vox--2020-07-23--How politics, inequity, and complacency undermined Texas’s fight against Covid-19

On Memorial Day weekend , the mood in Texas was optimistic .
It had been just over three weeks since Texas became one of the first states in the country to begin a phased reopening .
Confirmed cases of Covid-19 , the illness caused by the coronavirus , had been increasing only slightly for three months .
Gov .
Greg Abbott , a Republican , had allowed bars , restaurants , gyms , retailers , salons , and child care centers to reopen and sports to resume while capping capacity levels for most businesses .
But the warning signs were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worried .
Face masks were only encouraged — not required — in public places where maintaining physical distance from others wasn ’ t possible .
Because Texas had imposed one of the shortest lockdowns nationwide , it hadn ’ t had much time to suppress cases and build up testing capacity .
And it hadn ’ t achieved a two-week decline in cases , one of the key benchmarks states were supposed to hit before reopening .
Memorial Day weekend didn ’ t bode any better : Bars in Austin blew past their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stood shoulder to shoulder .
Partygoers crammed into a swimming pool at one club in Houston .
City authorities there received more than 200 complaints about social distancing violations in matter of days .
The weekend crowds left public health officials uneasy .
They urged Texans to remain vigilant about practicing social distancing and wearing masks for their benefit and that of their neighbors .
But the fatigue of shutdown combined with inconsistent public health messaging at a federal , state , and local level had made people complacent , Umair Shah , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ department , said .
“ Early on , we fought this virus successfully .
We did feel like we had made progress , ” he said .
“ But then you started seeing images of people , especially young people , at parties and in pools and not respecting the fact that we were in the midst of a pandemic .
...
If you just take your eyes off the ball for just a moment , that ’ s when it overwhelms the community.
” It soon became clear that transmission had reached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three weeks after Memorial Day , Texas saw over 4,400 new cases in a single day .
A month later , Texas , along with Arizona and Florida , has become a cautionary tale .
The number of daily new reported cases is climbing : As of July 22 , the state averaged 329 new cases per million residents over the past 14 days , compared to just 37 per million in New York .
There have been more than 285,000 new cases reported since Memorial Day ; over 4,000 Texans have died @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under strain in some parts of the state , including the hard-hit Rio Grande Valley .
Doctors are worried about shortages of an antiviral drug , remdesivir , that seems to reduce the recovery time for hospitalized Covid-19 patients .
With hospital morgues overflowing , several counties have requested the same kind of refrigerated trucks that , months ago , lined the streets of New York City .
“ We ’ re building this car as we ’ re driving it down the freeway , ” Dr. David Persse , Houston ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The parts of the state that are struggling the most include major cities , especially the Houston metropolitan area , and counties in South and Central Texas and along the Gulf Coast .
Hospitals in the Rio Grande Valley borderlands , where over 90 percent of the population is Hispanic and more than a third of families live in poverty , lack resources even in better times ; since the first week of July , they have been operating at maximum capacity .
How did it get so bad , so quickly ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficult to attribute the spike to any one factor or event , but it ’ s now clear that Texas ’ s reopening came too soon .
And the politicization of the state ’ s response to the virus has made it difficult to pursue an effective public health strategy and reach the hardest-hit communities , they said .
“ Initially , when the outbreak starting becoming a concern for us here in the US , we responded appropriately , ” Dr. Jason Terk , chair of the Texas Public Health Coalition and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Locking down at the time we did was a prudent thing to do .
We didn ’ t have the carnage that was being experienced in the Northeast and New York City , but that gave us a perception of reality that has not served us so well as we moved forward.
” Texas reopened too quickly , and cases got out of control Gov .
Abbott began the state ’ s reopening on May 1 , with indoor and outdoor dining , retail , movie theaters , museums and libraries facing 25 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cases did not spike immediately , but the state was also slow to resume activities : In the two weeks after reopening , seated dining recovered by only about 5 percent , according to state-level data from OpenTable .
On May 18 , Abbott expanded the reopening to include many more businesses , including day care centers and , crucially , bars .
But it ’ s likely , experts say , that Covid-19 was spreading silently — it just wasn ’ t showing up in state data .
Coronavirus has a long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for five days on average after infection , even though they ’ re contagious for part of that time .
Some never develop symptoms at all .
Widespread testing , combined with tracing the contacts of infected people , has overcome this challenge in other countries .
The US , including Texas , has struggled with coronavirus testing .
The percentage of tests coming back positive in Texas never dropped below 5 percent , a benchmark experts use to determine if a state is testing enough .
Had Abbott waited a bit longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 transmission was reaching alarming levels .
( His office did not respond to requests for comment . )
“ It should have been enough time in conventional thinking , ” Persse said .
“ We now know that this virus has a longer lag in how it ’ s going to respond .
We now know better.
” In retrospect , Memorial Day weekend may have been the last moment of calm before the storm .
By May 28 , hospitalizations started going up .
But the reopening continued .
Abbott ramped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 50 percent on June 3 , allowing them to seat parties of up to six people .
And on June 12 , he increased restaurant capacity again to 75 percent , allowing them to seat parties of up to 10 people .
The following week , amusement parks , including the Six Flags parks and Schlitterbahn water parks , and carnivals were permitted to open at half capacity .
Consumer activity followed across the state : Spending at restaurants and hotels increased almost 20 percent and merchandise spending jumped more than 25 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May 1 to when Abbott started scaling back reopening on June 26 .
Abbott has since expressed regret about opening bars , which became hot spots of transmission .
“ If I could go back and redo anything , it probably would have been to slow down the opening of bars , now seeing in the aftermath of how quickly the coronavirus spread in the bar setting , ” he said during an interview with KVIA in El Paso .
But public health experts in Texas say the reopening should have been slower @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different needs of Texas ’ s 254 counties , recognizing that places with higher levels of transmission might need stricter rules than other parts of the state .
That ’ s a strategy Abbott has resisted .
In April , Harris County issued a mandate that people masks in public .
But the day the order was supposed to go into effect , Abbott overrode the restrictions , saying that the county couldn ’ t unilaterally impose fines on violators .
He also prevented local jurisdictions from issuing their own stay-at-home orders as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the power of officials like Shah to manage the virus .
“ Taking a one-size-fits-all approach does not work in a state like Texas , because you have large urban counties like ours , and you also have smaller jurisdictions , ” Shah said .
“ And that ’ s why local ability to enact protections is the critical way to go forward , because we know our communities better than anybody else.
” Mask-wearing and reopening have become particularly politicized in Texas Texas is a state that prides itself on individualism .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to support everyone ’ s health and well-being , however , that has proved to be more of a vice than a virtue .
“ It boils down to what kind of culture we have here .
In the state of Texas , we have a very libertarian ‘ me ’ culture rather than a ‘ we ’ culture , ” Terk said .
“ We have a tendency to be permissive for individuals to make their own choices and for more local determinations to burden the day .
That ’ s not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health strategies have been articulated.
” Wearing face masks , which have been proven to decrease the risk of airborne transmission of the virus , became a partisan flashpoint in Texas and across the country .
A Pew Research study found that Republicans were almost four times more likely than Democrats to say that masks should rarely or never be worn .
They may be taking cues from President Donald Trump , who long resisted wearing a mask in public , seemingly to downplay the severity of the US outbreak , and openly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donning one .
Mostly mask-less protesters gathered at the state capitol in Austin in April to denounce the lockdown alongside conspiracy theorist Alex Jones , founder of the website Infowars , who has called the pandemic a “ hoax.
” People have resisted wearing face masks in stores that set their own rules requiring it , prompting threats of criminal prosecutions and a violent altercation with one patron at a 99 Cents Only store in San Antonio that was filmed on a cellphone .
“ I don ’ t care .
Just because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t make it legal , ” the man told an employee in the video .
“ The Texas governor said it ’ s not legal and I don ’ t have to.
” Indeed , Abbott long resisted mandating that people wear face masks .
He said in April that local governments can ’ t penalize people who don ’ t wear masks in public , even over the protests of nine Texas mayors , five of them Republicans , who had requested the authority to do so .
“ We strongly recommend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abbott said during a press conference at the time .
“ However , it ’ s not a mandate .
And we ’ ll make clear that no jurisdiction can impose any type of penalty or fine for anyone not wearing a mask.
” By late June , as Texas was becoming a coronavirus hot spot , Abbott ’ s approval ratings had sunk to 44 percent , among the lowest of governors nationwide .
He brought a halt to the reopening process , reversed his stance on face masks , and threatened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of daily new reported cases has nevertheless stayed above 5,000 for weeks .
Texas ’ s Hispanic population is particularly vulnerable to Covid-19 The virus isn ’ t affecting all Texans equally .
Hispanics , who account for 34 percent of the state ’ s population , have faced increased risk of contracting coronavirus because of where they work , where they live , and the limited availability of culturally competent health care , Carlos Rodríguez-Díaz , a professor at George Washington University ’ s Milken Institute School of Public Health , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accounted for about 40 percent of the nearly 29,000 Covid-19 cases that have been investigated by public health authorities as of July 21 .
That ’ s consistent with how Hispanics have been disproportionately affected by the virus nationally : Among adults ages 45 to 54 , they are at least six times more likely to die from the coronavirus than white Americans .
Some predominantly Hispanic counties have been hit particularly hard , in part because they live in medically underserved communities .
In the Rio Grande Valley , where there have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many are uninsured and therefore rely on community clinics or emergency rooms for medical care .
They also have a higher-than-average incidence of underlying conditions , including diabetes and obesity , that put them at greater risk of complications from the virus .
The hospitals can ’ t keep up .
Patients are waiting in ambulances parked outside the hospitals for beds in temporary Covid-19 wards to open up , and crematoriums have weeks-long waiting lists .
In other parts of the country , meatpacking plants became the epicenter of coronavirus outbreaks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many Hispanics work in the service industry in customer-facing roles where they are more likely to contract the virus .
When the state began to reopen and business activity resumed , that risk only increased .
It ’ s also more difficult for some Hispanics , particularly those who are recent immigrants , to abide by social distancing recommendations because they live in multigenerational or shared housing .
Among the members of these households , it ’ s common that more than one adult will have to go to work and could potentially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We ’ re asking people to stay at home and quarantine if they might have been exposed , ” Rodríguez-Díaz said .
“ Unfortunately , the housing conditions of many Latino families are not conducive to practice any of those measures.
” Public health resources for Hispanics are also lacking , resulting in confusion about how they should protect themselves from the virus and drawing criticism from Hispanic leaders in the state .
Some Hispanics are less likely to seek medical attention because they find the health care system difficult to navigate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ more likely to experience adverse health outcomes than fluent English speakers .
For those who are living in the US without authorization , the fear that seeking medical care could lead to their deportation also serves as a deterrent , Rodríguez-Díaz said .
That fear has only ramped up under President Trump , who has publicly derided Mexicans and sought to clamp down on unauthorized immigration from Mexico .
Groups like the US Hispanic Contractors Association have been creating instructions on coronavirus safety practices in both English and Spanish and giving away face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state and local government should also be conducting that kind of outreach .
Shah said he has tried to engage the Hispanic community by reaching out to Spanish-speaking media and forming a race and ethnicity task force within his department to examine health inequities and tailor the response to the pandemic , but acknowledges that officials ’ efforts haven ’ t been good enough so far .
“ That ’ s the direction we need to continue to emphasize , ” he said .
“ Health inequities existed prior to Covid-19 , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Texas is finally changing course — but some officials are urging more drastic action It wasn ’ t till June 26 that Abbott finally put a halt to his reopening plan .
He ordered bars to shut down again , reduced the restaurant occupancy limit to 50 percent , paused elective surgeries in some areas to preserve bed space , and banned river-rafting trips , which had unexpectedly contributed to a spike in cases in Hays County .
And on July 2 , Abbott mandated that Texans in counties with 20 or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point , most counties ) wear masks inside businesses and in public spaces where social distancing is impossible .
The penalties for violating the mandate are low : First-time offenders will get away with only a warning and repeat offenders can face up to $ 250 fines .
But the act of requiring masks alone has allowed for more consistent public health messaging .
“ Covid-19 is not going away , ” Abbott said during a video announcement .
“ In fact , it ’ s getting worse .
Now , more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ until treatments are available for Covid-19.
” Still , Abbott continues to give localities leeway to decide whether to permit large gatherings .
As part of the July 2 order , he also prohibited gatherings of more than 10 people “ unless the mayor of the city in which the gathering is held , or the county judge in the case of a gathering in an unincorporated area , approves of the gathering.
” One North Texas county announced , via a county judge ’ s order , that large outside gatherings would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are observing the restrictions are facing pushback : Texas Republicans had insisted on hosting an in-person convention in Houston beginning July 16 , arguing that their right to gather was protected under both the Texas and US constitutions .
The Texas Supreme Court , however , disagreed , and party leaders reluctantly moved the convention online .
With transmission showing little sign of slowing down substantially , Abbott has threatened to issue another stay-at-home order .
“ If we do not slow the spread of COVID-19 … the next step would have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ July 10 .
On Persse ’ s recommendation , the mayor of Houston suggested that a shutdown should last a minimum of two weeks : Houston also decided that the average daily new case count in the city , which has been over 1,000 for weeks , would have to be below 300 before it would consider reopening schools — a number that , Persse admits , is somewhat arbitrary .
But he said that , based on the information they have now , it ’ s a fair barometer for a slowdown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a much better position when the case count was that low .
The stay-at-home order might be politically unpopular among Republicans in particular , but Persse doesn ’ t care if it makes him the bad guy .
“ I ’ m going to do my job , and if people like me or dislike me , that ’ s up to them , ” Persse said .
“ I ’ m going to do what I can to protect people.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment requires .
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On Memorial Day weekend, the mood in Texas was optimistic.
It had been just over three weeks since Texas became one of the first states in the country to begin a phased reopening. Confirmed cases of Covid-19, the illness caused by the coronavirus, had been increasing only slightly for three months. Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, had allowed bars, restaurants, gyms, retailers, salons, and child care centers to reopen and sports to resume while capping capacity levels for most businesses.
But the warning signs were there, and some experts were already worried. Face masks were only encouraged — not required — in public places where maintaining physical distance from others wasn’t possible. Because Texas had imposed one of the shortest lockdowns nationwide, it hadn’t had much time to suppress cases and build up testing capacity. And it hadn’t achieved a two-week decline in cases, one of the key benchmarks states were supposed to hit before reopening.
Memorial Day weekend didn’t bode any better: Bars in Austin blew past their 25 percent capacity limits; maskless patrons stood shoulder to shoulder. Partygoers crammed into a swimming pool at one club in Houston. City authorities there received more than 200 complaints about social distancing violations in a matter of days.
The weekend crowds left public health officials uneasy. They urged Texans to remain vigilant about practicing social distancing and wearing masks for their benefit and that of their neighbors. But the fatigue of the shutdown combined with inconsistent public health messaging at a federal, state, and local level had made people complacent, Umair Shah, executive director of the Harris County health department, said.
“Early on, we fought this virus successfully. We did feel like we had made progress,” he said. “But then you started seeing images of people, especially young people, at parties and in pools and not respecting the fact that we were in the midst of a pandemic. ... If you just take your eyes off the ball for just a moment, that’s when it overwhelms the community.”
It soon became clear that transmission had reached alarming levels. On June 20, three weeks after Memorial Day, Texas saw over 4,400 new cases in a single day.
A month later, Texas, along with Arizona and Florida, has become a cautionary tale. The number of daily new reported cases is climbing: As of July 22, the state averaged 329 new cases per million residents over the past 14 days, compared to just 37 per million in New York. There have been more than 285,000 new cases reported since Memorial Day; over 4,000 Texans have died from the virus.
Hospital capacity is under strain in some parts of the state, including the hard-hit Rio Grande Valley. Doctors are worried about shortages of an antiviral drug, remdesivir, that seems to reduce the recovery time for hospitalized Covid-19 patients. With hospital morgues overflowing, several counties have requested the same kind of refrigerated trucks that, months ago, lined the streets of New York City.
“We’re building this car as we’re driving it down the freeway,” Dr. David Persse, Houston’s top public health official, said.
The parts of the state struggling the most include major cities, especially the Houston metropolitan area, and counties in South and Central Texas and along the Gulf Coast. Hospitals in the Rio Grande Valley borderlands, where over 90 percent of the population is Hispanic and more than a third of families live in poverty, lack resources even in better times; since the first week of July, they have been operating at maximum capacity.
How did it get so bad, so quickly? Public health experts say it’s difficult to attribute the spike to any one factor or event, but it’s now clear that Texas’s reopening came too soon. And the politicization of the state’s response to the virus has made it difficult to pursue an effective public health strategy and reach the hardest-hit communities, they said.
“Initially, when the outbreak started becoming a concern for us here in the US, we responded appropriately,” Dr. Jason Terk, chair of the Texas Public Health Coalition and a practicing pediatrician, said. “Locking down at the time we did was a prudent thing to do. We didn’t have the carnage that was being experienced in the Northeast and New York City, but that gave us a perception of reality that has not served us so well as we moved forward.”
Texas reopened too quickly, and cases got out of control
Gov. Abbott began the state’s reopening on May 1, with indoor and outdoor dining, retail, movie theaters, museums and libraries facing 25 percent occupancy limits in most counties. Cases did not spike immediately, but the state was also slow to resume activities: In the two weeks after reopening, seated dining recovered by only about 5 percent, according to state-level data from OpenTable.
On May 18, Abbott expanded the reopening to include many more businesses, including day care centers and, crucially, bars.
But it’s likely, experts say, that Covid-19 was spreading silently — it just wasn’t showing up in state data. Coronavirus has a long incubation period: Individuals show no symptoms for five days on average after infection, even though they’re contagious for part of that time. Some never develop symptoms at all. Widespread testing, combined with tracing the contacts of infected people, has overcome this challenge in other countries.
The US, including Texas, has struggled with coronavirus testing. The percentage of tests coming back positive in Texas never dropped below 5 percent, a benchmark experts use to determine if a state is testing enough.
Had Abbott waited a bit longer, it would have been clear that Covid-19 transmission was reaching alarming levels. (His office did not respond to requests for comment.)
“It should have been enough time in conventional thinking,” Persse said. “We now know that this virus has a longer lag in how it’s going to respond. We now know better.”
In retrospect, Memorial Day weekend may have been the last moment of calm before the storm. By May 28, hospitalizations started going up. But the reopening continued.
Abbott ramped up capacity limits for restaurants and bars to 50 percent on June 3, allowing them to seat parties of up to six people. And on June 12, he increased restaurant capacity again to 75 percent, allowing them to seat parties of up to 10 people. The following week, amusement parks, including the Six Flags parks and Schlitterbahn water parks, and carnivals were permitted to open at half capacity.
Consumer activity followed across the state: Spending at restaurants and hotels increased almost 20 percent and merchandise spending jumped more than 25 percent from the beginning of the reopening on May 1 to when Abbott started scaling back reopening on June 26.
Abbott has since expressed regret about opening bars, which became hot spots of transmission.
“If I could go back and redo anything, it probably would have been to slow down the opening of bars, now seeing in the aftermath of how quickly the coronavirus spread in the bar setting,” he said during an interview with KVIA in El Paso.
But public health experts in Texas say the reopening should have been slower overall, and more tailored to the different needs of Texas’s 254 counties, recognizing that places with higher levels of transmission might need stricter rules than other parts of the state.
That’s a strategy Abbott has resisted. In April, Harris County issued a mandate that people wear masks in public. But the day the order was supposed to go into effect, Abbott overrode the restrictions, saying that the county couldn’t unilaterally impose fines on violators. He also prevented local jurisdictions from issuing their own stay-at-home orders as the state was reopening, effectively usurping the power of officials like Shah to manage the virus.
“Taking a one-size-fits-all approach does not work in a state like Texas, because you have large urban counties like ours, and you also have smaller jurisdictions,” Shah said. “And that’s why local ability to enact protections is the critical way to go forward, because we know our communities better than anybody else.”
Mask-wearing and reopening have become particularly politicized in Texas
Texas is a state that prides itself on individualism. In a pandemic that requires collective action to support everyone’s health and well-being, however, that has proved to be more of a vice than a virtue.
“It boils down to what kind of culture we have here. In the state of Texas, we have a very libertarian ‘me’ culture rather than a ‘we’ culture,” Terk said. “We have a tendency to be permissive for individuals to make their own choices and for more local determinations to be made. That’s not the case in places where good public health strategies have been articulated.”
Wearing face masks, which have been proven to decrease the risk of airborne transmission of the virus, became a partisan flashpoint in Texas and across the country. A Pew Research study found that Republicans were almost four times more likely than Democrats to say that masks should rarely or never be worn. They may be taking cues from President Donald Trump, who long resisted wearing a mask in public, seemingly to downplay the severity of the US outbreak, and openly mocked his Democratic rival Joe Biden for donning one.
Mostly maskless protesters gathered at the state capitol in Austin in April to denounce the lockdown alongside conspiracy theorist Alex Jones, founder of the website Infowars, who has called the pandemic a “hoax.” People have resisted wearing face masks in stores that set their own rules requiring it, prompting threats of criminal prosecutions and a violent altercation with one patron at a 99 Cents Only store in San Antonio that was filmed on a cellphone.
“I don’t care. Just because everyone’s doing it doesn’t make it legal,” the man told an employee in the video. “The Texas governor said it’s not legal and I don’t have to.”
Indeed, Abbott long resisted mandating that people wear face masks. He said in April that local governments can’t penalize people who don’t wear masks in public, even over the protests of nine Texas mayors, five of them Republicans, who had requested the authority to do so.
“We strongly recommend that everyone wear a mask,” Abbott said during a press conference at the time. “However, it’s not a mandate. And we’ll make clear that no jurisdiction can impose any type of penalty or fine for anyone not wearing a mask.”
By late June, as Texas was becoming a coronavirus hot spot, Abbott’s approval ratings had sunk to 44 percent, among the lowest of governors nationwide. He brought a halt to the reopening process, reversed his stance on face masks, and threatened another economic shutdown.
But the number of daily new reported cases has nevertheless stayed above 5,000 for weeks.
Texas’s Hispanic population is particularly vulnerable to Covid-19
The virus isn’t affecting all Texans equally. Hispanics, who account for about 40 percent of the state’s population, have faced increased risk of suffering from coronavirus because of where they work, where they live, and the limited availability of culturally competent health care, Carlos Rodríguez-Díaz, a professor at George Washington University’s Milken Institute School of Public Health, said.
Preliminary state data shows that Hispanics have accounted for almost 49 percent of the over 6,200 fatalities that have been investigated by public health authorities as of July 30. That’s consistent with how Hispanics have been disproportionately affected by the virus nationally: Among adults ages 45 to 54, they are at least six times more likely to die from the coronavirus than white Americans.
Some predominantly Hispanic counties have been hit particularly hard, in part because they live in medically underserved communities. In the Rio Grande Valley, where there have been more than 21,500 confirmed cases, many are uninsured and therefore rely on community clinics or emergency rooms for medical care. They also have a higher-than-average incidence of underlying conditions, including diabetes and obesity, that put them at greater risk of complications from the virus.
The hospitals can’t keep up. Patients are waiting in ambulances parked outside the hospitals for beds in temporary Covid-19 wards to open up, and crematoriums have weeks-long waiting lists.
In other parts of the country, meatpacking plants became the epicenter of coronavirus outbreaks in Hispanic communities. But in Texas, many Hispanics work in the service industry in customer-facing roles where they are more likely to contract the virus. When the state began to reopen and business activity resumed, that risk only increased.
It’s also more difficult for some Hispanics, particularly those who are recent immigrants, to abide by social distancing recommendations because they live in multigenerational or shared housing. Among the members of these households, it’s common that more than one adult will have to go to work and could potentially carry the virus back home.
“We’re asking people to stay at home and quarantine if they might have been exposed,” Rodríguez-Díaz said. “Unfortunately, the housing conditions of many Latino families are not conducive to practice any of those measures.”
Public health resources for Hispanics are also lacking, resulting in confusion about how they should protect themselves from the virus and drawing criticism from Hispanic leaders in the state.
Some Hispanics are less likely to seek medical attention because they find the health care system difficult to navigate. Many face language barriers, making them more likely to experience adverse health outcomes than fluent English speakers. For those who are living in the US without authorization, the fear that seeking medical care could lead to their deportation also serves as a deterrent, Rodríguez-Díaz said. That fear has only ramped up under President Trump, who has publicly derided Mexicans and sought to clamp down on unauthorized immigration from Mexico.
Groups like the US Hispanic Contractors Association have been creating instructions on coronavirus safety practices in both English and Spanish and giving away face masks in Austin — but they say state and local government should also be conducting that kind of outreach.
Shah said he has tried to engage the Hispanic community by reaching out to Spanish-speaking media and forming a race and ethnicity task force within his department to examine health inequities and tailor the response to the pandemic, but acknowledges that officials’ efforts haven’t been good enough so far.
“That’s the direction we need to continue to emphasize,” he said. “Health inequities existed prior to Covid-19, and Covid-19 has just made it markedly worse.”
Texas is finally changing course — but some officials are urging more drastic action
It wasn’t till June 26 that Abbott finally put a halt to his reopening plan. He ordered bars to shut down again, reduced the restaurant occupancy limit to 50 percent, paused elective surgeries in some areas to preserve bed space, and banned river-rafting trips, which had unexpectedly contributed to a spike in cases in Hays County.
And on July 2, Abbott mandated that Texans in counties with 20 or more active coronavirus cases (at that point, most counties) wear masks inside businesses and in public spaces where social distancing is impossible. The penalties for violating the mandate are low: First-time offenders will get away with only a warning and repeat offenders can face up to $250 fines. But the act of requiring masks alone has allowed for more consistent public health messaging.
“Covid-19 is not going away,” Abbott said during a video announcement. “In fact, it’s getting worse. Now, more than ever, action by everyone is needed until treatments are available for Covid-19.”
Still, Abbott continues to give localities leeway to decide whether to permit large gatherings. As part of the July 2 order, he also prohibited gatherings of more than 10 people “unless the mayor of the city in which the gathering is held, or the county judge in the case of a gathering in an unincorporated area, approves of the gathering.”
One North Texas county announced, via a county judge’s order, that large outside gatherings would nevertheless be permitted.
Even counties observing the restrictions are facing pushback: Texas Republicans had insisted on hosting an in-person convention in Houston beginning July 16, arguing that their right to gather was protected under both the Texas and US constitutions. The Texas Supreme Court, however, disagreed, and party leaders reluctantly moved the convention online.
With transmission showing little sign of slowing down substantially, Abbott has threatened to issue another stay-at-home order.
“If we do not slow the spread of COVID-19 … the next step would have to be a lockdown,” he said July 10.
On Persse’s recommendation, the mayor of Houston suggested that a shutdown should last a minimum of two weeks:
I do believe that we need a two-week shutdown, at the minimum of two weeks, and I have proposed this to the Governor so we can help blunt #COVID19 progression.
If we can not have a shut down, then at least step back to state’s Phase I. This will allow us to reset and reassess. — Sylvester Turner (@SylvesterTurner) July 13, 2020
Houston also decided that the average daily new case count in the city, which has been over 1,000 for weeks, would have to be below 300 before it would consider reopening schools — a number that, Persse admits, is somewhat arbitrary.
But he said that, based on the information they have now, it’s a fair barometer for a slowdown of transmission given that local hospitals were in a much better position when the case count was that low.
The stay-at-home order might be politically unpopular among Republicans in particular, but Persse doesn’t care if it makes him the bad guy.
“I’m going to do my job, and if people like me or dislike me, that’s up to them,” Persse said. “I’m going to do what I can to protect people.”
Correction: This story previously included out-of-date population estimates for Hispanics in Texas, who account for almost 40 percent of the state population, according to 2019 Census Bureau estimates.


vox--2020-07-23--Israel’s anti-Netanyahu protests, explained

For the past several weeks , thousands of Israelis have taken to the streets to demand that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — who is facing several political crises — resign .
Over the past month , Israel ’ s second coronavirus wave has spiraled far out of the government ’ s control .
The country ’ s economy is tanking , and about a quarter of the workforce is unemployed .
Netanyahu ’ s approval ratings are falling , fast .
Oh , and he ’ s currently on trial for three corruption charges .
Israel also had an unprecedented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , each one drawing an inconclusive result .
A deal was finally reached after the March election to establish a coalition government between Netanyahu ’ s party and that of his political rival , Benny Gantz — but the coalition has been criticized since the beginning as being too big and too expensive .
Last week , I wrote that Netanyahu is in an impossible situation , forced to balance reviving the Israeli economy while simultaneously suppressing the second wave of coronavirus cases and rebuilding public favorability .
He still has all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sustained protests against him are sure to make that job even harder .
What the protests look like Israelis have been taking to the streets for weeks , protesting Netanyahu and his government for some , or all , of the problems manifesting under his watch .
Not everyone is necessarily protesting for the same reason , but many are demanding his resignation .
“ The demonstrations really took off over the past two weeks or so due to the economic situation , which is a result of the pandemic and the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which some demonstrators tie all the way back to Netanyahu himself and his ongoing legal difficulties , ” Neri Zilber , a Tel Aviv-based journalist and adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy think tank , told me .
Protesters have often clashed with police forces , who have been criticized after videos showing police using excessive force against protesters circulated on social media .
At least 34 people were arrested in Jerusalem on Tuesday night , where protesters demonstrated outside the Israeli parliament and Netanyahu ’ s home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crowds .
Dozens of protesters chained themselves together on Wednesday morning and blocked the entrance to the Israeli parliament , but police quickly broke up the demonstration .
Zilber told me that many of the protesters are young people who have been hit especially hard by job losses because of the pandemic .
“ Young people have to ask themselves what kind of future [ they ] have in this country .
So an economic crisis , coupled with a lack of faith in the political class , given all their missteps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , ” Zilber said .
Netanyahu ’ s current government has been controversial since the beginning Netanyahu has been prime minister for 11 straight years ( and 14 years total ) , but his most recent election was messy , to say the least .
Under Israel ’ s parliamentary system , parties with similar political leanings form coalitions to achieve a majority of seats in the Knesset , Israel ’ s parliament .
That didn ’ t happen in any of the three elections held over the past year , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In March , Netanyahu ’ s Likud party and other right-wing parties won 58 of 120 total seats , while Gantz ’ s Blue and White party and center , left , and Arab parties won a total of 55 seats , leaving both potential coalitions unable to claim a majority .
Gantz and Netanyahu are political rivals , and Gantz originally vowed to form a government that excluded Netanyahu .
But as the pandemic threatened to plunge the world into crisis , Gantz agreed to form an emergency coalition with his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the terms were finalized in late April : Netanyahu and Gantz would rotate terms as prime minister , with Netanyahu starting off and Gantz taking over after 18 months .
The government was sworn in on May 17 .
But the coalition government — and Netanyahu ’ s reelection as prime minister — has not been very well-received .
Yael Aronoff , the Serling chair in Israel Studies at Michigan State University , told me that since Israel is a parliamentary democracy with several major political parties , Netanyahu only averages about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in each election — so there ’ s “ always an underlying critique of him from many directions for many reasons and an exasperation with him on many fronts.
” The government coalition in particular has been lambasted by critics since day one for its large size and steep cost , and for Netanyahu ’ s initial insistence on addressing issues other than the pandemic , like annexing the West Bank ( which ended up not happening ) .
The government is set to cost Israeli taxpayers 900 million shekels ( $ 254 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next three years .
The taxpayer money will fund personal offices , salaries , and other benefits — even things like personal drivers and vehicles — for Israeli ministers .
The cost is significantly higher for this government in particular because 36 ministers and 16 deputy ministers are seated in the cabinet , compared to the last government ’ s 21 to 23 ministers .
Aronoff told me the heavy cost is especially frustrating for Israelis who are suffering from the economic crisis .
“ A lot of people were angry with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was seated in May , and the waste of money with that , ” Zilber said .
“ A lot of people were angry at the fact that the government took its eye off the ball and was dealing with things like annexation or tax breaks for the prime minister or attacks on the judicial system.
” Netanyahu ’ s incentive to attack his own judicial system stems from his ongoing corruption trial , which began in May .
He was indicted on charges of bribery , fraud , and breach of trust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ denies .
Yohanan Plesner , the president of the Israel Democracy Institute and a former member of Israel ’ s Knesset , told me that Netanyahu ’ s trial has sparked public distrust of the prime minister and fear that he is engaged in conflicts of interest or has ulterior motives as Israel ’ s leader — and that ’ s only been exacerbated by his pandemic mismanagement .
“ Until the coronavirus crisis erupted , it was mainly those Israelis who thought it was inconceivable to have a minister who simultaneously is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ who were protesting ] , ” Plesner said .
“ Now a whole new group of Israelis feel the [ coronavirus ] crisis is [ being ] poorly run.
” Before the coronavirus pandemic spun out of control , Israel seemed to have managed it well .
To his credit , Netanyahu made the correct moves at the beginning and was able to suppress the first coronavirus wave in the spring .
Before the outbreak had even hit Israel , the government acted quickly , suspending flights from China in January and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On March 18 , travel to Israel was completely blocked off to all noncitizens .
Israel reported its first coronavirus case on February 21 , and within days , the country mandated a 14-day quarantine for travelers returning from Japan and South Korea ; mandatory quarantines were extended to all returning travelers on March 9 .
In mid-March , as hundreds of people were testing positive daily , Israel ’ s population of nearly 9 million ( think the size of New Jersey ) entered a near-complete lockdown , with most businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Israelis were also urged to stay home unless absolutely necessary .
By May , daily numbers of new cases were down to the low double digits — but some severe missteps reversed the pandemic ’ s course in Israel .
By April 1 , when the economy was still on lockdown , Israel ’ s unemployment rate jumped from 4 percent before the outbreak to 24.4 percent .
Between the economic crisis and the successful management of the first Covid-19 outbreak , the government faced pressure from Israelis to reopen the economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and soon after , more than 1,300 students and 600 staff members became infected and 125 schools and 258 kindergartens temporarily shut their doors , according to the Wall Street Journal .
Another failure was that the Israeli government didn ’ t take the time it had when the outbreak was controlled to develop a reliable testing and contact tracing infrastructure .
Contact tracing , which helps identify who may have come in contact with a Covid-19 carrier and thus may be at risk of contracting the virus , has helped countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respective outbreaks .
Netanyahu delegated most coronavirus decision-making to himself and frequently appeared on primetime television to communicate with the Israelis in hope of winning a political victory by handling the pandemic himself , but that plan ended up backfiring with the aggressive resurgence in cases , Plesner told me .
“ The single most important decision that he refrained from taking was an appointment of a sort of professional figure to manage the crisis , ” Plesner said .
What this means for Netanyahu Netanyahu ’ s problems pose a serious political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , reveal his weaknesses as a leader .
Netanyahu wanted to win the war against the coronavirus by himself , according to Plesner , because his motivations are usually political , even in times of crisis management .
Aronoff said that Netanyahu is also highly suspicious of people , including his own advisers .
He ’ s also dealing with a severe lack of trust in the government among the Israeli people .
An Israel Democracy Institute study published last week found that just 29.5 percent of Israelis trust Netanyahu to manage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high of 57.5 percent in early April .
Respondents were also asked to choose from a selection of six words to describe how they felt about the government ’ s coronavirus management .
The most popular responses : “ angry , ” “ disappointed , ” and “ alienated.
” Several experts I talked to said that right now , Netanyahu ’ s main concerns , aside from controlling the pandemic , are remaining in power and staying out of jail .
“ I think the biggest factor in determining his political future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Mira Sucharov , an Israeli politics expert and political science professor at Carleton University , told me .
Some experts told me that political deadlock in the current government may mean a fourth election could be on the horizon , and whether that happens before or after the conclusion of his trial could be important .
The Knesset is tasked with passing a budget by August 22 , which is currently being hampered by political disagreements between Netanyahu and Gantz .
Aronoff told me that Netanyahu may capitalize on a failed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope of winning to prevent Gantz , who is scheduled to begin his rotation as prime minister in November 2021 , from taking over .
Plesner told me an election will be triggered within 90 days of the budget deadline if it is not met , which would be the fourth election within a two-year period .
He said that could be good for Netanyahu , since the calling of witnesses in his trial won ’ t begin until January 2021 , but he could be hurt by his damaged popularity and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this kind of situation where he ’ s on trial during a pandemic , the economy ’ s going down , there are demonstrations across the country against him , and even internally in the Likud now , rival leaders feel emboldened to challenge him , he ’ ll certainly be lashing out even more and his suspicious nature will be heightened even more , ” Aronoff said .
“ So we ’ ll see whether he ’ s able to maneuver politically as he usually is.
” Every day at Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

For the past several weeks, thousands of Israelis have taken to the streets to demand that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — who is facing several political crises — resign.
Over the past month, Israel’s second coronavirus wave has spiraled far out of the government’s control. The country’s economy is tanking, and about a quarter of the workforce is unemployed. Netanyahu’s approval ratings are falling, fast.
Oh, and he’s currently on trial for three corruption charges.
Israel also had an unprecedented three legislative elections in just the past year, each one drawing an inconclusive result. A deal was finally reached after the March election to establish a coalition government between Netanyahu’s party and that of his political rival, Benny Gantz — but the coalition has been criticized since the beginning as being too big and too expensive.
Last week, I wrote that Netanyahu is in an impossible situation, forced to balance reviving the Israeli economy while simultaneously suppressing the second wave of coronavirus cases and rebuilding public favorability.
He still has all of that to manage, but the sustained protests against him are sure to make that job even harder.
What the protests look like
Israelis have been taking to the streets for weeks, protesting Netanyahu and his government for some, or all, of the problems manifesting under his watch. Not everyone is necessarily protesting for the same reason, but many are demanding his resignation.
“The demonstrations really took off over the past two weeks or so due to the economic situation, which is a result of the pandemic and the government’s mishandling of the second wave, which some demonstrators tie all the way back to Netanyahu himself and his ongoing legal difficulties,” Neri Zilber, a Tel Aviv-based journalist and adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy think tank, told me.
Protesters have often clashed with police forces, who have been criticized after videos showing police using excessive force against protesters circulated on social media. At least 34 people were arrested in Jerusalem on Tuesday night, where protesters demonstrated outside the Israeli parliament and Netanyahu’s home. Police used water cannons to disperse the crowds.
Dozens of protesters chained themselves together on Wednesday morning and blocked the entrance to the Israeli parliament, but police quickly broke up the demonstration.
Zilber told me that many of the protesters are young people who have been hit especially hard by job losses because of the pandemic. “Young people have to ask themselves what kind of future [they] have in this country. So an economic crisis, coupled with a lack of faith in the political class, given all their missteps of recent months, also add into that,” Zilber said.
Netanyahu’s current government has been controversial since the beginning
Netanyahu has been prime minister for 11 straight years (and 14 years total), but his most recent election was messy, to say the least.
Under Israel’s parliamentary system, parties with similar political leanings form coalitions to achieve a majority of seats in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. That didn’t happen in any of the three elections held over the past year, which is why new elections kept being held.
In March, Netanyahu’s Likud party and other right-wing parties won 58 of 120 total seats, while Gantz’s Blue and White party and center, left, and Arab parties won a total of 55 seats, leaving both potential coalitions unable to claim a majority.
Gantz and Netanyahu are political rivals, and Gantz originally vowed to form a government that excluded Netanyahu. But as the pandemic threatened to plunge the world into crisis, Gantz agreed to form an emergency coalition with his political opponent.
After weeks of negotiations, the terms were finalized in late April: Netanyahu and Gantz would rotate terms as prime minister, with Netanyahu starting off and Gantz taking over after 18 months. The government was sworn in on May 17.
But the coalition government — and Netanyahu’s reelection as prime minister — has not been very well-received.
Yael Aronoff, the Serling chair in Israel Studies at Michigan State University, told me that since Israel is a parliamentary democracy with several major political parties, Netanyahu only averages about 25 to 30 percent of the vote in each election — so there’s “always an underlying critique of him from many directions for many reasons and an exasperation with him on many fronts.”
The government coalition in particular has been lambasted by critics since day one for its large size and steep cost, and for Netanyahu’s initial insistence on addressing issues other than the pandemic, like annexing the West Bank (which ended up not happening).
The government is set to cost Israeli taxpayers 900 million shekels ($254 million in US dollars) over the next three years. The taxpayer money will fund personal offices, salaries, and other benefits — even things like personal drivers and vehicles — for Israeli ministers.
The cost is significantly higher for this government in particular because 36 ministers and 16 deputy ministers are seated in the cabinet, compared to the last government’s 21 to 23 ministers. Aronoff told me the heavy cost is especially frustrating for Israelis who are suffering from the economic crisis.
“A lot of people were angry with the bloated government that was established, that was seated in May, and the waste of money with that,” Zilber said. “A lot of people were angry at the fact that the government took its eye off the ball and was dealing with things like annexation or tax breaks for the prime minister or attacks on the judicial system.”
Netanyahu’s incentive to attack his own judicial system stems from his ongoing corruption trial, which began in May. He was indicted on charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust in January, all of which he denies.
Yohanan Plesner, the president of the Israel Democracy Institute and a former member of Israel’s Knesset, told me that Netanyahu’s trial has sparked public distrust of the prime minister and fear that he is engaged in conflicts of interest or has ulterior motives as Israel’s leader — and that’s only been exacerbated by his pandemic mismanagement.
“Until the coronavirus crisis erupted, it was mainly those Israelis who thought it was inconceivable to have a minister who simultaneously is a defendant in a criminal court case [who were protesting],” Plesner said. “Now a whole new group of Israelis feel the [coronavirus] crisis is [being] poorly run.”
How Netanyahu mismanaged the coronavirus
Before the coronavirus pandemic spun out of control, Israel seemed to have managed it well. To his credit, Netanyahu made the correct moves at the beginning and was able to suppress the first coronavirus wave in the spring.
Before the outbreak had even hit Israel, the government acted quickly, suspending flights from China in January and from additional East Asian countries in February. On March 18, travel to Israel was completely blocked off to all noncitizens.
Israel reported its first coronavirus case on February 21, and within days, the country mandated a 14-day quarantine for travelers returning from Japan and South Korea; mandatory quarantines were extended to all returning travelers on March 9.
In mid-March, as hundreds of people were testing positive daily, Israel’s population of nearly 9 million (think the size of New Jersey) entered a near-complete lockdown, with most businesses and public gathering places forced to close. Israelis were also urged to stay home unless absolutely necessary.
By May, daily numbers of new cases were down to the low double digits — but some severe missteps reversed the pandemic’s course in Israel.
By April 1, when the economy was still on lockdown, Israel’s unemployment rate jumped from 4 percent before the outbreak to 24.4 percent. Between the economic crisis and the successful management of the first Covid-19 outbreak, the government faced pressure from Israelis to reopen the economy, Zilber told me.
Schools reopened, and soon after, more than 1,300 students and 600 staff members became infected and 125 schools and 258 kindergartens temporarily shut their doors, according to the Wall Street Journal.
Another failure was that the Israeli government didn’t take the time it had when the outbreak was controlled to develop a reliable testing and contact tracing infrastructure. Contact tracing, which helps identify who may have come in contact with a Covid-19 carrier and thus may be at risk of contracting the virus, has helped countries like South Korea and Australia contain their respective outbreaks.
Netanyahu delegated most coronavirus decision-making to himself and frequently appeared on primetime television to communicate with the Israelis in hope of winning a political victory by handling the pandemic himself, but that plan ended up backfiring with the aggressive resurgence in cases, Plesner told me.
“The single most important decision that he refrained from taking was an appointment of a sort of professional figure to manage the crisis,” Plesner said.
What this means for Netanyahu
Netanyahu’s problems pose a serious political challenge for him, and, experts say, reveal his weaknesses as a leader.
Netanyahu wanted to win the war against the coronavirus by himself, according to Plesner, because his motivations are usually political, even in times of crisis management. Aronoff said that Netanyahu is also highly suspicious of people, including his own advisers.
He’s also dealing with a severe lack of trust in the government among the Israeli people. An Israel Democracy Institute study published last week found that just 29.5 percent of Israelis trust Netanyahu to manage the coronavirus crisis — down from a high of 57.5 percent in early April.
Respondents were also asked to choose from a selection of six words to describe how they felt about the government’s coronavirus management. The most popular responses: “angry,” “disappointed,” and “alienated.”
Several experts I talked to said that right now, Netanyahu’s main concerns, aside from controlling the pandemic, are remaining in power and staying out of jail.
“I think the biggest factor in determining his political future will be the outcome of the trial,” Mira Sucharov, an Israeli politics expert and political science professor at Carleton University, told me.
Some experts told me that political deadlock in the current government may mean a fourth election could be on the horizon, and whether that happens before or after the conclusion of his trial could be important.
The Knesset is tasked with passing a budget by August 22, which is currently being hampered by political disagreements between Netanyahu and Gantz. Aronoff told me that Netanyahu may capitalize on a failed budget to trigger another election in the hope of winning to prevent Gantz, who is scheduled to begin his rotation as prime minister in November 2021, from taking over.
Plesner told me an election will be triggered within 90 days of the budget deadline if it is not met, which would be the fourth election within a two-year period. He said that could be good for Netanyahu, since the calling of witnesses in his trial won’t begin until January 2021, but he could be hurt by his damaged popularity and the mass protests regardless.
“I think in this kind of situation where he’s on trial during a pandemic, the economy’s going down, there are demonstrations across the country against him, and even internally in the Likud now, rival leaders feel emboldened to challenge him, he’ll certainly be lashing out even more and his suspicious nature will be heightened even more,” Aronoff said. “So we’ll see whether he’s able to maneuver politically as he usually is.”


vox--2020-07-23--How slow motion changed movies

How slow motion changed movies

Slow motion is a key part of modern visual culture , from iPhone selfies to movies .
So how does it work ?
In this episode of Vox Almanac , Vox ’ s Phil Edwards explores how slow motion works and how it became a part of movie history — starting with the very beginning of photography , when pioneers like Étienne-Jules Marey and Eadweard Muybridge discovered that capturing images required capturing motion , too .
Slow motion was key in the days of silent films , when camera operators would overcrank their cameras ( to slow down footage ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up ) .
These experiments could range from goofy to dreamy .
Soon after the addition of sound , Hollywood embraced a standard speed for movies , and slow motion became an even more important tool .
As the video demonstrates , slow motion showed up in sports reels , movie musicals , and artsy French dramas .
And before long , it was part of the action-movie landscape as well , from Seven Samurai to Bonnie and Clyde .
Today we take for granted that slow motion is one of the tools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re working on an iPhone or a Hollywood set .
And it probably won ’ t stop anytime soon .
• This issue of American Cinematographer is a time-capsule look at the adoption of Vitaphone , a key sound-on-film technology used in early movies .
• Most academic writing that touches on slow-mo focuses on individual filmmakers , like this essay by scholar Ludovic Cortade .
• Finally , if you really want to nerd out on film history , here ’ s a copy of the Transactions of the Society of Motion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the development of a frame-rate standard and discusses the synchronization of sound and film .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Slow motion is a key part of modern visual culture, from iPhone selfies to movies. So how does it work?
In this episode of Vox Almanac, Vox’s Phil Edwards explores how slow motion works and how it became a part of movie history — starting with the very beginning of photography, when pioneers like Étienne-Jules Marey and Eadweard Muybridge discovered that capturing images required capturing motion, too.
Slow motion was key in the days of silent films, when camera operators would overcrank their cameras (to slow down footage) or undercrank them (to speed it up). These experiments could range from goofy to dreamy. Soon after the addition of sound, Hollywood embraced a standard speed for movies, and slow motion became an even more important tool.
As the video demonstrates, slow motion showed up in sports reels, movie musicals, and artsy French dramas. And before long, it was part of the action-movie landscape as well, from Seven Samurai to Bonnie and Clyde.
Today we take for granted that slow motion is one of the tools available to moviemakers, whether they’re working on an iPhone or a Hollywood set. And it probably won’t stop anytime soon.
Further reading


vox--2020-07-23--Taco Bell is removing some vegetarian menu items. Here’s why you shouldn’t panic.

Taco Bell is known for many things : turning Doritos into taco shells , “ diablo ” sauce , Gidget the spokes-chihuahua .
But its greatest achievement , in my humble opinion ?
Being the friendliest major fast food restaurant for vegetarians and vegans .
It ’ s an achievement that the chain is very proud of and touts vigorously to plant-eating audiences .
But a new change to the menu , which is removing several of the most vegetarian and vegan-friendly options at the Bell , has prompted concern among grassroots Taco Bell aficionados .
Among the items being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fiesta Potatoes , Chips and Dips , and Cheesy Potato Grillers — all of which are vegetarian , if certainly not vegan .
Spicy Tostadas , which are easily made veggie , are gone too , and the Quesarito ( exactly what it sounds like : a burrito with a lot of cheese ) will only be able for order online or through apps .
In a statement , the restaurant explained that the menu simplification was designed to create room for future , novel menu items , and to “ ensure an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guests and team members.
” It ’ s easier to reliably and quickly churn out a smaller number of menu items , so there are efficiency gains to menu-shortening .
But all is not lost for veggie Taco Bell fans .
The changes don ’ t render the restaurant totally unfriendly to vegetarians .
And animal welfare supporters caution that the company ’ s still on the right track .
“ There continues to remain an excellent vegetarian selection , and vegetarian combination options are still available , ” Len Torine , executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told me .
If you ’ re a 7-Layer Burrito fan , that might be cold comfort .
But both the company and outside analysts say that the restaurant is likely to expand its plant-based meat options in the near future .
That suggests that the latest menu changes are only a temporary setback for vegetarians and vegans , who could be getting better items soon .
The rest of the fast food industry has been rapidly adopting plant-based meats from companies like Impossible Foods and Beyond Meat .
Will Taco Bell be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve met know , and most carnivores I ’ ve met do not , any item at Taco Bell can have its beef contents substituted for refried beans ( more recently , restaurants have begun offering black beans , too ) .
In one fell swoop , that makes much of the chain ’ s menu available to vegetarians .
Leave off the cheese and the sour cream , and much of the menu becomes vegan .
Better yet , the chain stocked a number of menu items that are vegetarian by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instance , contains beans , rice , lettuce , tomatoes , guacamole , cheese , and sour cream : not a meat ingredient in there .
Leave off the last two ingredients for a 5-Layer Burrito and it ’ s easily vegan .
There might be some cross-contamination with meat products on the stove , but if you ’ re not too fastidious about that , it ’ s easy for vegetarians to get by at the Bell .
I live in Washington , DC , where eating vegetarian is relatively easy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to parts of the US where herbivore options are more limited , Taco Bell is a godsend .
About three years ago , I spent a week driving across Tennessee reporting out a story on disability insurance ; Taco Bell was just about the only vegetarian highway food available .
That story was brought to you , in substantial part , by Cheesy Gorditas Crunch .
It ’ s not just me .
As Jenny Zhang , a staff writer at Eater and fellow vegetarian Taco Bell enthusiast , tells me , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cult status to a lot of vegetarians who still like to eat fast food … It ’ s something that has circulated among veg bloggers for a while.
” The chain has also leaned into its plant-based popularity , partnering with a small group called the American Vegetarian Association that consults with restaurants to certify specific menu items as vegetarian .
In 2019 , it released a full , formal vegetarian menu , including a Black Bean Crunchwrap Supreme and Black Bean Quesarito as new options .
This past March , Taco Bell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kiosks called “ Veggie Mode , ” which lets customers tap a button and instantly see a menu with only veggie options , so they don ’ t get beef in their burrito by mistake .
The company brags that 10 percent of all orders are vegetarian .
What the menu changes mean Taco Bell became veggie-friendly the old-fashioned way , with “ plant-based proteins ” that have existed for millennia : beans .
But in 2020 , it ’ s for the first time facing a fast food industry that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proteins .
Del Taco , a significantly smaller but still meaningful competitor to Taco Bell in the Mexican fast food market , was one of the first companies to collaborate with Beyond Meat on a plant-based meat product , in its case meatless “ beef ” crumbles in its tacos .
The product was a massive success , with the company citing it as one of its most successful product launches ever .
Del Taco was the closest competitor to the Bell to take on plant-based products , but Burger King , McDonald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other fast food brands have been experimenting with plant-based meat , too .
Taco Bell has responded to these changes somewhat tepidly .
In Europe , it ’ s experimenting with an “ Oatrageous ” taco meat built on , you guessed it , oats .
It has said it ’ s talking with Beyond Meat and Impossible Foods , the two main “ plant-based meat ” suppliers currently in the US .
But for the most part , it ’ s relied on its existing veggie-friendly menu , which makes losing potato @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vegetarian replacements concerning .
When I sent emails to plant-based food advocates about the issue while in a blind panic about my burritos , however , they told me to calm down .
Zak Weston , food-service and supply chain manager at the Good Food Institute , which advocates for plant-based meat products , told me he thought the news was actually encouraging because it could be a precursor to more extensive plant-based offerings , perhaps using a meat alternative like Beyond ’ s or Impossible ’ s .
“ The announcement that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understandable , ” Weston says .
“ Taco Bell ’ s MO is simple and efficient operations where each ingredient has to earn its place in the pantry .
Given the increasing versatility of plant-based beef and pork analogs , it wouldn ’ t be surprising if by swapping in a new hero ingredient like a plant-based chorizo or plant-based ground beef , they were able to add five new menu items.
” A Taco Bell representative reassured me , “ While change is hard , the menu will still feature Taco Bell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black beans and pinto beans , as well as tons of vegetarian options … Prior to COVID-19 , Taco Bell ’ s second best-selling item across the entire U.S. menu was the Bean Burrito — a vegetarian item that will continue to stay on our menus after August 13th.
” Karnbach also suggested that Weston is right , that the menu change could be an indication of bigger plant-based opportunities to come : “ Taco Bell remains committed to being the go-to spot for vegetarians .
A simplified menu will leave room for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plant-based.
” Sign up for the Future Perfect newsletter and we ’ ll send you a roundup of ideas and solutions for tackling the world ’ s biggest challenges — and how to get better at doing good .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Taco Bell is known for many things: turning Doritos into taco shells, “diablo” sauce, Gidget the spokes-chihuahua. But its greatest achievement, in my humble opinion? Being the friendliest major fast food restaurant for vegetarians and vegans.
It’s an achievement that the chain is very proud of and touts vigorously to plant-eating audiences. But a new change to the menu, which is removing several of the most vegetarian and vegan-friendly options at the Bell, has prompted concern among grassroots Taco Bell aficionados.
OMG and 7 layer burrito is the other things I can eat and that's going too. Way to fuck over vegetarians, Tacobell. https://t.co/17unwVtUxi — Little Sparkz (@LittleSparkzLFG) July 19, 2020
As a vegetarian I'm fully prepared to blow my brains out if they get rid of potatoes — Electr0Jesus (@Electr0Jesus) July 13, 2020
Whelp I guess no more Taco Bell starting August, as a veg- all I ate was the rice, potato , cheese only burritos. You guys are getting rid of potatoes — Roma Kaiway (@ItsROMAkaiway) July 17, 2020
Among the items being removed are the 7-Layer Burrito, Cheesy Fiesta Potatoes, Chips and Dips, and Cheesy Potato Grillers — all of which are vegetarian, if certainly not vegan. Spicy Tostadas, which are easily made veggie, are gone too, and the Quesarito (exactly what it sounds like: a burrito with a lot of cheese) will only be able for order online or through apps.
In a statement, the restaurant explained that the menu simplification was designed to create room for future, novel menu items, and to “ensure an easy and fast ordering experience for our guests and team members.” It’s easier to reliably and quickly churn out a smaller number of menu items, so there are efficiency gains to menu-shortening.
But all is not lost for veggie Taco Bell fans. The changes don’t render the restaurant totally unfriendly to vegetarians. And animal welfare supporters caution that the company’s still on the right track. “There continues to remain an excellent vegetarian selection, and vegetarian combination options are still available,” Len Torine, executive director of the American Vegetarian Association, told me.
If you’re a 7-Layer Burrito fan, that might be cold comfort. But both the company and outside analysts say that the restaurant is likely to expand its plant-based meat options in the near future. That suggests that the latest menu changes are only a temporary setback for vegetarians and vegans, who could be getting better items soon.
The rest of the fast food industry has been rapidly adopting plant-based meats from companies like Impossible Foods and Beyond Meat. Will Taco Bell be following suit?
The lore of veggie Taco Bell
As most vegetarians I’ve met know, and most carnivores I’ve met do not, any item at Taco Bell can have its beef contents substituted for refried beans (more recently, restaurants have begun offering black beans, too).
In one fell swoop, that makes much of the chain’s menu available to vegetarians. Leave off the cheese and the sour cream, and much of the menu becomes vegan. Better yet, the chain stocked a number of menu items that are vegetarian by default. The 7-Layer Burrito, for instance, contains beans, rice, lettuce, tomatoes, guacamole, cheese, and sour cream: not a meat ingredient in there. Leave off the last two ingredients for a 5-Layer Burrito and it’s easily vegan. There might be some cross-contamination with meat products on the stove, but if you’re not too fastidious about that, it’s easy for vegetarians to get by at the Bell.
I live in Washington, DC, where eating vegetarian is relatively easy, but when I go on reporting trips to parts of the US where herbivore options are more limited, Taco Bell is a godsend. About three years ago, I spent a week driving across Tennessee reporting out a story on disability insurance; Taco Bell was just about the only vegetarian highway food available. That story was brought to you, in substantial part, by Cheesy Gorditas Crunch.
It’s not just me. As Jenny Zhang, a staff writer at Eater and fellow vegetarian Taco Bell enthusiast, tells me, “Taco Bell has held something of a cult status to a lot of vegetarians who still like to eat fast food … It’s something that has circulated among veg bloggers for a while.”
The chain has also leaned into its plant-based popularity, partnering with a small group called the American Vegetarian Association that consults with restaurants to certify specific menu items as vegetarian. In 2019, it released a full, formal vegetarian menu, including a Black Bean Crunchwrap Supreme and Black Bean Quesarito as new options.
This past March, Taco Bell rolled out a feature on in-store ordering kiosks called “Veggie Mode,” which lets customers tap a button and instantly see a menu with only veggie options, so they don’t get beef in their burrito by mistake. The company brags that 10 percent of all orders are vegetarian.
What the menu changes mean
Taco Bell became veggie-friendly the old-fashioned way, with “plant-based proteins” that have existed for millennia: beans. But in 2020, it’s for the first time facing a fast food industry that’s trying to compete with it on plant proteins.
Del Taco, a significantly smaller but still meaningful competitor to Taco Bell in the Mexican fast food market, was one of the first companies to collaborate with Beyond Meat on a plant-based meat product, in its case meatless “beef” crumbles in its tacos. The product was a massive success, with the company citing it as one of its most successful product launches ever. Del Taco was the closest competitor to the Bell to take on plant-based products, but Burger King, McDonald’s, KFC, and sundry other fast food brands have been experimenting with plant-based meat, too.
Taco Bell has responded to these changes somewhat tepidly. In Europe, it’s experimenting with an “Oatrageous” taco meat built on, you guessed it, oats. It has said it’s talking with Beyond Meat and Impossible Foods, the two main “plant-based meat” suppliers currently in the US. But for the most part, it’s relied on its existing veggie-friendly menu, which makes losing potato items and the 7-Layer Burrito without equivalent vegetarian replacements concerning.
When I sent emails to plant-based food advocates about the issue while in a blind panic about my burritos, however, they told me to calm down. Zak Weston, food-service and supply chain manager at the Good Food Institute, which advocates for plant-based meat products, told me he thought the news was actually encouraging because it could be a precursor to more extensive plant-based offerings, perhaps using a meat alternative like Beyond’s or Impossible’s.
“The announcement that they are dropping some plant-forward items is understandable,” Weston says. “Taco Bell’s MO is simple and efficient operations where each ingredient has to earn its place in the pantry. Given the increasing versatility of plant-based beef and pork analogs, it wouldn’t be surprising if by swapping in a new hero ingredient like a plant-based chorizo or plant-based ground beef, they were able to add five new menu items.”
A Taco Bell representative reassured me, “While change is hard, the menu will still feature Taco Bell’s two original plant-based proteins, black beans and pinto beans, as well as tons of vegetarian options … Prior to COVID-19, Taco Bell’s second best-selling item across the entire U.S. menu was the Bean Burrito — a vegetarian item that will continue to stay on our menus after August 13th.”
Karnbach also suggested that Weston is right, that the menu change could be an indication of bigger plant-based opportunities to come: “Taco Bell remains committed to being the go-to spot for vegetarians. A simplified menu will leave room for continued innovation across all categories — including plant-based.”
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