vox--2020-08-02--Covid-19 is exposing inequalities in college sports. Now athletes are demanding change.

Several hundred college athletes have announced their intention to sit out the coming season as the coronavirus pandemic continues across the United States , and as confirmed case rates rise in almost every state .
Sunday , hundreds of football players from the Pac-12 Conference , which is made up of 12 Western schools , announced they would not participate in training camps or games this fall unless their conference negotiates with them on certain demands , including the implementation of health and safety procedures , creating protections for other conference sports , and addressing racial injustice .
That communal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WeAreUnited — describes the new push by college players as one of racial and economic justice .
With respect to the coronavirus , it notes that Black college athletes , like Black Americans in general , will be disproportionately placed at risk of infection if conference leaders do not implement measures that will protect players against Covid-19 .
But the athletes argue disparities in coronavirus outcomes also highlight existing inequalities that disproportionately hurt Black players , particularly those from low income homes .
The players point out that they bring significant economic value @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receiving almost no compensation themselves beyond scholarships that are contingent upon strict requirements of behavior and performance .
“ Because NCAA sports exploit college athletes physically , economically and academically , and also disproportionately harm Black college athletes , # WeAreUnited , ” the athletes ’ statement reads in part .
“ Because we are being asked to play college sports in a pandemic in a system without enforced health and safety standards , and without transparency about COVID cases on our teams , the risks to ourselves , our families , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Sports Illustrated , the players spent more than a month organizing before presenting their demands ; they hope the threat of a boycott will lead to a “ formal negotiation process ” with their conference .
“ The coronavirus has put a spotlight on a lot of the injustices in college athletics , ” Valentino Daltoso , an offensive lineman at the University of California Berkeley , told Sports Illustrated .
“ The way to affect change and the way to get your voice heard is to affect the bottom line .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ together .
The only way to do this is to do something collectively.
” Briefly , what the Pac-12 athletes want The Pac-12 athletes have four areas in which they want to see their conference make critical changes to its policies : health , non-revenue generating sports , racial justice , and financial matters .
The changes would apply to both scholarship and walk-on athletes .
The health demands would primarily require the conference to make changes to limit the effects of the coronavirus , like allowing players to opt out of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without losing their eligibility , and enacting minimal safety standards that cover “ Covid-19 as well as serious injury , abuse and death.
” Second , the athletes want all sports governed by the conference to be given equal weight .
They demand an end to “ excessive pay ” for NCAA administrators and coaches , including Larry Scott , the Pac-12 commissioner , arguing the reductions would allow for the funding of sports that do not generate as much revenue as football or basketball .
They also suggest institutions with means use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some sports costs .
The group also wants to see the conference put some of its money — 2 percent of its revenue — toward supporting financial aid packages for Black students , as well as toward community initiatives .
They propose starting a yearly summit for Black Pac-12 athletes , and demand the conference fund a a council populated by student-selected experts that would work toward eradicating racial inequality .
Finally , the group wants major changes to how revenue is distributed .
They demand that half of the conference ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that players be allowed agents and the right to use their own names , images , and likenesses to earn money .
And they have asked for guaranteed medical coverage for athletes for six years after their eligibility ends , for issues related to their sport , as well as the freedom to volunteer and pursue activities outside of sports as they choose while on their teams .
Race and economic issues have long been a part of college football The unified front presented by the Pac-12 athletes represents a near-unprecedented level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring billions of dollars into their conferences and campuses , but face stringent requirements and receive no compensation beyond educational scholarships .
As Vox ’ s Jane Coaston has explained , there is a significant overlap between college sports and issues of racial justice , especially in football programs .
Football powers entire athletic departments , Coaston writes , which translates to money and prestige for universities .
And college football is disproportionately fueled by Black athletes : Half of all Division 1 football players are Black , with higher numbers in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this reason , as the Pac-12 statement says , issues that affect athletic programs disproportionately affect Black student athletes .
In part because of these demographics , college football players are uniquely poised to demand change on their campuses .
While they do take on risk when they speak out against their programs , particularly with respect to losing their scholarships , they also are powerful when united , a fact schools are increasingly acknowledging .
“ [ C ] ollege football programs are beginning to respond to demands from players — players @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coaston writes .
“ That ’ s because in real-world terms , black college football players are part of an infrastructure that brings in billions of dollars to universities , cable networks , and sponsors — an entire industry , in fact.
” But college players have had limited access to the wealth that they accrue for their programs .
They can not benefit from being turned into a video game character , for example , or from sales of jerseys with their own names across the back .
The NCAA has repeatedly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form of their athletic scholarships , but those are also contingent on stringent standards of behavior and on performance , as well as on not getting injured .
As Coaston points out , college athletes attempting to leverage their power to address social issues is not new .
In the 1960s and ’ 70s , players at institutions like Michigan State spoke out against racism , risking both college scholarships and , sometimes , professional career opportunities .
But the current moment is a singular one , with its confluence of a major @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As the coronavirus has shined a bright light on differential access to health care , education , and safe jobs — among many other issues — student athletes have found themselves with a unique opportunity to leverage their earning power to enact lasting change .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Several hundred college athletes have announced their intention to sit out the coming season as the coronavirus pandemic continues across the United States, and as confirmed case rates rise in almost every state.
Sunday, hundreds of football players from the Pac-12 Conference, which is made up of 12 Western schools, announced they would not participate in training camps or games this fall unless their conference negotiates with them on certain demands, including the implementation of health and safety procedures, creating protections for other conference sports, and addressing racial injustice.
That communal action — organized under the hashtag #WeAreUnited — describes the new push by college players as one of racial and economic justice. With respect to the coronavirus, it notes that Black college athletes, like Black Americans in general, will be disproportionately placed at risk of infection if conference leaders do not implement measures that will protect players against Covid-19.
But the athletes argue disparities in coronavirus outcomes also highlight existing inequalities that disproportionately hurt Black players, particularly those from low-income homes. The players point out that they bring significant economic value to their conferences and colleges, while receiving almost no compensation themselves beyond scholarships that are contingent upon strict requirements of behavior and performance.
“Because NCAA sports exploit college athletes physically, economically and academically, and also disproportionately harm Black college athletes, #WeAreUnited,” the athletes’ statement reads in part. “Because we are being asked to play college sports in a pandemic in a system without enforced health and safety standards, and without transparency about COVID cases on our teams, the risks to ourselves, our families, and our communities, #WeAreUnited.”
According to Sports Illustrated, the players spent more than a month organizing before presenting their demands; they hope the threat of a boycott will lead to a “formal negotiation process” with their conference.
“The coronavirus has put a spotlight on a lot of the injustices in college athletics,” Valentino Daltoso, an offensive lineman at the University of California Berkeley, told Sports Illustrated. “The way to affect change and the way to get your voice heard is to affect the bottom line. Our power as players comes from being together. The only way to do this is to do something collectively.”
Briefly, what the Pac-12 athletes want
The Pac-12 athletes have four areas in which they want to see their conference make critical changes to its policies: health, non-revenue-generating sports, racial justice, and financial matters. The changes would apply to both scholarship and walk-on athletes.
The health demands would primarily require the conference to make changes to limit the effects of the coronavirus, like allowing players to opt out of the season for the duration of the pandemic without losing their eligibility, and enacting minimal safety standards that cover “Covid-19 as well as serious injury, abuse and death.”
Second, the athletes want all sports governed by the conference to be given equal weight. They demand an end to “excessive pay” for NCAA administrators and coaches, including Larry Scott, the Pac-12 commissioner, arguing the reductions would allow for the funding of sports that do not generate as much revenue as football or basketball. They also suggest institutions with means use a portion of their endowments to cover some sports costs.
The group also wants to see the conference put some of its money — 2 percent of its revenue — toward supporting financial aid packages for Black students, as well as toward community initiatives. They propose starting a yearly summit for Black Pac-12 athletes, and demand the conference fund a council populated by student-selected experts that would work toward eradicating racial inequality.
Finally, the group wants major changes to how revenue is distributed. They demand that half of the conference’s revenue be evenly distributed among its athletes and that players be allowed agents and the right to use their own names, images, and likenesses to earn money. And they have asked for guaranteed medical coverage for athletes for six years after their eligibility ends, for issues related to their sport, as well as the freedom to volunteer and pursue activities outside of sports as they choose while on their teams.
Race and economic issues have long been a part of college football
The unified front presented by the Pac-12 athletes represents a near-unprecedented level of solidarity among college athletes, who bring billions of dollars into their conferences and campuses, but face stringent requirements and receive no compensation beyond educational scholarships.
As Vox’s Jane Coaston has explained, there is a significant overlap between college sports and issues of racial justice, especially in football programs. Football powers entire athletic departments, Coaston writes, which translates to money and prestige for universities.
And college football is disproportionately fueled by Black athletes: Half of all Division 1 football players are Black, with higher numbers in the SEC and some other conferences. For this reason, as the Pac-12 statement says, issues that affect athletic programs disproportionately affect Black student athletes.
In part because of these demographics, college football players are uniquely poised to demand change on their campuses. While they do take on risk when they speak out against their programs, particularly with respect to losing their scholarships, they also are powerful when united, a fact schools are increasingly acknowledging.
“[C]ollege football programs are beginning to respond to demands from players — players on whom those programs rely,” Coaston writes. “That’s because in real-world terms, black college football players are part of an infrastructure that brings in billions of dollars to universities, cable networks, and sponsors — an entire industry, in fact.”
But college players have had limited access to the wealth that they accrue for their programs. They cannot benefit from being turned into a video game character, for example, or from sales of jerseys with their own names across the back.
The NCAA has repeatedly argued that players receive compensation in the form of their athletic scholarships, but those are also contingent on stringent standards of behavior and on performance, as well as on not getting injured.
As Coaston points out, college athletes attempting to leverage their power to address social issues is not new. In the 1960s and ’70s, players at institutions like Michigan State spoke out against racism, risking both college scholarships and, sometimes, professional career opportunities.
But the current moment is a singular one, with its confluence of a major civil rights movement and a global pandemic. As the coronavirus has shined a bright light on differential access to health care, education, and safe jobs — among many other issues — student athletes have found themselves with a unique opportunity to leverage their earning power to enact lasting change.


vox--2020-08-02--As coronavirus cases increase worldwide, an Australian state is imposing tough new restrictions

As coronavirus cases creep back up in Australia — a country that has maintained a relatively low rate of Covid-19 fatalities — the state of Victoria , home to the city of Melbourne , has declared a state of disaster , enacting tough new restrictions that exceed precautions taken in many places seeing similar , if not worse , increases .
These restrictions include a nightly curfew in Melbourne and a cap on outdoor and essential activities , as well as a recently reimposed stay-at-home order .
The heightened measures were announced on Sunday , the same day the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of which officials were unable to successfully contact trace — and seven deaths .
“ The current rules have avoided thousands and thousands of cases each day , and then thousands of people in hospital and many more tragedies than we have seen .
But it is not working fast enough , ” Victoria Premier Daniel Andrews said at a press conference announcing the new requirements .
The more severe rules will be in place for six weeks , according to officials , and have the support of the federal government .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went into effect , and after Australia ’ s deadliest day of the pandemic on Thursday , with 13 deaths and more than 700 new infections .
Victoria is Australia ’ s second-most populous state , with about 6.6 million people .
It is home to the city of Melbourne and its almost 5 million residents .
Many of the new restrictions apply specifically to that large city ; additional restrictions on movement elsewhere in the state are forthcoming , officials say .
It is Victoria ’ s second state of disaster in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier this year .
Schools will move entirely online on Wednesday , and residents of metro Melbourne will have to limit time spent out of their homes , and distance away from them .
Residents will be permitted to exercise outdoors for one hour a day , and one person per household per day may go food shopping .
All residents will be restricted from doing these activities farther than about 3 miles ( specifically , 5 kilometers ) from home .
Residents may also leave home to pick up takeout food from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care to others .
Weddings must be canceled , and funeral attendance will be limited to 10 people .
All other public gatherings are limited to two people , including those who share a household .
Andrews has said police will help enforce the curfew orders .
“ We can no longer have people simply out and about for no good reason whatsoever , ” he said Sunday .
“ It is not an easy decision to make but it is necessary and that ’ s why I ’ ve made it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be out in force , and you will be stopped , and you will be asked and need to demonstrate that you are lawfully out and you are not breaching that curfew.
” Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison , who oversaw what appeared to be a successful curve-flattening policy of widespread lockdowns and social distancing in April and May , supported the measures , calling them “ regrettably necessary ” in a social media post .
So did the national health minister , Greg Hunt , who told reporters these measures will “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries with similar — or worse — outbreaks are responding differently Australia has seen almost 18,000 cases to date , with 208 deaths .
These lower numbers correspond with a significant national effort to impose lockdowns and federal messaging on social distancing , moves that experts say have helped keep the case rate low .
A majority of the country ’ s cases are in Victoria , which has had 11,557 confirmed cases , and 123 confirmed deaths .
Almost all of Victoria ’ s cases are inside Melbourne .
The recent spike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because many cases are of unknown origin .
While contact tracing found earlier outbreaks could be tied to returning travelers — who were placed into mandatory quarantines — most current cases can not be traced back to any one individual , leading officials to worry about advanced community transmission .
“ Those mysteries and that community transmission is in many respects our biggest challenge and the reason why we need to move to a different set of rules , ” Andrews said , adding the government ’ s response “ will be imperfect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ ll be more questions than answers.
” On Sunday , US President Donald Trump reacted to the changes in Australian policy on Twitter , calling it a prime example of other countries ’ struggles to contain the coronavirus , and claiming , “ USA will be stronger than ever before , and soon !
” But there is little indication that the United States will soon be stronger than ever , and direct comparisons between the Australian and US outbreaks reveal bleak realities : Chiefly , that the US ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left it with a death toll far higher than Australia ’ s — for instance , Australia ’ s four deaths on Friday are enormously overshadowed by the 1,123 in the US .
The US is a far larger country , but overall , the US has about 47 deaths per 100,000 people , while Australia has had about 0.8 deaths per 100,000 .
Looking only in the recent term , University of London global politics professor Brian Klaas noted on Twitter , “ yesterday Australia had 1 death for every 6.2 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was one death for every 292,000 people .
So , the US is 21x worse.
” In spite of this , many American states seeing similar — or more severe — increases to Victoria ’ s are not responding with commensurate measures .
Many US states are seeing significant case increases , with 18 states setting single-day records for confirmed cases last week .
Responses to these increases have varied significantly by state , and no state has currently imposed all the measures seen in Victoria , including a curfew , mask mandate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some dense metropolitan areas in Florida currently have curfews in place , Broward and Miami-Dade counties among them .
But even as that state announced 9,642 new cases on Friday , and 257 deaths — more than double Melbourne ’ s entire death count — state leaders have refused to issue a statewide mask order or restrictions on gatherings , although large gatherings are not advised .
Elsewhere in the world , countries are responding differently to outbreaks .
In Vietnam , which saw no deaths for months , the country ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Friday , sparked a total lockdown in the city where those cases were identified .
That measure comes on top of those previously instituted , which have been credited with keeping the country ’ s case and transmission rates low .
They include strict travel constraints , broad testing and contact tracing programs , and quarantine and testing requirements on citizens entering the country .
More than 2,000 miles away , Japan set its own record of 1,000 new cases on Thursday , but its government has said it will not declare a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Tokyo has requested that bars and restaurants limit their hours , but have imposed no strict requirements .
“ When you look at the long battle against the coronavirus , it ’ s unrealistic to ask them to close completely , ” Tokyo governor Yuriko Koike said .
And in the United Kingdom , whose surge has lasted longer than nearby European countries , and where the death rate now outpaces even those countries which faced worse outbreaks early on — including Italy and France — new restrictions are in place , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bars and movie theaters , are still allowed .
As cities and states across the globe post local records , some in the US have attributed increases in case numbers to increased testing .
Trump himself has repeated this false claim , tweeting again on Saturday the incorrect assertion , “ We have more cases because we have tested far more than any other country.
” Epidemiologists — including those in the Trump administration — reject this notion , saying the increase in case numbers is tied to an increase in transmission .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ even the hardest-hit American communities should respond , individual communities have been left to determine how best to quell the coronavirus ’ s spread locally .
And many have struggled to do so .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

As coronavirus cases creep back up in Australia — a country that has maintained a relatively low rate of Covid-19 fatalities — the state of Victoria, home to the city of Melbourne, has declared a state of disaster, enacting tough new restrictions that exceed precautions taken in many places seeing similar, if not worse, increases.
These restrictions include a nightly curfew in Melbourne and a cap on outdoor and essential activities, as well as a recently reimposed stay-at-home order. The heightened measures were announced on Sunday, the same day the state reported 671 new Covid-19 infections — many of which officials were unable to successfully contact trace — and seven deaths.
“The current rules have avoided thousands and thousands of cases each day, and then thousands of people in hospital and many more tragedies than we have seen. But it is not working fast enough,” Victoria Premier Daniel Andrews said at a press conference announcing the new requirements.
A State of Disaster has been declared in Victoria, with authorities to impose Stage Four restrictions on metropolitan Melbourne after 671 new coronavirus infections were announced on Sunday. pic.twitter.com/20Zfx9uj7C — SBS News (@SBSNews) August 2, 2020
The more severe rules will be in place for six weeks, according to officials, and have the support of the federal government. They come days after a statewide mask order went into effect, and after Australia’s deadliest day of the pandemic on Thursday, with 13 deaths and more than 700 new infections.
Victoria is Australia’s second-most populous state, with about 6.6 million people. It is home to the city of Melbourne and its almost 5 million residents. Many of the new restrictions apply specifically to that large city; additional restrictions on movement elsewhere in the state are forthcoming, officials say.
It is Victoria’s second state of disaster in 2020, following the devastating bushfires from earlier this year.
Schools will move entirely online on Wednesday, and residents of metro Melbourne will have to limit time spent out of their homes, and distance away from them.
Residents will be permitted to exercise outdoors for one hour a day, and one person per household per day may go food shopping. All residents will be restricted from doing these activities farther than about 3 miles (specifically, 5 kilometers) from home. Residents may also leave home to pick up takeout food from restaurants, or to receive or administer care to others.
Weddings must be canceled, and funeral attendance will be limited to 10 people. All other public gatherings are limited to two people, including those who share a household.
Andrews has said police will help enforce the curfew orders.
“We can no longer have people simply out and about for no good reason whatsoever,” he said Sunday. “It is not an easy decision to make but it is necessary and that’s why I’ve made it, and that’s why police will be out in force, and you will be stopped, and you will be asked and need to demonstrate that you are lawfully out and you are not breaching that curfew.”
Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison, who oversaw what appeared to be a successful curve-flattening policy of widespread lockdowns and social distancing in April and May, supported the measures, calling them “regrettably necessary” in a social media post.
So did the national health minister, Greg Hunt, who told reporters these measures will “help save and protect lives.”
Other countries with similar — or worse — outbreaks are responding differently
Australia has seen almost 18,000 cases to date, with 208 deaths. These lower numbers correspond with a significant national effort to impose lockdowns and federal messaging on social distancing, moves that experts say have helped keep the case rate low.
A majority of the country’s cases are in Victoria, which has had 11,557 confirmed cases, and 123 confirmed deaths. Almost all of Victoria’s cases are inside Melbourne.
The recent spike in Victoria alarmed officials in large part because many cases are of unknown origin. While contact tracing found earlier outbreaks could be tied to returning travelers — who were placed into mandatory quarantines — most current cases cannot be traced back to any one individual, leading officials to worry about advanced community transmission.
“Those mysteries and that community transmission is in many respects our biggest challenge and the reason why we need to move to a different set of rules,” Andrews said, adding the government’s response “will be imperfect. And for a little while, there’ll be more questions than answers.”
On Sunday, US President Donald Trump reacted to the changes in Australian policy on Twitter, calling it a prime example of other countries’ struggles to contain the coronavirus, and claiming, “USA will be stronger than ever before, and soon!”
Big China Virus breakouts all over the World, including nations which were thought to have done a great job. The Fake News doesn’t report this. USA will be stronger than ever before, and soon! https://t.co/pZwjvgmVTO — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 2, 2020
But there is little indication that the United States will soon be stronger than ever, and direct comparisons between the Australian and US outbreaks reveal bleak realities: Chiefly, that the US’s chaotic, fractured response to Covid-19 has left it with a death toll far higher than Australia’s — for instance, Australia’s four deaths on Friday are enormously overshadowed by the 1,123 in the US.
The US is a far larger country, but overall, the US has about 47 deaths per 100,000 people, while Australia has had about 0.8 deaths per 100,000. Looking only in the recent term, University of London global politics professor Brian Klaas noted on Twitter, “yesterday Australia had 1 death for every 6.2 million people. In the US, it was one death for every 292,000 people. So, the US is 21x worse.”
In spite of this, many American states seeing similar — or more severe — increases to Victoria’s are not responding with commensurate measures.
Many US states are seeing significant case increases, with 18 states setting single-day records for confirmed cases last week. Responses to these increases have varied significantly by state, and no state has currently imposed all the measures seen in Victoria, including a curfew, mask mandate, and distancing restrictions.
For example, some dense metropolitan areas in Florida currently have curfews in place, Broward and Miami-Dade counties among them. But even as that state announced 9,642 new cases on Friday, and 257 deaths — more than double Melbourne’s entire death count — state leaders have refused to issue a statewide mask order or restrictions on gatherings, although large gatherings are not advised.
Elsewhere in the world, countries are responding differently to outbreaks.
In Vietnam, which saw no deaths for months, the country’s first Covid-19 death, reported on Friday, sparked a total lockdown in the city where those cases were identified. That measure comes on top of those previously instituted, which have been credited with keeping the country’s case and transmission rates low. They include strict travel constraints, broad testing and contact tracing programs, and quarantine and testing requirements on citizens entering the country.
More than 2,000 miles away, Japan set its own record of 1,000 new cases on Thursday, but its government has said it will not declare a state of emergency. The local government in Tokyo has requested that bars and restaurants limit their hours, but have imposed no strict requirements.
“When you look at the long battle against the coronavirus, it’s unrealistic to ask them to close completely,” Tokyo governor Yuriko Koike said.
And in the United Kingdom, whose surge has lasted longer than nearby European countries, and where the death rate now outpaces even those countries which faced worse outbreaks early on — including Italy and France — new restrictions are in place, but many activities, including going to bars and movie theaters, are still allowed.
As cities and states across the globe post local records, some in the US have attributed increases in case numbers to increased testing. Trump himself has repeated this false claim, tweeting again on Saturday the incorrect assertion, “We have more cases because we have tested far more than any other country.”
Epidemiologists — including those in the Trump administration — reject this notion, saying the increase in case numbers is tied to an increase in transmission. But without clear federal guidance on how even the hardest-hit American communities should respond, individual communities have been left to determine how best to quell the coronavirus’s spread locally. And many have struggled to do so.


vox--2020-08-03--Once upon a time, there was cottagecore

Once upon a time, there was cottagecore

On Saturdays , Jesca knits .
Maybe she ’ ll go to the farmer ’ s market for some fresh fruit ( she recently baked some delicious heart-shaped strawberry pastries ) or try a new craft , like beeswax candle-making .
She wears long billowy dresses in floral patterns with puff sleeves and spends her free time reading with her cat and tending to her plants .
On Instagram and TikTok , where she shares images of her rosy-tinted life , her followers look on in wonder , asking if she lives in a forest cottage somewhere in Europe , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in very hot , humid Orlando , ’ ” she says with a laugh .
“ Pretty much the swamp.
” But Jesca Her , a 25-year-old student , has amassed a following of more than 200,000 on TikTok because she makes Central Florida seem like a fairy tale .
She ’ s an influencer of cottagecore , the soothing , escapist aesthetic dominated by meadows , teacups , and baby goats .
It was 2018 , on Tumblr , when the bucolic scenery that had proliferated on the platform for years earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Cottagecore ” is just one of dozens of iterations of movements fetishizing the countryside and coziness over the past few hundred years , and yet the glaringly obvious irony is that it is the first that has existed almost exclusively online , posted and participated in through a smartphone from cluttered apartments or suburban bedrooms .
Here is what cottagecore looks like : It is doilies , snails , and DIY fairy spoons crafted from seashells .
It is illustrations from Frog & Toad , stills from Miyazaki movies , two girls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is a laughably arduous tutorial on how to make homemade rosewater whispered to you in a British accent .
It is eyelet blouses and soft cardigans and hair ribbons and too much blush .
It is Beatrix Potter , The Secret Garden , Miss Honey from Matilda , the Shire .
Taylor Swift ’ s indie rock quarantine album Folklore ?
Cottagecore .
Taylor Swift ’ s angry revenge album Reputation ?
Not cottagecore .
“ I ’ ve always liked baking and cooking and doing what my friends and my family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jesca says .
“ Even my grandma tells me , ‘ You ’ re more of a grandmother than I am.
’ ” There is a word for that , too — grandmacore — but Jesca had never heard the term “ cottagecore ” until she joined TikTok .
To be fair , cottagecore is just one of an ever-expanding universe of hyper-specific aesthetics proliferating online : There is meadowcore ( cottagecore but just the meadows ) , frogcore ( cottagecore but just the frogs ) , goblincore ( cottagecore but with mud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and dozens of others even the most online young people have probably never heard of .
Yet cottagecore has been the standout aesthetic of 2020 for the same reason that everything else happened in 2020 .
When the pandemic hit , idle homemaking became less escapism and more like an inescapable reality .
Cottagecore under lockdown , then , became a way to spin the terror and drudgery into something adorable — and interest in it directly correlated to how bad it became outside .
“ Every time there ’ s been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a spike in cottagecore right along with it , ” says Amanda Brennan , a trend expert at Tumblr .
From early March to early April , the cottagecore hashtag jumped 153 percent , while likes on cottagecore posts were up 541 percent .
As the seasons have changed , so has the content : In April , at-home activities like cooking and embroidery were popular ; by June and July it was sunny wildflower fields , twee picnics , and lily pads .
The sentiments are “ wistful , longing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cottagecore Tumblr posts .
“ Like , ‘ Man , if only I could have this.
’ Even if it ’ s not joy because you ’ re there right now , but , ‘ Just looking at this thing brings me joy and this is what I need right now.
’ ” That the subculture mostly exists digitally is not the only irony inherent in cottagecore .
Though much of the aesthetic is influenced by fairy tales — the bucolic landscapes , fascination with tiny animals — Paul Quinn , director of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fantasy , and Speculative Fiction , quips that “ It ’ s tricky to see how cottagecore has anything to do with fairy tales at all .
The countryside and woodlands — they ’ re not safe places !
” In the early 19th century , when the Brothers Grimm were writing Beauty and the Beast , Little Red Riding Hood , and Cinderella , the stories were filled with grotesquery , body horror , rape , and cannibalism , often taking place in scary forests and cottages that were actually death traps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the century , during the rise of Romanticism , that they were sanitized for children .
Romanticism , not fairy tales , is the real influence on cottagecore : “ If you look late in the 19th century at William Morris and the arts and crafts movement , it was a response to the Industrial Revolution , ” Quinn explains .
“ It ’ s a recall of the medieval era , this idealization of nature and Arthurianism — it ’ s a nostalgia for someone else ’ s past .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better back then , even though it wasn ’ t .
They ’ re places you wouldn ’ t want to live because there ’ s no internet access.
” It ’ s not terribly difficult to connect the social , political , and economic upheaval of the Victorian era with the tumultuousness of the past decade .
But instead of longing for our own past , Americans are drawn to the landscapes of European fairy tales because , well , we don ’ t really have any of our own .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ period , you have an imported medieval period , ” Quinn says .
“ If you look at Disney , when he attempted to create an original American fairy tale , he came up with Song of the South , and no one watches that because it ’ s essentially a paean to slavery .
It ’ s tricky to construct that type of period when you haven ’ t really got it.
” What separates cottagecore from other nostalgia-based subcultures , too , is that despite its reverence for stories about and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s become nearly synonymous with queer people and progressive politics .
There are mini signifiers ; “ cottagecore lesbian ” is now a popular identifier online , while goblincore is a favorite among nonbinary people ( frogs are also , canonically , lesbians ) .
A significant portion of cottagecore accounts on Instagram , Tumblr , and TikTok also include bios with “ Black Lives Matter ” or other social justice causes .
“ Unlike reactionary movements like ‘ trad wives ’ — essentially right-wing mommy bloggers who advocate a return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vision of domestic bliss without servitude in the traditional binary framework , ” writes Isabel Slone in the New York Times .
“ Cottagecore offers a vision of the world where men are not consciously excluded ; they are simply an afterthought.
” As one might imagine , very few men show up in searches for cottagecore hashtags .
Evienne Yanney , a 16-year-old in California , says that she discovered cottagecore on Instagram during a period where she wasn ’ t sure if she liked the way she dressed .
Cottagecore attracted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Many of us aren ’ t really accepted in the modern world , so the thought of running away to a cottage is really , I guess , kind of soothing.
” After responding to a callout on TikTok for cottagecore fans , she joined a group chat with several people , which then blossomed into their own Instagram account .
She ’ s also part of a larger cottagecore Discord chat .
There is an environmental bent to cottagecore , too ; many adherents praise the virtues of thrifting and growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fervor surrounding all things cute and handmade during mid-2000s twee .
In fact , it ’ s rare to not exist at the same time as a subculture devoted to a slower , more thoughtful life , or at least a trending word for what to call it : Self-care , hygge , and “ domestic cozy ” are all recent iterations .
Even before quarantine , brands had started using the aesthetics of coziness in advertisements for things like liquor or shoes that are supposed to make us feel safe and warm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finds a way to commoditize simplicity so that “ hygge ” no longer means a quiet night in with friends but a $ 90 blanket ; cottagecore , similarly , is a faux-vintage dress from a fast-fashion conglomerate .
In an era defined by anxiety , it ’ s not particularly surprising that so many recent fads have revolved around self-soothing : ASMR , slime , weighted blankets , fidget spinners , skin care and bath bombs , Animal Crossing , fancy mattresses , hypnotizing food videos .
When Taylor Swift released Folklore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ merchandise includes a cardigan , music writers greeted it with arguably the best reviews of her career .
( # Cottagecore , of course , also spiked on Tumblr that day . )
Like e-girls and e-boys , cottagecore girls often experience their aesthetic alone , and it ’ s difficult to point out someone on the street and label them as “ cottagecore ” like we might with emo or punk kids in decades prior .
Most of the fans I ’ ve spoken with don ’ t know anyone in real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Instead , they ’ ve formed bonds with folks in group chats and comments sections , the true home of nearly all subcultures today .
It ’ s a delightfully fluid label , just one of many aesthetics that young women can try on or toss out on a daily basis .
In this way , cottagecore is a state of mind more so than a style of dress or a purchasable product , able to be tapped into at any time or merged with other interests like witches or fairies .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular mood board Instagram account , where she posts outfit inspiration and room decor for micro-aesthetics like “ Irish countryside , ” “ honeycore , ” or “ cottagecore Slytherin.
” “ I ’ ve always been really into woodsy aesthetics , even when I was little , ” she says .
“ I grew up on books like Brambly Hedge and Beatrix Potter , so I ’ ve always gravitated toward that kind of stuff.
” During quarantine , she ’ s noticed a massive influx in interest in her account ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ followers in just a few months .
Elise lives in a place vastly different from the English countryside — Southern California — but that so many cottagecore girls experience the subculture mostly through images and videos reveals another wrinkle in its central purpose : Cottagecore is less about a lifestyle and more about the longing for it , the yearning that maybe things would feel different if they looked a little prettier .
( Perhaps not coincidentally , longing is often also a central experience of queer identity . )
Implicit in Elise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fantasy of living someone else ’ s life — one if she were a psychology student , another if she were a librarian , another if she owned a “ kitschy lil ’ B & B ” — and the fun of dreaming up a narrative about what it might it be like .
Cottagecore is markedly less dreamy when you consider the realities of a life alone in the woods .
“ The thing about the English countryside is so many people are desperate to leave it but also so many people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because people are buying second homes there , ” explains Quinn , the director of the Chichester fairy tale center .
Indeed , cottagecore ignores the fact that rural areas have always been unattainable for some and inescapable for others .
“ Taylor Swift is wearing a chunky knit on the cover of her album , but that ’ s Irish , and most people can ’ t wait to get off the island , ” he adds .
“ These rural settings , you want to go to them , but then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s what ’ s wonderful about digital subcultures , though .
You can wake up one day and decide to live inside cottagecore , to make tea with honey and stare at pictures of meadows , to mail a handwritten letter to a friend and buy too many plants .
But there ’ s no telling who you ’ ll be in happily ever after .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox @ @

On Saturdays, Jesca knits. Maybe she’ll go to the farmer’s market for some fresh fruit (she recently baked some delicious heart-shaped strawberry pastries) or try a new craft, like beeswax candle-making. She wears long billowy dresses in floral patterns with puff sleeves and spends her free time reading with her cat and tending to her plants. On Instagram and TikTok, where she shares images of her rosy-tinted life, her followers look on in wonder, asking if she lives in a forest cottage somewhere in Europe, or Middle Earth.
“I live in very hot, humid Orlando,’” she says with a laugh. “Pretty much the swamp.” But Jesca Her, a 25-year-old student, has amassed a following of more than 200,000 on TikTok because she makes Central Florida seem like a fairy tale. She’s an influencer of cottagecore, the soothing, escapist aesthetic dominated by meadows, teacups, and baby goats.
It was 2018, on Tumblr, when the bucolic scenery that had proliferated on the platform for years earlier was finally christened with a suffix. “Cottagecore” is just one of dozens of iterations of movements fetishizing the countryside and coziness over the past few hundred years, and yet the glaringly obvious irony is that it is the first that has existed almost exclusively online, posted and participated in through a smartphone from cluttered apartments or suburban bedrooms.
Here is what cottagecore looks like: It is doilies, snails, and DIY fairy spoons crafted from seashells. It is illustrations from Frog & Toad, stills from Miyazaki movies, two girls kissing in a forest in springtime. It is a laughably arduous tutorial on how to make homemade rosewater whispered to you in a British accent. It is eyelet blouses and soft cardigans and hair ribbons and too much blush. It is Beatrix Potter, The Secret Garden, Miss Honey from Matilda, the Shire. Taylor Swift’s indie rock quarantine album Folklore? Cottagecore. Taylor Swift’s angry revenge album Reputation? Not cottagecore.
“I’ve always liked baking and cooking and doing what my friends and my family would say is very grandma-like,” Jesca says. “Even my grandma tells me, ‘You’re more of a grandmother than I am.’” There is a word for that, too — grandmacore — but Jesca had never heard the term “cottagecore” until she joined TikTok. To be fair, cottagecore is just one of an ever-expanding universe of hyper-specific aesthetics proliferating online: There is meadowcore (cottagecore but just the meadows), frogcore (cottagecore but just the frogs), goblincore (cottagecore but with mud and foraged mushrooms and gender-neutral clothing), and dozens of others even the most online young people have probably never heard of.
Yet cottagecore has been the standout aesthetic of 2020 for the same reason that everything else happened in 2020. When the pandemic hit, idle homemaking became less escapism and more like an inescapable reality. Cottagecore under lockdown, then, became a way to spin the terror and drudgery into something adorable — and interest in it directly correlated to how bad it became outside.
“Every time there’s been a spike in cases, there’s a spike in cottagecore right along with it,” says Amanda Brennan, a trend expert at Tumblr. From early March to early April, the cottagecore hashtag jumped 153 percent, while likes on cottagecore posts were up 541 percent. As the seasons have changed, so has the content: In April, at-home activities like cooking and embroidery were popular; by June and July it was sunny wildflower fields, twee picnics, and lily pads.
The sentiments are “wistful, longing,” Brennan says of the commentary on cottagecore Tumblr posts. “Like, ‘Man, if only I could have this.’ Even if it’s not joy because you’re there right now, but, ‘Just looking at this thing brings me joy and this is what I need right now.’”
That the subculture mostly exists digitally is not the only irony inherent in cottagecore. Though much of the aesthetic is influenced by fairy tales — the bucolic landscapes, fascination with tiny animals — Paul Quinn, director of the Chichester Center for Fairy Tales, Fantasy, and Speculative Fiction, quips that “It’s tricky to see how cottagecore has anything to do with fairy tales at all. The countryside and woodlands — they’re not safe places!”
In the early 19th century, when the Brothers Grimm were writing Beauty and the Beast, Little Red Riding Hood, and Cinderella, the stories were filled with grotesquery, body horror, rape, and cannibalism, often taking place in scary forests and cottages that were actually death traps. It wasn’t until later in the century, during the rise of Romanticism, that they were sanitized for children.
Romanticism, not fairy tales, is the real influence on cottagecore: “If you look late in the 19th century at William Morris and the arts and crafts movement, it was a response to the Industrial Revolution,” Quinn explains. “It’s a recall of the medieval era, this idealization of nature and Arthurianism — it’s a nostalgia for someone else’s past. There’s a notion that life was better back then, even though it wasn’t. They’re places you wouldn’t want to live because there’s no internet access.”
It’s not terribly difficult to connect the social, political, and economic upheaval of the Victorian era with the tumultuousness of the past decade. But instead of longing for our own past, Americans are drawn to the landscapes of European fairy tales because, well, we don’t really have any of our own. “Americans don’t have a medieval period, you have an imported medieval period,” Quinn says. “If you look at Disney, when he attempted to create an original American fairy tale, he came up with Song of the South, and no one watches that because it’s essentially a paean to slavery. It’s tricky to construct that type of period when you haven’t really got it.”
What separates cottagecore from other nostalgia-based subcultures, too, is that despite its reverence for stories about and images of heterosexual white people, it’s become nearly synonymous with queer people and progressive politics. There are mini signifiers; “cottagecore lesbian” is now a popular identifier online, while goblincore is a favorite among nonbinary people (frogs are also, canonically, lesbians). A significant portion of cottagecore accounts on Instagram, Tumblr, and TikTok also include bios with “Black Lives Matter” or other social justice causes.
“Unlike reactionary movements like ‘trad wives’ — essentially right-wing mommy bloggers who advocate a return to regressive gender roles — cottagecore offers a vision of domestic bliss without servitude in the traditional binary framework,” writes Isabel Slone in the New York Times. “Cottagecore offers a vision of the world where men are not consciously excluded; they are simply an afterthought.” As one might imagine, very few men show up in searches for cottagecore hashtags.
Evienne Yanney, a 16-year-old in California, says that she discovered cottagecore on Instagram during a period where she wasn’t sure if she liked the way she dressed. Cottagecore attracted her, as a lesbian, because “Many of us aren’t really accepted in the modern world, so the thought of running away to a cottage is really, I guess, kind of soothing.” After responding to a callout on TikTok for cottagecore fans, she joined a group chat with several people, which then blossomed into their own Instagram account. She’s also part of a larger cottagecore Discord chat.
There is an environmental bent to cottagecore, too; many adherents praise the virtues of thrifting and growing food at home, which recalls the fervor surrounding all things cute and handmade during mid-2000s twee. In fact, it’s rare to not exist at the same time as a subculture devoted to a slower, more thoughtful life, or at least a trending word for what to call it: Self-care, hygge, and “domestic cozy” are all recent iterations.
Even before quarantine, brands had started using the aesthetics of coziness in advertisements for things like liquor or shoes that are supposed to make us feel safe and warm. Capitalism, of course, always finds a way to commoditize simplicity so that “hygge” no longer means a quiet night in with friends but a $90 blanket; cottagecore, similarly, is a faux-vintage dress from a fast-fashion conglomerate.
In an era defined by anxiety, it’s not particularly surprising that so many recent fads have revolved around self-soothing: ASMR, slime, weighted blankets, fidget spinners, skin care and bath bombs, Animal Crossing, fancy mattresses, hypnotizing food videos. When Taylor Swift released Folklore, a decidedly pared-back record whose official merchandise includes a cardigan, music writers greeted it with arguably the best reviews of her career. (#Cottagecore, of course, also spiked on Tumblr that day.)
Like e-girls and e-boys, cottagecore girls often experience their aesthetic alone, and it’s difficult to point out someone on the street and label them as “cottagecore” like we might with emo or punk kids in decades prior. Most of the fans I’ve spoken with don’t know anyone in real life who’s also into it. Instead, they’ve formed bonds with folks in group chats and comments sections, the true home of nearly all subcultures today.
It’s a delightfully fluid label, just one of many aesthetics that young women can try on or toss out on a daily basis. In this way, cottagecore is a state of mind more so than a style of dress or a purchasable product, able to be tapped into at any time or merged with other interests like witches or fairies.
Elise Schoneman, 21, runs a popular mood board Instagram account, where she posts outfit inspiration and room decor for micro-aesthetics like “Irish countryside,” “honeycore,” or “cottagecore Slytherin.” “I’ve always been really into woodsy aesthetics, even when I was little,” she says. “I grew up on books like Brambly Hedge and Beatrix Potter, so I’ve always gravitated toward that kind of stuff.” During quarantine, she’s noticed a massive influx in interest in her account; the page grew from 30,000 to 50,000 followers in just a few months.
Elise lives in a place vastly different from the English countryside — Southern California — but that so many cottagecore girls experience the subculture mostly through images and videos reveals another wrinkle in its central purpose: Cottagecore is less about a lifestyle and more about the longing for it, the yearning that maybe things would feel different if they looked a little prettier. (Perhaps not coincidentally, longing is often also a central experience of queer identity.) Implicit in Elise’s mood board posts is the fantasy of living someone else’s life — one if she were a psychology student, another if she were a librarian, another if she owned a “kitschy lil’ B&B” — and the fun of dreaming up a narrative about what it might it be like.
Cottagecore is markedly less dreamy when you consider the realities of a life alone in the woods. “The thing about the English countryside is so many people are desperate to leave it but also so many people are being priced out of it, because people are buying second homes there,” explains Quinn, the director of the Chichester fairy tale center. Indeed, cottagecore ignores the fact that rural areas have always been unattainable for some and inescapable for others. “Taylor Swift is wearing a chunky knit on the cover of her album, but that’s Irish, and most people can’t wait to get off the island,” he adds. “These rural settings, you want to go to them, but then you want to leave.”
That’s what’s wonderful about digital subcultures, though. You can wake up one day and decide to live inside cottagecore, to make tea with honey and stare at pictures of meadows, to mail a handwritten letter to a friend and buy too many plants. But there’s no telling who you’ll be in happily ever after.


vox--2020-08-03--Arizona’s primaries could provide a hint as to whether Democrats can take the Senate

When it comes to Arizona , much of the nation ’ s political attention this year has been focused on whether former Vice President Joe Biden can flip a state President Donald Trump won in 2016 .
But exactly how either Trump or Biden governs could be decided not by the presidential election but by races lower on the ticket — including one for Arizona ’ s Senate seat .
This Tuesday , August 4 , voters pick their favored candidate in that primary and several others across the state .
For the Senate , sole Democratic candidate Mark Kelly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a challenge against incumbent Sen. Martha McSally in the Republican primary could show just how much enthusiasm there is for her — and , perhaps , for whether Democrats can take her Senate seat to help them build a majority in both houses in Congress .
Meanwhile , the Democratic primary in the Sixth Congressional District , which is potentially up for grabs in November , is shaping up to be a battleground over how the party moves forward , whether that means embracing a more progressive strategy ( that ’ s perhaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more moderate approach .
There ’ s also an interesting local race for sheriff : Former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio — who was convicted of criminal contempt of court in 2017 for continuing his racist immigration enforcement in defiance of a judge ’ s order , though he later received a presidential pardon from Trump — is running to get his old job back .
Here ’ s what you need to know .
1 ) The Republican primary for US Senate Former astronaut Mark Kelly has the Democratic primary on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uncontested .
But things are a little murkier for sitting Rep. Martha McSally , who ’ s facing a primary challenge from businessman Daniel McCarthy .
Polling for the GOP primary is very thin , but it ’ s widely believed McSally has the advantage as the incumbent — albeit one who was appointed to her seat after losing to Democrat Kyrsten Sinema in a bid to replace former Sen. Jeff Flake in 2018 , who did not seek reelection that year .
The question , political observers said , is how much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If McSally wins but sees a considerable amount of voters pull away to McCarthy , that could demonstrate little Republican enthusiasm for her as a candidate — and perhaps spell trouble for her in the general election .
“ If there are any issues between McSally and the base , it will be revealed in the primary , ” Paul Bentz , a political consultant in Arizona , told me .
“ If McSally ’ s victory is smaller than expected , it would spell trouble for her in the general , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Republicans choosing to stay home — or vote for president but skip her race.
” That would be bad news for a campaign that ’ s already seemingly behind .
According to a RealClearPolitics average of the polls , Kelly currently leads McSally by nearly 7 percentage points .
So if it looks like McSally is facing a formidable challenge , that could be bad news for her and other Arizona Republicans , but good news for Kelly and Democrats looking to retake the Senate .
One primary fight in Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the Democratic Party between its more progressive wing and its more moderate members .
In the Sixth Congressional District , Hiral Tipirneni , Anita Malik , Stephanie Rimmer , and Karl Gentles are fighting to run against Republican incumbent David Schweikert in November .
Tipirneni , a physician , and Malik , a former tech executive , are believed to be the favorites , with Tipirneni boasting a huge fundraising advantage but Malik leading a challenge to her from the left .
Malik ran against Schweikert in 2018 but lost by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tipirneni also ran in 2018 — against Republican Debbie Lesko in the Eighth Congressional District — and lost by 5 percentage points in the special election and 11 in the general , although she beat expectations in what ’ s considered a very safe Republican seat .
This time , Tipirneni took her campaign to the Sixth Congressional District .
That ’ s invited accusations of carpetbagging , or seeking office in a district in which she has no personal connections .
But it ’ s also opened rifts between the progressive and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressives largely on the side of Malik , who supports Medicare-for-all , and moderates on the side of Tipirneni , who ’ s called for keeping private insurance plans while letting people buy into Medicare .
“ If Tipirneni loses , it would definitely show that progressives are incredibly engaged , ” Bentz said .
That may have implications in the general , too , in one of the dozens of seats Democrats could win to further bolster their hold on the House .
The Sixth District is rated “ Lean Republican ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s also a district with the kind of suburban voter who has swung against the president and his party in recent years .
Some experts believe Tipirneni stands the better chance at appealing to a Republican-leaning district , especially given that Malik lost to Schweikert before .
“ My read is that , based on recent history , Tipirneni will be the far more formidable opponent , ” Mike O ’ Neil , a political consultant in Arizona , told me .
“ I have no idea who will win the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most pros want Tipirneni based on her impressive recent track record.
” It ’ s a reflection , in other words , of many of the same fights Democrats have wrestled with in other stages : backing a possibly safer , more moderate candidate over a perhaps riskier , more progressive choice .
The first thing you should know about the Maricopa County sheriff ’ s race is that Joe Arpaio is running again .
The former sheriff was previously convicted for violating a court order meant to stop racial profiling .
Arpaio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against unauthorized immigration , deploying his deputies in predominantly Latin neighborhoods to arrest people .
Due to the indiscriminate racial profiling , his deputies would often arrest immigrants who were legally authorized to be in the US .
But Trump pardoned the former sheriff in 2017 .
Arpaio was , not coincidentally , a major supporter of both the president and his tough approach to illegal immigration .
Although the pardon was immediately controversial , it bolstered Arpaio ’ s reputation as a Trump ally .
Now Arpaio is hoping that his reputation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he used to run .
But first he has to win the Republican primary against Jerry Sheridan — a former chief deputy who served under Arpaio and was also found in contempt of the same court order — and Glendale police officer Mike Crawford .
Arpaio would then have to beat Democratic incumbent Paul Penzone , who defeated Arpaio in 2016 by more than 11 percentage points and later reversed some of Arpaio ’ s policies .
Some political observers are pretty certain about Arpaio ’ s chances : If Arpaio wins the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ He will lose the general.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

When it comes to Arizona, much of the nation’s political attention this year has been focused on whether former Vice President Joe Biden can flip a state President Donald Trump won in 2016. But exactly how either Trump or Biden governs could be decided not by the presidential election but by races lower on the ticket — including one for Arizona’s Senate seat.
This Tuesday, August 4, voters pick their favored candidate in that primary and several others across the state.
For the Senate, sole Democratic candidate Mark Kelly will coast to victory unchallenged. But a challenge against incumbent Sen. Martha McSally in the Republican primary could show just how much enthusiasm there is for her — and, perhaps, for whether Democrats can take her Senate seat to help them build a majority in both houses in Congress.
Meanwhile, the Democratic primary in the Sixth Congressional District, which is potentially up for grabs in November, is shaping up to be a battleground over how the party moves forward, whether that means embracing a more progressive strategy (that’s perhaps politically riskier) or a potentially safer, more moderate approach.
There’s also an interesting local race for sheriff: Former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio — who was convicted of criminal contempt of court in 2017 for continuing his racist immigration enforcement in defiance of a judge’s order, though he later received a presidential pardon from Trump — is running to get his old job back.
Here’s what you need to know.
1) The Republican primary for US Senate
Former astronaut Mark Kelly has the Democratic primary on lockdown, as he’s running uncontested. But things are a little murkier for sitting Rep. Martha McSally, who’s facing a primary challenge from businessman Daniel McCarthy.
Polling for the GOP primary is very thin, but it’s widely believed McSally has the advantage as the incumbent — albeit one who was appointed to her seat after losing to Democrat Kyrsten Sinema in a bid to replace former Sen. Jeff Flake in 2018, who did not seek reelection that year.
The question, political observers said, is how much of an advantage McSally actually has.
If McSally wins but sees a considerable amount of voters pull away to McCarthy, that could demonstrate little Republican enthusiasm for her as a candidate — and perhaps spell trouble for her in the general election.
“If there are any issues between McSally and the base, it will be revealed in the primary,” Paul Bentz, a political consultant in Arizona, told me. “If McSally’s victory is smaller than expected, it would spell trouble for her in the general, as she would run the risk of some of the Republicans choosing to stay home — or vote for president but skip her race.”
That would be bad news for a campaign that’s already seemingly behind. According to a RealClearPolitics average of the polls, Kelly currently leads McSally by nearly 7 percentage points.
So if it looks like McSally is facing a formidable challenge, that could be bad news for her and other Arizona Republicans, but good news for Kelly and Democrats looking to retake the Senate.
2) The Democratic primary for Arizona’s Sixth Congressional District
One primary fight in Arizona could expose some of the remaining splinters within the Democratic Party between its more progressive wing and its more moderate members.
In the Sixth Congressional District, Hiral Tipirneni, Anita Malik, Stephanie Rimmer, and Karl Gentles are fighting to run against Republican incumbent David Schweikert in November. Tipirneni, a physician, and Malik, a former tech executive, are believed to be the favorites, with Tipirneni boasting a huge fundraising advantage but Malik leading a challenge to her from the left.
Malik ran against Schweikert in 2018 but lost by a little more than 10 percentage points. Tipirneni also ran in 2018 — against Republican Debbie Lesko in the Eighth Congressional District — and lost by 5 percentage points in the special election and 11 in the general, although she beat expectations in what’s considered a very safe Republican seat.
This time, Tipirneni took her campaign to the Sixth Congressional District. That’s invited accusations of carpetbagging, or seeking office in a district in which she has no personal connections.
But it’s also opened rifts between the progressive and moderate wings of the party, with progressives largely on the side of Malik, who supports Medicare-for-all, and moderates on the side of Tipirneni, who’s called for keeping private insurance plans while letting people buy into Medicare.
“If Tipirneni loses, it would definitely show that progressives are incredibly engaged,” Bentz said.
That may have implications in the general, too, in one of the dozens of seats Democrats could win to further bolster their hold on the House. The Sixth District is rated “Lean Republican” by the Cook Political Report, but it’s also a district with the kind of suburban voter who has swung against the president and his party in recent years. Some experts believe Tipirneni stands the better chance at appealing to a Republican-leaning district, especially given that Malik lost to Schweikert before.
“My read is that, based on recent history, Tipirneni will be the far more formidable opponent,” Mike O’Neil, a political consultant in Arizona, told me. “I have no idea who will win the primary, but my guess is that most pros want Tipirneni based on her impressive recent track record.”
It’s a reflection, in other words, of many of the same fights Democrats have wrestled with in other stages: backing a possibly safer, more moderate candidate over a perhaps riskier, more progressive choice.
3) The Republican primary for Maricopa County sheriff
The first thing you should know about the Maricopa County sheriff’s race is that Joe Arpaio is running again.
The former sheriff was previously convicted for violating a court order meant to stop racial profiling. Arpaio explicitly used racial profiling in his fight against unauthorized immigration, deploying his deputies in predominantly Latin neighborhoods to arrest people. Due to the indiscriminate racial profiling, his deputies would often arrest immigrants who were legally authorized to be in the US.
But Trump pardoned the former sheriff in 2017. Arpaio was, not coincidentally, a major supporter of both the president and his tough approach to illegal immigration. Although the pardon was immediately controversial, it bolstered Arpaio’s reputation as a Trump ally.
Now Arpaio is hoping that his reputation will get him back to the office he used to run. But first he has to win the Republican primary against Jerry Sheridan — a former chief deputy who served under Arpaio and was also found in contempt of the same court order — and Glendale police officer Mike Crawford.
Arpaio would then have to beat Democratic incumbent Paul Penzone, who defeated Arpaio in 2016 by more than 11 percentage points and later reversed some of Arpaio’s policies. Some political observers are pretty certain about Arpaio’s chances: If Arpaio wins the primary, O’Neil said, “He will lose the general.”


vox--2020-08-03--Kansas, of all places, is shaping up to be an important 2020 battleground

Kansas , of all places , is shaping up to be an important 2020 battleground Share All sharing options for : Kansas , of all places , is shaping up to be an important 2020 battleground Kansas has a slate of important primary elections on Tuesday , setting up what could be one of the most competitive general election seasons in recent memory .
From the presidential contest and an all-important Senate race to several House elections , the state is shaping up to be one of the more unlikely 2020 battlegrounds .
Why ?
Because Kansas , where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be souring on President Donald Trump .
The New York Times reported private polling has shown a close race between Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden in the state .
Trump won Kansas by more than 20 points in 2016 , but a few months before the 2020 election , voters are pretty evenly split on the president ’ s job performance , according to Morning Consult .
His approval rating has dropped by 20 points since he took office .
In 2018 , Democrat Laura Kelly won the governor ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in power for the first time in a decade .
This is a state where more than half of voters identify as moderate or liberal .
And its population has been growing more suburban and urban , despite its prairie reputation .
“ We have a big chunk of stereotypical suburban voters that are transitioning to be more Democratic now , ” Patrick Miller , a political science professor at the University of Kansas , told me .
“ They ’ re not as comfortable today with the politics of the Republican Party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Laura Kelly .
Those voters carry a lot of heft.
” In all likelihood , the presidential election isn ’ t going to be won or lost here .
If Joe Biden prevails in Kansas , he ’ s probably on his way to a landslide .
But the battle for control of the US Senate could be decided in this state .
And the general election campaign could look quite different depending on which Republican triumphs in Tuesday ’ s primary .
Former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach , US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hamilton are the leading contenders for the Republican Senate nomination , vying for the opportunity to succeed retiring Sen. Pat Roberts .
Kobach is a well-known commodity and has been an immigration hawk for years .
As Miller puts it , he was “ Trump before Trump was Trump.
” He served two terms as secretary of state before running for governor in 2018 .
But Kobach ’ s inflammatory rhetoric and hardline views have sometimes put him at odds with the more moderate Kansas electorate , and he lost the governor ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been able to raise much money for the 2020 Senate race , though as Recode ’ s Teddy Schleifer reported , libertarian tech billionaire Peter Thiel pumped almost $ 1 million into the campaign to support Kobach .
But he does enjoy support among Kansas ’ s more conservative voters , which has kept him at the front of the primary field .
Marshall won his US House seat in 2018 before quickly being courted by the Republican establishment to run for Senate after the national party ’ s preferred choice , Secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enter the race .
He is a party-line Republican ; at times , he ’ s sounded open to reforms like a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants , but he has also vocally supported Trump ’ s agenda .
There is no getting to Kobach ’ s right on that particular issue , however , and so the primary campaign has assumed a familiar mainstream-versus-conservative tenor .
“ He ’ s the kind of Republican that , if Republican leadership has negotiated a compromise spending bill with Democrats , Marshall is going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to vote for it , ” Miller said of Marshall .
“ He ’ s not going to vote no on principle.
” According to the New York Times , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and other senior Republicans have begged Trump to endorse Marshall over Kobach , fearing the latter would be more vulnerable in a general election after his 2018 loss .
But Trump has so far not waded into the race and likely views Kobach as an ideological ally .
Hamilton , who started his own plumbing business in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He ’ s put more than $ 3 million of his own money into the campaign , portraying himself as the archconservative outsider .
Polling on the race has been sparse , with the last survey from June showing Kobach with a 9-point lead ( 35-26 ) over Marshall and Hamilton sitting in third with 15 percent .
At this point , the Kansas Senate race is likely to be somewhat competitive , in a state that hasn ’ t sent a Democrat to the Senate since 1932 , no matter who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a state senator expected to easily prevail in the Democratic primary on Tuesday , has raised more than $ 7 million so far , much more than any of her potential GOP opponents .
“ I think that ’ s really shocked people , to put that lightly , ” Miller said .
“ I think she ’ s proving herself to be a better candidate than a lot of people wanted to give her credit for.
” But national forecasters expect the race to be tighter if Kobach , who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump era , wins the Republican nomination .
Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball currently rates the Kansas Senate race Likely Republican , but that would change if Kobach emerges with the nomination .
“ I do think a Kobach nomination endangers the Senate seat , and makes the overall GOP path to retaining a Senate majority harder , ” Kyle Kondik , managing editor at the Crystal Ball , told me .
“ We will make the rating of Kansas more competitive if Kobach wins.
” Marshall is vacating his seat in Kansas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he can run for Senate .
The district , which covers most of western Kansas , has a strong Republican bent ; the Cook Political Report rates it R+24 , meaning it ’ s 24 points more Republican than the US overall .
That means the winner of the GOP primary on Tuesday is all but assured to wind up in Congress next year .
Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball rates the district Safe Republican .
Tracey Mann , a former lieutenant governor , is considered the frontrunner , though Bill Clifford , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than $ 500,000 of his own money to try to make the primary competitive .
“ I think people would be surprised if Mann didn ’ t win , ” Miller told me .
The expected Democratic nominee after Tuesday ’ s primary , Kali Barnett , is “ a good candidate in the wrong district ” for the general election , Miller said .
“ If she gets 30 percent , that ’ s an accomplishment.
” Oddly enough , it is the Republican incumbent in the Second District , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immediate Kansas City region , who is facing the most notable primary challenge .
Rep. Steve Watkins is currently facing felony charges for alleged voter fraud .
Prosecutors have said he used an inaccurate address to vote in a 2019 municipal election , leading him to vote in the wrong city council election .
Watkins has said the address mix-up was a simple mistake and called the charges “ hyper political ” and suspicious , according to the Kansas City Star , insinuating the prosecutor is trying to help his Republican primary opponent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is the Kansas state Treasurer .
He ’ s also received the endorsement of the Kansas Farmer Bureau , one of the most important interest groups in the state .
LaTurner has criticized Watkins over the voting scandal , saying he is putting a winnable seat at risk .
There has been no public polling heading into Tuesday ’ s election .
Whoever comes out of the GOP primary is expected to face Democrat Michelle De La Isla , mayor of Topeka .
She has raised a healthy amount of money in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) and could use her compelling life story — she had been homeless for a time in her native Puerto Rico before moving to Kansas , getting a college degree , and entering political life — to make the general election campaign a close one .
Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball rates the race Likely Republican , but some other forecasters like the Cook Political Report place it in a more competitive category .
“ Her primary is just a formality , ” Miller said of De La Isla .
“ Democrats are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this district.
” Rep. Sharice Davids is the Democratic incumbent .
She took the seat in 2018 , part of the wave that won her party control of the House .
“ It ’ s your poster child for high-education , high-income suburbia , zipping off Democratic at warp speed , ” Miller told me .
“ It ’ s hard to see Republicans seriously contesting a district like this.
” It ’ s still teetering on the edge of being competitive : Cook rates the district R+4 and Lean Democratic , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confident in Davids ’ s chances , putting the race in the Likely Democratic column .
The Republican primary field , to determine who will challenge Davids , is cluttered .
Three candidates — businesswoman Amanda Adkins , ex-nonprofit CEO Sara Hart Weir , and former mayor Adrienne Vallejo Foster — have raised at least six figures and have legitimate political credentials ; Adkins notably served as an adviser to then-Gov .
Sam Brownback .
The candidates in the Third District , Miller told me , are “ falling over themselves to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s where they ’ ve come into conflict with each other , ” he said .
“ Who ’ s the Trumpiest here ?
” Given the changing political nature of the district , that could end up being a problem in the November race against Davids .
But first , one of them must make it out of Tuesday ’ s primary .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
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Kansas, of all places, is shaping up to be an important 2020 battleground
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Kansas has a slate of important primary elections on Tuesday, setting up what could be one of the most competitive general election seasons in recent memory. From the presidential contest and an all-important Senate race to several House elections, the state is shaping up to be one of the more unlikely 2020 battlegrounds.
Why? Because Kansas, where the electorate tends to skew moderate, seems to be souring on President Donald Trump.
The New York Times reported private polling has shown a close race between Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden in the state. Trump won Kansas by more than 20 points in 2016, but a few months before the 2020 election, voters are pretty evenly split on the president’s job performance, according to Morning Consult. His approval rating has dropped by 20 points since he took office. In 2018, Democrat Laura Kelly won the governor’s race to put her party back in power for the first time in a decade.
This is a state where more than half of voters identify as moderate or liberal. And its population has been growing more suburban and urban, despite its prairie reputation.
“We have a big chunk of stereotypical suburban voters that are transitioning to be more Democratic now,” Patrick Miller, a political science professor at the University of Kansas, told me. “They’re not as comfortable today with the politics of the Republican Party, and a lot of them voted for Laura Kelly. Those voters carry a lot of heft.”
In all likelihood, the presidential election isn’t going to be won or lost here. If Joe Biden prevails in Kansas, he’s probably on his way to a landslide. But the battle for control of the US Senate could be decided in this state. And the general election campaign could look quite different depending on which Republican triumphs in Tuesday’s primary.
Kansas’s US Senate Republican primary
Former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, US Rep. Roger Marshall, and businessman Bob Hamilton are the leading contenders for the Republican Senate nomination, vying for the opportunity to succeed retiring Sen. Pat Roberts.
Kobach is a well-known commodity and has been an immigration hawk for years. As Miller puts it, he was “Trump before Trump was Trump.” He served two terms as secretary of state before running for governor in 2018. But Kobach’s inflammatory rhetoric and hardline views have sometimes put him at odds with the more moderate Kansas electorate, and he lost the governor’s race. He hasn’t been able to raise much money for the 2020 Senate race, though as Recode’s Teddy Schleifer reported, libertarian tech billionaire Peter Thiel pumped almost $1 million into the campaign to support Kobach. But he does enjoy support among Kansas’s more conservative voters, which has kept him at the front of the primary field.
Marshall won his US House seat in 2018 before quickly being courted by the Republican establishment to run for Senate after the national party’s preferred choice, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, declined to enter the race. He is a party-line Republican; at times, he’s sounded open to reforms like a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants, but he has also vocally supported Trump’s agenda. There is no getting to Kobach’s right on that particular issue, however, and so the primary campaign has assumed a familiar mainstream-versus-conservative tenor.
“He’s the kind of Republican that, if Republican leadership has negotiated a compromise spending bill with Democrats, Marshall is going to vote for it because leadership is going to vote for it,” Miller said of Marshall. “He’s not going to vote no on principle.”
According to the New York Times, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and other senior Republicans have begged Trump to endorse Marshall over Kobach, fearing the latter would be more vulnerable in a general election after his 2018 loss. But Trump has so far not waded into the race and likely views Kobach as an ideological ally.
Hamilton, who started his own plumbing business in the 1980s, is the wild card. He’s put more than $3 million of his own money into the campaign, portraying himself as the archconservative outsider. Polling on the race has been sparse, with the last survey from June showing Kobach with a 9-point lead (35-26) over Marshall and Hamilton sitting in third with 15 percent.
At this point, the Kansas Senate race is likely to be somewhat competitive, in a state that hasn’t sent a Democrat to the Senate since 1932, no matter who the Republican candidate is. Barbara Bollier, a state senator expected to easily prevail in the Democratic primary on Tuesday, has raised more than $7 million so far, much more than any of her potential GOP opponents.
“I think that’s really shocked people, to put that lightly,” Miller said. “I think she’s proving herself to be a better candidate than a lot of people wanted to give her credit for.”
But national forecasters expect the race to be tighter if Kobach, who has already lost a statewide election in the Trump era, wins the Republican nomination. Sabato’s Crystal Ball currently rates the Kansas Senate race Likely Republican, but that would change if Kobach emerges with the nomination.
“I do think a Kobach nomination endangers the Senate seat, and makes the overall GOP path to retaining a Senate majority harder,” Kyle Kondik, managing editor at the Crystal Ball, told me. “We will make the rating of Kansas more competitive if Kobach wins.”
Kansas First Congressional District Republican primary
Marshall is vacating his seat in Kansas’s First Congressional District so that he can run for Senate. The district, which covers most of western Kansas, has a strong Republican bent; the Cook Political Report rates it R+24, meaning it’s 24 points more Republican than the US overall. That means the winner of the GOP primary on Tuesday is all but assured to wind up in Congress next year. Sabato’s Crystal Ball rates the district Safe Republican.
Tracey Mann, a former lieutenant governor, is considered the frontrunner, though Bill Clifford, a doctor and businessman, has spent more than $500,000 of his own money to try to make the primary competitive.
“I think people would be surprised if Mann didn’t win,” Miller told me.
The expected Democratic nominee after Tuesday’s primary, Kali Barnett, is “a good candidate in the wrong district” for the general election, Miller said. “If she gets 30 percent, that’s an accomplishment.”
Kansas Second Congressional District primaries
Oddly enough, it is the Republican incumbent in the Second District, which covers most of eastern Kansas besides the immediate Kansas City region, who is facing the most notable primary challenge.
Rep. Steve Watkins is currently facing felony charges for alleged voter fraud. Prosecutors have said he used an inaccurate address to vote in a 2019 municipal election, leading him to vote in the wrong city council election. Watkins has said the address mix-up was a simple mistake and called the charges “hyper political” and suspicious, according to the Kansas City Star, insinuating the prosecutor is trying to help his Republican primary opponent, Jake LaTurner.
LaTurner, 32, is the Kansas state Treasurer. He’s also received the endorsement of the Kansas Farmer Bureau, one of the most important interest groups in the state. LaTurner has criticized Watkins over the voting scandal, saying he is putting a winnable seat at risk. There has been no public polling heading into Tuesday’s election.
Whoever comes out of the GOP primary is expected to face Democrat Michelle De La Isla, mayor of Topeka. She has raised a healthy amount of money in the primary (more than $700,000) and could use her compelling life story — she had been homeless for a time in her native Puerto Rico before moving to Kansas, getting a college degree, and entering political life — to make the general election campaign a close one. Sabato’s Crystal Ball rates the race Likely Republican, but some other forecasters like the Cook Political Report place it in a more competitive category.
“Her primary is just a formality,” Miller said of De La Isla. “Democrats are, I think, very interested in this district.”
Kansas Third Congressional District Republican primary
Rep. Sharice Davids is the Democratic incumbent. She took the seat in 2018, part of the wave that won her party control of the House.
“It’s your poster child for high-education, high-income suburbia, zipping off Democratic at warp speed,” Miller told me. “It’s hard to see Republicans seriously contesting a district like this.”
It’s still teetering on the edge of being competitive: Cook rates the district R+4 and Lean Democratic, though Sabato’s Crystal Ball is more confident in Davids’s chances, putting the race in the Likely Democratic column.
The Republican primary field, to determine who will challenge Davids, is cluttered. Three candidates — businesswoman Amanda Adkins, ex-nonprofit CEO Sara Hart Weir, and former mayor Adrienne Vallejo Foster — have raised at least six figures and have legitimate political credentials; Adkins notably served as an adviser to then-Gov. Sam Brownback.
The candidates in the Third District, Miller told me, are “falling over themselves to be as pro-Trump as possible.”
“That’s where they’ve come into conflict with each other,” he said. “Who’s the Trumpiest here?”
Given the changing political nature of the district, that could end up being a problem in the November race against Davids. But first, one of them must make it out of Tuesday’s primary.