vox--2020-07-14--They Tried to Start a Union During a Pandemic, But They Were Fired. What’s Next?

Abismael Colon , a server at an Outback Steakhouse in the Orlando International Airport , was ready to unionize his workplace .
For almost nine years , Colon had served countless Bloomin ’ Onions and trained new hires despite what he describes as verbal insults and a daily fear that he ’ d be fired without cause by his superiors .
This particular Outback Steakhouse was operated by HMSHost , an airport and highway food service company .
Together with the hospitality-industry union Unite Here , the veteran employee and his colleagues helped garner majority support of about 800 workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurants , such as Chili ’ s and Starbucks , with an election slated for late March to determine whether the union would officially represent the staff .
But Colon ’ s hopes for union representation took a heavy blow once the novel coronavirus hit Florida .
The National Labor Relations Board delayed all elections a week before the HMSHost vote due to the pandemic .
Once the Tampa regional branch reopened and announced it was accepting mail-in ballots , the company successfully moved to block the option and pushed for in-person voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
More than three months later , Colon , like many of his now-furloughed colleagues , is without a paycheck , without health insurance , and without any job security .
“ By them delaying the union and getting ourselves into a contract or negotiating , right now , we don ’ t have a guarantee to go back to work , ” Colon says .
“ So employees are angry .
They ’ re like , ‘ Hey , when are we gon na get this vote ?
’ because they want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wave of worker activism across the food industry , employees and contractors at restaurant chains and delivery apps alike have found themselves banding together to improve workplace conditions .
In 2012 , the Fight for $ 15 movement began to push nationally for a $ 15 minimum wage and union representation for fast-food workers , and in the years since , Gim me Coffee baristas in upstate New York have voted in favor of unionization , followed by employees at Portland branches of the fast-food chain Burgerville and Tartine locations in the Bay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Instacart workers in Skokie , Illinois .
“ Employers feel they have a real friend in the Trump National Labor Relations Board.
” More recently , as the coronavirus spurred citywide business shutdowns , grocery store and restaurant workers were deemed “ essential ” in ensuring communities ’ access to food and supplies .
This led to some crisis-born benefits like pay raises and improved sick leave options at chains like Starbucks , where employees were given a temporary $ 3 per hour pay bump along with extended catastrophe pay .
Other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wage increases and new workplace safety measures only through strikes and sickouts : After hundreds of workers at Kroger ’ s Delta Distribution Center in Memphis briefly stopped fulfilling orders in late March , the company granted all its employees temporary $ 2 per hour hazard pay and increased protections , like plexiglass protecting workers at the cash register .
But even as low-wage workers across the industry have gained these handfuls of new financial and health perks , some say companies have wielded the ongoing public health crisis as a tool for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On July 5 , California-based Augie ’ s Coffee laid off its baristas and closed its retail operations indefinitely so as not “ to risk the health and safety of our staff.
” The timing was roughly a week and a half after employees informed management of their intent to unionize and asked for recognition , according the Augie ’ s Union ; many of the company ’ s stores had continued service throughout the pandemic , even after Los Angeles County reported its first death .
Whole Foods , which , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been using a heat map to monitor potential unionization activity , fired an employee who had been tracking the number of COVID-19 cases at Whole Foods locations ; the company told Motherboard that the employee ’ s firing was not retaliatory and that she had violated company policies .
And after Trader Joe ’ s workers began organizing earlier this year , in March , an employee who helped start a non-management-staff Facebook group to discuss coronavirus safety and health concerns was similarly fired .
A Trader Joe ’ s spokesperson also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The Trump [ National Labor Relations ] Board has made some changes to the rules , and employers feel they have a real friend in the Trump Board , ” says Kate Bronfenbrenner , director of labor education research at Cornell University .
“ So they ’ re acting with even more impunity.
” On March 20 , employees at the downtown Portland , Oregon , location of the nationally expanding chain Voodoo Doughnut delivered a letter to management announcing that they had formed a union with the International Workers of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ union election , the newly formed Voodoo Doughnut Workers Union demanded higher wages and increased safety protections for staff , and severance packages for the branch ’ s roughly 30 employees laid off because of the pandemic .
Workers said they were told their unemployment would be temporary , and that the company would rehire workers once the social and economic climates stabilized .
But this past June , the workers ’ union accused the company of using the layoffs to “ clean house ” and hire new , non-unionized employees through Snagajob @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of pastry-hungry customers , workers picketed outside of the chain ’ s Old Town location , holding signs that read “ Stop Union Busting ” and “ Don ’ t Throw Us Out Like Day Old Donuts.
” “ It absolutely was a shock to many of us how the company has treated us , ” says Samantha Bryce , a Voodoo Doughnut Workers Union representative .
“ Really what we want is recognition and we want our jobs back.
” The workers ’ union said that it had filed 29 charges against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response to questions regarding the allegations of discriminating against union workers in rehiring , Audrey Lincoff , a Voodoo Doughnut spokesperson , said in a statement to Eater : “ Like all affected businesses during the COVID-19 pandemic , Voodoo Doughnut continues to rehire and hire as the business needs dictate.
” Since the establishment of the Wagner Act in 1935 , private-sector workers have been legally guaranteed the right to organize workplace unions and collectively bargain .
But according to a 2019 report by the Economic Policy Institute ( EPI ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 41 percent of employers were found to have violated the federal law in union election campaigns .
According to Celine McNicholas , labor counsel for the EPI and co-author of the report , part of the reason companies feel secure in breaking the law by firing workers or threatening to discipline them for organizing a union is that the enforcement of the law is lax , cases brought by unfairly discharged workers can drag on for years , and the penalties to many employers — rehiring the employee plus back pay , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job — are a slap on the wrist compared to having to deal with a more expensive and protected workforce .
“ Even if it ’ s patently illegal under the NLRB , with the particular way it ’ s being enforced in this administration , employers are able to bend and break the law with relative impunity in really egregious cases , ” McNicholas says , adding that there are “ not adequate remedies and enforcement methods to make it scary enough for employers not to do it.
” Employees at HMSHost-operated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigning for a union since last year , and the company has taken steps in an apparent aim to stifle the union drive — and use the coronavirus as pretext to ensure its success .
( HMSHost did not respond to a request for comment . )
According to restaurant workers , HMSHost hired a labor relations consulting firm and hosted captive audience meetings starting in February .
In a tiny room at the airport , consultants lectured groups of employees with anti-union talking points , even when the Centers for Disease Control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ methods .
As staff members began to face furloughs , Colon says an assistant manager informed him and other workers that the general manager was planning to bring back only non-union workers .
And the company stymied election proceedings by arguing against a mail-in-ballot election to the National Labor Relations Board , as employees wanted to avoid congregating for in-person voting while coronavirus cases surged in Florida .
With a successful vote in favor of a union , HMSHost would be legally required to bargain with employees ’ union representatives and sign a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health benefits , and workplace safety provisions , union representatives could also push for an agreement that includes recall guarantees and a fair recall system .
But as of now , there is no election date in sight : According to emails between company and union lawyers , HMSHost ’ s latest holdup is arguing to the National Labor Relations Board that furloughed workers — roughly 90 percent of the company ’ s airport restaurant staff — shouldn ’ t be allowed to vote in the union election .
And lately , some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose steam .
“ I have coworkers who have kids , ” says Rosanny Tejeda , a furloughed barista at an HMSHost-operated Starbucks .
“ The unemployment benefits aren ’ t going to last forever , and for a big family it might not be enough .
They might give up on waiting and find themselves another job.
” “ They don ’ t want to lose control of the dynamic.
” American companies have exploited chaotic climates to undermine workers ’ organizing efforts before .
In an interview with the New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joseph McCartin said that during the 1918 flu pandemic , steel plants and industrial companies managed to sway local officials to ban union meetings and frustrate organizing campaigns , the rationale being that they were breeding grounds for disease transmission .
During the Great Depression , he added , employers often targeted union workers for layoffs .
But now , even employees who are simply organizing for safe working conditions and hazard pay during the pandemic are coming under fire from their superiors .
Louisville , Kentucky , Trader Joe ’ s employee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ starting a Facebook group to discuss workplace health and safety concerns .
On March 31 , shortly after King was fired , Trader Joe ’ s chairman and CEO , Dan Bane , sent a letter to company employees , writing that “ a host of union campaigns have been launched that seek to capitalize on the current unstable environment in America.
” “ I think they ’ re just afraid of a larger voice and losing control of their employees , ” King says .
He adds that although the company manages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during normal times , “ when more is at stake and people want to step up and be vocal together , they don ’ t want to lose control of the dynamic.
” In April , Kenya Friend-Daniel , a spokesperson for Trader Joe ’ s , wrote in an email to Eater regarding King ’ s firing : “ I can tell you we did not end his employment due to a desire to unionize , set up a social media page or express concerns , nor would we do so with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the labor counsel at the EPI , there is a potential silver lining in this moment .
Food industry workers who have continued to supply everyone from the newly unemployed to people working from home with basic necessities and comforts are shedding light on their treatment by companies , whether it ’ s by demanding union recognition or the extension of hazard pay and more hand sanitizing stations .
In turn , they ’ re gaining community support , and more importantly , an increased desire to hold companies accountable .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the more these stories are told , that comes together for the perfect storm where you have a new administration with demands put on it by working people , ” she says , “ and those become priority for new administration , changes for the way we work , and then growth for the union movement .
”

Abismael Colon, a server at an Outback Steakhouse in the Orlando International Airport, was ready to unionize his workplace. For almost nine years, Colon had served countless Bloomin’ Onions and trained new hires despite what he describes as verbal insults and a daily fear that he’d be fired without cause by his superiors. This particular Outback Steakhouse was operated by HMSHost, an airport and highway food service company. Together with the hospitality-industry union Unite Here, the veteran employee and his colleagues helped garner majority support of about 800 workers at the airport’s other HMSHost-operated restaurants, such as Chili’s and Starbucks, with an election slated for late March to determine whether the union would officially represent the staff.
But Colon’s hopes for union representation took a heavy blow once the novel coronavirus hit Florida. The National Labor Relations Board delayed all elections a week before the HMSHost vote due to the pandemic. Once the Tampa regional branch reopened and announced it was accepting mail-in ballots, the company successfully moved to block the option and pushed for in-person voting, further dragging out the union campaign. More than three months later, Colon, like many of his now-furloughed colleagues, is without a paycheck, without health insurance, and without any job security.
“By them delaying the union and getting ourselves into a contract or negotiating, right now, we don’t have a guarantee to go back to work,” Colon says. “So employees are angry. They’re like, ‘Hey, when are we gonna get this vote?’ because they want their jobs back.”
Amid a growing wave of worker activism across the food industry, employees and contractors at restaurant chains and delivery apps alike have found themselves banding together to improve workplace conditions. In 2012, the Fight for $15 movement began to push nationally for a $15 minimum wage and union representation for fast-food workers, and in the years since, Gimme Coffee baristas in upstate New York have voted in favor of unionization, followed by employees at Portland branches of the fast-food chain Burgerville and Tartine locations in the Bay Area, as well as a group of Instacart workers in Skokie, Illinois.
“Employers feel they have a real friend in the Trump National Labor Relations Board.”
More recently, as the coronavirus spurred citywide business shutdowns, grocery store and restaurant workers were deemed “essential” in ensuring communities’ access to food and supplies. This led to some crisis-born benefits like pay raises and improved sick leave options at chains like Starbucks, where employees were given a temporary $3 per hour pay bump along with extended catastrophe pay. Other workers, however, saw their temporary wage increases and new workplace safety measures only through strikes and sickouts: After hundreds of workers at Kroger’s Delta Distribution Center in Memphis briefly stopped fulfilling orders in late March, the company granted all its employees temporary $2 per hour hazard pay and increased protections, like plexiglass protecting workers at the cash register.
But even as low-wage workers across the industry have gained these handfuls of new financial and health perks, some say companies have wielded the ongoing public health crisis as a tool for cracking down on union and worker organizing. On July 5, California-based Augie’s Coffee laid off its baristas and closed its retail operations indefinitely so as not “to risk the health and safety of our staff.” The timing was roughly a week and a half after employees informed management of their intent to unionize and asked for recognition, according the Augie’s Union; many of the company’s stores had continued service throughout the pandemic, even after Los Angeles County reported its first death. Whole Foods, which, according to a Business Insider report, has been using a heat map to monitor potential unionization activity, fired an employee who had been tracking the number of COVID-19 cases at Whole Foods locations; the company told Motherboard that the employee’s firing was not retaliatory and that she had violated company policies. And after Trader Joe’s workers began organizing earlier this year, in March, an employee who helped start a non-management-staff Facebook group to discuss coronavirus safety and health concerns was similarly fired. A Trader Joe’s spokesperson also said the firing was not retaliatory.
“The Trump [National Labor Relations] Board has made some changes to the rules, and employers feel they have a real friend in the Trump Board,” says Kate Bronfenbrenner, director of labor education research at Cornell University. “So they’re acting with even more impunity.”
On March 20, employees at the downtown Portland, Oregon, location of the nationally expanding chain Voodoo Doughnut delivered a letter to management announcing that they had formed a union with the International Workers of the World. Even before holding an official union election, the newly formed Voodoo Doughnut Workers Union demanded higher wages and increased safety protections for staff, and severance packages for the branch’s roughly 30 employees laid off because of the pandemic.
Workers said they were told their unemployment would be temporary, and that the company would rehire workers once the social and economic climates stabilized. But this past June, the workers’ union accused the company of using the layoffs to “clean house” and hire new, non-unionized employees through Snagajob. Under overcast skies and the watch of pastry-hungry customers, workers picketed outside of the chain’s Old Town location, holding signs that read “Stop Union Busting” and “Don’t Throw Us Out Like Day Old Donuts.”
“It absolutely was a shock to many of us how the company has treated us,” says Samantha Bryce, a Voodoo Doughnut Workers Union representative. “Really what we want is recognition and we want our jobs back.” The workers’ union said that it had filed 29 charges against the company with the NLRB.
In response to questions regarding the allegations of discriminating against union workers in rehiring, Audrey Lincoff, a Voodoo Doughnut spokesperson, said in a statement to Eater: “Like all affected businesses during the COVID-19 pandemic, Voodoo Doughnut continues to rehire and hire as the business needs dictate.”
Since the establishment of the Wagner Act in 1935, private-sector workers have been legally guaranteed the right to organize workplace unions and collectively bargain. But according to a 2019 report by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), a left-leaning think tank, more than 41 percent of employers were found to have violated the federal law in union election campaigns. According to Celine McNicholas, labor counsel for the EPI and co-author of the report, part of the reason companies feel secure in breaking the law by firing workers or threatening to discipline them for organizing a union is that the enforcement of the law is lax, cases brought by unfairly discharged workers can drag on for years, and the penalties to many employers — rehiring the employee plus back pay, which deducts any income they earned from another job — are a slap on the wrist compared to having to deal with a more expensive and protected workforce.
“Even if it’s patently illegal under the NLRB, with the particular way it’s being enforced in this administration, employers are able to bend and break the law with relative impunity in really egregious cases,” McNicholas says, adding that there are “not adequate remedies and enforcement methods to make it scary enough for employers not to do it.”
Employees at HMSHost-operated restaurants at Orlando International Airport have been campaigning for a union since last year, and the company has taken steps in an apparent aim to stifle the union drive — and use the coronavirus as pretext to ensure its success. (HMSHost did not respond to a request for comment.)
According to restaurant workers, HMSHost hired a labor relations consulting firm and hosted captive audience meetings starting in February. In a tiny room at the airport, consultants lectured groups of employees with anti-union talking points, even when the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention began to recommend early social-distancing methods. As staff members began to face furloughs, Colon says an assistant manager informed him and other workers that the general manager was planning to bring back only non-union workers. And the company stymied election proceedings by arguing against a mail-in-ballot election to the National Labor Relations Board, as employees wanted to avoid congregating for in-person voting while coronavirus cases surged in Florida.
With a successful vote in favor of a union, HMSHost would be legally required to bargain with employees’ union representatives and sign a contract. Along with higher wages, health benefits, and workplace safety provisions, union representatives could also push for an agreement that includes recall guarantees and a fair recall system. But as of now, there is no election date in sight: According to emails between company and union lawyers, HMSHost’s latest holdup is arguing to the National Labor Relations Board that furloughed workers — roughly 90 percent of the company’s airport restaurant staff — shouldn’t be allowed to vote in the union election. And lately, some workers are worrying that their campaign could lose steam.
“I have coworkers who have kids,” says Rosanny Tejeda, a furloughed barista at an HMSHost-operated Starbucks. “The unemployment benefits aren’t going to last forever, and for a big family it might not be enough. They might give up on waiting and find themselves another job.”
“They don’t want to lose control of the dynamic.”
American companies have exploited chaotic climates to undermine workers’ organizing efforts before. In an interview with the New York Times, the Georgetown University labor historian Joseph McCartin said that during the 1918 flu pandemic, steel plants and industrial companies managed to sway local officials to ban union meetings and frustrate organizing campaigns, the rationale being that they were breeding grounds for disease transmission. During the Great Depression, he added, employers often targeted union workers for layoffs.
But now, even employees who are simply organizing for safe working conditions and hazard pay during the pandemic are coming under fire from their superiors. Louisville, Kentucky, Trader Joe’s employee Kris King was among those fired after starting a Facebook group to discuss workplace health and safety concerns. On March 31, shortly after King was fired, Trader Joe’s chairman and CEO, Dan Bane, sent a letter to company employees, writing that “a host of union campaigns have been launched that seek to capitalize on the current unstable environment in America.”
“I think they’re just afraid of a larger voice and losing control of their employees,” King says. He adds that although the company manages to keep most of its employees content during normal times, “when more is at stake and people want to step up and be vocal together, they don’t want to lose control of the dynamic.”
In April, Kenya Friend-Daniel, a spokesperson for Trader Joe’s, wrote in an email to Eater regarding King’s firing: “I can tell you we did not end his employment due to a desire to unionize, set up a social media page or express concerns, nor would we do so with any other Crew Member.”
For McNicholas, the labor counsel at the EPI, there is a potential silver lining in this moment. Food industry workers who have continued to supply everyone from the newly unemployed to people working from home with basic necessities and comforts are shedding light on their treatment by companies, whether it’s by demanding union recognition or the extension of hazard pay and more hand sanitizing stations. In turn, they’re gaining community support, and more importantly, an increased desire to hold companies accountable.
“There has been a backlash, and the more these stories are told, that comes together for the perfect storm where you have a new administration with demands put on it by working people,” she says, “and those become priority for new administration, changes for the way we work, and then growth for the union movement.”
Matthew Sedacca is a writer living in Brooklyn.


vox--2020-07-15--Congress is running out of time to extend expanded unemployment insurance

As of June , a staggering 33 million people have received unemployment benefits in recent weeks .
It ’ s a huge figure — and one that isn ’ t likely to change as industries continue to navigate business closures and financial losses that have resulted from the coronavirus pandemic .
Earlier this year , lawmakers temporarily provided recipients of unemployment with an additional $ 600 per week as part of the CARES Act .
That expanded unemployment insurance ( UI ) is set to end after July 31 , but it ’ s become increasingly evident that the need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away .
What ’ s unclear , though , is whether Congress can agree on a plan to address the program ’ s fast-approaching expiration .
The $ 600 boost in UI is in addition to the weekly payment an unemployed individual gets from their state , which averages out to $ 370 per person ( but varies by state ) .
That ’ s a notable increase and one that ’ s been vital for those who have been furloughed or laid off during the pandemic .
On average , unemployment insurance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up 40 percent of a worker ’ s previous pay .
Due to the timeline set by the original bill , the expansion in unemployment insurance isn ’ t slated to continue after the end of July — and thus far , lawmakers have yet to take any action to make sure that changes .
This inertia is the result of an ongoing impasse between Democrats and Republicans on the subject .
In their $ 3 trillion Heroes Act , which the House passed more than seven weeks ago , Democrats sought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of January 2021 .
Senate Republicans , however , have said repeatedly that they ’ re averse to supporting such a measure because they fear it could deter people from returning to work .
As economists and recipients of UI have noted , however , the Republican argument misses a key point of the benefit : In part , these funds were intended to help workers stay at home — and not return to work — because staying home is safer and contributes to reducing the spread of the coronavirus .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unemployment benefits will slow the return of workers to work , ” University of Chicago public policy professor Damon Jones told Vox .
“ In fact , it is much more likely that what will keep people from work is a lack of safety and the risk of infection of Covid-19.
” Relatedly , many unemployed people don ’ t have jobs to go back to at the moment and need the UI support in order to cover basic living costs like food and rent as the pandemic continues .
According to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was published at the end of June , 11.9 million workers are now unemployed with no likelihood of returning to their previous jobs .
“ My industry is just shuttered at this point , ” rugby trainer Katherine Henry told NBC News .
“ I ’ d have no trouble working at our local Starbucks , but they aren ’ t hiring .
Republicans say it ’ s an excuse not to go back to work , but there isn ’ t any work.
” For now , the House and Senate have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do away with the UI expansion altogether or find some compromise that could reduce the amount people receive .
Lawmakers will return to work on July 20 and will have a few weeks to hammer out a proposal before they ’ re expected to leave again for recess on August 10 .
But this down-to-the-wire timing leaves millions of workers mired in uncertainty about what comes next .
Nick Parisi , 28 , an IT worker who is currently relying on UI to cover rent after getting laid off earlier this spring , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having to worry day by day if an extension will be provided to us citizens is the absolute worst feeling that anyone could experience.
” A few potential compromises have been floated , with negotiations to start in earnest next week As coronavirus cases have surged in several states , forcing them to reverse business reopenings , pressure has increased on lawmakers to figure out an extension for the expanded unemployment insurance .
Recently , there have been signs Republicans and Democrats could find a bipartisan solution to the problem .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must extend it , ” Speaker Nancy Pelosi said during an appearance on CNN ’ s State of the Union this weekend .
In a departure from his past opposition to more UI , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , too , has acknowledged the need to include unemployment insurance in the next stimulus package .
“ I think you could anticipate this coming to a head sometime within the next three weeks , beginning next week , ” McConnell said at a press appearance in Kentucky on Monday .
McConnell , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Republican extension plan would look like .
Publicly , members of the Trump administration have floated a few ideas that indicate how Republicans could lean .
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin , who is currently in talks with McConnell , has said he ’ s interested in a UI expansion that does not surpass what employees would have made at the jobs they had .
And White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow has indicated backing for vague “ unemployment reforms , ” as well as payments for workers who return to their jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some congressional aides have also discussed a reduced expansion of UI that would provide between $ 200 to $ 400 per week instead of the current $ 600 .
That proposal could be coupled with another stimulus check , like the $ 1,200 one-time payments Congress approved this past spring , the Post adds .
“ When my members come back next week , we ’ ll start socializing it with them , ” McConnell said this past Monday of Republican plans on UI .
Congress has a narrow window to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Much like the way it has handled major legislation in the past , Congress ’ s efforts on UI are taking place very close to a key deadline .
Since the current expansion is poised to expire on July 31 , lawmakers have less than two weeks to approve an extension or alternative plan when they return to DC on July 20 .
That timing is not stressful only for UI recipients .
It also affects states , which will have to recalibrate their UI programs to account for any potential changes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ delay in getting something done could mean that disbursement of new UI benefits could suffer as well .
“ [ This ] will cause administrative chaos if state UI agencies don ’ t know whether they will or won ’ t be continuing these payments past the end of the month , ” UC Berkeley economics professor Jesse Rothstein told Vox .
“ If Congress does wind up introducing some new benefit level in late July , many states will not be able to get it [ to unemployed people ] until September.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ support could also be devastating .
Experts emphasize that ending the expanded benefit would make more people food insecure and leave many struggling to cover housing costs .
They note that consumer spending could well take a hit , too , and further depress the economy .
“ Once that $ 600 a week ends , all of those people have mortgages , all of those people have rent , they are going to have a hard time making ends meet on a regular basis , ” University of Kansas economics professor Donna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need for more UI support will be among the central issues Congress will consider when it returns from recess next week .
And until lawmakers reach a resolution , millions of people across the country remain in a holding pattern .
“ An extension of benefits will continue to help me pay rent , provide for my family , and put food on the table , ” said Parisi .
“ Most importantly , it will provide assurance that I may continue to survive during these troubling times.
” Every day at Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

As of June, a staggering 33 million people have received unemployment benefits in recent weeks. It’s a huge figure — and one that isn’t likely to change as industries continue to navigate business closures and financial losses that have resulted from the coronavirus pandemic.
Earlier this year, lawmakers temporarily provided recipients of unemployment with an additional $600 per week as part of the CARES Act. That expanded unemployment insurance (UI) is set to end after July 31, but it’s become increasingly evident that the need for such support hasn’t gone away.
What’s unclear, though, is whether Congress can agree on a plan to address the program’s fast-approaching expiration.
The $600 boost in UI is in addition to the weekly payment an unemployed individual gets from their state, which averages out to $370 per person (but varies by state). That’s a notable increase and one that’s been vital for those who have been furloughed or laid off during the pandemic. On average, unemployment insurance has historically only been enough to make up 40 percent of a worker’s previous pay.
Due to the timeline set by the original bill, the expansion in unemployment insurance isn’t slated to continue after the end of July — and thus far, lawmakers have yet to take any action to make sure that changes.
This inertia is the result of an ongoing impasse between Democrats and Republicans on the subject. In their $3 trillion HEROES Act, which the House passed more than seven weeks ago, Democrats sought to extend the federal UI until the end of January 2021. Senate Republicans, however, have said repeatedly that they’re averse to supporting such a measure because they fear it could deter people from returning to work.
As economists and recipients of UI have noted, however, the Republican argument misses a key point of the benefit: In part, these funds were intended to help workers stay at home — and not return to work — because staying home is safer and contributes to reducing the spread of the coronavirus.
“I think there is a misplaced worry that unemployment benefits will slow the return of workers to work,” University of Chicago public policy professor Damon Jones told Vox. “In fact, it is much more likely that what will keep people from work is a lack of safety and the risk of infection of Covid-19.”
Relatedly, many unemployed people don’t have jobs to go back to at the moment and need the UI support in order to cover basic living costs like food and rent as the pandemic continues. According to a study by the Economic Policy Institute that was published at the end of June, 11.9 million workers are now unemployed with no likelihood of returning to their previous jobs.
“My industry is just shuttered at this point,” rugby trainer Katherine Henry told NBC News. “I’d have no trouble working at our local Starbucks, but they aren’t hiring. Republicans say it’s an excuse not to go back to work, but there isn’t any work.”
For now, the House and Senate have yet to determine whether they’ll do away with the UI expansion altogether or find some compromise that could reduce the amount people receive. Lawmakers will return to work on July 20 and will have a few weeks to hammer out a proposal before they’re expected to leave again for recess on August 10. But this down-to-the-wire timing leaves millions of workers mired in uncertainty about what comes next.
Nick Parisi, 28, an IT worker who is relying on UI to cover rent after getting laid off earlier this spring, told Vox, “The idea of having to worry day by day if an extension will be provided to us citizens is the absolute worst feeling that anyone could experience.”
A few potential compromises have been floated, with negotiations to start in earnest next week
As coronavirus cases have surged in several states, forcing them to reverse business reopenings, pressure has increased on lawmakers to figure out an extension for the expanded unemployment insurance. Recently, there have been signs Republicans and Democrats could find a bipartisan solution to the problem.
“We have to find a compromise because we must extend it,” Speaker Nancy Pelosi said during an appearance on CNN’s State of the Union this weekend. In a departure from his past opposition to more UI, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, too, has acknowledged the need to include unemployment insurance in the next stimulus package. “I think you could anticipate this coming to a head sometime within the next three weeks, beginning next week,” McConnell said at a press appearance in Kentucky on Monday. Still, he’s offered few details on what a Republican extension plan would look like.
Publicly, members of the Trump administration have floated a few ideas that indicate how Republicans could lean. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who is currently in talks with McConnell, has said he’s interested in a UI expansion that does not surpass what employees would have made at the jobs they had. And White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow has indicated backing for vague “unemployment reforms,” as well as payments for workers who return to their jobs.
As the Washington Post has reported, some congressional aides have also discussed a reduced expansion of UI that would provide $200 to $400 per week instead of the current $600. That proposal could be coupled with another stimulus check, like the $1,200 one-time payments Congress approved this past spring, the Post adds.
“When my members come back next week, we’ll start socializing it with them,” McConnell said this past Monday of Republican plans on UI.
Congress has a narrow window to get things done when it returns from recess
Much like the way Congress has handled major legislation in the past, its efforts on UI are taking place very close to a key deadline. Since the current expansion is poised to expire on July 31, lawmakers have less than two weeks to approve an extension or alternative plan when they return to DC on July 20.
That timing is not stressful only for UI recipients. It also affects states, which will have to recalibrate their UI programs to account for any potential changes. According to one economist, lawmakers’ delay in getting something done could mean that disbursement of new UI benefits could suffer as well.
“[This] will cause administrative chaos if state UI agencies don’t know whether they will or won’t be continuing these payments past the end of the month,” UC Berkeley economics professor Jesse Rothstein told Vox. “If Congress does wind up introducing some new benefit level in late July, many states will not be able to get it [to unemployed people] until September.”
The fallout from reductions in UI support could also be devastating. Experts emphasize that ending the expanded benefit would make more people food insecure and leave many struggling to cover housing costs. They note that consumer spending could well take a hit, too, and further depress the economy.
“Once that $600 a week ends, all of those people have mortgages, all of those people have rent, they are going to have a hard time making ends meet on a regular basis,” University of Kansas economics professor Donna Ginther told Vox.
Weighing the overwhelming need for more UI support will be among the central issues Congress will consider when it returns from recess next week. And until lawmakers reach a resolution, millions of people across the country remain in a holding pattern.
“An extension of benefits will continue to help me pay rent, provide for my family, and put food on the table,” said Parisi. “Most importantly, it will provide assurance that I may continue to survive during these troubling times.”


vox--2020-07-15--Students are using Instagram to reveal racism on campus

On the Black at Harvard Law Instagram page , the breadth of anonymously-submitted stories is tangible proof that , according to the page ’ s bio , “ no amount of success or credentialing will insulate Black people from racism , even at Harvard Law School.
” In one testimony , a student described how a criminal law professor , who once spent a class discussing how minorities have the lowest percentage of passing the bar exam , told the student they “ would never pass the bar exam , ” after they emailed him asking how to better prepare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Another student described how their First Amendment professor , when discussing fighting words in class , asked them , “ If I called you the n-word right now , would you fight me ?
” These testimonies detail the daily microaggressions and explicitly racist sentiments that Black students face from faculty and their fellow peers at one of the nation ’ s most esteemed law schools .
For decades , educational institutions — from elite universities to public schools to child care centers — have proudly declared themselves champions of “ diversity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of color have attested that institutional commitment to so-called “ diversity work ” tends to ebb and flow over the years .
Energized by the momentum of the Movement for Black Lives , high school and college students are demanding that schools acknowledge and account for the systemic racism that permeates their institutions , even ones that proclaim to hold diverse and liberal values .
Nationwide , the bulk of students ’ online activism and coordinated mobilization is dedicated toward institutional change , rather than individual accountability .
In recent weeks and months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focus on a slightly different kind of online activity — anonymously-run vigilante social media accounts or crowdsourced Google Docs that attempt to “ expose ” people for their racist actions and statements , often run by students at the high school level .
These efforts , which try to weed out individuals , appear to be much less coordinated than the campaigns directed toward institutions .
Plus , these accounts don ’ t tend to last very long online , given how they open the doors to harassment and doxxing .
At the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for example , three students had their college admissions revoked after two viral videos , reposted from Snapchat and TikTok , showed them using the n-word and making references to George Floyd .
These events prompted the creation of a Black at MBS Instagram account , according to NJ.com , and led the school to hire a consultant on cultural competency , as well as survey Black students and alumni for recommendations on possible improvements .
But on a much larger scale , students are collectively organizing to signal how change is necessary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a headline-grabbing incident to highlight the school ’ s flaws .
Many are crafting petitions , planning peaceful marches , and establishing spaces to amplify the voices of Black and minority students .
At Clemson University , students have successfully petitioned for a rename of the Calhoun Honors College , which was named after former US Vice President John C. Calhoun , an ardent defender of slavery in the South .
In many cases , schools are called on to move beyond words of solidarity , especially when confronted with hundreds of anecdotes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , from former and current students .
“ We need more than attentive listening , ” reads one petition from Whitney High School alumni and current students in California .
“ We need active listening.
” Across Instagram , many “ Black At ” accounts — created in the same spirit as Black at Harvard Law — aim to serve a more restorative role for students ( and in some cases , faculty and staff ) to anonymously share and reflect upon their grievances .
These online testimonies , students say , should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Already , these publicly-shared testimonies have pushed some selective private schools and public school districts to reexamine current systems in place for reporting bias incidents , teacher diversity , and American history and literature curriculum , the Wall Street Journal reported .
“ The school has to commit to doing this type of daily continuous work , ” said McKenzie Carter , one of three 2016 graduates who run the page Black at Hathaway Brown , an all-girls private school in Shaker Heights , Ohio .
“ We all want the best for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but this page exists to show that these changes — simply having more cultural competency and awareness — should ’ ve happened a long time ago.
” “ The school has to commit to doing this type of daily continuous work ” Some pages are crowdsourcing a list of student demands to present to administrators , while others are setting up virtual events to encourage more direct participation .
Those at Hathaway Brown set up a Zoom town hall that was livestreamed on Facebook for administrators to watch , but not actively participate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voices .
“ We ’ ve been really diligent in taking this step to involve the school , since in order to make that change , we need to have those uncomfortable conversations with the powers that be , ” said Cartier Pitts , who co-runs the Black at Hathaway Brown account .
The student moderators of these accounts , like Pitts and Carter , have told me they ’ ve thought deeply about the mission of their unique “ Black At ” pages , with some explicitly refusing to publish names or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the person who submitted the testimony .
“ I felt that if there was a name attached to the story , the reader would only think of the person and possibly react with anger .
That could take away from the essence of these testimonies and how , at the end of the day , we need to change certain parts of our culture , ” said Dylan Wimberly , a senior at West Orange High School in New Jersey who runs his school ’ s page , Black at West Orange .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ names of staff and students , told me that while his school is composed of majority Black students , the surrounding town , school board , and teachers are still predominantly white , which makes their situation unique .
“ There are still plenty of cases where students feel like they ’ ve been singled out , targeted , treated badly , or had their intelligence questioned simply because of their race , ” he added .
“ I really want the school district , specifically the superintendent and diversity board , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at us and think , nothing that bad can happen , but racism doesn ’ t just occur at predominantly white schools.
” Avery LaVergne , a recent graduate of Montclair High School in New Jersey , expressed how it ’ s frustrating that it took a public Instagram page for the school , which she said prides itself on being “ open-minded , diverse , and pretty liberal , ” to condemn the racism students have experienced .
The 18-year-old decided to publish testimonies that included some names of teachers or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but not the names of students .
“ This account doesn ’ t aim to put a target on anyone ’ s back , ” LaVergne told me .
“ The school can ’ t investigate these exact incidents because a person anonymously came forward .
But in the future , I want the school board to begin holding teachers accountable with how they treat students.
” She acknowledged that there ’ s a downside to anonymous submissions , especially when it comes to describing specific perpetrators .
As a page moderator , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ prove or disprove ” a situation , but noted that in the comments of her posts , “ it ’ s quite clear you ’ ve seen people have similar issues with certain teachers , or noticed patterns of behavior within a department.
” For many “ Black At ” moderators , the goal is not to create what ’ s akin to a file for their school ’ s human resources department .
The specifics of a student ’ s story aren ’ t as important , they say , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that students of color face on campus .
And while most students have received mainly positive responses from their campus and administrators , some have received pushback on the page from random trolls , community members , or teachers , particularly when it comes to outlining specific incidents .
Sol , the account creator of Black at USC , which has over 11,000 Instagram followers , told me she received a tip that some conservative student groups intended to submit false stories in an effort to discredit the page .
( I graduated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I had received around 700 submissions when I got a tip-off about their plan , so I had to switch from an anonymous Google form to directly messaging people , ” said Sol , a senior who asked to be referred to by the pseudonym out of fear of retaliation .
There is a downside to only featuring anonymous submissions , she admitted , but the breadth of responses the account has received only reinforced its message and “ legitimized the complaints.
” And while USC has outlined a new plan to combat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hosting public forums , Sol doesn ’ t “ think that was an appropriate response at all.
” She ’ s planning to leverage her social media following to present the administration with a list of demands submitted and supported by students , which include changes to how the USC ’ s public safety department polices students , offering clearer pathways to promotion or tenure for staff and faculty of color , and requiring all campus members to take implicit bias courses .
With the rise of social media activism among young people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing concerns about “ cancel culture ” — a nebulous , often polarizing term to describe how certain people , usually a celebrity or public figure , can be blocked from having a prominent platform or career due to ideological views or past actions that have garnered public backlash .
The young people I spoke to for this story , though , recognize the power of social media platforms and are , more often than not , critical of outright “ canceling ” their peers .
“ There was a submission about a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who was named , ” Sol said .
“ But instead I put enough descriptors so that people in her social circle would know who she is and hopefully talk to her , but I didn ’ t want it to be a place where commenters would start tagging her , her employer , or anything like that .
That ’ s not very productive at all.
” Higher education institutions , however , aren ’ t only facing internal pressure from students , who are calling for more concrete anti-racist plans .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ with admitted students who are revealed to have a history of racist , xenophobic , or offensive behaviors , usually on social media .
According to the nonprofit Foundation for Individual Rights in Education , a pro-free speech organization , there ’ s been “ a tremendous number of cases of students who ’ ve had their admissions rescinded or are being disciplined by their colleges , ” said Samantha Harris , an attorney and senior fellow at FIRE .
“ Some random person will dig up old social media posts by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particular school , and usually there will be demands on the university to punish or rescind admissions.
” The number of cases and frequency , however , appear to have “ reached a zenith in recent weeks , ” she told me .
The response from an institution can vary , depending on whether a student is at a public or private university , but Harris believes that , now more than ever , colleges need to set forth clearer policies and guidelines on what to do for these situations .
“ When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something ad hoc , it can be difficult to remain firm in their position because they don ’ t have a clear policy , ” she said .
Students have acknowledged that when administrators make symbolic acts , such as publicly rescinding an admission or renaming a building , they feel like they ’ ve “ done enough ” — instead of addressing the many institutional problems that continue to exist on campus .
“ It is easy and in fashion right now to be publicly anti-racist , ” Sol said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the actual work to do so.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

On the Black at Harvard Law Instagram page, the breadth of anonymously submitted stories is tangible proof that, according to the page’s bio, “no amount of success or credentialing will insulate Black people from racism, even at Harvard Law School.”
In one testimony, a student described how a criminal law professor, who once spent a class discussing how minorities have the lowest percentage of passing the bar exam, told the student they “would never pass the bar exam,” after they emailed him asking how to better prepare for his final exam next semester. Another student described how their First Amendment professor, when discussing fighting words in class, asked them, “If I called you the n-word right now, would you fight me?”
These testimonies detail the daily microaggressions and explicitly racist sentiments that Black students face from faculty and their fellow peers at one of the nation’s most esteemed law schools.
For decades, educational institutions — from elite universities to public schools to child care centers — have proudly declared themselves champions of “diversity and inclusion.” Yet, students and faculty of color have attested that institutional commitment to so-called “diversity work” tends to ebb and flow over the years.
Energized by the momentum of the Movement for Black Lives, high school and college students are demanding that schools acknowledge and account for the systemic racism that permeates their institutions, even ones that proclaim to hold diverse and liberal values. Nationwide, the bulk of students’ online activism and coordinated mobilization is dedicated toward institutional change rather than individual accountability.
In recent weeks and months, there’s been a greater focus on a slightly different kind of online activity — anonymously run vigilante social media accounts or crowdsourced Google Docs that attempt to “expose” people for their racist actions and statements, often run by students at the high school level. These efforts, which try to weed out individuals, appear to be much less coordinated than the campaigns directed toward institutions. Plus, these accounts don’t tend to last very long online, given how they open the doors to harassment and doxxing.
At the private Morristown-Beard School in New Jersey, for example, three students had their college admissions revoked after two viral videos, reposted from Snapchat and TikTok, showed them using the n-word and making references to George Floyd. These events prompted the creation of a Black at MBS Instagram account, according to NJ.com, and led the school to hire a consultant on cultural competency, as well as survey Black students and alumni for recommendations on possible improvements.
But on a much larger scale, students are collectively organizing to signal how change is necessary, even if there isn’t a headline-grabbing incident to highlight the school’s flaws. Many are crafting petitions, planning peaceful marches, and establishing spaces to amplify the voices of Black and minority students. At Clemson University, students have successfully petitioned for a rename of the Calhoun Honors College, which was named after former US Vice President John C. Calhoun, an ardent defender of slavery in the South.
In many cases, schools are called on to move beyond words of solidarity, especially when confronted with hundreds of anecdotes of racist behaviors, some spanning decades, from former and current students. “We need more than attentive listening,” reads one petition from Whitney High School alumni and current students in California. “We need active listening.”
Across Instagram, many “Black At” accounts — created in the same spirit as Black at Harvard Law — aim to serve a more restorative role for students (and in some cases, faculty and staff) to anonymously share and reflect upon their grievances. These online testimonies, students say, should compel administrators to enact meaningful change. Already, these publicly shared testimonies have pushed some selective private schools and public school districts to reexamine current systems in place for reporting bias incidents, teacher diversity, and American history and literature curriculum, the Wall Street Journal reported.
“The school has to commit to doing this type of daily continuous work,” said McKenzie Carter, one of three 2016 graduates who runs the page Black at Hathaway Brown, an all-girls private school in Shaker Heights, Ohio. “We all want the best for the school and its future students, but this page exists to show that these changes — simply having more cultural competency and awareness — should’ve happened a long time ago.”
“The school has to commit to doing this type of daily continuous work”
Some pages are crowdsourcing a list of student demands to present to administrators, while others are setting up virtual events to encourage more direct participation. Those at Hathaway Brown set up a Zoom town hall that was livestreamed on Facebook for administrators to watch, but not actively participate or steer the conversation away from student voices.
“We’ve been really diligent in taking this step to involve the school, since in order to make that change, we need to have those uncomfortable conversations with the powers that be,” said Cartier Pitts, who co-runs the Black at Hathaway Brown account. The student moderators of these accounts, like Pitts and Carter, have told me they’ve thought deeply about the mission of their unique “Black At” pages, with some explicitly refusing to publish names or details that could compromise the identity of the person who submitted the testimony.
“I felt that if there was a name attached to the story, the reader would only think of the person and possibly react with anger. That could take away from the essence of these testimonies and how, at the end of the day, we need to change certain parts of our culture,” said Dylan Wimberly, a senior at West Orange High School in New Jersey who runs his school’s page, Black at West Orange. Wimberly, who decided to exclude all names of staff and students, told me that while his school is composed of majority Black students, the surrounding town, school board, and teachers are still predominantly white, which makes their situation unique.
“There are still plenty of cases where students feel like they’ve been singled out, targeted, treated badly, or had their intelligence questioned simply because of their race,” he added. “I really want the school district, specifically the superintendent and diversity board, to realize these are real stories. You look at us and think, nothing that bad can happen, but racism doesn’t just occur at predominantly white schools.”
Avery LaVergne, a recent graduate of Montclair High School in New Jersey, expressed how it’s frustrating that it took a public Instagram page for the school, which she said prides itself on being “open-minded, diverse, and pretty liberal,” to condemn the racism students have experienced. The 18-year-old decided to publish testimonies that included some names of teachers or specifics about the classes they taught, but not the names of students.
“This account doesn’t aim to put a target on anyone’s back,” LaVergne told me. “The school can’t investigate these exact incidents because a person anonymously came forward. But in the future, I want the school board to begin holding teachers accountable with how they treat students.”
She acknowledged that there’s a downside to anonymous submissions, especially when it comes to describing specific perpetrators. As a page moderator, LaVergne admitted that she can’t “prove or disprove” a situation, but noted that in the comments of her posts, “it’s quite clear you’ve seen people have similar issues with certain teachers, or noticed patterns of behavior within a department.”
For many “Black At” moderators, the goal is not to create what’s akin to a file for their school’s human resources department. The specifics of a student’s story aren’t as important, they say, as bringing to light the trauma and toxicity that students of color face on campus. And while most students have received mainly positive responses from their campus and administrators, some have received pushback on the page from random trolls, community members, or teachers, particularly when it comes to outlining specific incidents.
Sol, the account creator of Black at USC, which has over 11,000 Instagram followers, told me she received a tip that some conservative student groups intended to submit false stories in an effort to discredit the page. (I graduated from USC in 2019.)
“I had received around 700 submissions when I got a tip-off about their plan, so I had to switch from an anonymous Google form to directly messaging people,” said Sol, a senior who asked to be referred to by the pseudonym out of fear of retaliation.
There is a downside to only featuring anonymous submissions, she admitted, but the breadth of responses the account has received only reinforced its message and “legitimized the complaints.” And while USC has outlined a new plan to combat racism, which includes conducting surveys and hosting public forums, Sol doesn’t “think that was an appropriate response at all.”
She’s planning to leverage her social media following to present the administration with a list of demands submitted and supported by students, which include changes to how USC’s public safety department polices students, offering clearer pathways to promotion or tenure for staff and faculty of color, and requiring all campus members to take implicit bias courses.
With the rise of social media activism among young people in recent years, there have been growing concerns about “cancel culture” — a nebulous, often polarizing term to describe how certain people, usually a celebrity or public figure, can be blocked from having a prominent platform or career due to ideological views or past actions that have garnered public backlash. The young people I spoke to for this story, though, recognize the power of social media platforms and are, more often than not, critical of outright “canceling” their peers.
“There was a submission about a girl in a sorority at USC, who was named,” Sol said. “But instead I put enough descriptors so that people in her social circle would know who she is and hopefully talk to her, but I didn’t want it to be a place where commenters would start tagging her, her employer, or anything like that. That’s not very productive at all.”
Higher education institutions, however, aren’t only facing internal pressure from students, who are calling for more concrete anti-racist plans. Many are struggling with what to do with admitted students who are revealed to have a history of racist, xenophobic, or offensive behaviors, usually on social media.
According to the nonprofit Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE), a pro-free speech organization, there’s been “a tremendous number of cases of students who’ve had their admissions rescinded or are being disciplined by their colleges,” said Samantha Harris, an attorney and senior fellow at FIRE. “Some random person will dig up old social media posts by a student who’s enrolled at a particular school, and usually there will be demands on the university to punish or rescind admissions.” The number of cases and frequency, however, appear to have “reached a zenith in recent weeks,” she told me.
The response from an institution can vary, depending on whether a student is at a public or private university, but Harris believes that, now more than ever, colleges need to set forth clearer policies and guidelines on what to do for these situations. “When a university is reactive or responds to something ad hoc, it can be difficult to remain firm in their position because they don’t have a clear policy,” she said.
Students have acknowledged that when administrators make symbolic acts, such as publicly rescinding an admission or renaming a building, they feel like they’ve “done enough” — instead of addressing the many institutional problems that continue to exist on campus. “It is easy and in fashion right now to be publicly anti-racist,” Sol said. “It’s much harder to commit to the actual work to do so.”