility didn ’ t give out the proper personal protective equipment , but only distributed it when workers specifically asked for it .
Only recently did the facility hand out everything they needed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And yet there ’ s a Covid-19 unit at her facility , and some of her co-workers have gotten sick .
“ We all are essential workers , and we all are fighting for the same things ” “ Anxiety been high for a lot of us , ” she said .
“ People just scared to come to work.
” Her family is also vulnerable .
She cares for her father , who has cancer .
Her doctor advised her not to go to work , so she took about a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t get paid leave , so she eventually went back .
“ I came on back because you got to have something , money , to survive , ” she said .
“ I just try to distance myself and wear my mask … and protect myself the best I can .
But it ’ s still scary.
” Andrews and her co-workers will be walking off the job on Monday to push for change .
“ We just want to let people know that we are essential workers , too , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the backburner.
” They ’ re demanding better pay , benefits , staffing levels , and safety guidelines .
She sees their fight connected to the larger movement for racial justice .
“ A lot of my co-workers are Black and brown people , ” she said .
She herself is Black .
“ That ’ s why to us , we relate it to racism .
Because we are the ones doing this hard work , but we ’ re not getting recognized properly.
” Jerome Gage is also a Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s been a full-time driver for Lyft in Los Angeles for two years .
At first he thought he would be able to earn a basic , steady income while fitting in work as he went back to school .
And in the beginning he was paid a proportion of his fares .
But then the rideshare companies changed their systems , and he now gets paid a flat rate per mile .
He found himself having to work at specific times to take advantage of peak hours ; if he didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when he made less than minimum wage .
“ It ’ s an incredibly depressing experience sitting at 3 , 4 am because I have a bill due Monday I have to pay , hoping to make a couple more bucks in the middle of the night , ” he said .
That ’ s why he got involved in the fight in his state of California not just to pass AB5 , a law passed in September that classifies many gig workers as employees , but to continue to fight to protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
Uber , Lyft , and DoorDash have bankrolled a November ballot measure that would exempt them from the law .
The pandemic has made things more urgent .
Demand for rides all but halted as the pandemic hit , which meant Gage went weeks without work .
And yet he still hasn ’ t gotten unemployment benefits despite applying for the benefits Congress extended to nontraditional workers like him .
“ We are the ones doing this hard work , but we ’ re not getting recognized properly ” Then there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incredibly slow to react to the need for PPE for drivers , ” he said .
“ It was an incredibly scary situation.
” In July , he said , he got his first packet from Lyft in the mail with protective equipment in it .
“ They ’ ve really been negligent in their effort to make a safe , sanitized driving environment.
” And yet , he noted , people who are wary of taking public transportation are turning to Uber and Lyft .
The services , he said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” On Monday , he plans to cover his car in signs and join a caravan that will begin at a McDonald ’ s and then travel to the Los Angeles Unified School District and the University of Southern California to demand they both stop using police on campus .
He noted that a lot of his fellow gig workers are people of color .
“ These two things are totally related , ” he said .
He won ’ t take any rides while he ’ s out protesting , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t join the caravan , will also turn off the app in solidarity .
“ I think that will send a significant signal to Lyft and Uber , ” he said , “ that we have the ability to organize.
” Striking workers are making a series of demands : first , that corporations make “ an unequivocal ” declaration that Black Lives Matter , but also that they raise wages , allow workers to form unions , offer childcare support , and provide healthcare and sick leave .
They also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use their executive , legislative , and regulatory powers to begin to rewrite the rules and reimagine our economy and democracy so that communities of every race can thrive.
” The movement already has some wins under its belt .
When I spoke several days ago to Patricia Parks-Lee , an employee at Loretto Hospital in Illinois , she and her co-workers were planning to time a strike over unfair labor practices with Monday ’ s action .
They had accused management of failing to bargain in good faith over a new contract @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an hour , and many others among the predominantly Black workforce make less than $ 15 .
To get by , Parks-Lee usually works at least one other job at a different hospital as a certified nursing assistant , sometimes three .
She said she and her co-workers weren ’ t just striking for better pay , but for “ dignity and respect.
” “ If you respect who I am and respect my job , why would you limit my ability to do it ?
” But on July 17 , before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Loretto reached an agreement with workers .
Their union , SEIU , said it included “ life-changing ” wins , such as bringing all workers to at least $ 15 an hour and raises for others , improved staffing , greater scheduling stability , and immigration protections .
The hospital was short-staffed and under-resourced long before the pandemic .
Employees bring clothes in from home for the patients who come in without undergarments or wearing soiled clothing .
Then , Parks-Lee said , the hospital rationed personal protective equipment like hand sanitizer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who I am and respect my job , why would you limit my ability to do it by counting out the number of gloves ?
” she said .
In response to a request for comment , Mark A. Walker , director of community relations at Loretto , called the allegation that workers were not given proper PPE “ blatantly not true and unfounded.
” Parks-Lee , who is Black , is a crisis worker in the emergency room at Loretto .
That means she is often helping community members most in distress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going without food or shelter .
“ Whatever the crisis situation presents itself , we try to assist , ” she said .
Racial injustice impacts not just her and her co-workers , but her patients , too .
They are “ Black , brown , ” lacking in “ financial stability , ” she said .
And yet other hospitals often refuse to accept them and send them on to Loretto instead .
“ Nobody wants them .
But we welcome them , ” she said .
That ’ s the throughline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : outrage over racial injustice , which impacts pay , benefits , and how Black and brown Americans are treated both inside and outside of work .
“ It ’ s not surprising that we ’ re in this together , ” Gage said .
“ We may have different careers , but we ’ re all going through the same issues.
” Andrews says seeing so many different workers come together is “ awesome.
” “ That ’ s going to show unity , ” she said .
“ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ re not playing anymore .
We want to be heard.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Before she got sick with Covid-19, Deatric Edie typically left her house at 5:30 in the morning every day and wouldn’t get home until 1:30 or 2 in the morning, long after her family was asleep. She has worked in fast food her whole life to support her four children and now a grandchild, and even after the pandemic hit she worked several jobs: one at McDonald’s, another at Papa John’s, and a third at Wendy’s.
She’s a shift leader at McDonald’s but still makes just $9 an hour, even though she says some of her peers make $11. “Working three jobs, it’s not enough to cover rent, water, and food,” she said. “I still have to find another way to make those ends meet.” Sometimes that means there’s no food in the house. “I would go without eating to make sure my kids eat,” she said.
That was before the pandemic. Now things are even more difficult. She said McDonald’s didn’t provide her with protective equipment or force customers to wear masks. Edie has diabetes and high blood pressure, putting her at higher risk of complications from the coronavirus, but she had to keep working to make sure her family had enough money to pay the rent and buy food. Then one of her coworkers recently got sick. A few days ago she felt very ill herself, struggling to breathe. She tested positive for Covid-19.
“I’m very scared right now. My lights can go off, I can’t pay rent.”
That means she’s now out of work, at home isolating from her family. She’s not getting paid leave from any of her jobs. “I’m very scared right now,” she said. “My lights can go off, I can’t pay rent.”
In response to a request for comment, a McDonald’s representative said in a statement, “McDonald’s enhanced over 50 processes in restaurants. McDonald’s and our franchisees distributed an ample supply of PPE [personal protective equipment] with no supply breaks, including gloves and over 100 million masks, in addition to installing protective barriers in restaurants. We are confident the vast majority of employees are covered with sick pay if they are impacted by COVID-19.”
Being home sick with Covid-19 won’t keep Edie from participating in the Strike for Black Lives, though, which she plans to do over FaceTime. On Monday, July 20, tens of thousands of workers from a variety of lines of work in more than 25 cities will go on strike to demand that the corporations they work for and the government that’s supposed to work for them confront systemic racism.
Fast food workers like Edie will be joined by an enormous swath of the workforce: other low-wage workers like airport employees, ride-hail drivers, nursing home caregivers, and domestic workers alongside middle-class teachers and nurses and even high-paid Google engineers. Those who can’t strike the whole day will walk off the job for eight minutes and 46 seconds, the amount of time a white police officer kept his knee on Black Minneapolis resident George Floyd’s neck before he died.
It’s a massive action that will bring together major unions as well as grassroots organizers. The Service Employees International Union, International Brotherhood of Teamsters, and American Federation of Teachers will join forces with the Fight for 15, United Farm Workers, and the National Domestic Workers Alliance. Social justice organizations, such as the Movement for Black Lives, Poor People’s Campaign, and youth climate organizers will also participate. It represents a unique partnership: Labor unions don’t always act in concert, let alone partner with grassroots and social justice groups.
But demand for putting together such an action came from the bottom: workers who have been activated by the toll of the pandemic and the massive uprisings against racial injustice and police violence across the country. They see these things as inextricable.
“Across the country, people are gaining a new understanding that it is impossible to win economic justice without racial justice. That health care for all, fair immigration policies, and bold action on climate change all require racial justice,” said Mary Kay Henry, president of SEIU. “This is a unique and hopeful moment in our movement’s history, because in organizing this strike with our partners, we found broad acceptance and acclamation that now is the time to take large-scale action to demand that corporations and government do more to dismantle structural racism and protect Black lives. We are all clear that until Black communities can thrive, none of us can.”
Edie says on top of low pay, as a Black woman she’s also had to deal with racism. She sees her ordeal reflected in the struggles of the other workers who will go on strike. “We … are in the same boat,” Edie said. “Because we all are essential workers and we all are fighting for the same things.”
Trece Andrews works on the front lines caring for elderly nursing home residents in Detroit, Michigan. Despite her tenure spanning two decades at the same facility, Andrews makes just over $15 an hour. She notes she’s among the luckier ones at her facility; those who work in housekeeping, dietary services, or laundry make more like $10 an hour. “It’s poverty wages we make here,” she said. She makes so little, in fact, that the nursing home isn’t her only job. She’s also started a caregiving business on the side with three clients. As a single mother, she has to forgo health care for her daughter because it would cost so much to add her. She pays out of pocket for her shots and annual physicals.
Andrews is now caring for the elderly in the middle of a pandemic that preys on the vulnerable. Nursing homes have been linked to a third of Michigan’s Covid-19 deaths. At first, she said, her facility didn’t give out the proper personal protective equipment, but only distributed it when workers specifically asked for it. Only recently did the facility hand out everything they needed, like masks, gowns, and gloves. And yet there’s a Covid-19 unit at her facility, and some of her coworkers have gotten sick.
“We all are essential workers, and we all are fighting for the same things”
“Anxiety been high for a lot of us,” she said. “People just scared to come to work.”
Her family is also vulnerable. She cares for her father, who has cancer. Her doctor advised her not to go to work, so she took about a month off. But she doesn’t get paid leave, so she eventually went back. “I came on back because you got to have something, money, to survive,” she said. “I just try to distance myself and wear my mask … and protect myself the best I can. But it’s still scary.”
Andrews and her coworkers will be walking off the job on Monday to push for change. “We just want to let people know that we are essential workers, too,” she said. “We been put on the back burner.” They’re demanding better pay, benefits, staffing levels, and safety guidelines.
She sees their fight connected to the larger movement for racial justice. “A lot of my co-workers are Black and brown people,” she said. She herself is Black. “That’s why to us, we relate it to racism. Because we are the ones doing this hard work, but we’re not getting recognized properly.”
Jerome Gage is also a Black worker on the front lines. He’s been a full-time driver for Lyft in Los Angeles for two years. At first he thought he would be able to earn a basic, steady income while fitting in work as he went back to school. And in the beginning he was paid a proportion of his fares. But then the ride-hailing companies changed their systems, and he now gets paid a flat rate per mile. He found himself having to work at specific times to take advantage of peak hours; if he didn’t, there would be times when he made less than minimum wage. “It’s an incredibly depressing experience sitting at 3, 4 am because I have a bill due Monday I have to pay, hoping to make a couple more bucks in the middle of the night,” he said.
That’s why he got involved in the fight in his state of California not just to pass AB5, a law passed in September that classifies many gig workers as employees, but to continue fighting to protect it as tech companies have lobbied against it. Uber, Lyft, and DoorDash have bankrolled a November ballot measure that would exempt them from the law.
The pandemic has made things more urgent. Demand for rides all but halted as the pandemic hit, which meant Gage went weeks without work. And yet he still hasn’t gotten unemployment benefits despite applying for the benefits Congress extended to nontraditional workers like him.
“We are the ones doing this hard work, but we’re not getting recognized properly”
Then there’s safety. Lyft was “incredibly slow to react to the need for PPE for drivers,” he said. “It was an incredibly scary situation.” In July, he said, he got his first packet from Lyft in the mail with protective equipment in it. “They’ve really been negligent in their effort to make a safe, sanitized driving environment.” And yet, he noted, people who are wary of taking public transportation are turning to Uber and Lyft. The services, he said, “are key to help flatten the curve.”
On Monday, he plans to cover his car in signs and join a caravan that will begin at a McDonald’s and then travel to the Los Angeles Unified School District and the University of Southern California to demand they both stop using police on campus. He noted that a lot of his fellow gig workers are people of color. “These two things are totally related,” he said. He won’t take any rides while he’s out protesting, and he hopes other drivers, even if they don’t join the caravan, will also turn off the app in solidarity. “I think that will send a significant signal to Lyft and Uber,” he said, “that we have the ability to organize.”
Striking workers are making a series of demands: first, that corporations make “an unequivocal” declaration that Black lives matter, but also that they raise wages, allow workers to form unions, offer child care support, and provide health care and sick leave. They also want politicians at every level to “use their executive, legislative, and regulatory powers to begin to rewrite the rules and reimagine our economy and democracy so that communities of every race can thrive.”
The movement already has some wins under its belt. When I spoke several days ago to Patricia Parks-Lee, an employee at Loretto Hospital in Illinois, she and her coworkers were planning to time a strike over unfair labor practices with Monday’s action.
They had accused management of failing to bargain in good faith over a new contract since December. Parks-Lee makes $19.50 an hour, and many others among the predominantly Black workforce make less than $15. To get by, Parks-Lee usually works at least one other job at a different hospital as a certified nursing assistant. She said she and her coworkers weren’t just striking for better pay, but for “dignity and respect.”
“If you respect who I am and respect my job, why would you limit my ability to do it?”
But on July 17, before they had to walk off the job, Loretto reached an agreement with workers. Their union, SEIU, said it included “life-changing” wins, such as bringing all workers to at least $15 an hour and raises for others, improved staffing, greater scheduling stability, and immigration protections.
The hospital was short-staffed and under-resourced long before the pandemic. Employees bring clothes in from home for the patients who come in without undergarments or wearing soiled clothing. Then, Parks-Lee said, the hospital rationed personal protective equipment like hand sanitizer and gloves. “If you respect who I am and respect my job, why would you limit my ability to do it by counting out the number of gloves?” she said.
In response to a request for comment, Mark Walker, director of community relations at Loretto, called the allegation that workers were not given proper PPE “blatantly not true and unfounded.”
Parks-Lee, who is Black, is a crisis worker in the emergency room at Loretto. That means she is often helping community members most in distress — women fleeing domestic violence, people going without food or shelter. “Whatever the crisis situation presents itself, we try to assist,” she said. Racial injustice impacts not just her and her coworkers, but her patients, too. They are “Black, brown,” lacking in “financial stability,” she said. And yet other hospitals often refuse to accept them and send them on to Loretto instead. “Nobody wants them. But we welcome them,” she said.
That’s the throughline bringing all of these varied workers together: outrage over racial injustice, which impacts pay, benefits, and how Black and brown Americans are treated both inside and outside of work. “It’s not surprising that we’re in this together,” Gage said. “We may have different careers, but we’re all going through the same issues.”
Andrews says seeing so many different workers come together is “awesome.”
“That’s going to show unity,” she said. “It’s going to show that we tired, we’re not playing anymore. We want to be heard.”


vox--2020-07-20--The unmarked federal agents arresting people in Portland, explained

Oregon ’ s governor doesn ’ t want them .
Oregon ’ s senators don ’ t want them .
Portland ’ s mayor and city commissioners don ’ t want them .
And Portland ’ s residents don ’ t want them .
And yet , at the urging of President Donald Trump , federal officers are roaming the streets of Oregon ’ s biggest city in unmarked vehicles , detaining protesters without identifying themselves .
Multiple reports and videos clearly show heavily armed federal law enforcement officers dressed in camouflage stepping out of unmarked civilian vans and forcibly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the streets of Portland , often far away from any federal property ( where federal officials have jurisdiction ) .
In many instances , those taken into custody hadn ’ t clearly violated any laws .
After several days of fear and confusion as reports of these mysterious activities piled up , the Trump administration acknowledged that the Department of Homeland Security sent officers from Border Patrol and other agencies to Portland last week to protect federal property , namely a federal courthouse in the heart of the city , which has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fire and broken windows .
Trump administration officials , especially acting Department of Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf , have defended the aggressive tactics .
They ’ ve portrayed the largely peaceful George Floyd-inspired protests in the city , which have lasted over 50 days and at times led to some property destruction and minor attacks on authorities , as a “ violent mob ” of “ lawless anarchists.
” “ The city of Portland has been under siege ... by a violent mob while local political leaders refuse to restore order to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a lengthy July 16 statement .
“ Each night , lawless anarchists destroy and desecrate property , including the federal courthouse , and attack the brave law enforcement officers protecting it.
” “ DHS will not abdicate its solemn duty to protect federal facilities and those within them , ” he added .
But critics say the heavy-handed approach is an overreaction to mostly peaceful protests and detrimental to the rule of law .
“ This is the stuff of fascist regimes , not American democracy , ” Sen. Ron Wyden ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s important that we don ’ t have secret police in America , ” Sen. Jeff Merkley ( D-OR ) also said in an interview .
Two direct consequences have come out of the national controversy .
First , activists and the lawyers who represent them say the once-dwindling crowds are growing again in response to the federal government ’ s actions .
“ More and more protesters are coming out each night , ” said Ashlee Albies , a local attorney who represents Don ’ t Shoot Portland , a civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters now than there are feds.
” A mounting standoff , some worry , could potentially lead to even more tensions and violence .
In just the past day , demonstrators burned the Portland police union ’ s building and federal officers fired tear gas at mothers peacefully protesting .
Second , a legal battle is now underway , pitting Portland ’ s citizens against a federal government with broad statutory authorities .
Few , though , believe the courts will compel the Trump administration to stand down .
At most , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more cautiously , but they ’ ll still operate in areas where locals don ’ t want them to .
Which means the events in Portland are likely to persist for quite some time , testing the limits of federal authority in American cities and the resolve of those who live in them .
“ At this point , we ’ re already in a constitutional crisis , ” said Juan Chávez , a lawyer and director of the civil rights project at the Oregon Justice Resource Center .
Activists say Portland police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrived Two months ago , the death of George Floyd , an unarmed Black man killed by police officers in Minneapolis , sparked nationwide protests calling for racial equality and expansive police reform .
As in other American cities , thousands took to the streets of Portland and vowed to keep the pressure on local and federal leaders .
But the situation in Portland quickly turned ugly .
From the start , Portland ’ s police force used tear gas to maintain order .
Such measures led a US district judge on June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas except in instances “ in which the lives or safety of the public or the police are at risk.
” That order would be expanded two weeks later to include rubber bullets and other nonlethal munitions .
In the midst of the legal battle , Portland ’ s police force claimed order was unraveling as statues of Confederate generals and former Presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson were defaced or torn down .
State lawmakers passed a law saying local police could only use tear gas on protesters if police declared that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could severely impact the safety of officers and property .
That provided law enforcement quite a loophole to continue using tear gas , local activists told me — one that police have exploited since .
That not only angered protesters but also impacted uninvolved citizens .
In some cases , the tear gas would waft into residential areas , impacting drivers , homeowners , gas station attendants , and public transportation riders far away from the standoff .
But in some ways that wasn ’ t so surprising , locals said : Portland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use aggressive tactics , as evidenced by a recent incident in which officers swarmed a protester on his bicycle to arrest him .
Portland ’ s police department continued to defend its actions , though , claiming such measures were necessary to tamp down unruly or unlawful protests .
Tear gas “ is uncomfortable , but effective at dispersing crowds , ” Portland Police Chief Chuck Lovell said in a July 1 video posted to Twitter .
“ We would rather not use it .
We would rather have those in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in dangerous behavior.
” Deploying tear gas and other crowd-control methods didn ’ t compel all protesters to stop demonstrating , but they did lead to a reduction in numbers , activists said .
Still , any amount of protesters tussling with law enforcement was apparently too much for President Donald Trump , so he got involved .
The feds come to Portland On June 26 , Trump signed an executive order to send federal officers to cities around the country to protect statues , monuments , and federal property .
Five days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Homeland Security secretary , formed the Protecting American Communities Task Force to coordinate the response nationwide .
“ DHS is answering the President ’ s call to use our law enforcement personnel across the country to protect our historic landmarks , ” Wolf said in a July 1 statement .
“ We won ’ t stand idly by while violent anarchists and rioters seek not only to vandalize and destroy the symbols of our nation , but to disrupt law and order and sow chaos in our communities.
” According to DHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conduct ongoing assessments of potential civil unrest or destruction and allocate resources to protect people and property , ” which might “ involve potential surge activity to ensure the continuing protection of critical locations.
” The task force was put together in haste .
The units DHS would send didn ’ t have the proper training to deal with mass demonstrations , per a Homeland Security memo prepared for Wolf and reported by the New York Times on Saturday .
And yet , groups like “ BORTAC ” — a Border Patrol unit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like a SWAT team — deployed to Portland in early July .
They and other federal law enforcement officers assembled at the Mark O. Hatfield Federal Courthouse , drawing the attention of protesters and prompting a crowd to form outside the building .
But on July 1 — the day the task force was formally announced — the federal officers really made their presence known .
They came out of the boarded-up building and fired pepper balls at the demonstrators before retreating back inside .
That was the first clue activists got that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ initially expected .
Washington said federal officials would be in Portland mainly to protect federal property and investigate federal crimes , said Chávez , the civil rights attorney , but “ we knew then and there that that wasn ’ t all they were doing.
” Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler was nervous about what he ’ d seen and called for an end to violent protests and a review of police tactics on July 3 .
“ I am calling for a full and thorough review of all use of force tactics and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But the federal government ’ s involvement only escalated from there .
On July 12 , 26-year-old protester Donavan LaBella was shot in the head by federal officials with a “ less lethal ” munition while he held a boombox in front of federal officers .
His mother said LaBella sustained facial and skull fractures requiring reconstructive surgery .
That episode sparked a major outcry from the city and state ’ s most prominent politicians .
“ The events of last night at the federal courthouse were the tragic and avoidable result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , continuing to push for force and violence in response to protests , ” Oregon Gov .
Kate Brown said in a statement at the time .
“ President Trump deploying armed federal officers to Portland only serves to escalate tensions and , as we saw yesterday , will inevitably lead to unnecessary violence and confrontation.
” And in the last week or so , it appears federal officers have taken their mandate a step further by riding around Portland in unmarked vehicles and detaining suspects in ways critics say amounts to kidnapping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Mark Pettibone .
He and his friend were returning home from a protest at the courthouse in the early hours of July 15 .
The protest had been mostly peaceful , and law enforcement agencies hadn ’ t used tear gas against demonstrators that day .
But around 2 am , unidentified people in camouflage stepped out of a van and threw Pettibone into the back of it against his will .
Pettibone , who claims he did nothing suspicious or illegal , told Oregon Public Broadcasting ( OPB ) on July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pulled over my face so I couldn ’ t see and they held my hands over my head.
” After driving around downtown for a while , the armed men took him inside a building , which Pettibone would only later learn was the federal courthouse .
“ It was basically a process of facing many walls and corners as they patted me down and took my picture and rummaged through my belongings , ” he told OPB .
Pettibone was placed in a cell before two officers came to read him his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t say why he was under arrest .
Pettibone didn ’ t waive those rights and instead demanded to speak to a lawyer .
Roughly 90 minutes later , the officials let him go without recording his arrest or charging him with any crime .
In a subsequent interview with the Washington Post , Pettibone said he still doesn ’ t know exactly who arrested him or why .
Federal agents deny having detained Pettibone and haven ’ t answered reporters ’ questions about that and other similar incidents .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other people ’ s testimonials and videos , seems to show that this is a new — and highly irregular , if not illegal — practice by federal authorities .
Even if the agents have a small patch on their arm that says the name of their agency , the fact that you can ’ t tell who they are , they won ’ t say who they are , and they ride in unidentified vehicles while wearing camouflage ( not their usual uniforms ) makes them unmarked .
“ Detaining human beings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to talk to people , ” said Joshua Geltzer , the executive director for the Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection at Georgetown University .
The situation has become so fraught that even Portland ’ s police department has distanced itself from the federal actions .
“ At times , federal officers may take action in proximity to Portland officers ... We may take action near them , ” Lovell , the police chief , said last week .
“ The federal officers have their objectives and the Portland Police Bureau has our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal officers ’ actions , and they do not direct ours.
” Such a statement was likely offered ahead of what Lovell surely suspected was an imminent legal fight — one that has just arrived .
“ If this can happen here in Portland , it can happen anywhere ” If you ask federal officials about their conduct in Portland — namely operating in secret to detain suspected offenders of federal law — they say they ’ re just maintaining law and order while following the president ’ s directives .
“ While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every American ’ s right to protest peacefully , violence and civil unrest will not be tolerated , ” a spokesperson for the agency told me , echoing Wolf ’ s assertions that “ violent anarchists have organized events in Portland over the last several weeks with willful intent to damage and destroy federal property , as well as injure federal officers and agents.
” The spokesperson stressed two other points .
First , the spokesperson said that CBP agents do identify themselves — including wearing insignia of their department ( as in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t display their names “ due to recent doxxing incidents against law enforcement personnel who serve and protect our country.
” Second , the spokesperson said CBP supports the Federal Protective Service , a DHS agency charged with safeguarding federal property in Portland and elsewhere .
The spokesperson cited 40 USC 1315 , which gives the DHS secretary the authority to have federal agents under his command bolster the FPS ’ s efforts .
Others called into that support mission include the Transportation Security Administration , the Coast Guard , and Immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces are allowed to arrest those suspected of crimes , carry weapons , and even investigate potential offenses on or off federal property , experts say ( though how far off that property is permissible and what reasonable suspicion authorities must initially prove is up for debate ) .
There are many possible violations to look into as protesters have graffitied and launched fireworks at federal buildings and property , as well as thrown objects like rocks and bottles at US government agents .
Even so , Georgetown ’ s Geltzer says the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offense — and that shooting protesters in the face with projectiles or detaining them in shadowy ways doesn ’ t do that .
“ No one excuses bad behavior , but it doesn ’ t change what an appropriate response looks like , ” he told me .
Law enforcement can of course speak with suspects if they assent , Geltzer continued , but “ what ’ s not okay is going to the point of forcible arrest — against someone ’ s will — without probable cause.
” One would think federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city and state didn ’ t invite them in to help , experts said .
So far , federal authorities have yet to show real evidence to back up claims of probable cause , save for a litany of alleged violations by Wolf in his July 16 statement .
Below is a screenshot of a few sections from that list .
That lack of clarity is partly why Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum last Friday filed a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security and other agencies involved in the federal response in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ press release last week , the motion , if granted , “ would immediately stop federal authorities from unlawfully detaining Oregonians , ” thereby protecting their First , Fourth , and Fifth Amendment rights ( among others ) .
“ Every American should be repulsed when they see this happening , ” Rosenblum said in a statement at the time .
“ If this can happen here in Portland , it can happen anywhere.
” She clearly has the support of Oregon ’ s US politicians , with Wyden , Merkley , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a probe into federal law enforcement .
“ This abuse of power demands an investigation , and those federal agents involved should find their federal employment terminated , ” Wyden told me .
Beyond the legal matters , though , there ’ s also a question of whether the federal officers ’ tactics are even effective at calming down the protests — or whether , as most experts I spoke to said , they ’ re inflaming the situation further .
First , there ’ s the basic issue of federal officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or otherwise clearly identifying themselves to those they ’ re detaining .
Mike German , a former FBI agent now with the Brennan Center for Justice , told me the practice of officers identifying themselves before detaining suspects is equally important for officers ’ safety as for citizens ’ .
The person under suspicion may not believe federal officers are who they really are , instead believing they are members of militias or even just random vigilantes .
Portland , after all , has become an epicenter in the US for far-right violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soldiers to make a political point and scare their enemies .
Such confusion makes policing in this way harder .
“ How are [ suspects ] supposed to know that it ’ s a federal official arresting them ?
” German asked .
“ Without proper insignia , the interest in resisting is much greater , ” potentially escalating to violence .
It ’ s also possible , but less likely , that federal officials will mistake each other for protesters or militia groups in similar uniforms .
“ We don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one another in the streets of an American city , ” German noted .
Then there ’ s the broader issue of using harsh tactics to attempt to quell demonstrations .
Edward Maguire , an expert on protest policing at Arizona State University who co-authored a well-regarded ( free ) book on the subject , said the federal government ’ s strategy to use overwhelming force will surely backfire .
Simply put , his research from observing the policing of protests around the world shows authorities who use over-the-top tactics spark a massive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crowd — that is , those protesting peacefully and who don ’ t break the law — start to embrace a more radical stance toward law enforcement aiming to control the protest .
Instead of calming everything down , then , authorities end up with “ a lot of people who are really pissed off , ” Maguire said .
The Trump administration is committing this cardinal sin of protest policing in Portland .
“ The response that we ’ re seeing from the federal agents is unskilled , lacks any coherent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designed to escalate tensions rather than reduce them , ” Maguire told me .
“ It ’ s almost cartoonish it ’ s so ridiculous.
” The implications are chilling .
On one hand , you have a federal government determined to quash protests with ever-increasing force .
On the other hand , you have demonstrations that at one point were winding down but are now ramping up again in direct response to the heavy-handedness .
And so far the escalating standoff shows no signs of dissipating .
No one is backing down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their lawyers , and it ’ s clear they expect to stay the course despite federal pressure .
“ We ’ ve been shot at , gassed , and beaten over the last two months — and we still haven ’ t given up , ” said Chávez , the Oregon Justice Resource Center attorney .
“ The intimidation is part of the intent , ” but “ the only thing that can stop this is people power.
” “ People in Portland are not going to back down , so the feds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the attorney for civil rights activists in the city .
“ The more they attack protesters , the more they demonstrate that property is more important than human rights and human lives.
” But listen to the statements from those in charge of the federal response and it ’ s equally apparent they will continue this campaign .
“ We must protect Federal property , AND OUR PEOPLE , ” Trump wrote in a Sunday tweet .
Likely bolstered by the president ’ s vocal support , acting DHS chief Wolf — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Portland the week before — told Fox News on Monday that “ I don ’ t need invitations by the state , state mayors , or state governors to do our job .
We ’ re going to do that , whether they like us there or not.
” With no one backing down , tensions have continued to skyrocket .
On Sunday night , protesters broke into the Portland Police Association ’ s office and lit the building on fire , according to the city ’ s police .
That same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at members of Mothers Against Police Brutality who had formed a human shield in front of demonstrators .
They were mainly chanting , “ Leave our kids alone !
” per someone at the scene , who also noted that at least one of the mothers was pregnant .
Despite the rising tensions , the Trump administration is apparently pleased with overall results .
It appears the federal government is considering a similar response in Chicago , which would surely cause an even bigger uproar due to the size of the city and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence there .
It would also crystallize that Trump and others believe such measures are the only way to handle nationwide protests , results be damned .
That ’ s why Albies and other activists believe a definitive stand must take place in Portland — or else risk similar scenes metastasizing around America .
“ Litigation is not going stop this .
Political action is not going to stop this .
People power is not going to stop this , ” she said .
“ But all of that together will place maximum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Oregon’s governor doesn’t want them. Oregon’s senators don’t want them. Portland’s mayor and city commissioners don’t want them. And Portland’s residents don’t want them.
And yet, at the urging of President Donald Trump, federal officers are roaming the streets of Oregon’s biggest city in unmarked vehicles, detaining protesters without identifying themselves.
Multiple reports and videos clearly show heavily armed federal law enforcement officers dressed in camouflage stepping out of unmarked civilian vans and forcibly detaining anti-racism and anti-police brutality demonstrators on the streets of Portland, often far away from any federal property (where federal officials have jurisdiction). In many instances, those taken into custody hadn’t clearly violated any laws.
After several days of fear and confusion as reports of these mysterious activities piled up, the Trump administration acknowledged that the Department of Homeland Security had officers from Border Patrol and other agencies use unmarked vehicles in Portland last week to protect federal property, namely a federal courthouse in the heart of the city, which has been tagged by graffiti and had a small fire and broken windows.
Trump administration officials, especially acting Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf, have defended the aggressive tactics. They’ve portrayed the largely peaceful George Floyd-inspired protests in the city, which have lasted more than 50 days and at times led to some property destruction and minor attacks on authorities, as a “violent mob” of “lawless anarchists.”
This is happening on the streets of our hometown of Portland, OR.
We will continue to resist. They are fucking with the wrong city #TheResistance
pic.twitter.com/byOUkcp5iZ — Eleven Films (@Eleven_Films) July 17, 2020
“The city of Portland has been under siege ... by a violent mob while local political leaders refuse to restore order to protect their city,” he said in a lengthy July 16 statement. “Each night, lawless anarchists destroy and desecrate property, including the federal courthouse, and attack the brave law enforcement officers protecting it.”
“DHS will not abdicate its solemn duty to protect federal facilities and those within them,” he added.
But critics say the heavy-handed approach is an overreaction to mostly peaceful protests and detrimental to the rule of law. “This is the stuff of fascist regimes, not American democracy,” Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) told me. “It’s important that we don’t have secret police in America,” Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) also said in an interview.
Two direct consequences have come out of the national controversy.
First, activists and the lawyers who represent them say the once-dwindling crowds are growing again in response to the federal government’s actions. “More and more protesters are coming out each night,” said Ashlee Albies, a local attorney who represents Don’t Shoot Portland, a civil rights organization. “There are more protesters now than there are feds.”
A mounting standoff, some worry, could potentially lead to even more tensions and violence. In just the past day, demonstrators burned the Portland police union’s building and federal officers fired tear gas at mothers peacefully protesting.
Second, a legal battle is now underway, pitting Portland’s citizens against a federal government with broad statutory authorities. Few, though, believe the courts will compel the Trump administration to stand down. At most, it might lead federal law enforcement to act more cautiously, but they’ll still operate in areas where locals don’t want them to.
Which means the events in Portland are likely to persist for quite some time, testing the limits of federal authority in American cities and the resolve of those who live in them. “At this point, we’re already in a constitutional crisis,” said Juan Chávez, a lawyer and director of the civil rights project at the Oregon Justice Resource Center.
Activists say Portland police were abusing their power before federal officials arrived
Two months ago, the death of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man killed by police officers in Minneapolis, sparked nationwide protests calling for racial equality and expansive police reform. As in other American cities, thousands took to the streets of Portland and vowed to keep the pressure on local and federal leaders. But the situation in Portland quickly turned ugly.
From the start, Portland’s police force used tear gas to maintain order. Such measures led a US district judge on June 9 to ban the use of tear gas except in instances “in which the lives or safety of the public or the police are at risk.” That order would be expanded two weeks later to include rubber bullets and other nonlethal munitions.
In the midst of the legal battle, Portland’s police force claimed order was unraveling as statues of Confederate generals and former Presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson were defaced or torn down.
State lawmakers passed a law saying local police could only use tear gas on protesters if police declared that a “riot” was underway that could severely impact the safety of officers and property. That provided law enforcement quite a loophole to continue using tear gas, local activists told me — one that police have exploited since.
Disperse from the area. CS gas is being used. — Portland Police (@PortlandPolice) July 1, 2020
That not only angered protesters but also impacted uninvolved citizens. In some cases, the tear gas would waft into residential areas, affecting drivers, homeowners, gas station attendants, and public transportation riders far away from the standoff.
But in some ways that wasn’t so surprising, locals said: Portland’s police had long been known to use aggressive tactics, as evidenced by a recent incident in which officers swarmed a protester on his bicycle to arrest him.
WATCH - Portland Police officers knock a protester off of his bicycle and arrest him outside of Lownsdale Square Park near the Federal Courthouse downtown #LiveOnK2 pic.twitter.com/tow0GzeyzW — Dan McCarthy (@DanMcKATU) July 16, 2020
Portland’s police department continued to defend its actions, though, claiming such measures were necessary to tamp down unruly or unlawful protests.
Tear gas “is uncomfortable, but effective at dispersing crowds,” Portland Police Chief Chuck Lovell said in a July 1 video posted to Twitter. “We would rather not use it. We would rather have those in the area follow the law and not engage in dangerous behavior.”
Deploying tear gas and other crowd-control methods didn’t compel all protesters to stop demonstrating, but they did lead to a reduction in numbers, activists said. Still, any number of protesters tussling with law enforcement was apparently too much for President Donald Trump, so he got involved.
The feds come to Portland
On June 26, Trump signed an executive order to send federal officers to cities around the country to protect statues, monuments, and federal property. Five days later, Wolf, the acting homeland security secretary, formed the Protecting American Communities Task Force to coordinate the response nationwide.
“DHS is answering the President’s call to use our law enforcement personnel across the country to protect our historic landmarks,” Wolf said in a July 1 statement. “We won’t stand idly by while violent anarchists and rioters seek not only to vandalize and destroy the symbols of our nation, but to disrupt law and order and sow chaos in our communities.”
According to DHS, the new task force would “conduct ongoing assessments of potential civil unrest or destruction and allocate resources to protect people and property,” which might “involve potential surge activity to ensure the continuing protection of critical locations.”
The task force was put together in haste. The units DHS would send didn’t have the proper training to deal with mass demonstrations, per a Homeland Security memo prepared for Wolf and reported by the New York Times on Saturday. And yet groups like “BORTAC” — a Border Patrol unit that mainly investigates suspected drug dealers and acts like a SWAT team — deployed to Portland in early July.
They and other federal law enforcement officers assembled at the Mark O. Hatfield Federal Courthouse, drawing the attention of protesters and prompting a crowd to form outside the building. But on July 1 — the day the task force was formally announced — the federal officers really made their presence known. They came out of the boarded-up building and fired pepper balls at the demonstrators before retreating back inside.
That was the first clue activists got that the feds would be more involved than initially expected. Washington said federal officials would be in Portland mainly to protect federal property and investigate federal crimes, said Chávez, the civil rights attorney, but “we knew then and there that that wasn’t all they were doing.”
Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler was nervous about what he’d seen and called for an end to violent protests and a review of police tactics on July 3. “I am calling for a full and thorough review of all use of force tactics and meaningful public transparency,” he said.
But the federal government’s involvement only escalated from there.
On July 12, 26-year-old protester Donavan LaBella was shot in the head by federal officials with a “less lethal” munition while he held a boombox in front of federal officers. His mother said LaBella sustained facial and skull fractures requiring reconstructive surgery. That episode sparked a major outcry from the city and state’s most prominent politicians.
“The events of last night at the federal courthouse were the tragic and avoidable result of President Donald Trump, for weeks, continuing to push for force and violence in response to protests,” Oregon Gov. Kate Brown said in a statement at the time. “President Trump deploying armed federal officers to Portland only serves to escalate tensions and, as we saw yesterday, will inevitably lead to unnecessary violence and confrontation.”
And in the past week or so, it appears federal officers have taken their mandate a step further by riding around Portland in unmarked vehicles and detaining suspects in ways critics say amounts to kidnapping.
What is this? They are kidnapping people. pic.twitter.com/M0AnuZ1GSi — Cozca (@KohzKah) July 15, 2020
Perhaps the best-known case is that of Mark Pettibone. He and his friend were returning home from a protest at the courthouse in the early hours of July 15. The protest had been mostly peaceful, and law enforcement agencies hadn’t used tear gas against demonstrators that day.
But around 2 am, unidentified people in camouflage stepped out of a van and threw Pettibone into the back of it against his will. Pettibone, who claims he did nothing suspicious or illegal, told Oregon Public Broadcasting (OPB) on July 16 that “I had my beanie pulled over my face so I couldn’t see and they held my hands over my head.”
After driving around downtown for a while, the armed men took him inside a building, which Pettibone would only later learn was the federal courthouse. “It was basically a process of facing many walls and corners as they patted me down and took my picture and rummaged through my belongings,” he told OPB.
Pettibone was placed in a cell before two officers came to read him his Miranda rights, though he says they didn’t say why he was under arrest. Pettibone didn’t waive those rights and instead demanded to speak to a lawyer. Roughly 90 minutes later, the officials let him go without recording his arrest or charging him with any crime.
In a subsequent interview with the Washington Post, Pettibone said he still doesn’t know exactly who arrested him or why.
Federal agents deny having detained Pettibone and haven’t answered reporters’ questions about that and other similar incidents. But Pettibone’s account, reflected in other people’s testimonials and videos, seems to show that this is a new — and highly irregular, if not illegal — practice by federal authorities. Even if the agents have a small patch on their arm that says the name of their agency, the fact that you can’t tell who they are, they won’t say who they are, and they ride in unidentified vehicles while wearing camouflage (not their usual uniforms) makes them unmarked.
“Detaining human beings is generally not a lawful tactic just to talk to people,” said Joshua Geltzer, the executive director for the Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection at Georgetown University.
The situation has become so fraught that even Portland’s police department has distanced itself from the federal actions. “At times, federal officers may take action in proximity to Portland officers ... We may take action near them,” Lovell, the police chief, said last week. “The federal officers have their objectives and the Portland Police Bureau has our objectives. We don’t direct federal officers’ actions, and they do not direct ours.”
Such a statement was likely offered ahead of what Lovell surely suspected was an imminent legal fight — one that has just arrived.
“If this can happen here in Portland, it can happen anywhere”
If you ask federal officials about their conduct in Portland — namely, operating in secret to detain suspected offenders of federal law — they say they’re just maintaining law and order while following the president’s directives.
“While the US Customs and Border Protection respects every American’s right to protest peacefully, violence and civil unrest will not be tolerated,” a spokesperson for the agency told me, echoing Wolf’s assertions that “violent anarchists have organized events in Portland over the last several weeks with willful intent to damage and destroy federal property, as well as injure federal officers and agents.”
The spokesperson stressed two other points. First, the spokesperson said that CBP agents do identify themselves — including wearing insignia of their department (as in the tweet below) — but don’t display their names, “due to recent doxxing incidents against law enforcement personnel who serve and protect our country.”
.@CBP will continue to arrest the violent criminals that are destroying federal property & injuring our agents/officers in Portland. CBP will restore and maintain law & order. pic.twitter.com/fYgzpTwPWh — CBP Mark Morgan (@CBPMarkMorgan) July 17, 2020
Second, the spokesperson said CBP supports the Federal Protective Service, a DHS agency charged with safeguarding federal property in Portland and elsewhere.
The spokesperson cited 40 USC 1315, which gives the DHS secretary the authority to have federal agents under his command bolster the FPS’s efforts. Others called into that support mission include the Transportation Security Administration, the Coast Guard, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Members of those forces are allowed to arrest those suspected of crimes, carry weapons, and even investigate potential offenses on or off federal property, experts say (though how far off that property is permissible and what reasonable suspicion authorities must initially prove is up for debate).
There are many possible violations to look into as protesters have graffitied and launched fireworks at federal buildings and property, as well as thrown objects like rocks and bottles at US government agents.
Even so, Georgetown’s Geltzer says the level of force must match the suspected offense — and that shooting protesters in the face with projectiles or detaining them in shadowy ways doesn’t do that. “No one excuses bad behavior, but it doesn’t change what an appropriate response looks like,” he told me. Law enforcement can of course speak with suspects if they assent, Geltzer continued, but “what’s not okay is going to the point of forcible arrest — against someone’s will — without probable cause.”
One would think federal authorities would act more cautiously because the city and state didn’t invite them in to help, experts said.
So far, federal authorities have yet to show real evidence to back up claims of probable cause, save for a litany of alleged violations by Wolf in his July 16 statement. Below is a screenshot of a few sections from that list.
That lack of clarity is partly why Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum last Friday filed a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security and other agencies involved in the federal response in Portland. Per her office’s press release last week, the motion, if granted, “would immediately stop federal authorities from unlawfully detaining Oregonians,” thereby protecting their First, Fourth, and Fifth Amendment rights (among others).
“Every American should be repulsed when they see this happening,” Rosenblum said in a statement at the time. “If this can happen here in Portland, it can happen anywhere.” She clearly has the support of Oregon’s US politicians, with Wyden, Merkley, and two representatives on the same day calling for a probe into federal law enforcement.
“This abuse of power demands an investigation, and those federal agents involved should find their federal employment terminated,” Wyden told me.
Beyond the legal matters, though, there’s also a question of whether the federal officers’ tactics are even effective at calming down the protests — or whether, as most experts I spoke to said, they’re inflaming the situation further.
First, there’s the basic issue of federal officials not wearing specific identifying uniforms or insignia or otherwise clearly identifying themselves to those they’re detaining.
Mike German, a former FBI agent now with the Brennan Center for Justice, told me the practice of officers identifying themselves before detaining suspects is equally important for officers’ safety as for citizens’. The person under suspicion may not believe federal officers are who they really are, instead believing they are members of militias or even just random vigilantes. Portland, after all, has become an epicenter in the US for far-right violence, replete with ordinary citizens dressing like soldiers to make a political point and scare their enemies.
Such confusion makes policing in this way harder. “How are [suspects] supposed to know that it’s a federal official arresting them?” German asked. “Without proper insignia, the interest in resisting is much greater,” potentially escalating to violence. It’s also possible, but less likely, that federal officials will mistake each other for protesters or militia groups in similar uniforms. “We don’t want to be pitting law enforcement against one another in the streets of an American city,” German noted.
Then there’s the broader issue of using harsh tactics to attempt to quell demonstrations.
Edward Maguire, an expert on protest policing at Arizona State University who co-authored a well-regarded (free) book on the subject, said the federal government’s strategy to use overwhelming force will surely backfire.
Simply put, his research from observing the policing of protests around the world shows authorities who use over-the-top tactics spark a massive backlash. The “moderates” in the crowd — that is, those protesting peacefully and who don’t break the law — start to embrace a more radical stance toward law enforcement aiming to control the protest. Instead of calming everything down, then, authorities end up with “a lot of people who are really pissed off,” Maguire said.
The Trump administration is committing this cardinal sin of protest policing in Portland. “The response that we’re seeing from the federal agents is unskilled, lacks any coherent underlying strategy, and seems almost perfectly designed to escalate tensions rather than reduce them,” Maguire told me. “It’s almost cartoonish, it’s so ridiculous.”
The implications are chilling. On one hand, you have a federal government determined to quash protests with ever-increasing force. On the other hand, you have demonstrations that at one point were winding down but are now ramping up again in direct response to the heavy-handedness.
And so far, the escalating standoff shows no signs of dissipating.
No one is backing down
Talk to Portland’s protesters and their lawyers, and it’s clear they expect to stay the course despite federal pressure.
“We’ve been shot at, gassed, and beaten over the last two months — and we still haven’t given up,” said Chávez, the Oregon Justice Resource Center attorney. “The intimidation is part of the intent,” but “the only thing that can stop this is people power.”
“People in Portland are not going to back down, so the feds should just leave,” said Albies, the attorney for civil rights activists in the city. “The more they attack protesters, the more they demonstrate that property is more important than human rights and human lives.”
But listen to the statements from those in charge of the federal response and it’s equally apparent they will continue this campaign. “We must protect Federal property, AND OUR PEOPLE,” Trump tweeted Sunday.
We are trying to help Portland, not hurt it. Their leadership has, for months, lost control of the anarchists and agitators. They are missing in action. We must protect Federal property, AND OUR PEOPLE. These were not merely protesters, these are the real deal! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 19, 2020
Likely bolstered by the president’s vocal support, acting DHS chief Wolf — fresh off a visit with federal officers in Portland the week before — told Fox News on Monday that “I don’t need invitations by the state, state mayors, or state governors to do our job. We’re going to do that, whether they like us there or not.”
"I don't need invitations by the state, state mayors, or state governors to do our job. We're going to do that, whether they like us there or not.” — acting DHS Secretary Chad Wolf pic.twitter.com/Rr2P8q6Ut1 — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) July 20, 2020
With no one backing down, tensions have continued to skyrocket. On Sunday night, protesters broke into the Portland Police Association’s office and lit the building on fire, according to the city’s police.
People have broken into the Portland Police Association office and lit the building on fire. — Portland Police (@PortlandPolice) July 19, 2020
That same evening, federal officers launched tear gas at members of Mothers Against Police Brutality who had formed a human shield in front of demonstrators. They were mainly chanting, “Leave our kids alone!” per someone at the scene, who also noted that at least one of the mothers was pregnant.
The women on the right in white are a group of moms protesting against police brutality in Portland. The canister police toss is tear gas. pic.twitter.com/raEsSh41HW — Joshua Potash (@JoshuaPotash) July 19, 2020
Despite the rising tensions, the Trump administration is apparently pleased with overall results. It appears the federal government is considering a similar response in Chicago, which would surely cause an even bigger uproar due to the size of the city and Trump’s racially charged comments about violence there. It would also crystallize that Trump and others believe such measures are the only way to handle nationwide protests, results be damned.
That’s why Albies and other activists believe a definitive stand must take place in Portland — or else risk similar scenes metastasizing around America. “Litigation is not going stop this. Political action is not going to stop this. People power is not going to stop this,” she said. “But all of that together will place maximum pressure on the police and federal government.”