vox--2020-09-02--Can anything change Americans’ minds about Donald Trump?

On August 27 , 2019 , President Donald Trump held a 41.3 percent approval rating and a 54.2 percent disapproval rating , according to FiveThirtyEight ’ s poll tracker .
During the 365 days that followed , Trump became the third president impeached by the House of Representatives ; America assassinated Iranian general Qassem Soleimani ; more than 200,000 Americans died from the disease caused by the novel coronavirus ; the unemployment rate rose from 3.7 percent to 10.2 percent ; the US banned incoming travel from Europe , China , and Brazil ; an estimated 12 million people lost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stone , who was facing jail time for dirty tricks on the president ’ s behalf ; and George Floyd ’ s murder sparked a nationwide movement protesting for racial justice — to which officials responded by tear-gassing demonstrators in Lafayette Park in Washington , DC , so Trump could take a photograph holding a Bible .
That is , of course , a bitterly incomplete list of a grimly consequential year in American history .
But you ’ d never know it simply by following Trump ’ s poll numbers .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later , and the day Trump used the White House as a backdrop for his convention speech — FiveThirtyEight had Trump at 42.2 percent approval and 54.3 percent disapproval .
Everything had happened , and politically , nothing had mattered .
Or , at the least , not much had changed .
“ It ’ s really remarkable , ” says Jennifer Victor , a political scientist at George Mason University .
“ The stability of Trump ’ s numbers are almost unbelievable.
” They ’ re also unique .
According to Gallup @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ronald Reagan ’ s numbers bounced from a high of 68 to a low of 35 percent during his tenure .
George H.W .
Bush peaked at 81 and bottomed out at 29 .
Bill Clinton ranged between 73 and 37 percent .
George W. Bush touched 90 percent and fell all the way to 25 percent .
Barack Obama ’ s band was narrower but still stretched from 40 percent to 67 percent .
As for Trump , his highest approval rating is 49 and his lowest is 35 — a range @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus far .
True , Trump has had less time in office than his predecessors .
But he ’ s also had a more volatile first term than most of them , in world events , indicators of national health and happiness , and personal behavior .
And even if you only look at first terms , Trump stands out : This is the great irony of the Trump era : It has never felt like more is happening , and yet American political opinions have never been so immovable .
All this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should the eerie stability of Trump ’ s approval rating disturb or even surprise ?
Why do we expect presidential approval to bounce around in the first place ?
And second , what does it mean for American politics to be this locked in place , this insensitive to the rip and roar of events ?
What would make you change your mind about Donald J. Trump ?
When Michael Tesler , a political scientist at the University of California Irvine , tries to explain “ the amazing stability of Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ starts with a question .
He asks his students if there ’ s anything Trump could do to make them support him .
And he ’ s invariably met by a sea of shaking heads .
“ If you went into Trump ’ s presidency thinking he ’ s a racist , sexist , xenophobic , immoral , narcissistic , corrupt , and incompetent person — beliefs held by most Clinton voters — then there ’ s literally almost nothing he could do to change your mind , ” says Tesler .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If you see Trump as ‘ the protector of Western Civilization , ’ as Charlie Kirk called him the other night at the RNC , or the protector of white America , as Desmond King and Rogers Smith have called him , defending cherished ( white Christian ) American values from atheist , left-wing socialists who want to take your guns and put Cory Booker in charge of diversifying your neighborhoods , then there ’ s almost nothing that would make you abandon him , ” Tesler continues .
Six months ago , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s approval ratings , too .
Trump is such a gleefully polarizing figure — so contemptible to those he offends , so heroic to those he defends — that minds were made up on him before he ever stepped into the Oval Office .
Moreover , Trump is a limited figure : He doesn ’ t switch strategies , adopt new tones , adapt to new circumstances .
Where past presidents made concerted efforts to shift course as their presidencies evolved , pursuing unexpected policies to win over skeptics and new messages to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He ’ s reliably , inalterably , himself .
Your view of the man is your view of the presidency , and that ’ s the way he wants it .
But pundits should be honest when reality surprises them .
If you had told me , a year ago , that a pandemic virus would overrun the country , that 200,000 Americans would die and case numbers would dwarf Europe , that the economy would go into deep freeze and the federal government prove utterly feckless , I would ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systemic shock that could crack into public opinion .
I ’ m not saying I would ’ ve predicted Trump falling to 20 percent , but I would ’ ve predicted movement .
The stability unnerves me because it undermines the basic theory of responsive democracy .
If our political divisions cut so deep that even 200,000 deaths and 10.2 percent unemployment and a president musing about bleach injections can ’ t shake us , then what can ?
And if the answer is nothing , then that means the crucial form of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yes , many of us are partisans , with a hard lean one way or the other .
But the assumption has long been that beneath that , we are Americans , and we want the country governed with some bare level of competence , that we care more for our safety and our paychecks than our parties .
But how do we know if we ’ re being governed with a bare level of competence ?
Trump ’ s ratings on the coronavirus largely track his broader approval ratings .
On August @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his handling of the coronavirus and 58 percent of Americans disapproved .
That ’ s slightly worse than his overall approval spread , but only slightly .
That is to say , most Americans who approve of Trump broadly also think he ’ s doing a good job responding to the coronavirus .
And who ’ s to say he isn ’ t ?
Few of us have true , firsthand knowledge of the government ’ s response to the pandemic .
What we know of it is mediated by the information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The nature of the crisis is perfectly set up for perception to matter a lot and be manipulatable , ” says Marquette University political scientist Julia Azari .
“ Far more people know they had to stay home for two months than were directly affected by Covid-19 ( so far , at least ) .
Narratives that this has been a lie , a hoax , or an exaggeration , are very powerful for some people.
” My view , to be clear , is that Trump ’ s response to the coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governance failures in American history .
We are doing far worse than peer nations in controlling case rates and saving lives .
Analyses suggest that upward of 70 percent of America ’ s coronavirus deaths could ’ ve been prevented by a faster , more capable response along the lines Australia , South Korea , Germany , and Singapore .
And to write all this is to still give the White House too much credit — they have largely offered no response at all , shunting this crisis to the states and refusing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or even follow their own guidelines .
Moreover , Trump has , himself , been a model of personal irresponsibility , fueling a culture war over face masks and packing supporters into arenas and the White House lawn .
As a result , while 93 percent of Americans who strongly disapprove of Trump say face masks are effective , only 65 percent of those who strongly approve of Trump say the same .
It is not , then , simply that Trump has done a poor job managing the federal government ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an active hindrance to the governors and mayors trying to fill the void he ’ s left .
Or so I ’ d argue .
But in this era , what you believe depends on what you read .
And if you watch Fox News — or , even more to the point , OANN , the White House ’ s favored network — the narrative is different .
Democrats are overreacting , driving the economy into crisis in a bitter bid to drive Trump from office .
Trump ’ s own rhetoric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ barring most travel from China — rather than the many , many things he refused to do , like setting up a national testing , contact tracing , and quarantining strategy .
“ Millions of people are certainly feeling economic and psychological pain due to lockdowns and other measures , ” says Larry Bartels , a political scientist at Vanderbilt University .
“ But the president seems to have been pretty successful in shifting the blame for those .
He wants to reopen , but evil Democrats are dragging their feet .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to even more illnesses and fatalities , but those are hypothetical costs.
” I occasionally hear Trump described as the “ Teflon president.
” Many liberals are agog at how many scandals , disasters , and offensive comments Trump has survived .
It can seem like nothing sticks to him .
But Trump isn ’ t Teflon .
It ’ s simply that whatever will stick to him has already stuck to him .
Absorbing this much damage and provoking this much loathing has not been a successful strategy .
Stable poll numbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ triumph .
When the economy was strong , his approval ratings were far lower than the jobs and GDP numbers would predict .
And while Trump ’ s approval ratings on the coronavirus are higher than what I think he deserves , they ’ re punishingly low in comparison to other world leaders .
According to Morning Consult data , France ’ s Emmanuel Macron is up 5 points since January , Canada ’ s Justin Trudeau is up 9 points , Germany ’ s Angela Merkel is up 16 points , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 points .
Viewed in this way , Trump ’ s stability might be best understood as a tremendous political failure : He had the opportunity for a rally-round-the-leader effect that could have locked his reelection .
His weak , erratic , ineffective response instead turned the pandemic into the central threat to his reelection : In Morning Consult ’ s polling , Biden held a 14-point advantage by the end of June when voters were asked which candidate they trusted on the coronavirus , up from a 3-point advantage in April .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ numbers hide smaller but electorally consequential shifts .
“ If there is one group Trump is leaking support from , it is older white people in Florida , ” says Marc Hetherington , a political scientist at the University of North Carolina .
“ At least that is how I read the data coming out of Florida .
The Covid-19 response is actually killing older people there .
As this goes on , more and more of them actually know someone who has been affected in some serious way .
According to our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power to blunt partisanship .
Republicans follow their leaders when they are not afraid of getting sick .
They don ’ t follow those cues when they are afraid of getting sick.
” Biden now leads by more than 4 points in Florida , up from a dead heat in April .
It is telling that Trump ’ s strategy for winning reelection doesn ’ t seem to be a new message or a new plan for controlling the coronavirus or restarting the economy .
Instead , he ’ s running a racialized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disorder — even though that disorder is happening on his watch as president .
“ The GOP has no policies so they deal entirely in grievance and identity , ” says Lilliana Mason , a political scientist at the University of Maryland .
That has been enough for Trump to hold a bit more than 40 percent of the electorate .
But a bit more than 40 percent of the electorate is not a winning coalition , and it is far less than a capable leader might now hold .
So perhaps , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was commanding and competent , the political cost of the path Trump followed has been significant , and it may lose him the presidency and discredit him in history .
It ’ s worth remembering that even Herbert Hoover got 40 percent of the vote in the 1932 presidential election — more than three years into the Great Depression and not far off from where Trump is polling now .
Sometimes it ’ s easier for the country in general , and partisans in particular , to admit a leader ’ s failures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is when he — and they — are still fighting to keep power .
But still : Forty-two percent of Americans look at Trump and believe he ’ s doing a good job , or at least a good enough one .
And nothing they ’ ve seen over the past year has shaken that view .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

On August 27, 2019, President Donald Trump held a 41.3 percent approval rating and a 54.2 percent disapproval rating, according to FiveThirtyEight’s poll tracker. During the 365 days that followed, Trump became the third president impeached by the House of Representatives; America assassinated Iranian general Qassem Soleimani; more than 200,000 Americans died from the disease caused by the novel coronavirus; the unemployment rate rose from 3.7 percent to 10.2 percent; the US banned incoming travel from Europe, China, and Brazil; an estimated 12 million people lost health insurance coverage; Trump pardoned Roger Stone, who was facing jail time for dirty tricks on the president’s behalf; and George Floyd’s killing sparked a nationwide movement protesting for racial justice — to which officials responded by tear-gassing demonstrators in Lafayette Park in Washington, DC, so Trump could pose for a photograph holding a Bible.
That is, of course, a bitterly incomplete list of a grimly consequential year in American history. But you’d never know it simply by following Trump’s poll numbers. On August 27, 2020 — one year later, and the day Trump used the White House as a backdrop for his convention speech — FiveThirtyEight had Trump at 42.2 percent approval and 54.3 percent disapproval. Everything had happened, and politically, nothing had mattered. Or, at the least, not much had changed.
“It’s really remarkable,” says Jennifer Victor, a political scientist at George Mason University. “The stability of Trump’s numbers is almost unbelievable.”
It’s also unique. According to Gallup’s presidential approval database, President Ronald Reagan’s numbers bounced from a high of 68 to a low of 35 percent during his tenure. George H.W. Bush peaked at 81 and bottomed out at 29. Bill Clinton ranged between 73 and 37 percent over his two terms. George W. Bush touched 90 percent and fell all the way to 25 percent. Barack Obama’s band was narrower but still stretched from 40 percent to 67 percent.
As for Trump, his highest approval rating is 49 and his lowest is 35 — a range of only 15 points across his presidency thus far. True, Trump has had less time in office than his predecessors. But he’s also had a more volatile first term than most of them, in world events, indicators of national health and happiness, and personal behavior. And even if you only look at first terms, Trump stands out:
This is the great irony of the Trump era: It has never felt like more is happening, and yet American political opinions have never been so immovable.
All this raises a few questions. First, should the eerie stability of Trump’s approval rating disturb or even surprise? Why do we expect presidential approval to bounce around in the first place? And second, what does it mean for American politics to be this locked in place, this insensitive to the rip and roar of events?
What would make you change your mind about Donald J. Trump?
When Michael Tesler, a political scientist at the University of California Irvine, tries to explain “the amazing stability of Trump’s approval” in his classes, he starts with a question. He asks his students if there’s anything Trump could do to make them support him. And he’s invariably met by a sea of shaking heads. “If you went into Trump’s presidency thinking he’s a racist, sexist, xenophobic, immoral, narcissistic, corrupt, and incompetent person — beliefs held by most Clinton voters — then there’s literally almost nothing he could do to change your mind,” says Tesler.
The same is true in reverse. “If you see Trump as ‘the protector of Western Civilization,’ as Charlie Kirk called him the other night at the RNC, or the protector of white America, as Desmond King and Rogers Smith have called him, defending cherished (white Christian) American values from atheist, left-wing socialists who want to take your guns and put Cory Booker in charge of diversifying your neighborhoods, then there’s almost nothing that would make you abandon him,” Tesler continues.
Six months ago, this was my explanation of Trump’s approval ratings, too. Trump is such a gleefully polarizing figure — so contemptible to those he offends, so heroic to those he defends — that minds were made up on him before he ever stepped into the Oval Office. Moreover, Trump is a limited figure: He doesn’t switch strategies, adopt new tones, adapt to new circumstances. Where past presidents made concerted efforts to shift course as their presidencies evolved, pursuing unexpected policies to win over skeptics and new messages to quiet critics, Trump is just Trump. He’s reliably, inalterably, himself. Your view of the man is your view of the presidency, and that’s the way he wants it.
But pundits should be honest when reality surprises them. If you had told me, a year ago, that a pandemic virus would overrun the country, that 200,000 Americans would die and case numbers would dwarf Europe’s, that the economy would go into deep freeze and the federal government prove utterly feckless, I would’ve thought that’s the kind of systemic shock that could crack into public opinion. I’m not saying I would’ve predicted Trump falling to 20 percent, but I would’ve predicted movement.
The stability unnerves me because it undermines the basic theory of responsive democracy. If our political divisions cut so deep that even 200,000 deaths and 10.2 percent unemployment and a president musing about bleach injections can’t shake us, then what can? And if the answer is nothing, then that means the crucial form of accountability in American politics has collapsed. Yes, many of us are partisans, with a hard lean one way or the other. But the assumption has long been that beneath that, we are Americans, and we want the country governed with some bare level of competence, that we care more for our safety and our paychecks than our parties.
But how do we know if we’re being governed with a bare level of competence?
Coronavirus Rashomon
Trump’s ratings on the coronavirus largely track his broader approval ratings. On August 27, 38.9 percent of Americans approved of his handling of the coronavirus and 58 percent of Americans disapproved. That’s slightly worse than his overall approval spread, but only slightly.
That is to say, most Americans who approve of Trump broadly also think he’s doing a good job responding to the coronavirus. And who’s to say he isn’t? Few of us have true, firsthand knowledge of the government’s response to the pandemic. What we know of it is mediated by the information sources we choose and trust. “The nature of the crisis is perfectly set up for perception to matter a lot and be manipulatable,” says Marquette University political scientist Julia Azari. “Far more people know they had to stay home for two months than were directly affected by Covid-19 (so far, at least). Narratives that this has been a lie, a hoax, or an exaggeration are very powerful for some people.”
My view, to be clear, is that Trump’s response to the coronavirus will stand as one of the great governance failures in American history. We are doing far worse than peer nations in controlling case rates and saving lives. Analyses suggest that upward of 70 percent of America’s coronavirus deaths could have been prevented by a faster, more capable response along the lines Australia, South Korea, Germany, and Singapore. And to write all this is to still give the White House too much credit — they have largely offered no response at all, shunting this crisis to the states and refusing to release a plan of their own or even follow their own guidelines.
Moreover, Trump has, himself, been a model of personal irresponsibility, fueling a culture war over face masks and packing supporters into arenas and the White House lawn. As a result, while 94 percent of Americans who strongly disapprove of Trump say face masks are effective, only 67 percent of those who strongly approve of Trump say the same. It is not, then, simply that Trump has done a poor job managing the federal government’s mobilization. Rather, he has been an active hindrance to the governors and mayors trying to fill the void he’s left.
Or so I’d argue. But in this era, what you believe depends on what you read. And if you watch Fox News — or, even more to the point, OANN, the White House’s favored network — the narrative is different. Democrats are overreacting, driving the economy into crisis in a bitter bid to drive Trump from office. Trump’s own rhetoric emphasizes what he did — namely, barring most travel from China — rather than the many, many things he refused to do, like setting up a national testing, contact tracing, and quarantining strategy.
“Millions of people are certainly feeling economic and psychological pain due to lockdowns and other measures,” says Larry Bartels, a political scientist at Vanderbilt University. “But the president seems to have been pretty successful in shifting the blame for those. He wants to reopen, but evil Democrats are dragging their feet. The obvious response is that reopening would lead to even more illnesses and fatalities, but those are hypothetical costs.”
Trump isn’t Teflon
I occasionally hear Trump described as the “Teflon president.” Many liberals are agog at how many scandals, disasters, and offensive comments Trump has survived. It can seem like nothing sticks to him.
But Trump isn’t Teflon. It’s simply that whatever will stick to him has already stuck to him. Absorbing this much damage and provoking this much loathing has not been a successful strategy. Stable poll numbers in the low 40s are hardly a political triumph. When the economy was strong, his approval ratings were far lower than the jobs and GDP numbers would predict. And while Trump’s approval ratings on the coronavirus are higher than what I think he deserves, they’re punishingly low in comparison to other world leaders.
According to Morning Consult data, France’s Emmanuel Macron is up 5 points since January, Canada’s Justin Trudeau is up 9 points, Germany’s Angela Merkel is up 16 points, and Australia’s Scott Morrison is up 25 points. Viewed in this way, Trump’s stability might be best understood as a tremendous political failure: He had the opportunity for a rally-round-the-leader effect that could have locked his reelection. His weak, erratic, ineffective response instead turned the pandemic into the central threat to his reelection: In Morning Consult’s polling, Biden held a 14-point advantage by the end of June when voters were asked which candidate they trusted on the coronavirus, up from a 3-point advantage in April.
It is also possible that the headline numbers hide smaller but electorally consequential shifts. “If there is one group Trump is leaking support from, it is older white people in Florida,” says Marc Hetherington, a political scientist at the University of North Carolina. “At least, that is how I read the data coming out of Florida. The Covid-19 response is actually killing older people there. As this goes on, more and more of them actually know someone who has been affected in some serious way. According to our data, that appears to have the power to blunt partisanship. Republicans follow their leaders when they are not afraid of getting sick. They don’t follow those cues when they are afraid of getting sick.” Biden now leads by more than 4 points in Florida, up from a dead heat in April.
It is telling that Trump’s strategy for winning reelection doesn’t seem to be a new message or a new plan for controlling the coronavirus or restarting the economy. Instead, he’s running a racialized campaign against protests, riots, and disorder — even though that disorder is happening on his watch as president. “The GOP has no policies, so they deal entirely in grievance and identity,” says Lilliana Mason, a political scientist at the University of Maryland. That has been enough for Trump to hold a bit more than 40 percent of the electorate. But a bit more than 40 percent of the electorate is not a winning coalition, and it is far less than a capable leader might now hold.
So perhaps, compared to a hypothetical Trump response that was commanding and competent, the political cost of the path Trump followed has been significant, and it may lose him the presidency and discredit him in history. Even Herbert Hoover got 40 percent of the vote in the 1932 presidential election — more than three years into the Great Depression and not far off from where Trump is polling now. Sometimes it’s easier for the country in general, and partisans in particular, to admit a leader’s failures after he’s lost than it is when he — and they — are still fighting to keep power.
But still: Forty-two percent of Americans look at Trump and believe he’s doing a good job, or at least a good enough one. And nothing they’ve seen over the past year has shaken that view.


vox--2020-09-01--Richard Neal, one of the most powerful Democrats in Congress, defeats challenger

Rep. Richard Neal ( D-MA ) has fended off a high-profile primary challenge in Massachusetts .
Neal , who chairs the House Ways and Means Committee and represents Massachusetts ’ First Congressional District , faced a tight race with Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse heading into Massachusetts ’ primary on Tuesday .
Morse , who is gay , was backed by Justice Democrats , the progressive group that recruits and supports progressive candidates to primary incumbents .
He hoped to follow in the footsteps of figures such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Jamaal Bowman in New York and Cori Bush in Missouri @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress .
Ultimately , Neal , who was endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-CA ) and Massachusetts ’ Republican Gov .
Charlie Baker and had much of the Democratic establishment behind him , held out .
The 71-year-old Neal has been in Congress since 1989 and has one of the most powerful positions in Congress — should he choose to use it .
The Ways and Means Committee he heads is the House ’ s main tax-writing committee and has jurisdiction over taxes and other revenue-raising measures .
The committee and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has the ability to try to go after President Donald Trump ’ s tax returns , and critics have accused the Congress member of moving too slowly .
Neal ’ s office has said he has moved prudently in order to improve Democrats ’ chances of success in the courts .
According to the Washington Post , at one debate between the pair , Morse accused Neal of prioritizing working with the Trump administration over holding them accountable .
Neal insisted he was really focused on just using the best approach .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reverberate throughout American history .
I am not going to screw this case up , ” he said .
Neal has also been criticized for his reticence around Medicare-for-all and has been accused of being too cozy with the health care industry .
In 2019 , he tanked a bill seeking to clamp down on surprise medical billing that had received bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate .
Morse tried to paint Neal as a figure too entrenched in Washington politics and influenced by special interests .
In an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pointed to Neal ’ s support for legislation that would bar the IRS from building an online tax filing system , a bill supported by TurboTax maker Intuit and H & R Block .
“ There ’ s a narrative of Congressman Neal having so much power and influence … he ’ s used that power and influence for corporate influence and wealthy donors , ” he said at the time .
Neal defended his record as an institutionalist who knows how to navigate the system .
This year , he was one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Relief , and Economic Security Act , or the CARES Act , the $ 2.2 trillion stimulus bill the president signed in March .
“ The great things that have happened in American history have come from legislation , ” he said while speaking at an event in Stockbridge , Massachusetts , in July , according to the Berkshire Eagle .
“ That ’ s where the power of the idea plays out.
” The primary between Neal and Morse garnered quite a bit of national attention — and also had some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most covered moments of the race came in August , after the College Democrats of Massachusetts put out a letter alleging Morse , 31 , had used “ his position of power for romantic or sexual gain ” and had inappropriate contacts with students on multiple occasions in his time as a university lecturer .
Morse issued a statement denying he had ever had a nonconsensual encounter with anyone or used his position of power to try to manipulate anyone for romantic or sexual ends .
He acknowledged he had consensual relationships with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at local universities I ’ ve met using dating apps.
” The accusations caused ripples , and progressive group the Sunrise Movement temporarily paused campaigning for Morse .
However , the allegations were later revealed by the Intercept to be part of a plot to try to manufacture and leak accusations of inappropriate behavior by Morse .
Morse was elected mayor of Holyoke in 2011 at the age of 22 , becoming the city ’ s youngest and first openly gay mayor .
He is also single , and as Jeremy Peters outlined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incident is likely only the beginning or the types of attacks LGBTQ politicians will face “ as more people who are open about their sexual orientation and gender identity run for office.
” “ The expectation shouldn ’ t be that we have to be in monogamous , heteronormative relationships before we enter public life , ” Morse told Peters .
Beyond the story around the Morse allegations , the contest between Neal and Morse garnered national attention for other reasons as well .
It was another iteration of the establishment incumbent versus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve seen since Ocasio-Cortez , who backed Morse , defeated Joe Crowley in 2018 .
“ This is definitely a national race in lots of ways , ” Massachusetts state Rep. Aaron Vega told the Daily Hampshire Gazette ahead of the election .
“ What does progressiveness mean and what does incumbency and power bring to the table ?
” In 2020 , Massachusetts ’ First District chose incumbency and power that Democrats hope Neal will wield .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from as little as $ 3 .

Rep. Richard Neal (D-MA) has fended off a high-profile primary challenge in Massachusetts.
Neal, who chairs the House Ways and Means Committee and represents Massachusetts’ First Congressional District, faced a tight race with Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse heading into Massachusetts’ primary on Tuesday. Morse, who is gay, was backed by Justice Democrats, the progressive group that recruits and supports progressive candidates to primary incumbents. He hoped to follow in the footsteps of figures such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Jamaal Bowman in New York and Cori Bush in Missouri in unseating an entrenched Democratic member of Congress.
Ultimately, Neal, who was endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Massachusetts’ Republican Gov. Charlie Baker and had much of the Democratic establishment behind him, held out.
The 71-year-old Neal has been in Congress since 1989 and has one of the most powerful positions in Congress — should he choose to use it. The Ways and Means Committee he heads is the House’s main tax-writing committee and has jurisdiction over taxes and other revenue-raising measures. The committee and, more specifically, Neal, also has the ability to try to go after President Donald Trump’s tax returns, and critics have accused the Congress member of moving too slowly. Neal’s office has said he has moved prudently in order to improve Democrats’ chances of success in the courts.
According to the Washington Post, at one debate between the pair, Morse accused Neal of prioritizing working with the Trump administration over holding them accountable. Neal insisted he was really focused on just using the best approach. “This is a case that is going to reverberate throughout American history. I am not going to screw this case up,” he said.
Neal has also been criticized for his reticence around Medicare-for-all and has been accused of being too cozy with the health care industry. In 2019, he tanked a bill seeking to clamp down on surprise medical billing that had received bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate.
Morse tried to paint Neal as a figure too entrenched in Washington politics and influenced by special interests. In an interview with Vox last year, he pointed to Neal’s support for legislation that would bar the IRS from building an online tax filing system, a bill supported by TurboTax maker Intuit and H&R Block. “There’s a narrative of Congressman Neal having so much power and influence … he’s used that power and influence for corporate influence and wealthy donors,” he said at the time.
Neal defended his record as an institutionalist who knows how to navigate the system. This year, he was one of the drafters of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, or the CARES Act, the $2.2 trillion stimulus bill the president signed in March. “The great things that have happened in American history have come from legislation,” he said while speaking at an event in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in July, according to the Berkshire Eagle. “That’s where the power of the idea plays out.”
Neal vs. Morse garnered a lot of national attention
The primary between Neal and Morse garnered quite a bit of national attention — and also had some twists and turns.
One of the most covered moments of the race came in August, after the College Democrats of Massachusetts put out a letter alleging Morse, 31, had used “his position of power for romantic or sexual gain” and had inappropriate contacts with students on multiple occasions in his time as a university lecturer.
Morse issued a statement denying he had ever had a nonconsensual encounter with anyone or used his position of power to try to manipulate anyone for romantic or sexual ends. He acknowledged he had consensual relationships with other men, “including students enrolled at local universities I’ve met using dating apps.” The accusations caused ripples, and progressive group the Sunrise Movement temporarily paused campaigning for Morse.
However, the allegations were later revealed by the Intercept to be part of a plot to try to manufacture and leak accusations of inappropriate behavior by Morse.
Morse was elected mayor of Holyoke in 2011 at the age of 22, becoming the city’s youngest and first openly gay mayor. He is also single, and as Jeremy Peters outlined at the New York Times, this incident is likely only the beginning of the types of attacks LGBTQ politicians will face “as more people who are open about their sexual orientation and gender identity run for office.”
“The expectation shouldn’t be that we have to be in monogamous, heteronormative relationships before we enter public life,” Morse told Peters.
Beyond the story around the Morse allegations, the contest between Neal and Morse garnered national attention for other reasons as well. It was another iteration of the establishment incumbent versus young, progressive up-and-comer story we’ve seen since Ocasio-Cortez, who backed Morse, defeated Joe Crowley in 2018.
“This is definitely a national race in lots of ways,” Massachusetts state Rep. Aaron Vega told the Daily Hampshire Gazette ahead of the election. “What does progressiveness mean and what does incumbency and power bring to the table?”
In 2020, Massachusetts’ First District chose incumbency and power that Democrats hope Neal will wield.


vox--2020-09-02--The police shooting of Jacob Blake, explained

Amid America ’ s summer of protests against police brutality and racism , another police shooting of a Black man has gone viral : that of 29-year-old Kenosha , Wisconsin , resident Jacob Blake .
Blake survived the shooting .
But his father told the Chicago Sun-Times his son is paralyzed from the waist down .
Rusten Sheskey , a white officer who is a seven-year veteran of the Kenosha Police Department , reportedly shot Blake in the back at close range seven times on August 23 .
The shooting sparked local protests ( during which a 17-year-old vigilante killed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , prompted professional athletes to strike , and has become a central talking point for Democrats and Republicans as each party attempts to use it as evidence of the other side ’ s inability to govern .
Now , the FBI has opened a civil rights investigation into the shooting , in conjunction with an investigation by the Wisconsin Department of Justice .
And both Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his running mate , Sen. Kamala Harris , have called for Blake ’ s shooter to face criminal charges .
Sheskey and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — Vincent Arenas and Brittany Meronek — have been placed on administrative leave .
Arenas and Sheskey both shot Blake with Tasers before the latter fired on him with a handgun ; Meronek was at the scene .
But these developments and their impact on Blake and his family have been eclipsed by a national conversation about what Blake ’ s shooting means , and what the resultant protests say about the state of America .
Blake ’ s shooting , captured on video by a bystander , quickly went viral and further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brutality and for civil rights that began following the killings of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd .
In Kenosha , protesters were quick to respond to the video .
Hours after the shooting took place , demonstrators gathered in downtown Kenosha ; in the resulting uprising , buildings and car lots were set on fire and protesters who launched fireworks clashed with police officers in riot gear who fired tear gas .
Immediately following that uprising , Wisconsin Gov .
Tony Evers called in the state National Guard to bolster the ranks of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city ’ s curfew .
More National Guard members were deployed during the third night of uprisings — a night that saw armed citizens standing guard outside local businesses .
One of those citizens , 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse of Illinois , was arrested and charged with murder in the shooting of three people , two of whom died .
That shooting , in turn , has led to an even greater National Guard presence — and to Evers accepting a deployment of federal law enforcement officers amid pressure from President Donald Trump to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uprisings in Kenosha and in other cities as symptoms of mismanagement and has attempted to use them to argue that he is the presidential candidate who will bring “ LAW & ORDER !
” to the United States .
Democrats like presidential nominee Joe Biden have attempted to place the blame for violence adjacent to uprisings at the feet of the president .
Blake ’ s mother , Julia Jackson , has pleaded for politicians to “ fix our country ” while condemning the destruction that happened during the early uprisings in Kenosha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t burn up property and cause havoc and tear your own homes down in my son ’ s name , ” she said on CNN after the first two nights of protests .
In Kenosha , protesters heeded Jackson ’ s request but have continued their demonstrations .
And across the US , Blake ’ s shooting has given new urgency to demonstrations in other cities and towns , sharpening the calls of protesters who say Americans must continue to take to the streets to fight the harmful cycle of police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defund the police .
Police were called to the scene of a domestic incident at 5:11 pm on Sunday in the Wilson Heights neighborhood of Kenosha , according to a police report .
The Wisconsin Department of Justice notes the police were called to the neighborhood by a woman who requested assistance because “ her boyfriend was present and was not supposed to be on the premises.
” In dispatch audio of the incident , a dispatcher can be heard saying , “ Jacob Blake isn ’ t supposed to be there and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and is refusing to give them back.
” Following the shooting , several witnesses told Kenosha News that Blake was trying to break up a “ verbal altercation ” between two women just after 5 pm .
By 5:15 , there were three officers on the scene , with one requesting more officers be sent .
Two videos of the officers ’ interaction with Blake have emerged .
The first , which went viral , depicts Blake ’ s shooting ; the second shows some of what happened in the seconds immediately prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , wearing a white tank top and black shorts , can be seen attempting to stand as two officers struggle to force him to the ground ; various bystanders shout throughout .
After about 15 seconds , Blake can be seen standing and walking around the front of a gray van .
All three officers on the scene have weapons trained on him ; two follow him around the van .
This is where the first video picks up .
Blake can be seen walking around the front of a gray van , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and heading toward the driver ’ s side .
Two officers follow closely behind Blake .
Both officers have their weapons pointed at Blake ’ s back .
Many people can be heard yelling .
As Blake opens the driver-side door , one officer snatches the tail end of Blake ’ s tank top .
It stretches out as Blake attempts to enter the vehicle ; seven shots are fired at Blake ’ s back .
No other officer opened fire .
The van ’ s horn blares , the officer continues to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and a woman screams at the side of the vehicle where Blake was shot .
One of the officers pushes the woman away , and the 19-second video comes to an end .
Blake remains hospitalized .
The bullet damage reportedly forced doctors to remove most of Blake ’ s colon and small intestines ; his kidneys , liver , and arm were also seriously damaged .
A statement from the state Department of Justice notes that officers tried to arrest Blake ; following the shooting , Kenosha Police chief Daniel Miskinis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for an outstanding warrant for third-degree sexual assault.
” It is not clear whether the officers who were called to Wilson Heights were attempting to arrest Blake due to this warrant .
It is clear that they first used Tasers to try to apprehend him ; the Wisconsin DOJ statement says the nonlethal weapon “ was not successful at stopping Blake.
” The police department said in a statement that Blake received immediate aid and was airlifted to the hospital in Milwaukee .
The state attorney general , Josh Kaul , has said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in his possession when the shooting occurred .
Officials from the department recovered the knife from the driver-side floorboard of Blake ’ s vehicle .
The Kenosha Police Department does not have body cameras , so the officers were not wearing any at the time of the incident , according to the statement .
Jacob Blake ’ s family retained civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump , who also represents the family of George Floyd .
According to a statement from Crump , Blake was shot by police in front of his three young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We all watched the horrific video of Jacob Blake being shot in the back several times by Kenosha police , ” Crump said in the statement .
“ Even worse , his three sons witnessed their father collapse after being riddled with bullets .
Their irresponsible , reckless , and inhumane actions nearly cost the life of a man who was simply trying to do the right thing by intervening in a domestic incident .
It ’ s a miracle he ’ s still alive.
” Meanwhile , both Biden and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shot Blake to face charges .
“ I think that there should be a thorough investigation and , based on what I ’ ve seen , it seems that the officer should be charged , ” Harris said in an August 28 interview .
And when asked on September 2 if he agreed with her , Biden said that “ there ’ s a minimum need to be charged ” and “ we should let the judicial system work its way.
” Nights of unrest — and the shooting of three people — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Blake was shot on August 23 , leading to a number of uprisings and escalating tension with local police .
Following the shooting , videos on social media showed protests that included garbage trucks being set on fire , windows of buildings at and near the courthouse being smashed , and crowds clashing with police dressed in riot gear .
In response , county officials instituted a curfew , and Wisconsin ’ s governor began to deploy members of the Wisconsin National Guard to Kenosha .
The city grew more tense in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kenosha County Courthouse gave way to uprisings after the 8 pm curfew .
Fires burned in much of Kenosha ’ s Black business district , according to Reuters , and protesters used bats to break traffic signals and signs .
When the crowd of people reached 1,000 at a park near the courthouse , police shot small beanbags and used “ ear deafening audio ” to disperse the people who refused to move , according to the Washington Post .
The unrest has since spread to other cities including Madison , Portland , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Seattle .
On August 25 , violence erupted at the protests in Kenosha when a group of men with guns who said they were protecting the property clashed with protesters .
Online video footage shows that people were chasing after one of the armed men , identified as 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse , in an attempt to capture him and seize his AR-15-style rifle .
During the chase , Rittenhouse trips and falls to the ground , where he shoots at a few of the people who were following him .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walks toward law enforcement officials , who do not detain him , despite bystanders screaming that he had just shot people .
Two of three people were fatally hit , with the other taken to the hospital with “ serious , but non-life threatening injuries , ” according to the Kenosha Police Department .
Rittenhouse is a self-proclaimed militia member , has ties to law enforcement as a former member of various law enforcement youth training programs , and was front row at a Trump rally in January .
Rittenhouse ’ s Facebook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accessible , revealed that he is a committed Blue Lives Matter supporter : In a press conference on the Rittenhouse incident , Kenosha Police Chief Dan Miskinis tried to shift the blame of the shootings onto the protesters and the people who were shot , saying that if protesters had stayed inside , the shootings would have perhaps not taken place .
“ Everybody involved was out after the curfew .
I ’ m not going to make a great deal of it , but the point is that the curfew is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been out in violation of that , perhaps the situation that unfolded would not have happened , ” he said .
At the same press conference , Kenosha Sheriff David G. Beth responded to the concern that police officers did not apprehend Rittenhouse when he walked past them .
“ I ’ ve been in a shooting before .
In situations that are high stress , you have such incredible tunnel vision .
You have no idea what ’ s outside right here if you ’ re looking right here , ” Beth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kenosha Mayor John Antaramian , meanwhile , said that he does not want militia members at protests .
“ I don ’ t need more guns on the street , in the community , when we are trying to make sure we keep people safe , ” he said .
“ Law enforcement is trained .
They ’ re the ones who are responsible .
They ’ re the ones we have faith will do their job and make sure it gets done .
That is why the curfews are there.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to paint the unrest in Kenosha as a preview of Joe Biden ’ s America , even though the shooter was a Trump supporter and the protests are happening during Trump ’ s presidency .
“ Joe Biden would double down on the very policies that are leading to violence in American cities .
The hard truth is you will not be safe in Joe Biden ’ s America , ” Vice President Mike Pence said during the Republican National Convention .
Trump went on the tell Americans that the protests show @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s America.
” Biden has rebutted these attacks , saying in a speech in Philadelphia , “ These are not images of some imagined Joe Biden America of the future — these are images of Donald Trump ’ s America today .
...
He keeps telling you , if he was president , you ’ d feel safe .
Well , he is president — whether he knows it or not.
” Police violence is not uncommon in Wisconsin The ongoing protests continued those that began after Floyd ’ s death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of unarmed Black civilians are not new occurrences in Wisconsin , a state in which Black people make up just 6.7 percent of the population .
According to the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel , the Milwaukee region has been home to a number of high-profile police shootings — particularly of Black and Latinx men — in the past two decades in which officers were not charged .
One of the victims , 22-year-old Adam Trammell , died in 2017 after officers from the West Milwaukee Police Department broke down the door of his apartment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The 2019 police shooting of Ty ’ Rese West in Racine County , just north of Kenosha County , also resulted in no charges against the police .
A police sergeant stopped West one evening for not having the proper lights on his bicycle .
A struggle ensued after the sergeant thought West had a gun .
The incident ended when the sergeant fatally shot West .
The death sparked protests across Racine County , and West ’ s family has not stopped issuing calls for justice .
Years of grassroots organizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County resident Michael Bell in 2004 led to the passing of a Milwaukee law in 2014 that prevents police officers from conducting their own investigations of officer-involved shootings .
As in Blake ’ s case , an outside law enforcement body must step in to lead the investigation .
But in the wake of George Floyd ’ s death , criminal justice reform advocates have argued that law doesn ’ t go far enough , and protesters have demanded state legislators make changes to the criminal justice system .
Some local officials across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terminating school district contracts with police officers .
In June , Evers announced a legislative package that included banning chokeholds and no-knock warrants , adding the requirement that officers take deescalation training , and putting $ 1 million in grants toward community-based anti-violence programs , according to Wisconsin Public Radio .
However , lawmakers likely won ’ t vote on any of the proposals until next year .
And the package of bills from the state ’ s Democratic governor has received little support from the Republican lawmakers who control the state ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s shooting to call for a renewed focus on race and policing in his state , saying , “ We stand against excessive use of force and immediate escalation when engaging with Black Wisconsinites .
...
In the coming days , we will demand just that of elected officials in our state who have failed to recognize the racism in our state and our country for far too long.
” But the governor ’ s statement — and proposed initiatives — have garnered pushback .
Pete Deates , president of the union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor ’ s statement , calling it “ wholly irresponsible and not reflective of the hardworking members of the law enforcement community.
” Deates asked that people “ withhold judgment ” about the shooting and let the investigation “ play out fairly and impartially.
” Despite this response , protesters in Kenosha and across the country are still demanding systemic change .
Michael Bell Sr. , the father of shooting victim Michael Bell , told the New York Times following the shooting of Blake , “ The system is broken .
The system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 26 : Due to an editing error , an earlier version of this story incorrectly stated Jacob Blake was fatally shot .
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Amid America’s summer of protests against police brutality and racism, another police shooting of a Black man has gone viral: that of 29-year-old Kenosha, Wisconsin, resident Jacob Blake.
Blake survived the shooting, and said in a video taken at the hospital where he is receiving treatment that he has been in “nothing but pain.”
“Your life, and not only just your life, your legs … can be taken from you like this,” Blake said in the video, snapping his fingers.
Blake’s father told the Chicago Sun-Times his son is paralyzed from the waist down. Rusten Sheskey, a white officer who is a seven-year veteran of the Kenosha Police Department, reportedly shot Blake in the back at close range seven times on August 23.
The shooting sparked local protests (during which a 17-year-old vigilante killed two people), reignited national unrest, prompted professional athletes to strike, and has become a central talking point for Democrats and Republicans as each party attempts to use it as evidence of the other side’s inability to govern.
Now, the FBI has opened a civil rights investigation into the shooting, in conjunction with an investigation by the Wisconsin Department of Justice. And both Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his running mate, Sen. Kamala Harris, have called for Blake’s shooter to face criminal charges.
Sheskey and the other two officers on the scene — Vincent Arenas and Brittany Meronek — have been placed on administrative leave. Arenas and Sheskey both shot Blake with Tasers before the latter fired on him with a handgun; Meronek was at the scene. But these developments and their impact on Blake and his family have been eclipsed by a national conversation about what Blake’s shooting means, and what the resultant protests say about the state of America.
Blake’s shooting, captured on video by a bystander, quickly went viral and further stoked the ongoing national protests against police brutality and for civil rights that began following the killings of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd.
In Kenosha, protesters were quick to respond to the video. Hours after the shooting took place, demonstrators gathered in downtown Kenosha; in the resulting uprising, buildings and car lots were set on fire and protesters who launched fireworks clashed with police officers in riot gear who fired tear gas.
Immediately following that uprising, Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers called in the state National Guard to bolster the ranks of local law enforcement and to enforce the city’s curfew.
More National Guard members were deployed during the third night of uprisings — a night that saw armed citizens standing guard outside local businesses. One of those citizens, 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse of Illinois, was arrested and charged with murder in the shooting of three people, two of whom died.
That shooting, in turn, has led to an even greater National Guard presence — and to Evers accepting a deployment of federal law enforcement officers amid pressure from President Donald Trump to do so. Trump has cast the uprisings in Kenosha and in other cities as symptoms of mismanagement and has attempted to use them to argue that he is the presidential candidate who will bring “LAW & ORDER!” to the United States. Democrats like presidential nominee Joe Biden have attempted to place the blame for violence adjacent to uprisings at the feet of the president.
Blake’s mother, Julia Jackson, has pleaded for politicians to “fix our country” while condemning the destruction that happened during the early uprisings in Kenosha. “As his mother, please don’t burn up property and cause havoc and tear your own homes down in my son’s name,” she said on CNN after the first two nights of protests.
In Kenosha, protesters heeded Jackson’s request but have continued their demonstrations. And across the US, Blake’s shooting has given new urgency to demonstrations in other cities and towns, sharpening the calls of protesters who say Americans must continue to take to the streets to fight the harmful cycle of police brutality and put pressure on lawmakers to defund the police.
Police shot and severely wounded a Black man in broad daylight
Police were called to the scene of a domestic incident at 5:11 pm on Sunday in the Wilson Heights neighborhood of Kenosha, according to a police report. The Wisconsin Department of Justice notes the police were called to the neighborhood by a woman who requested assistance because “her boyfriend was present and was not supposed to be on the premises.”
In dispatch audio of the incident, a dispatcher can be heard saying, “Jacob Blake isn’t supposed to be there and he took the complainant’s keys and is refusing to give them back.”
Following the shooting, several witnesses told Kenosha News that Blake was trying to break up a “verbal altercation” between two women just after 5 pm. By 5:15, there were three officers on the scene, with one requesting more officers be sent.
Two videos of the officers’ interaction with Blake have emerged. The first, which went viral, depicts Blake’s shooting; the second shows some of what happened in the seconds immediately prior.
In that second video, Blake, wearing a white tank top and black shorts, can be seen attempting to stand as two officers struggle to force him to the ground; various bystanders shout throughout. After about 15 seconds, Blake can be seen standing and walking around the front of a gray van. All three officers on the scene have weapons trained on him; two follow him around the van.
This is where the first video picks up. Blake can be seen walking around the front of a gray van, coming from the passenger’s side and heading toward the driver’s side. Two officers follow closely behind Blake.
Both officers have their weapons pointed at Blake’s back. Many people can be heard yelling. As Blake opens the driver-side door, one officer snatches the tail end of Blake’s tank top. It stretches out as Blake attempts to enter the vehicle; seven shots are fired at Blake’s back. No other officer opened fire. The van’s horn blares, the officer continues to hold on to Blake’s shirt, and a woman screams at the side of the vehicle where Blake was shot. One of the officers pushes the woman away, and the 19-second video comes to an end.
Blake remains hospitalized. The bullet damage reportedly forced doctors to remove most of Blake’s colon and small intestines; his kidneys, liver, and arm were also seriously damaged.
A statement from the state Department of Justice notes that officers tried to arrest Blake; following the shooting, Kenosha Police Chief Daniel Miskinis said Blake is currently under arrest “for an outstanding warrant for third-degree sexual assault.”
It is not clear whether the officers who were called to Wilson Heights were attempting to arrest Blake due to this warrant. It is clear that they first used Tasers to try to apprehend him; the Wisconsin DOJ statement says the nonlethal weapon “was not successful at stopping Blake.”
The police department said in a statement that Blake received immediate aid and was airlifted to the hospital in Milwaukee. The state attorney general, Josh Kaul, has said Blake noted he had a knife in his possession when the shooting occurred. Officials from the department recovered the knife from the driver-side floorboard of Blake’s vehicle.
The Kenosha Police Department does not have body cameras, so the officers were not wearing any at the time of the incident, according to the statement.
Jacob Blake’s family retained civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump, who also represents the family of George Floyd. According to a statement from Crump, Blake was shot by police in front of his three young sons, who were inside the vehicle.
“We all watched the horrific video of Jacob Blake being shot in the back several times by Kenosha police,” Crump said in the statement. “Even worse, his three sons witnessed their father collapse after being riddled with bullets. Their irresponsible, reckless, and inhumane actions nearly cost the life of a man who was simply trying to do the right thing by intervening in a domestic incident. It’s a miracle he’s still alive.”
Meanwhile, both Biden and Harris have called for the officer who shot Blake to face charges. “I think that there should be a thorough investigation and, based on what I’ve seen, it seems that the officer should be charged,” Harris said in an August 28 interview. And when asked on September 2 if he agreed with her, Biden said that “there’s a minimum need to be charged” and “we should let the judicial system work its way.”
Nights of unrest — and the shooting of three people — in Kenosha
Protests began the night after Blake was shot on August 23, leading to a number of uprisings and escalating tension with local police.
Following the shooting, videos on social media showed protests that included garbage trucks being set on fire, windows of buildings at and near the courthouse being smashed, and crowds clashing with police dressed in riot gear. In response, county officials instituted a curfew, and Wisconsin’s governor began to deploy members of the Wisconsin National Guard to Kenosha.
The city grew more tense in the following nights as organized marches outside the Kenosha County Courthouse gave way to uprisings after the 8 pm curfew. Fires burned in much of Kenosha’s Black business district, according to Reuters, and protesters used bats to break traffic signals and signs. When the crowd of people reached 1,000 at a park near the courthouse, police shot small beanbags and used “ear deafening audio” to disperse the people who refused to move, according to the Washington Post. The unrest has since spread to other cities including Madison, Portland, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, New York, and Seattle.
On August 25, violence erupted at the protests in Kenosha when a group of men with guns who said they were protecting the property clashed with protesters. Online video footage shows that people were chasing after one of the armed men, identified as 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse, in an attempt to capture him and seize his AR-15-style rifle. During the chase, Rittenhouse trips and falls to the ground, where he shoots at a few of the people who were following him. After the shooting, he gets up and walks toward law enforcement officials, who do not detain him, despite bystanders screaming that he had just shot people.
Two of three people were fatally hit, with the other taken to the hospital with “serious, but non-life threatening injuries,” according to the Kenosha Police Department.
Rittenhouse is a self-proclaimed militia member, has ties to law enforcement as a former member of various law enforcement youth training programs, and was front row at a Trump rally in January. Rittenhouse’s Facebook profile, which is no longer publicly accessible, revealed that he is a committed Blue Lives Matter supporter:
[...] a 2018 post on Rittenhouse’s page shows that he asked his followers to donate to the police advocacy nonprofit organization Humanizing the Badge on his birthday. “I’ve chosen this nonprofit because their mission means a lot to me, and I hope you’ll consider contributing as a way to celebrate with me,” Rittenhouse wrote.
In a press conference on the Rittenhouse incident, Kenosha Police Chief Daniel Miskinis tried to shift the blame of the shootings onto the protesters and the people who were shot, saying that if protesters had stayed inside, the shootings would perhaps not have taken place. “Everybody involved was out after the curfew. I’m not going to make a great deal of it, but the point is that the curfew is in place to protect. Had persons not been out in violation of that, perhaps the situation that unfolded would not have happened,” he said.
At the same press conference, Kenosha Sheriff David G. Beth responded to the concern that police officers did not apprehend Rittenhouse when he walked past them. “I’ve been in a shooting before. In situations that are high stress, you have such incredible tunnel vision. You have no idea what’s outside right here if you’re looking right here,” Beth said, holding his hands up to gesture.
Kenosha Mayor John Antaramian, meanwhile, said he does not want militia members at protests. “I don’t need more guns on the street, in the community, when we are trying to make sure we keep people safe,” he said. “Law enforcement is trained. They’re the ones who are responsible. They’re the ones we have faith will do their job and make sure it gets done. That is why the curfews are there.”
On the national level, Republicans are trying to paint the unrest in Kenosha as a preview of Joe Biden’s America, even though the shooter was a Trump supporter and the protests are happening during Trump’s presidency. “Joe Biden would double down on the very policies that are leading to violence in American cities. The hard truth is you will not be safe in Joe Biden’s America,” Vice President Mike Pence said during the Republican National Convention. Trump went on to tell Americans that the protests show “no one will be safe in Biden’s America.”
Biden has rebutted these attacks, saying in a speech in Pittsburgh, “These are not images of some imagined Joe Biden America of the future — these are images of Donald Trump’s America today. ... He keeps telling you, if he was president, you’d feel safe. Well, he is president — whether he knows it or not.”
Police violence is not uncommon in Wisconsin
The ongoing protests continued those that began after Floyd’s death and underscored the fact that police shootings of unarmed Black civilians are not new occurrences in Wisconsin, a state in which Black people make up just 6.7 percent of the population. According to the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, the Milwaukee region has been home to a number of high-profile police shootings — particularly of Black and Latinx men — in the past two decades, in which officers were not charged. One of the victims, 22-year-old Adam Trammell, died in 2017 after officers from the West Milwaukee Police Department broke down the door of his apartment and repeatedly Tased him as he showered.
The 2019 police shooting of Ty’Rese West in Racine County, just north of Kenosha County, also resulted in no charges against the police. A police sergeant stopped West one evening for not having the proper lights on his bicycle. A struggle ensued after the sergeant thought West had a gun. The incident ended when the sergeant fatally shot West. The death sparked protests across Racine County, and West’s family has not stopped issuing calls for justice.
Years of grassroots organizing after the police shooting of 21-year-old Kenosha County resident Michael Bell in 2004 led to the passing of a Milwaukee law in 2014 that prevents police officers from conducting their own investigations of officer-involved shootings. As in Blake’s case, an outside law enforcement body must step in to lead the investigation.
But in the wake of George Floyd’s death, criminal justice reform advocates have argued that law doesn’t go far enough, and protesters have demanded state legislators make changes to the criminal justice system. Some local officials across the state responded to these demands by terminating school district contracts with police officers. In June, Evers announced a legislative package that included banning chokeholds and no-knock warrants, adding the requirement that officers take deescalation training, and putting $1 million in grants toward community-based anti-violence programs, according to Wisconsin Public Radio.
However, lawmakers likely won’t vote on any of the proposals until next year. And the package of bills from the state’s Democratic governor has received little support from the Republican lawmakers who control the state’s legislature.
Evers has used Blake’s shooting to call for a renewed focus on race and policing in his state, saying, “We stand against excessive use of force and immediate escalation when engaging with Black Wisconsinites. ... In the coming days, we will demand just that of elected officials in our state who have failed to recognize the racism in our state and our country for far too long.”
But the governor’s statement — and proposed initiatives — have garnered pushback. Pete Deates, president of the union representing Kenosha police officers, denounced the governor’s statement, calling it “wholly irresponsible and not reflective of the hardworking members of the law enforcement community.” Deates asked that people “withhold judgment” about the shooting and let the investigation “play out fairly and impartially.”
Despite this response, protesters in Kenosha and across the country are still demanding systemic change. Michael Bell Sr., the father of shooting victim Michael Bell, told the New York Times following the shooting of Blake, “The system is broken. The system here is broken.”
Correction, August 26: Due to an editing error, an earlier version of this story incorrectly stated Jacob Blake was fatally shot.


vox--2020-09-02--These 4 Midwestern states are seeing worrying Covid-19 spikes

The coronavirus is always restless , always searching for new people in new places to infect .
These days , even as the summer wave fades in the Sun Belt states , several Midwestern states are seeing case numbers rise .
They look like the new Covid-19 hot spots .
“ The Midwest is taking off , ” William Hanage , a Harvard epidemiologist , told me over email .
“ It ’ s not going to skyrocket , but there is a clear signal there and it is close to making up for the gains across the Sun Belt.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ chart form , via the Covid Tracking Project : This is yet another warning against focusing too much on national trends .
There were nearly 70,000 new cases every day in late July ; today , the number of daily new cases is closer to 40,000 .
Most of that improvement can be explained by falling case numbers in Arizona , California , Florida , and Texas , the summer ’ s hottest hot spots .
But it ’ s being partially offset by accelerating spread in the Midwest , concentrated primarily in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Dakota , and South Dakota .
There are other states worth watching .
Politico covered Hawaii ’ s problems .
Illinois has seen particular counties run into trouble .
The trend lines in Indiana , Kentucky , and Minnesota are not encouraging .
But going by our tried-and-true metrics for evaluating the state of a state ’ s outbreak — changes in daily new cases , new cases per million people , and the positive test rate — those four states along with Alabama ( which Vox covered a month ago ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
To recap why those metrics are important : • Changes in daily new cases should be self-explanatory , demonstrating trends in the raw count of how many people in a state are confirmed to have contracted Covid-19 each day .
• New cases per million people reflects how saturated a state is with new coronavirus cases , adjusted for population .
• Positive test rate should be below 5 percent in order for public health officials to be confident they are detecting most new cases .
If the figure is higher than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that suggests uncontrolled spread that is not being effectively surveilled .
So let ’ s run through , in brief , what ’ s happening in these newly emerging Covid-19 trouble spots .
• The number of daily new cases is up 192 percent over the last two weeks • Daily new cases per million people is 354 , the highest rate of new infections in the country • The positive test rate is 22.2 percent , the highest figure among states and more than doubled from two weeks ago As you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ignominious first in all of the leading indicators for a worsening outbreak .
Hospitalizations also doubled from a low of 35 in early August to 78 as of September 1 .
Those numbers look small , but remember , South Dakota is a state of fewer than 900,000 people .
The smaller populations are one reason experts do not expect the gross numbers to rebound to the same levels seen in the summer , when some of our biggest states were being ravaged by Covid-19 .
But the virus can still put a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the state ’ s hospitals still appear to have ample capacity , though hospitalizations lag behind new cases .
That will be a key metric to watch in the next few weeks .
It ’ s hard to be sure what ’ s behind this spike in cases .
South Dakota still doesn ’ t have a mask mandate , and Gov .
Kristi Noem has said she won ’ t issue one , nor will she impose a stay-at-home order .
The state has not placed meaningful restrictions on businesses or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University ’ s state policy database .
There was also the Sturgis motorcycle rally last month , which state health officials have linked to more than 100 cases of South Dakotans contracting Covid-19 .
The number of people infected at the state ’ s universities ballooned from less than 50 in mid-August to more than 550 by the end of the month .
There have been another 200 cases reported recently in K-12 schools .
Younger people are thankfully less at risk of severe illness and death from Covid-19 .
But older people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spread in educational settings risks the virus seeping out into the broader community , exacerbating these already worrisome trends .
• The number of daily new cases is up 77 percent over the last two weeks • Daily new cases per million people is 332 , the second-highest rate of new infections in the country • The positive test rate is 20.1 percent , the second-highest figure among states and doubled from two weeks ago North Dakota is trailing just behind its southern neighbors on most of these metrics .
Hospitalizations have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , up from 20 people then to more than 60 now .
The New York Times noted that the city of Grand Forks , home to the University of North Dakota , had seen one of the highest growth rates of cases in the country recently .
UND is currently reporting more than 200 students , faculty , and other staff with active Covid-19 cases ; North Dakota State University in Fargo says it has had more than 90 positive cases in the last two weeks .
For context , the entire state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on average every day of the last week .
Like South Dakota , North Dakota does not and has never had a mask mandate .
The state did close some businesses in March , when the outbreak was largely contained to the New York City area , but they began reopening in May and no new restrictions have been put into place .
• The number of daily new cases is up 90 percent over the last two weeks • Daily new cases per million people is 300 , the fourth-highest rate of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive test rate is 18.5 percent , the third-highest figure among states and nearly doubled over from two weeks ago In addition to the high rate of daily new cases and the high positivity rate , hospitalizations have doubled since the beginning of July and deaths are also starting to increase .
Iowa had been down to reporting one new death per day two months ago ; now it is reporting at least 10 on average .
Many of the new cases have been linked to students returning to the University of Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The state ’ s lakes region , a popular summer vacation destination , has also turned into a regional hot spot , as Emily Mendenhall reported for Vox .
According to the Des Moines Register , the Trump White House ’ s coronavirus task force has warned Iowa to take measures to curb its accelerating outbreak .
Federal officials have urged the state to close bars in most counties , require people to wear masks in public , and test all incoming college students for Covid-19 .
Yet Gov .
Kim Reynolds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures .
Iowa is another one of the 16 states without a mask mandate .
Most business restrictions were lifted in May .
And now Iowa State says it will allow 25,000 people to attend its season-opening football game on September 12 .
Asked about having such a large crowd amid a worsening outbreak , Reynolds told reporters : “ If you don ’ t feel safe , don ’ t go.
” • The number of daily new cases is up 26 percent over the last two weeks • Daily new cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eighth-highest rate of new infections in the country • The positive test rate is 16 percent , the fifth-highest figure among states and increasing from two weeks ago Kansas is in not quite as bad shape as the Dakotas or Iowa , but its high rate of new cases and high positive test rate are a concerning combination .
College students returning to campus again seem like a likely contributor to the increased spread .
The Kansas City Star reported that counties in the state that have colleges in them saw more growth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a whole .
Kansas State University ’ s football team and several sororities at the school have seen virus clusters .
The state has been more aggressive about trying to contain the virus than some of its neighbors .
Gov .
Laura Kelly imposed a mask mandate on July 1 and she waited until the end of June to allow bars to reopen .
Still , the metrics in the state suggest the virus has started spreading in the community again .
And the next few weeks could be critical .
According to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reached with the Republican-controlled legislature earlier this year , Kelly would be allowed to reintroduce some restrictions and extend the state ’ s emergency declaration in mid-September — if she secures the approval of some GOP state lawmakers .
It is not at all clear from the News ’ report that the governor and her Republican counterparts can reach a new agreement .
That failure could prevent the state from taking more aggressive actions to stem this new spike .
This story appears in VoxCare , a newsletter from Vox on the latest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care debate .
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The coronavirus is always restless, always searching for new people in new places to infect. These days, even as the summer wave fades in the Sun Belt states, several Midwestern states are seeing case numbers rise. They look like the new Covid-19 hot spots.
“The Midwest is taking off,” William Hanage, a Harvard epidemiologist, told me over email. “It’s not going to skyrocket, but there is a clear signal there and it is close to making up for the gains across the Sun Belt.”
Here are the regional trends in chart form, via the Covid Tracking Project:
This is yet another warning against focusing too much on national trends. There were nearly 70,000 new cases every day in late July; today, the number of daily new cases is closer to 40,000.
Most of that improvement can be explained by falling case numbers in Arizona, California, Florida, and Texas, the summer’s hottest hot spots. But it’s being partially offset by accelerating spread in the Midwest, concentrated primarily in four states: Iowa, Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota.
There are other states worth watching. Politico covered Hawaii’s problems. Illinois has seen particular counties run into trouble. The trend lines in Indiana, Kentucky, and Minnesota are not encouraging.
But going by our tried-and-true metrics for evaluating the state of a state’s outbreak — changes in daily new cases, new cases per million people, and the positive test rate — those four states along with Alabama (which Vox covered a month ago) appear to be in the worst shape.
To recap why those metrics are important:
Changes in daily new cases should be self-explanatory, demonstrating trends in the raw count of how many people in a state are confirmed to have contracted Covid-19 each day.
New cases per million people reflects how saturated a state is with new coronavirus cases, adjusted for population.
Positive test rate should be below 5 percent in order for public health officials to be confident they are detecting most new cases. If the figure is higher than that, and if it is increasing, that suggests uncontrolled spread that is not being effectively surveilled.
So let’s run through, in brief, what’s happening in these newly emerging Covid-19 trouble spots.
South Dakota
The stats, via Covid Exit Strategy:
The number of daily new cases is up 192 percent over the last two weeks
Daily new cases per million people is 354, the highest rate of new infections in the country
The positive test rate is 22.2 percent, the highest figure among states and more than doubled from two weeks ago
As you can see, South Dakota ranks an ignominious first in all of the leading indicators for a worsening outbreak. Hospitalizations also doubled from a low of 35 in early August to 78 as of September 1.
Those numbers look small, but remember, South Dakota is a state of fewer than 900,000 people. The smaller populations are one reason experts do not expect the gross numbers to rebound to the same levels seen in the summer, when some of our biggest states were being ravaged by Covid-19.
But the virus can still put a strain on smaller communities. For now, the state’s hospitals still appear to have ample capacity, though hospitalizations lag behind new cases. That will be a key metric to watch in the next few weeks.
It’s hard to be sure what’s behind this spike in cases. South Dakota still doesn’t have a mask mandate, and Gov. Kristi Noem has said she won’t issue one, nor will she impose a stay-at-home order. The state has not placed meaningful restrictions on businesses or other public activities, according to Boston University’s state policy database.
There was also the Sturgis motorcycle rally last month, which state health officials have linked to more than 100 cases of South Dakotans contracting Covid-19. The number of people infected at the state’s universities ballooned from less than 50 in mid-August to more than 550 by the end of the month. There have been another 200 cases reported recently in K-12 schools.
Younger people are thankfully less at risk of severe illness and death from Covid-19. But older people also work in schools, and any spread in educational settings risks the virus seeping out into the broader community, exacerbating these already worrisome trends.
North Dakota
The number of daily new cases is up 77 percent over the last two weeks
Daily new cases per million people is 332, the second-highest rate of new infections in the country
The positive test rate is 20.1 percent, the second-highest figure among states and doubled from two weeks ago
North Dakota is trailing just behind its southern neighbors on most of these metrics. Hospitalizations have been steadily rising since the first of July, up from 20 people then to more than 60 now.
The New York Times noted that the city of Grand Forks, home to the University of North Dakota, had seen one of the highest growth rates of cases in the country recently. UND is currently reporting more than 200 students, faculty, and other staff with active Covid-19 cases; North Dakota State University in Fargo says it has had more than 90 positive cases in the last two weeks. For context, the entire state has been reporting about 250 new cases on average every day of the last week.
Like South Dakota, North Dakota does not and has never had a mask mandate. The state did close some businesses in March, when the outbreak was largely contained to the New York City area, but they began reopening in May and no new restrictions have been put into place.
Iowa
The number of daily new cases is up 90 percent over the last two weeks
Daily new cases per million people is 300, the fourth-highest rate of new infections in the country
The positive test rate is 18.5 percent, the third-highest figure among states and nearly doubled over from two weeks ago
In addition to the high rate of daily new cases and the high positivity rate, hospitalizations have doubled since the beginning of July and deaths are also starting to increase. Iowa had been down to reporting one new death per day two months ago; now it is reporting at least 10 on average.
Many of the new cases have been linked to students returning to the University of Iowa and Iowa State University’s campuses. The state’s lakes region, a popular summer vacation destination, has also turned into a regional hot spot, as Emily Mendenhall reported for Vox.
According to the Des Moines Register, the Trump White House’s coronavirus task force has warned Iowa to take measures to curb its accelerating outbreak. Federal officials have urged the state to close bars in most counties, require people to wear masks in public, and test all incoming college students for Covid-19.
Yet Gov. Kim Reynolds is declining to impose any new mitigation measures. Iowa is another one of the 16 states without a mask mandate. Most business restrictions were lifted in May. And now Iowa State says it will allow 25,000 people to attend its season-opening football game on September 12.
Asked about having such a large crowd amid a worsening outbreak, Reynolds told reporters: “If you don’t feel safe, don’t go.”
Kansas
The number of daily new cases is up 26 percent over the last two weeks
Daily new cases per million people is 206, the eighth-highest rate of new infections in the country
The positive test rate is 16 percent, the fifth-highest figure among states and increasing from two weeks ago
Kansas is in not quite as bad shape as the Dakotas or Iowa, but its high rate of new cases and high positive test rate are a concerning combination.
College students returning to campus again seem like a likely contributor to the increased spread. The Kansas City Star reported that counties in the state that have colleges in them saw more growth in Covid-19 cases than the state as a whole. Kansas State University’s football team and several sororities at the school have seen virus clusters.
The state has been more aggressive about trying to contain the virus than some of its neighbors. Gov. Laura Kelly imposed a mask mandate on July 1 and she waited until the end of June to allow bars to reopen. Still, the metrics in the state suggest the virus has started spreading in the community again.
And the next few weeks could be critical. According to the Hutchinson News, Under a deal reached with the Republican-controlled legislature earlier this year, Kelly would be allowed to reintroduce some restrictions and extend the state’s emergency declaration in mid-September — if she secures the approval of some GOP state lawmakers.
It is not at all clear from the News’ report that the governor and her Republican counterparts can reach a new agreement. That failure could prevent the state from taking more aggressive actions to stem this new spike.
This story appears in VoxCare, a newsletter from Vox on the latest twists and turns in America’s health care debate. Sign up to get VoxCare in your inbox along with more health care stats and news.