vox--2020-08-04--How Portland’s Wall of Moms collapsed — and was reborn under Black leadership

Last Wednesday , the Wall of Moms Facebook group descended into chaos .
One woman said a group of Black moms was left unprotected at a rally in downtown Portland , Oregon .
Another claimed that group leader Bev Barnum had co-opted Black Lives Matter for her own gain .
There were endless threads of comments from women disappointed that the protest group — made up of mothers and grandmothers who had gained international recognition for standing on the front line of the city ’ s protests — seemed to have lost its way .
The Wall of Moms , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collapsing .
It had lasted for all of 10 days .
When the group assembled on July 18 through a call to action from Barnum on Facebook , the mission was simple : Be physically present for Black lives .
Last month , federal agents descended on the city to protect federal buildings , which only intensified the protests that have been ongoing since the police killing of George Floyd .
Portland mothers , most of them non-Black , were called on to act as a shield against the tear gas and excessive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters .
But by the middle of last week , many of the mothers in the private Wall of Moms Facebook group , which had garnered nearly 20,000 members , were questioning the direction of the organization , disappointed that it no longer seemed to center Black lives .
A number of the moms accused Barnum , who is Mexican American , of only being interested in pressuring federal troops to leave Portland , not in the greater issue of justice for Black lives ; Barnum had tried to register Wall of Moms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fellow Black leaders .
( Barnum has not responded to Vox ’ s request for comment . )
In response , longtime activist Teressa Raiford , who had been providing guidance to Wall of Moms and is the founder of the nonprofit Don ’ t Shoot Portland — along with two other Black mothers and activists , Demetria Hester and Danialle James — organized under another group : Mothers United for Black Lives .
The new group has made it clear that its mission is to address the problems plaguing Portland ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black teens recently slain , the damage done by the coronavirus , and a police department that reportedly isn ’ t working to investigate gun violence .
“ We are fighting for liberation , but [ Barnum ] ended up using Black bodies when she centered herself as an individual and incorporated the Wall of Moms through three agencies .
That is violence and doesn ’ t liberate Black people , ” Raiford told Vox .
Raiford , who started Don ’ t Shoot Portland in 2016 after police arrested her amid the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explain that many if not most of the moms in the group have not tried to co-opt the movement .
However , the Wall of Moms is ultimately a cautionary tale of what happens when Black people aren ’ t centered in a movement that ’ s about the fight for their lives : “ People who are interested in getting involved must realize that they have to take directives from Black leaders and show up through the mutual aid response system , ” Raiford said .
That means creating not just a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resources , financial and otherwise , to bolster activists who will put their lives on the line long after Portland is out of the national spotlight .
Wall of Moms began as a response to the federal law enforcement officers who began patrolling the streets of Portland in early July , forcibly snatching anti-racism protesters off the street and detaining them in unmarked vehicles .
The incidents , sometimes recorded on video , caused much confusion across the country before the Trump administration announced that it had deployed officers from Border Patrol and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ongoing protests .
As Vox ’ s Alex Ward reported , Trump administration officials defended the aggressive tactics , claiming they were necessary to dispel protests led by a “ violent mob ” of “ lawless anarchists.
” But demonstrators , who had been on the streets protesting for Black lives for more than 50 days , recognized the presence of the federal officers as a further impingement on their civil liberties .
Portlanders , many of whom had never protested before , took to the streets to push back against the federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Wall of Moms was born .
By July 19 , a group of a few dozen mothers , most of them white and wearing white , were seen being tear-gassed by federal officers .
By July 21 , the group of mothers would grow to include thousands of women who showed up at downtown protests clad in yellow shirts and masks , helmets , and goggles , and carrying yellow roses and sunflowers .
In videos , the women can be seen marching toward Portland ’ s Justice Center chanting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one early video of the group , the women proclaimed , “ No cops , no KKK , no racist USA.
” Around the same time , news stories poured out with headlines that read “ ‘ Wall of Moms ’ shields protesters from federal agents in Portland ” and “ Wall of Moms Protects Portland BLM Protesters , ” with photos that showed overwhelmingly non-Black women standing in formation linked by the arms .
Many of the stories characterized the women as selfless citizens who were eager to stand up and use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Stories characterized the activation as novel , something that would really send a fresh message to the Trump administration .
While most of the mothers were well-intentioned , critics were quick to point out how the women managed to gain international acclaim because of the very privilege they were able to exercise while out on the front lines : whiteness .
While whiteness was part of the tactic of getting noticed — many of the mothers were aware that their white bodies would yield attention and were intentional about their positioning at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been losing their children to police violence at an alarming rate for decades , have received little attention for their activism .
Keisha N. Blain , an associate professor of history at the University of Pittsburgh , told Vox there are many factors that go into what images capture the public ’ s interest and attention during social unrest and that it is not uncommon for white activists to receive greater attention for their work , particularly in Black spaces .
“ Because many people are still struggling to get people to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often privileges the appearance of white protesters in these spaces .
Part of this has to do with the perceived novelty of white participation , ” Blain told Vox .
“ We must also acknowledge that anti-Black racism helps to explain why members of the general public are often more enthralled with white activists in social justice movements — even when Black people are at the forefront of these movements .
We should also be mindful of the way the media fuels these racist narratives when journalists choose to focus on the efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Blain , groups like Mothers of the Movement , a collective of Black moms whose children have been killed by police officers or by gun violence , “ are constantly pursuing this work ” but “ don ’ t receive the same kind of visibility and certainly not for a sustained period of time.
” In Chicago , for example , Black moms formed Mothers/Men Against Senseless Killings in 2015 to build community through violence prevention and other measures like food security and housing , but have not received the national attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did in 10 days .
Wall of Moms organizer Barnum , meanwhile , seemed more interested in marketing the group ( at one protest , she told the women to get on their knees for a photo , according to Demetria Hester , a mom leading Moms United for Black Lives ; Barnum was also called out for doing too many interviews and not passing the mic to women like Raiford ) than solely focusing on Black Lives Matter .
Despite publicly announcing that the group ’ s administration would cede control to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days later , Barnum had announced in the group that Wall of Moms was “ now a 501 ( c ) 3 ” and would be “ partnering with leaders across the nation.
” Backlash against Barnum was quick , with moms alleging that she co-opted Black Lives Matter for her own profit .
Many called on her to step down immediately .
In response , Barnum wrote that she didn ’ t intend to hurt anyone , and that the group will be led by a board made up of Black , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a BIPOC advisory committee .
However , “ WOM is a group that supports BLM , but it is not a BLM group , ” she wrote .
“ If that is not good enough for you , please feel free to leave this group .
And if you currently volunteer your time , feel free to leave your positions .
Again , I am so sorry the 501c3 hurt some of you.
” A number of moms in the group immediately said they were out , citing dissatisfaction with how non-Black women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The group ’ s impromptu communications director , Emma Pattee , when explaining her reason for stepping away , wrote in a Facebook post : That day , as Wall of Mom chapters launched in cities including Los Angeles and Chicago , Black organizers unveiled Moms United for Black Lives , a space that would keep Black Lives Matter at the forefront and direct the thousands of moms on how to best leverage their privilege .
Organizer Danialle James welcomed the moms to the new group with a message : “ Hi , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a trying time .
I encourage you all to keep your chins up , stay steadfast and moving forward .
Be the change you wish to seek .
Love to you all.
” The private Facebook group for Moms United for Black Lives grew quickly as women abandoned Wall of Moms .
The page has almost 12,000 followers and is very active with moms sharing resources for safety , protest locations , and grim stories about the latest Portland killings .
Meanwhile , the Wall of Moms Facebook group is still up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up misinformation and offer articles about effective allyship .
Blain noted that this kind of fallout is not uncommon with social movements that have advocated for equity .
With the Women ’ s March , for example , organizers were called out for how it excluded women of color and initially boasted an agenda that largely advanced the goals of cisgender white women .
The founders eventually needed to cede the floor to women of color and broaden its objectives to support intersectionality .
Meanwhile , with Black Lives Matter , early coverage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was founded by three Black women .
“ Whenever money enters into social movements , it can cause all sorts of tension , ” Blain said .
And with Wall of Moms , in particular , she said that “ multiracial organizing can only work effectively when there is clear communication and full transparency .
Without communication and transparency , perceptions of anti-Black behavior — whether they are intentional or not — can bubble up to the surface and undermine the work.
” In other words , for there to be progress , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racial lines , must be on the same page about the movement ’ s objectives .
Moving forward , it ’ s about the mission , not the marketing Once the media cameras focused their lenses on the line of white mothers and grandmothers , Raiford knew it could jeopardize the kind of infrastructure that she and other Portland activists had been establishing for years .
More worrisome was the fact that no one was talking about what was truly impacting Portland ’ s Black communities — from killings that were going uninvestigated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evicted to poverty that prevented students from participating in school due to a lack of technology .
In the predominantly white city — less than 6 percent of the population is Black — the inequities facing Black communities and other communities of color are often overlooked .
“ While there are people at the protests getting hit with rubber bullets and they ’ re getting banged on with the tear gas , we ’ ve been getting murdered in our communities and there is literally zero response , ” Raiford said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ ve had over 40 shootings.
” Raiford has been calling for action in the case of 18-year-old Shai ’ India Harris , a recent high school graduate who was fatally shot in broad daylight on July 10 ; police recently named a suspect in the case .
According to the Oregonian , Harris ’ s death is one of 15 reported homicides in Portland in July , which recorded the highest rate of homicide in more than 30 years .
Last week , 32-year-old Black trans woman Aja Raquell Rhone-Spears was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Penney , who was recently killed in a shooting .
Raiford sees the collective of moms as a welcome addition to the movement but wants leaders to proceed with transparency , accountability , and deference to the mothers who laid the groundwork .
“ Mutual aid through the ambitious movement of the moms , and having them cater to the needs of our community by sharing Cash App , setting up vigils , ordering flowers , or Postmating — these are the resources and things that Black families literally can not get or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money to sustain this movement during the coronavirus crisis , ” she said .
Hester , a mom leading Moms United for Black Lives , says she ’ s protested every day for the past two months in an effort to dismantle a generational cycle of inequity that ’ s affected her family and Portland ’ s Black communities .
In 2017 , Hester was attacked by white supremacist Jeremy Christian , who was recently sentenced to life in prison for fatally stabbing two people and injuring another on the MAX train .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ had assaulted Hester on the train .
The incident has left Hester traumatized but invigorated to fight for justice .
“ That is what brought me to this revolution , ” Hester told Vox .
“ We need strong Black people in charge of these movements .
We ’ re making our own team of people that we can trust and know are for the cause .
And the moms are finding their niche of how to help because there are different ways that white people can help but they don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s fundraising or using their connections to order computers for Black kids so they can have computers.
” As far as how long the moms will keep organizing , Hester says there ’ s no deadline : “ until we get everything we want.
” Right now , Moms United for Black Lives is keeping busy with members answering the calls of Black mothers in need and building a supply chain to provide gear and supplies for activists who are protesting .
And they ’ re still showing up at protests to hold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s lead .
“ Once Black communities are on point , we need to teach other countries to do the same thing for Black communities , as other cities across the country are already on it , ” Hester said .
“ It ’ s about uniting.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through understanding .
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Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
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Last Wednesday, the Wall of Moms Facebook group descended into chaos. One woman said a group of Black moms was left unprotected at a rally in downtown Portland, Oregon. Another claimed that group leader Bev Barnum had co-opted Black Lives Matter for her own gain. There were endless threads of comments from women disappointed that the protest group — made up of mothers and grandmothers who had gained international recognition for standing on the front line of the city’s protests — seemed to have lost its way.
The Wall of Moms, at least the original version, was collapsing. It had lasted for all of 10 days.
When the group assembled on July 18 through a call to action from Barnum on Facebook, the mission was simple: Be physically present for Black lives. Last month, federal agents descended on the city to protect federal buildings, which only intensified the protests that have been ongoing since the police killing of George Floyd. Portland mothers, most of them non-Black, were called on to act as a shield against the tear gas and excessive force that police officers used to terrorize protesters.
But by the middle of last week, many of the mothers in the private Wall of Moms Facebook group, which had garnered nearly 20,000 members, were questioning the direction of the organization, disappointed that it no longer seemed to center Black lives. A number of the moms accused Barnum, who is Mexican American, of only being interested in pressuring federal troops to leave Portland, not in the greater issue of justice for Black lives; Barnum had tried to register Wall of Moms as a business without the approval of fellow Black leaders. (Barnum has not responded to Vox’s request for comment.)
In response, longtime activist Teressa Raiford, who had been providing guidance to Wall of Moms and is the founder of the nonprofit Don’t Shoot Portland — along with two other Black mothers and activists, Demetria Hester and Danialle James — organized under another group: Mothers United for Black Lives. The new group has made it clear that its mission is to address the problems plaguing Portland’s Black communities, like the number of Black teens recently slain, the damage done by the coronavirus, and a police department that reportedly isn’t working to investigate gun violence.
“We are fighting for liberation, but [Barnum] ended up using Black bodies when she centered herself as an individual and incorporated the Wall of Moms through three agencies. That is violence and doesn’t liberate Black people,” Raiford told Vox.
Raiford, who started Don’t Shoot Portland in 2016 after police arrested her amid the Michael Brown uprisings, was careful to explain that many if not most of the moms in the group have not tried to co-opt the movement.
However, the Wall of Moms is ultimately a cautionary tale of what happens when Black people aren’t centered in a movement that’s about the fight for their lives: “People who are interested in getting involved must realize that they have to take directives from Black leaders and show up through the mutual aid response system,” Raiford said. That means creating not just a wall of bodies but a wall of resources, financial and otherwise, to bolster activists who will put their lives on the line long after Portland is out of the national spotlight.
How Wall of Moms garnered international attention
Wall of Moms began as a response to the federal law enforcement officers who began patrolling the streets of Portland in early July, forcibly snatching anti-racism protesters off the street and detaining them in unmarked vehicles. The incidents, sometimes recorded on video, caused much confusion across the country before the Trump administration announced that it had deployed officers from Border Patrol and other agencies to protect federal buildings amid ongoing protests.
As Vox’s Alex Ward reported, Trump administration officials defended the aggressive tactics, claiming they were necessary to dispel protests led by a “violent mob” of “lawless anarchists.” But demonstrators, who had been on the streets protesting for Black lives for more than 50 days, recognized the presence of the federal officers as a further impingement on their civil liberties. Portlanders, many of whom had never protested before, took to the streets to push back against the federal troops. It was during this moment that the Wall of Moms was born.
By July 19, a group of a few dozen mothers, most of them white and wearing white, were seen being tear-gassed by federal officers.
By July 21, the group of mothers would grow to include thousands of women who showed up at downtown protests clad in yellow shirts and masks, helmets, and goggles, and carrying yellow roses and sunflowers. In videos, the women can be seen marching toward Portland’s Justice Center chanting in favor of Black Lives Matter. In one early video of the group, the women proclaimed, “No cops, no KKK, no racist USA.”
The "Wall of Moms" in Portland is leading a march through the streets and back toward the federal courthouse. They have fully embraced the "fuck the police" chanting. pic.twitter.com/JxIBNahzwT — Mike Baker (@ByMikeBaker) July 21, 2020
Around the same time, news stories poured out with headlines that read “‘Wall of Moms’ shields protesters from federal agents in Portland” and “Wall of Moms Protects Portland BLM Protesters,” with photos that showed overwhelmingly non-Black women standing in formation linked by the arms. Many of the stories characterized the women as selfless citizens who were eager to stand up and use their bodies to protect the less privileged. Stories characterized the activation as novel, something that would really send a fresh message to the Trump administration.
While most of the mothers were well-intentioned, critics were quick to point out how the women managed to gain international acclaim because of the very privilege they were able to exercise while out on the front lines: whiteness. While whiteness was part of the tactic of getting noticed — many of the mothers were aware that their white bodies would yield attention and were intentional about their positioning at the protests — Black mothers, who have been losing their children to police violence at an alarming rate for decades, have received little attention for their activism.
Keisha N. Blain, an associate professor of history at the University of Pittsburgh, told Vox there are many factors that go into what images capture the public’s interest and attention during social unrest and that it is not uncommon for white activists to receive greater attention for their work, particularly in Black spaces.
“Because many people are still struggling to get people to accept Black Lives Matter, the media often privileges the appearance of white protesters in these spaces. Part of this has to do with the perceived novelty of white participation,” Blain told Vox. “We must also acknowledge that anti-Black racism helps to explain why members of the general public are often more enthralled with white activists in social justice movements — even when Black people are at the forefront of these movements. We should also be mindful of the way the media fuels these racist narratives when journalists choose to focus on the efforts of some and not others.”
According to Blain, groups like Mothers of the Movement, a collective of Black moms whose children have been killed by police officers or by gun violence, “are constantly pursuing this work” but “don’t receive the same kind of visibility and certainly not for a sustained period of time.” In Chicago, for example, Black moms formed Mothers/Men Against Senseless Killings in 2015 to build community through violence prevention and other measures like food security and housing, but have not received the national attention in five years that Wall of Moms did in 10 days.
Wall of Moms organizer Barnum, meanwhile, seemed more interested in marketing the group (at one protest, she told the women to get on their knees for a photo, according to Demetria Hester, a mom leading Moms United for Black Lives; Barnum was also called out for doing too many interviews and not passing the mic to women like Raiford) than solely focusing on Black Lives Matter. Despite publicly announcing that the group’s administration would cede control to Black moms on July 24, five days later, Barnum had announced in the group that Wall of Moms was “now a 501(c)3” and would be “partnering with leaders across the nation.”
Backlash against Barnum was quick, with moms alleging that she co-opted Black Lives Matter for her own profit. Many called on her to step down immediately. In response, Barnum wrote that she didn’t intend to hurt anyone, and that the group will be led by a board made up of Black, Indigenous, and people of color and a BIPOC advisory committee. However, “WOM is a group that supports BLM, but it is not a BLM group,” she wrote. “If that is not good enough for you, please feel free to leave this group. And if you currently volunteer your time, feel free to leave your positions. Again, I am so sorry the 501c3 hurt some of you.”
A number of moms in the group immediately said they were out, citing dissatisfaction with how non-Black women failed to listen to Black leaders. The group’s impromptu communications director, Emma Pattee, when explaining her reason for stepping away, wrote in a Facebook post:
I have been working 20 hours a day for nearly two weeks, unpaid, and going out at night to protest leaving an infant at home because I was under the impression we were in support of Black Lives Matter, and that Black leadership would be brought in ASAP. It has become clear that that is not the plan for Wall of Moms and so I can no longer volunteer my time here and need to find other ways to support BLM. True racial equity depends on non-Black people relinquishing power and control.
That day, as Wall of Mom chapters launched in cities including Los Angeles and Chicago, Black organizers unveiled Moms United for Black Lives, a space that would keep Black Lives Matter at the forefront and direct the thousands of moms on how to best leverage their privilege. Organizer Danialle James welcomed the moms to the new group with a message: “Hi, everyone Thanks for coming over. This is a trying time. I encourage you all to keep your chins up, stay steadfast and moving forward. Be the change you wish to seek. Love to you all.”
The private Facebook group for Moms United for Black Lives grew quickly as women abandoned Wall of Moms. The page has almost 12,000 followers and is very active with moms sharing resources for safety, protest locations, and grim stories about the latest Portland killings. Meanwhile, the Wall of Moms Facebook group is still up, though posts are mostly to clear up misinformation and offer articles about effective allyship.
Blain noted that this kind of fallout is not uncommon with social movements that have advocated for equity. With the Women’s March, for example, organizers were called out for how it excluded women of color and initially boasted an agenda that largely advanced the goals of cisgender white women. The founders eventually needed to cede the floor to women of color and broaden its objectives to support intersectionality. Meanwhile, with Black Lives Matter, early coverage of the movement hardly mentioned that it was founded by three Black women.
“Whenever money enters into social movements, it can cause all sorts of tension,” Blain said. And with Wall of Moms, in particular, she said that “multiracial organizing can only work effectively when there is clear communication and full transparency. Without communication and transparency, perceptions of anti-Black behavior — whether they are intentional or not — can bubble up to the surface and undermine the work.”
In other words, for there to be progress, all leaders, especially those organizing across racial lines, must be on the same page about the movement’s objectives.
Moving forward, it’s about the mission, not the marketing
Once the media cameras focused their lenses on the line of white mothers and grandmothers, Raiford knew it could jeopardize the kind of infrastructure that she and other Portland activists had been establishing for years. More worrisome was the fact that no one was talking about what was truly impacting Portland’s Black communities — from killings that were going uninvestigated to the coronavirus that was getting residents evicted to poverty that prevented students from participating in school due to a lack of technology. In the predominantly white city — less than 6 percent of the population is Black — the inequities facing Black communities and other communities of color are often overlooked.
“While there are people at the protests getting hit with rubber bullets and they’re getting banged on with the tear gas, we’ve been getting murdered in our communities and there is literally zero response,” Raiford said. “In our community since July 1, we’ve had over 40 shootings.”
Raiford has been calling for action in the case of 18-year-old Shai’India Harris, a recent high school graduate who was fatally shot in broad daylight on July 10; police recently named a suspect in the case. According to the Oregonian, Harris’s death is one of 15 reported homicides in Portland in July, which recorded the highest rate of homicide in more than 30 years. Last week, 32-year-old Black trans woman Aja Raquell Rhone-Spears was fatally stabbed at a vigil for Tyrell Penney, who was recently killed in a shooting.
Raiford sees the collective of moms as a welcome addition to the movement but wants leaders to proceed with transparency, accountability, and deference to the mothers who laid the groundwork. “Mutual aid through the ambitious movement of the moms, and having them cater to the needs of our community by sharing Cash App, setting up vigils, ordering flowers, or Postmating — these are the resources and things that Black families literally cannot get or do because of inequity, not having money to sustain this movement during the coronavirus crisis,” she said.
Hester, a mom leading Moms United for Black Lives, says she’s protested every day for the past two months in an effort to dismantle a generational cycle of inequity that’s affected her family and Portland’s Black communities. In 2017, Hester was attacked by white supremacist Jeremy Christian, who was recently sentenced to life in prison for fatally stabbing two people and injuring another on the MAX train. The day before the murders, Christian had assaulted Hester on the train. The incident has left Hester traumatized but invigorated to fight for justice.
“That is what brought me to this revolution,” Hester told Vox. “We need strong Black people in charge of these movements. We’re making our own team of people that we can trust and know are for the cause. And the moms are finding their niche of how to help because there are different ways that white people can help but they don’t yet know it, whether it’s fundraising or using their connections to order computers for Black kids so they can have computers.”
As far as how long the moms will keep organizing, Hester says there’s no deadline: “until we get everything we want.”
Right now, Moms United for Black Lives is keeping busy with members answering the calls of Black mothers in need and building a supply chain to provide gear and supplies for activists who are protesting. And they’re still showing up at protests to hold the line and chant, following Hester’s lead. “Once Black communities are on point, we need to teach other countries to do the same thing for Black communities, as other cities across the country are already on it,” Hester said. “It’s about uniting.”


vox--2020-08-04--Live results for the August 4 primaries

Live results for the August 4 primaries

Things have been ( mostly ) quiet on the primary front for the past few weeks , but the August 4 primaries promise to be an exciting bunch .
Five states are holding their primaries : Kansas , Arizona , Michigan , Missouri , and Washington state .
While Arizona and Michigan will be the most important of these states come the November 3 battle for the Electoral College , Kansas ’ s US Senate primary makes it the most hotly anticipated Tuesday race .
Kansas is certainly not a swing state ; the electorate hews moderate to deeply conservative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if they can take advantage of a highly competitive Republican Senate primary .
The race for that open seat is pitting ultraconservative and controversial former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach against still-conservative , if less controversial , Rep. Roger Marshall .
Kobach lost the 2018 Kansas gubernatorial race to Democrat Laura Kelly , and national Republicans fear a similar scenario could play out if Kobach wins the party ’ s Senate nomination .
State Sen. Barbara Bollier , the Democratic candidate , is expected to win her primary .
Kansas also has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Arizona Senate race , endangered incumbent Sen. Martha McSally faces a challenge from businessman Daniel McCarthy .
While McSally is expected to beat McCarthy and go on to face unopposed Democrat Mark Kelly in the general , some political observers are watching to see if there ’ s dampened enthusiasm for McSally from Arizona ’ s conservative Republican base .
Less exciting is Michigan ’ s US Senate primary , where both Democratic incumbent Sen. Gary Peters and his Republican challenger John James are running unopposed on Tuesday .
Instead , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be progressive Rep. Rashida Tlaib ’ s reelection race in her safely Democratic district ; Tlaib is being challenged by Detroit City Council president Brenda Jones .
Missouri ’ s primaries feature a rematch in the state ’ s First Congressional District between incumbent Rep. William Lacy Clay and challenger Cori Bush , a nurse who campaigned in 2018 as a progressive champion and has argued the district needs more responsive leadership .
Additionally , Missouri voters will decide whether to make their state the 38th to expand Medicaid under Obamacare .
Finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competitive House primaries , most notably the Third , Eighth , and 10th Congressional Districts .
The 10th District , left open with longtime Rep. Denny Heck ( D ) stepping down to run for lieutenant governor , has a field of around 20 candidates vying to replace him .
Vox is covering the results live , with our partners at Decision Desk HQ .
Tuesday ’ s highest-profile race in Arizona is for the US Senate .
On the Democratic side , former astronaut Mark Kelly has no challenger , and will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican primary in November .
On the Republican side , incumbent Sen. Martha McSally faces a challenge from businessman Daniel McCarthy .
While McSally is expected to beat McCarthy , some political observers are watching for any unexpected problems .
“ If there are any issues between McSally and the base , it will be revealed in the primary , ” Paul Bentz , a political consultant in Arizona , told Vox .
“ If McSally ’ s victory is smaller than expected , it would spell trouble for her in the general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of some of the Republicans choosing to stay home — or vote for president but skip her race.
” That would be especially bad news for McSally , since the RealClearPolitics average of the polls already shows her behind Kelly .
If Democrats win the seat in November , it would put them one step closer to taking control of the Senate — and , therefore , Congress as a whole .
Democrats also will decide an interesting primary in Arizona ’ s flippable Sixth Congressional District , where progressive Anita Malik , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off against the more moderate Hiral Tipirneni , a physician , to run against Republican incumbent David Schweikert in November .
And Republicans will decide a contentious primary in the Maricopa County sheriff ’ s race , where former sheriff Joe Arpaio , whom Trump pardoned after Arpaio violated a court order meant to stop racial profiling , is running to get his old job back .
If Arpaio wins , he ’ ll face Democratic incumbent Paul Penzone , who beat Arpaio in 2016 , in November — and many experts don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this time around .
From the presidential contest and an all-important Senate race to several House elections , Kansas is shaping up to be one of the more unlikely 2020 battlegrounds .
The state ’ s electorate , which tends to skew moderate , seems to be souring on President Trump .
Control of the US Senate could end up being decided here .
Running in the Republican primary , vying for the opportunity to succeed retiring Sen. Pat Roberts , are former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach , US Rep. Roger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kobach is a well-known commodity and has been an immigration hawk for years : “ Trump before Trump was Trump ” in the words of Patrick Miller , a political scientist in Kansas .
Marshall won his US House seat in 2018 before quickly being courted by the Republican establishment to run for Senate after the national party ’ s preferred choice , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo , declined to enter the race .
Hamilton , who started his own plumbing business in the 1980s , is the wild card .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million of his own money into the campaign , portraying himself as the archconservative outsider .
Barbara Bollier , a state senator expected to easily prevail in the Democratic primary on Tuesday , has raised more than $ 7 million so far , much more than any of her potential GOP opponents .
Kansas ’ s Second and Third congressional districts should be competitive in the general election as well .
In the Second , GOP Rep. Steve Watkins , who faces charges of voter fraud , has a primary challenge from state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a crowded Republican field will produce the opponent for first-term Democratic Rep. Sharice Davids .
The Kansas First is almost assured to go Republican in the fall , but Tuesday ’ s primary election will determine which Republican will replace Marshall , who left his seat to run for the Senate .
Tracey Mann , a former lieutenant governor , is considered the frontrunner , though Bill Clifford , a doctor and businessman , has spent more than $ 500,000 of his own money to try to make the primary competitive .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s mind is whether Joe Biden can reclaim this Midwestern state in 2020 , Michigan is boasting a number of other competitive races in November , including Sen. Gary Peters ’ s ( D ) bid for reelection and a slew of House races flipped by moderate Democratic candidates in 2018 .
Tuesday features a number of primaries for US House races , including a Democratic primary opponent challenging outspoken progressive Rep. Rashida Tlaib , and Democratic and Republican primaries to replace outgoing libertarian Rep. Justin Amash .
Amash ’ s departure has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ replace him .
The GOP contenders on Tuesday include Iraq War veteran Peter Meijer , state Rep. Lynn Afendoulis , veteran Tom Norton , entrepreneur Joe Farrington , and attorney Emily Rafi .
The winner will face Democrat Hillary Scholten , an immigration attorney who is running unopposed and has been putting up big fundraising numbers .
In Michigan ’ s Eighth and 11th congressional districts , Republicans are squaring off to see who will challenge Reps. Elissa Slotkin and Haley Stevens , two moderate Democrats who flipped their respective districts in 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be tough to beat in November , but these races are seen as competitive .
And with incumbent Rep. Paul Mitchell ( R ) retiring from his seat in Michigan ’ s 10th Congressional District this year , three Republicans and two Democrats are running for the seat .
Finally , unabashed progressive and member of “ the Squad ” Rep. Rashida Tlaib ( D ) is up for reelection in 2020 .
In this safely Democratic district , her primary face-off against Detroit City Council president Brenda Jones — an influential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the past — will be where the action is .
Democrats in Missouri ’ s First Congressional District face a rematch between incumbent Rep. William Lacy Clay and challenger Cori Bush , a nurse who campaigned as a progressive champion in the vein of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-NY ) .
Clay defeated Bush when she first challenged him in 2018 .
The race between Clay and Bush is perhaps more of a generational dispute than an ideological one .
Clay , who has served in Congress since 2001 , is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a supporter of Medicare-for-all and the Green New Deal .
Bush , meanwhile , is 20 years younger than the 64-year-old Clay .
Her campaign touts her as “ protest-to-politics candidate ” who organized anti-police violence protests in Ferguson , Missouri , and who promises to continue attending protests if elected to Congress .
She was an outspoken supporter of Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I-VT ) during his 2016 presidential bid .
Additionally , Missouri voters will decide whether to make their state the 38th to expand Medicaid under Obamacare .
The state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medicaid , but voters in deep-red Oklahoma recently bypassed their state legislature to expand the program .
About 230,000 people could gain health coverage if Missouri voters follow Oklahoma ’ s lead .
Washington state ’ s primaries aren ’ t flashy : In fact , they ’ ve gotten virtually no coverage in the national press .
Yet a close look at three of the most interesting races — in the state ’ s Third , Eighth , and 10th congressional districts — reveals some important trends for the state of 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primaries operate on a “ top two ” system , where candidates don ’ t compete in separate partisan primaries ; instead , all candidates run in an open contest and the top two vote-getters compete against each other in the fall .
In the Third Congressional District , Republican incumbent Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler is in what one local outlet calls “ the fight of her political life ” — one of many signs that Republicans are on the defensive in the battle for Congress .
She is facing opponents including Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the candidate backed by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee ) , Devin Gray , and Davy Ray , as well as independent candidate Martin Hash .
In the Eighth Congressional District , first-term Rep. Kim Schrier ( D ) is up for reelection after having flipped the district in 2018 .
Schrier is crushing a large field of opponents in the race for campaign cash — part of a broader money problem Republicans are having in 2020 congressional races .
And in a race for the safely Democratic 10th Congressional District left open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are close to 20 candidates running to replace him .
It ’ s tough to determine a frontrunner with a massive slate of candidates , but the top tier of candidates includes state Rep. Beth Doglio , former Tacoma Mayor Marilyn Strickland , and former state Rep. Kristine Reeves .
Doglio has been endorsed both by Sanders and progressive Washington Rep. Pramila Jayapal , the co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Things have been (mostly) quiet on the primary front for the past few weeks, but the August 4 primaries promise to be an exciting bunch.
Five states are holding their primaries: Kansas, Arizona, Michigan, Missouri, and Washington state. While Arizona and Michigan will be the most important of these states come the November 3 battle for the Electoral College, Kansas’s US Senate primary makes it the most hotly anticipated Tuesday race.
Kansas is certainly not a swing state; the electorate hews moderate to deeply conservative. But Democrats are watching to see if they can take advantage of a highly competitive Republican Senate primary. The race for that open seat is pitting ultraconservative and controversial former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach against still-conservative, if less controversial, Rep. Roger Marshall. Kobach lost the 2018 Kansas gubernatorial race to Democrat Laura Kelly, and national Republicans fear a similar scenario could play out if Kobach wins the party’s Senate nomination. State Sen. Barbara Bollier, the Democratic candidate, is expected to win her primary. Kansas also has a number of House primaries.
In the Arizona Senate race, endangered incumbent Sen. Martha McSally faces a challenge from businessman Daniel McCarthy. While McSally is expected to beat McCarthy and go on to face unopposed Democrat Mark Kelly in the general, some political observers are watching to see if there’s dampened enthusiasm for McSally from Arizona’s conservative Republican base.
Less exciting is Michigan’s US Senate primary, where both Democratic incumbent Sen. Gary Peters and his Republican challenger John James are running unopposed on Tuesday. Instead, the most interesting Michigan primary to watch will be progressive Rep. Rashida Tlaib’s reelection race in her safely Democratic district; Tlaib is being challenged by Detroit City Council president Brenda Jones.
Missouri’s primaries feature a rematch in the state’s First Congressional District between incumbent Rep. William Lacy Clay and challenger Cori Bush, a nurse who campaigned in 2018 as a progressive champion and has argued the district needs more responsive leadership. Additionally, Missouri voters will decide whether to make their state the 38th to expand Medicaid under Obamacare.
Finally, Washington state features a handful of competitive House primaries, most notably the Third, Eighth, and 10th Congressional Districts. The 10th District, left open with longtime Rep. Denny Heck (D) stepping down to run for lieutenant governor, has a field of around 20 candidates vying to replace him.
Vox is covering the results live, with our partners at Decision Desk HQ.
Arizona
Tuesday’s highest-profile race in Arizona is for the US Senate. On the Democratic side, former astronaut Mark Kelly has no challenger, and will go on to face whoever wins the Republican primary in November.
On the Republican side, incumbent Sen. Martha McSally faces a challenge from businessman Daniel McCarthy. While McSally is expected to beat McCarthy, some political observers are watching for any unexpected problems.
“If there are any issues between McSally and the base, it will be revealed in the primary,” Paul Bentz, a political consultant in Arizona, told Vox. “If McSally’s victory is smaller than expected, it would spell trouble for her in the general, as she would run the risk of some of the Republicans choosing to stay home — or vote for president but skip her race.”
That would be especially bad news for McSally, since the RealClearPolitics average of the polls already shows her behind Kelly. If Democrats win the seat in November, it would put them one step closer to taking control of the Senate — and, therefore, Congress as a whole.
Democrats also will decide an interesting primary in Arizona’s flippable Sixth Congressional District, where progressive Anita Malik, a former tech executive, is facing off against the more moderate Hiral Tipirneni, a physician, to run against Republican incumbent David Schweikert in November.
And Republicans will decide a contentious primary in the Maricopa County sheriff’s race, where former sheriff Joe Arpaio, whom Trump pardoned after Arpaio violated a court order meant to stop racial profiling, is running to get his old job back. If Arpaio wins, he’ll face Democratic incumbent Paul Penzone, who beat Arpaio in 2016, in November — and many experts don’t expect Arpaio to fare better this time around.
Maricopa County sheriff GOP primary
Arizona Senate and House primaries
Kansas
From the presidential contest and an all-important Senate race to several House elections, Kansas is shaping up to be one of the more unlikely 2020 battlegrounds. The state’s electorate, which tends to skew moderate, seems to be souring on President Trump.
Control of the US Senate could end up being decided here. Running in the Republican primary, vying for the opportunity to succeed retiring Sen. Pat Roberts, are former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, US Rep. Roger Marshall, and businessman Bob Hamilton.
Kobach is a well-known commodity and has been an immigration hawk for years: “Trump before Trump was Trump” in the words of Patrick Miller, a political scientist in Kansas. Marshall won his US House seat in 2018 before quickly being courted by the Republican establishment to run for Senate after the national party’s preferred choice, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, declined to enter the race. Hamilton, who started his own plumbing business in the 1980s, is the wild card. He’s put more than $3 million of his own money into the campaign, portraying himself as the archconservative outsider.
Barbara Bollier, a state senator expected to easily prevail in the Democratic primary on Tuesday, has raised more than $7 million so far, much more than any of her potential GOP opponents.
Kansas’s Second and Third congressional districts should be competitive in the general election as well. In the Second, GOP Rep. Steve Watkins, who faces charges of voter fraud, has a primary challenge from state Treasurer Jake LaTurner. In the Third, a crowded Republican field will produce the opponent for first-term Democratic Rep. Sharice Davids.
The Kansas First is almost assured to go Republican in the fall, but Tuesday’s primary election will determine which Republican will replace Marshall, who left his seat to run for the Senate. Tracey Mann, a former lieutenant governor, is considered the frontrunner, though Bill Clifford, a doctor and businessman, has spent more than $500,000 of his own money to try to make the primary competitive.
Kansas Democratic Senate primary
Kansas Republican Senate primary
Kansas House primaries
Michigan
Though the biggest question on everyone’s mind is whether Joe Biden can reclaim this Midwestern state in 2020, Michigan is boasting a number of other competitive races in November, including Sen. Gary Peters’s (D) bid for reelection and a slew of House races flipped by moderate Democratic candidates in 2018.
Tuesday features a number of primaries for US House races, including a Democratic primary opponent challenging outspoken progressive Rep. Rashida Tlaib, and Democratic and Republican primaries to replace outgoing libertarian Rep. Justin Amash.
Amash’s departure has set up a competitive Republican primary to replace him. The GOP contenders on Tuesday include Iraq War veteran Peter Meijer, state Rep. Lynn Afendoulis, veteran Tom Norton, entrepreneur Joe Farrington, and attorney Emily Rafi. The winner will face Democrat Hillary Scholten, an immigration attorney who is running unopposed and has been putting up big fundraising numbers.
In Michigan’s Eighth and 11th congressional districts, Republicans are squaring off to see who will challenge Reps. Elissa Slotkin and Haley Stevens, two moderate Democrats who flipped their respective districts in 2018. Stevens and Slotkin are both expected to be tough to beat in November, but these races are seen as competitive. And with incumbent Rep. Paul Mitchell (R) retiring from his seat in Michigan’s 10th Congressional District this year, three Republicans and two Democrats are running for the seat.
Finally, unabashed progressive and member of “the Squad” Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D) is up for reelection in 2020. In this safely Democratic district, her primary face-off against Detroit City Council president Brenda Jones — an influential Detroit politician whom Tlaib has run against in the past — will be where the action is.
Michigan Democratic primaries
Michigan Republican primaries
Missouri
Democrats in Missouri’s First Congressional District face a rematch between incumbent Rep. William Lacy Clay and challenger Cori Bush, a nurse who campaigned as a progressive champion in the vein of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY). Clay defeated Bush when she first challenged him in 2018.
The race between Clay and Bush is perhaps more of a generational dispute than an ideological one. Clay, who has served in Congress since 2001, is a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus and a supporter of Medicare-for-all and the Green New Deal.
Bush, meanwhile, is 20 years younger than the 64-year-old Clay. Her campaign touts her as “protest-to-politics candidate” who organized anti-police violence protests in Ferguson, Missouri, and who promises to continue attending protests if elected to Congress. She was an outspoken supporter of Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) during his 2016 presidential bid.
Additionally, Missouri voters will decide whether to make their state the 38th to expand Medicaid under Obamacare. The state’s Republican leaders have resisted expanding Medicaid, but voters in deep-red Oklahoma recently bypassed their state legislature to expand the program. About 230,000 people could gain health coverage if Missouri voters follow Oklahoma’s lead.
Missouri House primaries
Missouri Amendment 2 (Medicaid expansion)
Washington
Washington state’s primaries aren’t flashy: In fact, they’ve gotten virtually no coverage in the national press. Yet a close look at three of the most interesting races — in the state’s Third, Eighth, and 10th congressional districts — reveals some important trends for the state of 2020 nationwide.
The state’s House primaries operate on a “top two” system, where candidates don’t compete in separate partisan primaries; instead, all candidates run in an open contest and the top two vote-getters compete against each other in the fall.
In the Third Congressional District, Republican incumbent Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler is in what one local outlet calls “the fight of her political life” — one of many signs that Republicans are on the defensive in the battle for Congress. She is facing opponents including Democrats Carolyn Long (a repeat challenger and the candidate backed by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee), Devin Gray, and Davy Ray, as well as independent candidate Martin Hash.
In the Eighth Congressional District, first-term Rep. Kim Schrier (D) is up for reelection after having flipped the district in 2018. Schrier is crushing a large field of opponents in the race for campaign cash — part of a broader money problem Republicans are having in 2020 congressional races.
And in a race for the safely Democratic 10th Congressional District left open by retiring Rep. Denny Heck, there are close to 20 candidates running to replace him. It’s tough to determine a frontrunner with a massive slate of candidates, but the top tier of candidates includes state Rep. Beth Doglio, former Tacoma Mayor Marilyn Strickland, and former state Rep. Kristine Reeves. Doglio has been endorsed both by Sanders and progressive Washington Rep. Pramila Jayapal, the co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.
Washington House primaries


vox--2020-08-04--Jeff Merkley and Bernie Sanders have a plan to protect you from facial recognition

Sens .
Jeff Merkley and Bernie Sanders are proposing more federal regulation for facial recognition technology .
Among other limits , their newly announced National Biometric Information Privacy Act would require private companies and corporations to get written consent from people in order to collect their biometric data .
Should companies violate the consumer protection in the law , regular citizens and state attorneys general could sue them .
Over the past few months , there ’ s been a national reckoning over facial recognition that ’ s centered on whether law enforcement should have access to this powerful technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amazon , and Microsoft have now paused or scaled back facial recognition systems that are sold to police departments .
Senators have even proposed legislation that would put a moratorium on its use by the federal government and discourage its use by law enforcement , which followed the news of the first known false arrest caused by police use of facial recognition .
The new bill is a sign that officials aren ’ t just concerned about government or law enforcement having access to this controversial , biometrics-based technology .
It signals that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will also take into account how private companies and corporations make use of facial recognition and the specific issues their use of the technology can spur .
Worry over private companies ’ use of facial recognition has been growing steadily this year .
In July , Reuters reported that the pharmacy chain Rite Aid had deployed facial recognition in 200 stores , often at locations in low-income and minority neighborhoods .
There ’ s also concern over facial recognition that could be integrated into home security systems , like the ones sold by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as lingering anxiety over the power of private companies like Clearview AI , which collected billions of photos without the consent of those pictured , and at one point had designs to provide this technology to private chains like Macy ’ s and Best Buy .
“ We can ’ t let companies scoop up or profit from people ’ s faces and fingerprints without their consent , ” said Sen. Jeff Merkley in a statement .
“ We have to fight against a ‘ big brother ’ surveillance state that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our own information , be it a threat from the government or from private companies.
” A staffer familiar with the legislation said one purpose of the law is to increase consumer understanding of the pervasiveness of facial recognition , but they would not comment on how this law would impact specific companies .
They explained that the law is modeled after Illinois ’ s Biometric Information Privacy Act , a powerful piece of state legislation that has cost Facebook $ 650 million in fines over its facial recognition-enabled tagging , and likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognition feature available on Nest home security cameras in the state .
The statute has also kept Clearview from operating in Illinois following a lawsuit filed under that state ’ s law .
That the Illinois law has already caused significant legal hurdles for existing providers of biometric technology is a sign that a national version of the same legislation likely won ’ t be well-received .
After all , companies affected will have to secure their consent from consumers before collecting biometric information as well as let them know what information they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also be financially liable in any lawsuits linked to the new law .
Taken together , these measures could drastically transform how facial recognition is sold and operated in the American private sector .
It ’ s not yet clear how the written consent requirement would play out for companies as varied as Clearview AI , Facebook , and Amazon , which use and deploy the technology in different ways .
Importantly , the law notes that the written consent can ’ t be combined with an employment contract or “ any other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The law isn ’ t about outlawing surveillance cameras or devices that take pictures of people ’ s faces .
It ’ s specifically designed to target the software that ’ s used to extract biometric information , which is a specific , algorithmic process .
Evan Greer , the deputy director of the digital rights group Fight for the Future , which supports the legislation , emphasizes that the stakes are higher when it comes to biometrics , which is data collected about your body .
“ If your Social Security number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Social Security number .
If your credit card number leaks , you can get a new credit card number , ” Greer told Recode .
“ If a biometric scan of your face leaks , you can ’ t get a new face.
” Greer added that regulation like the new bill by Sanders and Merkley would discourage the rapid adoption of this technology .
Merkley has been concerned with the private sector ’ s use of biometric technology since at least February when he discussed the topic in an interview with Recode @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the data collected by companies like Clear , which aims to use biometrics to bring people back to public spaces amid the Covid-19 pandemic .
Notably , Sanders has also been a critic of facial recognition ; he was the first 2020 candidate to call for a complete ban on police use of facial recognition .
He told Vox in December that “ this technology is dangerous and under-regulated , and it represents an intrusion into the privacy rights of Americans.
” Previous Senate legislation proposed to regulate commercial facial recognition include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bipartisan proposal that was put forward by Sen. Brian Schatz and Sen. Roy Blunt , and the Algorithmic Accountability Act , a law that would empower the Federal Trade Commission to study their algorithms for bias , neither of which has passed .
But the movement to clamp down on facial recognition seems to be growing , and there ’ s increasing demand from activists for a full ban on the technology for any application .
“ There ’ s a lot of businesses across the world that are harvesting and monetizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ general public — really having a lot of knowledge about exactly what ’ s going on or consenting to the practice , ” said India McKinney , the director of federal affairs of the Electronic Frontier Foundation , which also supports the legislation .
It ’ s unclear how much traction this newest proposal will receive , but the bill certainly sets a higher bar for companies selling facial recognition , a technology that remains broadly unregulated at the federal level .
Still , the proposal is a clear indication that , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continues , officials won ’ t just be worried about cops , but all the entities that can access this technology .
While privacy advocates say that ’ s great news , companies selling facial recognition probably won ’ t feel the same .
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network .
All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox @ @

Sens. Jeff Merkley and Bernie Sanders are proposing more federal regulation for facial recognition technology. Among other limits, their newly announced National Biometric Information Privacy Act would require private companies and corporations to get written consent from people in order to collect their biometric data. Should companies violate the consumer protection in the law, regular citizens and state attorneys general could sue them.
Over the past few months, there’s been a national reckoning over facial recognition that’s centered on whether law enforcement should have access to this powerful technology. Major tech companies including IBM, Amazon, and Microsoft have now paused or scaled back facial recognition systems that are sold to police departments. Senators have even proposed legislation that would put a moratorium on its use by the federal government and discourage its use by law enforcement, which followed the news of the first known false arrest caused by police use of facial recognition.
The new bill is a sign that officials aren’t just concerned about government or law enforcement having access to this controversial, biometrics-based technology. It signals that the growing movement to regulate the technology will also take into account how private companies and corporations make use of facial recognition and the specific issues their use of the technology can spur.
Worry over private companies’ use of facial recognition has been growing steadily this year. In July, Reuters reported that the pharmacy chain Rite Aid had deployed facial recognition in 200 stores, often at locations in low-income and minority neighborhoods. There’s also concern over facial recognition that could be integrated into home security systems, like the ones sold by Amazon’s camera-doorbell company Ring, as well as lingering anxiety over the power of private companies like Clearview AI, which collected billions of photos without the consent of those pictured, and at one point had designs to provide this technology to private chains like Macy’s and Best Buy.
“We can’t let companies scoop up or profit from people’s faces and fingerprints without their consent,” said Sen. Jeff Merkley in a statement. “We have to fight against a ‘big brother’ surveillance state that eradicates our privacy and our control of our own information, be it a threat from the government or from private companies.”
A staffer familiar with the legislation said one purpose of the law is to increase consumer understanding of the pervasiveness of facial recognition, but they would not comment on how this law would impact specific companies. They explained that the law is modeled after Illinois’s Biometric Information Privacy Act, a powerful piece of state legislation that has cost Facebook $650 million in fines over its facial recognition-enabled tagging, and likely keeps Google from making available a facial recognition feature available on Nest home security cameras in the state. The statute has also kept Clearview from operating in Illinois following a lawsuit filed under that state’s law.
That the Illinois law has already caused significant legal hurdles for existing providers of biometric technology is a sign that a national version of the same legislation likely won’t be well-received. After all, companies affected will have to secure their consent from consumers before collecting biometric information as well as let them know what information they already have on file. Companies will also be financially liable in any lawsuits linked to the new law. Taken together, these measures could drastically transform how facial recognition is sold and operated in the American private sector.
It’s not yet clear how the written consent requirement would play out for companies as varied as Clearview AI, Facebook, and Amazon, which use and deploy the technology in different ways. Importantly, the law notes that the written consent can’t be combined with an employment contract or “any other consent or permission-seeking instrument or function.”
The law isn’t about outlawing surveillance cameras or devices that take pictures of people’s faces. It’s specifically designed to target the software that’s used to extract biometric information, which is a specific, algorithmic process. Evan Greer, the deputy director of the digital rights group Fight for the Future, which supports the legislation, emphasizes that the stakes are higher when it comes to biometrics, which is data collected about your body.
“If your Social Security number leaks, you can get a new Social Security number. If your credit card number leaks, you can get a new credit card number,” Greer told Recode. “If a biometric scan of your face leaks, you can’t get a new face.”
Greer added that regulation like the new bill by Sanders and Merkley would discourage the rapid adoption of this technology.
Merkley has been concerned with the private sector’s use of biometric technology since at least February when he discussed the topic in an interview with Recode. The Oregon senator also expressed concern over the data collected by companies like Clear, which aims to use biometrics to bring people back to public spaces amid the Covid-19 pandemic. Notably, Sanders has also been a critic of facial recognition; he was the first 2020 candidate to call for a complete ban on police use of facial recognition. He told Vox in December that “this technology is dangerous and under-regulated, and it represents an intrusion into the privacy rights of Americans.”
Previous Senate legislation proposed to regulate commercial facial recognition include the Commercial Facial Recognition Privacy Act, a bipartisan proposal that was put forward by Sen. Brian Schatz and Sen. Roy Blunt, and the Algorithmic Accountability Act, a law that would empower the Federal Trade Commission to study their algorithms for bias, neither of which has passed. But the movement to clamp down on facial recognition seems to be growing, and there’s increasing demand from activists for a full ban on the technology for any application.
“There’s a lot of businesses across the world that are harvesting and monetizing the biometrics, without us — the general public — really having a lot of knowledge about exactly what’s going on or consenting to the practice,” said India McKinney, the director of federal affairs of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which also supports the legislation.
It’s unclear how much traction this newest proposal will receive, but the bill certainly sets a higher bar for companies selling facial recognition, a technology that remains broadly unregulated at the federal level. Still, the proposal is a clear indication that, as the move to rein in facial recognition continues, officials won’t just be worried about cops, but all the entities that can access this technology. While privacy advocates say that’s great news, companies selling facial recognition probably won’t feel the same.
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network. All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.