vox--2020-12-07--What Joe Biden could do to bring down drug costs

Just as Joe Biden prepares to take over the presidency , the pharmaceutical industry is having its best political moment in years .
Numerous Covid-19 vaccines are on the verge of approval , promising an ( eventual ) end to the pandemic that has upended every American ’ s life for the last nine months .
Reducing prescription drug costs has long been a top priority for voters .
But given the prospect of a divided government , the other health care issues likely to dominate the Biden administration ’ s attention , and pharma ’ s renewed political clout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skeptical there will be significant action to rein in drug costs over the next few years .
“ Now that it ’ s looking like we ’ ll have successful vaccines , drug companies could come out of this pandemic as heroes that saved us from the evil virus , ” Larry Levitt , executive vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation , told me .
“ That will make it harder to demonize the pharmaceutical industry in a fight over drug pricing.
” There are two kinds of drug pricing problems .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by drug companies , which almost no patient or health system actually pays , but are the top line from which various discounts and rebates are applied .
Those are more difficult to control , without the more aggressive kind of price-setting that pharma and many lawmakers would balk at .
The other issue is out-of-pocket costs , or what patients must pay under their insurance plan .
That may be easier to fix ; it ’ s just a matter of finding the money to improve , for example , the Medicare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they fill a prescription .
There could be an opportunity for incremental improvements through Congress .
A bipartisan Senate bill would serve as an obvious template for a compromise , if the Senate remains in Republican hands and with Democrats holding onto the House .
As one health care lobbyist told me , lawmakers are cognizant that after years of fierce partisan divisions that have stymied even small-bore improvements to US health care , “ the voting public needs to see points on the board.
” But any legislating could still be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the House and the Senate can make it hard for bills to move forward , and pharma still wields tremendous influence within the US Capitol .
As for President-elect Biden ’ s regulatory agenda , he will have to decide how much to prioritize drug pricing alongside improving Obamacare and reversing some of Trump ’ s actions on Medicaid .
Pharmaceuticals are one area where the Trump administration has been more creative , but they also have failed to actually put many of their proposals in place .
Biden could , in theory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Trump initiatives .
But many experts are skeptical he will .
Health care activists are still pushing for big changes .
The US public still wants drug affordability addressed .
But the context of the debate has shifted .
On top of the vaccine news , drug prices have not been rising as quickly as in previous years , and the headline-grabbing price gouging appears to have subsided from the days when Martin Shkreli was briefly the face of the industry .
Taken together , experts have lowered their expectations about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even though many Americans are still struggling to afford the medications they need .
“ I think now , you don ’ t have all those stories about insulin and Epipen , plus you have positive stories about vaccines and other drugs , ” Walid Gellad , director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Policy and Prescribing at the University of Pittsburgh , says .
“ You don ’ t have as fertile an environment for more extreme drug measures.
” There could be targeted action in Congress if everybody gets on board A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Chuck Grassley ( R-IA ) and Ron Wyden ( D-OR ) and passed out of the Senate Finance Committee could be the initial template for drug pricing legislation under the Biden administration .
As the lobbyist told me , if Senate Republicans and Senate Democrats can agree on a plan , that will put intense pressure on the House to come to an agreement .
The bill would penalize drug companies for any price hikes that are higher than inflation , requiring them to pay rebates to the Medicare program to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Finance Committee ’ s legislation would also redesign Medicare Part D benefits and cap patients ’ out-of-pocket obligations at no more than $ 3,100 a year ( and many would pay far less than that ) .
The Congressional Budget Office projected that the bill would save beneficiaries a combined $ 20 billion over 10 years .
Both of those provisions are shared in concept , if not in all the details , with the major drug pricing bill passed by House Democrats in 2019 , indicating they would represent a common @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retain control of the Senate .
The Senate Finance bill didn ’ t get past the committee stage , partly because Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was unenthused and President Donald Trump did little to apply pressure on reticent Republicans .
Biden could try to use his bully pulpit to get a deal done .
The legislation “ just lacked the push from the president , ” Gellad said .
Under Biden , “ I think you might actually see a push from the president.
” Other policies cracking down on anti-competitive practices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawmakers in both parties .
For example , a bipartisan Senate bill from Grassley and Sen. Amy Klobuchar ( D-MN ) and a plan sponsored by a group of House Republicans would bar brand-name manufacturers from making “ pay for delay ” payments to generic drug companies .
Those arrangements currently can push back the introduction of generic competitors — one of the main tools in the US health system for limiting drug prices after the monopolies granted to new drugs expire — for months or more .
But more direct negotiations between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign talking point for Biden and other Democrats , are likely off the table unless Democrats can win both Georgia Senate runoffs , and with them a narrow Senate majority .
Republicans not named Donald Trump have never warmed to the idea .
The health care lobbyist told me that a deal agreed to by Biden , McConnell , and Senate Democrats should be able to get through the House , too , even if the left and right wings balk .
“ Pelosi can ’ t say no .
McCarthy can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ They can bring enough of their guys.
” Biden will have to decide whether to press on with any of Trump ’ s executive actions The Trump health department has been busy on drug prices .
They ’ ve authorized drug importation from other countries and released a bevy of proposals to bring American drug prices more in line with other countries .
The trouble has been in their lack of follow-through , which means the Biden administration will largely be left to decide whether to pick up Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ start from scratch on their own .
But if nothing else , Trump ’ s aggressive posture toward the pharma industry may give Biden more leeway to be ambitious during his own presidency .
“ Despite the Trump Administration ’ s failure to implement its most ambitious drug pricing policy goals , the administration ’ s rhetoric has been successful in normalizing and making the case for these bold reforms , ” Rachel Sachs , a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis , wrote in Health Affairs shortly after the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling card of Trump ’ s agenda , though his administration ’ s attempt to finalize it has been done in a legally shoddy , last-minute way that experts think leaves it vulnerable to the legal challenges already filed by the drug industry .
In brief , under this “ most favored nation ” proposal , Medicare would not pay a higher price for drugs than other similarly wealthy countries do .
Sachs suggested in her article that Biden ’ s team could reevaluate the referencing pricing model , but refine it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could also shift the focus from automatic price controls to an independent review board that would take the foreign prices into account while setting its own recommended prices for Medicare .
Biden could also revisit the Obama administration ’ s plan to change how Medicare pays physicians for certain drugs , which was introduced too late to be fully implemented before Obama and Biden left office , Levitt said .
The federal government theoretically has expansive powers to try to curb drug prices .
Progressives argue the federal government could use existing authorities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makers if their medicines were developed through substantial public investment .
It is an idea with a lot of purchase on the left and something even Biden ’ s newly announced nominee to lead the Department of Health and Human Services , Xavier Becerra , has sounded receptive to under certain circumstances .
Activists argue that the urgency of reducing drug costs for Americans has become only more apparent during the Covid-19 pandemic , even if pharmaceutical companies try to use their success with vaccines to their political advantage .
“ If there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taught us , it ’ s that something should be done .
We shouldn ’ t allow ourselves to think it ’ s not possible , ” Dana Brown , who promotes drug pricing reform for the Democracy Collaborative , told me .
“ Can we literally afford the status quo ?
For me , the answer is no.
” Progressives will try to keep the pressure on Biden to go big .
But there is a belief among savvy DC observers that drug pricing may be crowded out by other health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analyst at the investment advisory firm Capital Alpha , wrote in a note in the days after the election : “ We think drug pricing will fall to a third or fourth tier issue for the next administration .
”

Just as Joe Biden prepares to take over the presidency, the pharmaceutical industry is having its best political moment in years. Numerous Covid-19 vaccines are on the verge of approval, promising an (eventual) end to the pandemic that has upended every American’s life for the last nine months.
Reducing prescription drug costs has long been a top priority for voters. But given the prospect of a divided government, the other health care issues likely to dominate the Biden administration’s attention, and pharma’s renewed political clout, lobbyists and health care experts are skeptical there will be significant action to rein in drug costs over the next few years.
“Now that it’s looking like we’ll have successful vaccines, drug companies could come out of this pandemic as heroes that saved us from the evil virus,” Larry Levitt, executive vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation, told me. “That will make it harder to demonize the pharmaceutical industry in a fight over drug pricing.”
There are two kinds of drug pricing problems. One is the actual list prices set by drug companies, which most patients and health systems don’t actually pay, but still set the top line from which various discounts and rebates are applied. (And for the uninsured, that is their price unless they get some kind of assistance.) List prices are more difficult to control, without the more aggressive kind of price-setting that pharma and many lawmakers would balk at. The other issue is out-of-pocket costs, or what patients must pay under their insurance plan. That may be easier to fix; it’s just a matter of finding the money to improve, for example, the Medicare drug benefit so patients have smaller obligations when they fill a prescription.
There could be an opportunity for incremental improvements through Congress. A bipartisan Senate bill would serve as an obvious template for a compromise, if the Senate remains in Republican hands and with Democrats holding onto the House.
As one health care lobbyist told me, lawmakers are cognizant that after years of fierce partisan divisions that have stymied even small-bore improvements to US health care, “the voting public needs to see points on the board.”
But any legislating could still be difficult, as even small coalitions in the House and the Senate can make it hard for bills to move forward, and pharma still wields tremendous influence within the US Capitol.
As for President-elect Biden’s regulatory agenda, he will have to decide how much to prioritize drug pricing alongside improving Obamacare and reversing some of Trump’s actions on Medicaid. Pharmaceuticals are one area where the Trump administration has been more creative, but they also have failed to actually put many of their proposals in place. Biden could, in theory, pick up and build on some of the Trump initiatives. But many experts are skeptical he will.
Health care activists are still pushing for big changes. The US public still wants drug affordability addressed. But the context of the debate has shifted. On top of the vaccine news, drug prices have not been rising as quickly as in previous years, and the headline-grabbing price gouging appears to have subsided from the days when Martin Shkreli was briefly the face of the industry.
Taken together, experts have lowered their expectations about significant reforms happening any time soon, even though many Americans are still struggling to afford the medications they need.
“I think now, you don’t have all those stories about insulin and Epipen, plus you have positive stories about vaccines and other drugs,” Walid Gellad, director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Policy and Prescribing at the University of Pittsburgh, says. “You don’t have as fertile an environment for more extreme drug measures.”
There could be targeted action in Congress if everybody gets on board
A bipartisan bill introduced last year by Sens. Chuck Grassley (R-IA) and Ron Wyden (D-OR) and passed out of the Senate Finance Committee could be the initial template for drug pricing legislation under the Biden administration. As the lobbyist told me, if Senate Republicans and Senate Democrats can agree on a plan, that will put intense pressure on the House to come to an agreement.
The bill would penalize drug companies for any price hikes that are higher than inflation, requiring them to pay rebates to the Medicare program to make up the difference. For patients, the Finance Committee’s legislation would also redesign Medicare Part D benefits and cap patients’ out-of-pocket obligations at no more than $3,100 a year (and many would pay far less than that). The Congressional Budget Office projected that the bill would save beneficiaries a combined $20 billion over 10 years.
Both of those provisions are shared in concept, if not in all the details, with the major drug pricing bill passed by House Democrats in 2019, indicating they would represent a common ground between the two chambers if Republicans retain control of the Senate.
The Senate Finance bill didn’t get past the committee stage, partly because Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was unenthused and President Donald Trump did little to apply pressure on reticent Republicans. Biden could try to use his bully pulpit to get a deal done.
The legislation “just lacked the push from the president,” Gellad said. Under Biden, “I think you might actually see a push from the president.”
Other policies cracking down on anti-competitive practices by drug makers have earned support from lawmakers in both parties. For example, a bipartisan Senate bill from Grassley and Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and a plan sponsored by a group of House Republicans would bar brand-name manufacturers from making “pay for delay” payments to generic drug companies. Those arrangements currently can push back the introduction of generic competitors — one of the main tools in the US health system for limiting drug prices after the monopolies granted to new drugs expire — for months or more.
But more direct negotiations between Medicare and drug companies, a popular campaign talking point for Biden and other Democrats, are likely off the table unless Democrats can win both Georgia Senate runoffs, and with them a narrow Senate majority. Republicans not named Donald Trump have never warmed to the idea.
The health care lobbyist told me that a deal agreed to by Biden, McConnell, and Senate Democrats should be able to get through the House, too, even if the left and right wings balk.
“Pelosi can’t say no. McCarthy can’t say no,” the lobbyist said. “They can bring enough of their guys.”
Biden will have to decide whether to press on with any of Trump’s executive actions
The Trump health department has been busy on drug prices. They’ve authorized drug importation from other countries and released a bevy of proposals to bring American drug prices more in line with other countries.
The trouble has been in their lack of follow-through, which means the Biden administration will largely be left to decide whether to pick up Trump’s policies and run with them or start from scratch on their own.
But if nothing else, Trump’s aggressive posture toward the pharma industry may give Biden more leeway to be ambitious during his own presidency.
“Despite the Trump Administration’s failure to implement its most ambitious drug pricing policy goals, the administration’s rhetoric has been successful in normalizing and making the case for these bold reforms,” Rachel Sachs, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis, wrote in Health Affairs shortly after the election.
International reference pricing has been the calling card of Trump’s agenda, though his administration’s attempt to finalize it has been done in a legally shoddy, last-minute way that experts think leaves it vulnerable to the legal challenges already filed by the drug industry. In brief, under this “most favored nation” proposal, Medicare would not pay a higher price for drugs than other similarly wealthy countries do.
Sachs suggested in her article that Biden’s team could reevaluate the referencing pricing model, but refine it to make it less administratively complex. They could also shift the focus from automatic price controls to an independent review board that would take the foreign prices into account while setting its own recommended prices for Medicare.
Biden could also revisit the Obama administration’s plan to change how Medicare pays physicians for certain drugs, which was introduced too late to be fully implemented before Obama and Biden left office, Levitt said.
The federal government theoretically has expansive powers to try to curb drug prices. Progressives argue the federal government could use existing authorities to effectively revoke patents issued to drug makers if their medicines were developed through substantial public investment. It is an idea with a lot of purchase on the left and something even Biden’s newly announced nominee to lead the Department of Health and Human Services, Xavier Becerra, has sounded receptive to under certain circumstances.
Activists argue that the urgency of reducing drug costs for Americans has become only more apparent during the Covid-19 pandemic, even if pharmaceutical companies try to use their success with vaccines to their political advantage.
“If there is anything that this pandemic should have taught us, it’s that something should be done. We shouldn’t allow ourselves to think it’s not possible,” Dana Brown, who promotes drug pricing reform for the Democracy Collaborative, told me. “Can we literally afford the status quo? For me, the answer is no.”
Progressives will try to keep the pressure on Biden to go big. But there is a belief among savvy DC observers that drug pricing may be crowded out by other health care priorities. As Rob Smith, an analyst at the investment advisory firm Capital Alpha, wrote in a note in the days after the election: “We think drug pricing will fall to a third or fourth tier issue for the next administration.”


vox--2020-12-07--Georgia Republicans are pleading with Trump to stop attacking them. He isn’t listening.

A number of Georgia Republicans took the extraordinary step on Sunday and Monday of publicly pleading with President Donald Trump to stop claiming that some sort of massive election fraud enabled President-elect Joe Biden to beat him in their state .
Trump wasted no time indicating he ’ s not listening .
“ What ’ s wrong with this guy ?
” Trump asked , referring to Georgia ’ s Republican Gov .
Brian Kemp on Twitter Monday .
The question followed a suggestion that Kemp is somehow involved in a conspiracy to keep him out of the White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with state records to ensure their validity .
The trouble is , that ’ s something election officials in Georgia have already done .
Nevertheless , Trump added , “ What ’ s he hiding ?
” Attacks like these come as Georgia officials struggle to refute the president ’ s claims — and to deal with the damage those claims are doing to both the party and voter confidence in elections .
“ Continuing to make debunked claims of a stolen election is hurting our state , ” said Georgia Secretary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s frequent targets of abuse in recent weeks — during a news conference on Monday , the day state election officials plan to recertify Biden ’ s win following a second recount .
Those comments came a day after Gabriel Sterling , voting systems implementation manager for Georgia , went on Meet the Press and said Trump claiming the election was rigged “ undermines democracy.
” “ We have got to get to a point where responsible people act responsibly , ” continued Sterling , who also detailed how Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials and even against a worker at Dominion Voting Systems , whose voting machines and software Georgia uses .
It ’ s worth remembering that both Raffensperger and Sterling are Republicans who have been public about the fact that they voted for Trump and wanted him to win .
But they , and other top Georgia Republicans like Gov .
Kemp and Lt. Gov .
Geoff Duncan , seem to believe that Trump ’ s effort to overturn the election results is a bridge too far .
“ On January 20th , Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the 46th president .
And the Constitution is still in place , ” Duncan said during a CNN appearance on Sunday that prompted Trump to fire back on Twitter by calling him a “ puppet ” and Kemp a “ so-called governor.
” Monday , Trump followed up these insults by retweeting a call for his fans to put pressure on Georgia state legislators to call a special session , during which he hopes lawmakers will vote to overturn the election results by awarding the state ’ s electoral votes to him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Trump ’ s desperate Georgia gambit will work — given Kemp and other leaders have said no special session will happen — but since Biden won with states to spare , overturning the result in Georgia wouldn ’ t be enough on its own to swing the election to Trump .
Nevertheless , refusing to concede has resulted in a post-election fundraising bonanza for Trump while providing him with a ready-made “ stolen election ” narrative he could use for a campaign in 2024 .
And if democracy gets trampled in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a cost of doing business .
Trump ’ s already debunked fraud claims obscure that what he really wants is for Georgia Republicans to overturn the election results Why is Trump mad at Georgia Republicans ?
The short answer is because they aren ’ t helping him overturn the election .
But since Trump won ’ t just come out and say that , he ’ s instead chosen to repeatedly attack the security of the election , and recently has accused Kemp of not investigating the signatures on mail and absentee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are already examined at least twice — once when the ballot is requested and a second time when they ’ re received .
Trump ’ s refusal to let facts get in the way of his narrative was alluded to by Sterling during his Meet the Press appearance when he said , “ it ’ s a game of whack-a-mole to even say ‘ the president ’ s statements are false.
’ ” Trump ’ s real objective seems to be to create enough suspicion of malfeasance to give Kemp a pretext to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a special session .
He even said as much during his angry Saturday night rally in Valdosta , during which he incoherently oscillated between attacking Georgia Republicans and urging them to unify behind Republican Sens .
Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue — both of whom are running for reelection in a January special election .
It ’ s been an effective strategy — CNN ’ s Ryan Nobles reported that Trump supporters in Georgia were circulating a petition Monday to demand Kemp call a special legislative session and address the president ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s entreaties .
But he and other Georgia Republicans have tried to do so while not alienating Trump ’ s base .
A striking illustration of this tightrope act came during Raffensperger ’ s appearance on Sunday ’ s edition of This Week , when he affirmed his support for Loeffler and Perdue even though both of them have cited Trump ’ s lies about election fraud in Georgia as a pretext to demand his resignation .
Loeffler has tried to have it both ways in even more egregious fashion .
During a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question about whether she supports Trump ’ s attacks on Kemp , saying , “ I appreciate the president ’ s support of me , and I appreciate the governor ’ s support of me .
They both understand what ’ s at stake in this election.
” In reality , however , Trump doesn ’ t seem to care about much beyond what ’ s in his own interest .
Trump ’ s attacks are dividing the party at a crucial time While Trump ’ s attacks on Georgia Republicans might be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political prospects , he ’ s dividing Republican voters ahead of Senate runoffs that will decide control of the US Senate .
Because if they buy Trump ’ s claims about Kemp and Raffensperger turning the other way while Democrats stole the election from him , why would they vote in an election that ’ s likely to be just as tainted ?
Even just a few thousand Republicans deciding to stay home could be crucial in elections that are shaping up to be very close .
And in a sign that Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t doing enough , Loeffler and Perdue ’ s remarks were drowned out by “ Fight for Trump ” chants at Saturday ’ s rally .
Trump seems to understand his leverage .
In a tweet last week , he connected his fate in Georgia with the fates of Loeffler and Perdue , tweeting that the best way to ensure their wins is for Kemp “ to allow signature checks in the Presidential race.
” Perhaps the clearest expression of what Trump is really up to came from White House press secretary/campaign spokesperson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fox News appearance admonished Kemp , saying , “ You have the power to call in a special legislative session because right now if we lose these two Senate seats , guess who ’ s casting the deciding vote in this country for our government ?
It will be Kamala Harris.
” It ’ s worth keeping in mind that Vice President-elect Kamala Harris will only be the deciding Senate vote if Republicans lose both Georgia runoffs .
But instead of trying to mobilize Republicans to get out and vote so the GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump are working to subvert democracy to the president ’ s own ends .

A number of Georgia Republicans took the extraordinary step on Sunday and Monday of publicly pleading with President Donald Trump to stop claiming that some sort of massive election fraud enabled President-elect Joe Biden to beat him in their state. Trump wasted no time indicating he’s not listening.
“What’s wrong with this guy?” Trump asked, referring to Georgia’s Republican Gov. Brian Kemp on Twitter Monday.
The question followed a suggestion that Kemp is somehow involved in a conspiracy to keep him out of the White House, by refusing to match ballot signatures with state records to ensure their validity. The trouble is, that’s something election officials in Georgia have already done. Nevertheless, Trump added, “What’s he hiding?”
The Republican Governor of Georgia refuses to do signature verification, which would give us an easy win. What’s wrong with this guy? What is he hiding? — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 7, 2020
Attacks like these come as Georgia officials struggle to refute the president’s claims — and to deal with the damage those claims are doing to both the party and voter confidence in elections.
“Continuing to make debunked claims of a stolen election is hurting our state,” said Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger — one of Trump’s frequent targets of abuse in recent weeks — during a news conference on Monday, the day state election officials plan to recertify Biden’s win following a second recount.
Those comments came a day after Gabriel Sterling, voting systems implementation manager for Georgia, went on Meet the Press and said Trump claiming the election was rigged “undermines democracy.”
“We have got to get to a point where responsible people act responsibly,” continued Sterling, who also detailed how Trump’s rhetoric is inspiring death threats against state officials and even against a worker at Dominion Voting Systems, whose voting machines and software Georgia uses.
It’s worth remembering that both Raffensperger and Sterling are Republicans who have been public about the fact that they voted for Trump and wanted him to win. But they, and other top Georgia Republicans like Gov. Kemp and Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncan, seem to believe that Trump’s effort to overturn the election results is a bridge too far.
“On January 20th, Joe Biden is going to be sworn in as the 46th president. And the Constitution is still in place,” Duncan said during a CNN appearance on Sunday that prompted Trump to fire back on Twitter by calling him a “puppet” and Kemp a “so-called governor.”
Monday, Trump followed up these insults by retweeting a call for his fans to put pressure on Georgia state legislators to call a special session, during which he hopes lawmakers will vote to overturn the election results by awarding the state’s electoral votes to him.
Not only is it extremely unlikely that Trump’s desperate Georgia gambit will work — given Kemp and other leaders have said no special session will happen — but since Biden won with states to spare, overturning the result in Georgia wouldn’t be enough on its own to swing the election to Trump.
Nevertheless, refusing to concede has resulted in a post-election fundraising bonanza for Trump while providing him with a ready-made “stolen election” narrative he could use for a campaign in 2024. And if democracy gets trampled in the process, he seems to view that as a cost of doing business.
Trump’s already debunked fraud claims obscure that what he really wants is for Georgia Republicans to overturn the election results
Why is Trump mad at Georgia Republicans? The short answer is because they aren’t helping him overturn the election. But since Trump won’t just come out and say that, he’s instead chosen to repeatedly attack the security of the election, and recently has accused Kemp of not investigating the signatures on mail and absentee ballots.
But signatures on Georgia ballots are already examined at least twice — once when the ballot is requested and a second time when they’re received. Trump’s refusal to let facts get in the way of his narrative was alluded to by Sterling during his Meet the Press appearance when he said, “it’s a game of whack-a-mole to even say ‘the president’s statements are false.’”
WATCH: @GabrielSterling reacts to Trump's claims about election fraud at Georgia rally & says "it is a game of whack-a-mole to even say 'the president's statements are false."
"This undermines democracy. We have got to get to a point where responsible people act responsibly." pic.twitter.com/ypJ2DtwIKf — Meet the Press (@MeetThePress) December 6, 2020
Trump’s real objective seems to be to create enough suspicion of malfeasance to give Kemp a pretext to call in the Republican-controlled Georgia legislature for a special session. He even said as much during his angry Saturday night rally in Valdosta, during which he incoherently oscillated between attacking Georgia Republicans and urging them to unify behind Republican Sens. Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue — both of whom are running for reelection in a January special election.
"We said, 'have [the Georgia presidential election] brought back into your legislature, governor'" -- Trump alludes to his discussions with Gov. Kemp pic.twitter.com/cb0c7VMHfi — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) December 6, 2020
It’s been an effective strategy — CNN’s Ryan Nobles reported that Trump supporters in Georgia were circulating a petition Monday to demand Kemp call a special legislative session and address the president’s concerns.
Kemp has resisted Trump’s entreaties. But he and other Georgia Republicans have tried to do so while not alienating Trump’s base.
A striking illustration of this tightrope act came during Raffensperger’s appearance on Sunday’s edition of This Week, when he affirmed his support for Loeffler and Perdue even though both of them have cited Trump’s lies about election fraud in Georgia as a pretext to demand his resignation.
ABC: You have two runoff elections coming up for Senate in Georgia. Both those Republican candidates have called for you to be removed from office. Do you still support their candidacies?
GEORGIA SECRETARY OF STATE RAFFENSPERGER: Absolutely. pic.twitter.com/r2f5KG5ERI — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) December 6, 2020
Loeffler has tried to have it both ways in even more egregious fashion. During a debate on Sunday, she dodged a question about whether she supports Trump’s attacks on Kemp, saying, “I appreciate the president’s support of me, and I appreciate the governor’s support of me. They both understand what’s at stake in this election.”
Loeffler won't say if she agrees with Trump attacking Kemp for not helping him overturn the election pic.twitter.com/fd0DgSBNuJ — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) December 7, 2020
In reality, however, Trump doesn’t seem to care about much beyond what’s in his own interest.
Trump’s attacks are dividing the party at a crucial time
While Trump’s attacks on Georgia Republicans might be good for his bottom line and personal political prospects, he’s dividing Republican voters ahead of Senate runoffs that will decide control of the US Senate. Because if they buy Trump’s claims about Kemp and Raffensperger turning the other way while Democrats stole the election from him, why would they vote in an election that’s likely to be just as tainted?
Even just a few thousand Republicans deciding to stay home could be crucial in elections that are shaping up to be very close. And in a sign that Trump’s base thinks they aren’t doing enough, Loeffler and Perdue’s remarks were drowned out by “Fight for Trump” chants at Saturday’s rally.
Loeffler can barely squeeze tepid applause out of the crowd. Perdue then starts talking but is drown out by "fight for Trump!" chants pic.twitter.com/OKp8riVE9r — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) December 6, 2020
Trump seems to understand his leverage. In a tweet last week, he connected his fate in Georgia with the fates of Loeffler and Perdue, tweeting that the best way to ensure their wins is for Kemp “to allow signature checks in the Presidential race.”
The best way to insure a @KLoeffler and @sendavidperdue VICTORY is to allow signature checks in the Presidential race, which will insure a Georgia Presidential win (very few votes are needed, many will be found). Spirits will soar and everyone will rush out and VOTE! @BrianKempGA — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 4, 2020
Perhaps the clearest expression of what Trump is really up to came from White House press secretary/campaign spokesperson Kayleigh McEnany, who during a recent Fox News appearance admonished Kemp, saying, “You have the power to call in a special legislative session because right now if we lose these two Senate seats, guess who’s casting the deciding vote in this country for our government? It will be Kamala Harris.”
Dead-ender Kayleigh McEnany yells at GA Gov. Kemp on Fox News: "You have the power to call in a special legislative session because right now if we lose these two Senate seats, guess whose casting the deciding vote in this country for our government? It will be Kamala Harris." pic.twitter.com/IW2o55ohWs — The Recount (@therecount) December 6, 2020
It’s worth keeping in mind that Vice President-elect Kamala Harris will only be the deciding Senate vote if Republicans lose both Georgia runoffs. But instead of trying to mobilize Republicans to get out and vote so the GOP Senate majority is preserved, McEnany and Trump are working to subvert democracy to the president’s own ends.


vox--2020-12-07--The police shooting of Casey Goodson Jr., killed in Columbus, Ohio, explained

More than 30 people showed up at a last-minute Saturday night vigil in front of the Ohio Statehouse to honor the killing of Casey Christopher Goodson Jr. , a 23-year-old Black man who was fatally shot by a SWAT deputy officer in Columbus , Ohio , on Friday afternoon .
According to family members , Goodson was at the side door of their home , having just come back from a dentist appointment and carrying a Subway sandwich , when he was shot three times in the back by Jason Meade , a Franklin County sheriff ’ s SWAT deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office fugitive task force .
Law enforcement officers , however , tell a different story .
They say Goodson drove by and waved a handgun at Meade .
The officer then confronted Goodson , who was out of the car by then , and demanded that he drop the gun .
When Goodson allegedly refused , the sheriff ’ s SWAT deputy shot him , according to the Columbus Division of Police .
“ They are lying , ” Kaylee Harper , Goodson ’ s sister , wrote in a Facebook post about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ My brother literally walked across the yard , walked into the back fence to get to the side door , had his Subway [ sandwich ] and [ face ] mask in one hand , keys in the other , unlocked and opened the door and stepped in the house before shooting him.
” Meade , a 17-year veteran , is currently not on duty ; as of Sunday , he was waiting to be interviewed by the Columbus Division of Police Critical Incident and Response Team , which is leading the investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year of nationwide protests against systemic racism and police violence in the wake of the killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor .
Protests calling for justice in Goodman ’ s killing are planned on Saturday , December 12 .
“ Our demand is that the authorities provide the family with answers for Casey ’ s death and that the officer involved be held accountable , ” the family ’ s attorney , Sean Walton , said in a press release .
“ The family and the community demand swift justice for Casey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police killing of Casey Christopher Goodson Jr. As Goodson unlocked the door to his house on Friday afternoon , his 72-year-old grandmother and two toddlers — who were inside the house , near the door at the time — witnessed the shooting happen , according to the family ’ s attorneys .
But at a press conference on Friday after the incident , Peter Tobin , the US marshal for the Southern District of Ohio — without mentioning Goodson ’ s name — told a different story .
( Goodson ’ s identity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 48 hours after his fatal shooting . )
The fugitive task force had just wrapped up an unsuccessful search for a suspect that afternoon on Estates Place , where officers claim they saw Goodson drive by and wave a handgun at the sheriff ’ s SWAT deputy , Tobin said .
While Goodson was not the task force ’ s target , he was the one who ended up shot , and was transported to the Ohio Health Riverside Methodist Hospital , where he later died .
The attorneys say the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wave a handgun at officers .
“ Casey was 23 years old , he never had any type of crimes .
He was good , he worked at the Gap , he loved his family , ” family friend Heather Johnson told the Columbus Dispatch .
“ He just enjoyed being a big brother and enjoyed being with his family , he loved them very much.
” Tobin said a handgun was later recovered , but did not say from where .
Authorities , however , did not mention that Goodson , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminal background , appears to have been licensed to carry a concealed weapon .
( Ohio does not prohibit the open carry of firearms ) .
Before the sheriff ’ s office even announced that the Columbus Division of Police Critical Incident and Response Team will conduct a “ thorough and transparent investigation ” of the shooting , Tobin had already called the shooting “ justified.
” “ It is troubling that authorities have already stated that they believe the shooting to be justified , prior to any investigation taking place and before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family , ” Walton said in the press release .
“ At this point , witness testimony and physical evidence raise serious concerns about why Casey was even confronted , let alone why he was shot dead while entering his own home.
” Harper launched a GoFundMe online fundraiser for her brother ’ s funeral costs , which has already exceeded its $ 9,000 goal .
Activists have followed with a list of demands for law enforcement : release body camera footage , show the police reports , allow for an independent autopsy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation .
A spokesperson for the sheriff ’ s office said they did not have body cameras , though the sheriff ’ s vehicles do have dash-mounted cameras ; an autopsy will also be performed this week .
Authorities have not offered any further details of their investigation .
“ This is not an isolated incident .
These are incidents where the police abuse their power and decide they are the judge , jury , and executioner , ” an organizer with People ’ s Justice Project said during Saturday night ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to rest and recuperate , and now we have to be out in the streets to support [ Goodson ’ s ] family , and tell the true narrative of what happened.
” A closer look at the state of policing in Ohio Goodson ’ s death adds to a growing list of young Black men who have been fatally shot in the state of Ohio .
In 2014 , 12-year-old Tamir Rice was fatally shot by a white police officer while carrying a toy gun in Cleveland .
In 2016 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Columbus police .
Later that same year , 13-year-old Tyre King — whose birthday would have been on December 7 — was also fatally shot while carrying a BB gun in Columbus .
The morning before Goodson ’ s fatal shooting , Ohio Gov .
Mike DeWine announced a new statewide minimum standard for law enforcement ’ s response to mass protests , in an attempt to “ rebuild trust ” between the community and the police after the summer ’ s racial justice protests .
In September , Columbus Mayor Andrew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of action taken after investigations into officer misconduct .
The governor ’ s new standard includes limiting the use of force and weapons , such as prohibiting chokeholds or other vascular neck restraints , as well as “ bias-free ” policing .
“ We must rebuild trust between the public and law enforcement , and these changes continue to build on Ohio ’ s work to improve community-police relations , ” DeWine said in a press release .
“ To gain certification in the new mass protest standard , agencies must develop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety while also upholding the constitutional rights of expression , assembly , and freedom of the press.
” The summer ’ s protests against police violence also resulted in the passage of a slew of local police reform ballot measures , including one in Columbus that would create a new office of inspector general and a new citizen oversight panel , which Ginther promised to put in place by the end of the year .
But because the Franklin County Sheriff ’ s Office is not under the jurisdiction of the city of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unlikely that actions by the [ sheriff ’ s office ] would fall under the citizen oversight board .
The board will only have the power to review actions of the Columbus Divisions of Police.
” In addition , implementation of the ballot measure may still be difficult due to the Columbus police officers ’ union contract .
According to the city attorney ’ s office , without changes to the current union contract , the new commission could only be advisory , which means the decision-making during an investigation on police misconduct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police chief .
That would only change if unconventional measures — like appealing to the state legislature to change laws that would fully open the door for police reform — were taken .
Family and activists say lack of transparency in the police killing of Goodson shows the need for better police accountability .
“ Casey was a vocal supporter of civil rights , freedom , and justice for all , ” said Walton .
“ As I have come to learn more about Casey , what stands out to me is how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and to show his younger siblings the right way to live .
It is important that his name and legacy continue in a way that is befitting of his short yet powerful life .
”

More than 30 people showed up at a last-minute Saturday night vigil in front of the Ohio Statehouse to honor the killing of Casey Christopher Goodson Jr., a 23-year-old Black man who was fatally shot by a SWAT deputy officer in Columbus, Ohio, on Friday afternoon.
According to family members, Goodson was at the side door of their home, having just come back from a dentist appointment and carrying a Subway sandwich, when he was shot three times in the back by Jason Meade, a Franklin County sheriff’s SWAT deputy assigned to the US marshal’s office fugitive task force.
Law enforcement officers, however, tell a different story. They say Goodson drove by and waved a handgun at Meade. The officer then confronted Goodson, who was out of the car by then, and demanded that he drop the gun. When Goodson allegedly refused, the sheriff’s SWAT deputy shot him, according to the Columbus Division of Police.
“They are lying,” Kaylee Harper, Goodson’s sister, wrote in a Facebook post about the department’s claims. “My brother literally walked across the yard, walked into the back fence to get to the side door, had his Subway [sandwich] and [face] mask in one hand, keys in the other, unlocked and opened the door and stepped in the house before shooting him.”
Meade, a 17-year veteran, is currently not on duty; as of Sunday, he was waiting to be interviewed by the Columbus Division of Police Critical Incident and Response Team, which is leading the investigation.
The shooting comes during a monumental year of nationwide protests against systemic racism and police violence in the wake of the killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Protests calling for justice in Goodman’s killing are planned on Saturday, December 12.
“Our demand is that the authorities provide the family with answers for Casey’s death and that the officer involved be held accountable,” the family’s attorney, Sean Walton, said in a press release. “The family and the community demand swift justice for Casey Goodson.”
What we know about the police killing of Casey Christopher Goodson Jr.
As Goodson unlocked the door to his house on Friday afternoon, his 72-year-old grandmother and two toddlers — who were inside the house, near the door at the time — witnessed the shooting happen, according to the family’s attorneys.
But at a press conference on Friday after the incident, Peter Tobin, the US marshal for the Southern District of Ohio — without mentioning Goodson’s name — told a different story. (Goodson’s identity was not publicly confirmed until Sunday, more than 48 hours after his fatal shooting.) The fugitive task force had just wrapped up an unsuccessful search for a suspect that afternoon on Estates Place, where officers claim they saw Goodson drive by and wave a handgun at the sheriff’s SWAT deputy, Tobin said. While Goodson was not the task force’s target, he was the one who ended up shot, and was transported to the Ohio Health Riverside Methodist Hospital, where he later died.
The attorneys say the family does not believe Goodson would ever wave a handgun at officers. “Casey was 23 years old, he never had any type of crimes. He was good, he worked at the Gap, he loved his family,” family friend Heather Johnson told the Columbus Dispatch. “He just enjoyed being a big brother and enjoyed being with his family, he loved them very much.”
Tobin said a handgun was later recovered, but did not say from where. Authorities, however, did not mention that Goodson, who family lawyers said did not have a criminal background, appears to have been licensed to carry a concealed weapon. (Ohio does not prohibit the open carry of firearms).
Before the sheriff’s office even announced that the Columbus Division of Police Critical Incident and Response Team will conduct a “thorough and transparent investigation” of the shooting, Tobin had already called the shooting “justified.”
“It is troubling that authorities have already stated that they believe the shooting to be justified, prior to any investigation taking place and before any information has been released to the family,” Walton said in the press release. “At this point, witness testimony and physical evidence raise serious concerns about why Casey was even confronted, let alone why he was shot dead while entering his own home.”
Harper launched a GoFundMe online fundraiser for her brother’s funeral costs, which has already exceeded its $9,000 goal. Activists have followed with a list of demands for law enforcement: release body camera footage, show the police reports, allow for an independent autopsy report as well as an independent prosecutor investigation. A spokesperson for the sheriff’s office said they did not have body cameras, though the sheriff’s vehicles do have dash-mounted cameras; an autopsy will also be performed this week. Authorities have not offered any further details of their investigation.
“This is not an isolated incident. These are incidents where the police abuse their power and decide they are the judge, jury, and executioner,” an organizer with People’s Justice Project said during Saturday night’s vigil. “We’ve had time to rest and recuperate, and now we have to be out in the streets to support [Goodson’s] family, and tell the true narrative of what happened.”
A closer look at the state of policing in Ohio
Goodson’s death adds to a growing list of young Black men who have been fatally shot in the state of Ohio. In 2014, 12-year-old Tamir Rice was fatally shot by a white police officer while carrying a toy gun in Cleveland. In 2016, 23-year-old Henry Green was shot seven times by Columbus police. Later that same year, 13-year-old Tyre King — whose birthday would have been on December 7 — was also fatally shot while carrying a BB gun in Columbus.
The morning before Goodson’s fatal shooting, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine announced a new statewide minimum standard for law enforcement’s response to mass protests, in an attempt to “rebuild trust” between the community and the police after the summer’s racial justice protests. In September, Columbus Mayor Andrew Ginther said he was upset with the lack of action taken after investigations into officer misconduct. The governor’s new standard includes limiting the use of force and weapons, such as prohibiting chokeholds or other vascular neck restraints, as well as “bias-free” policing.
“We must rebuild trust between the public and law enforcement, and these changes continue to build on Ohio’s work to improve community-police relations,” DeWine said in a press release. “To gain certification in the new mass protest standard, agencies must develop a policy that protects public and officer safety while also upholding the constitutional rights of expression, assembly, and freedom of the press.”
The summer’s protests against police violence also resulted in the passage of a slew of local police reform ballot measures, including one in Columbus that would create a new office of inspector general and a new citizen oversight panel, which Ginther promised to put in place by the end of the year.
But because the Franklin County Sheriff’s Office is not under the jurisdiction of the city of Columbus, Walton says “it is unlikely that actions by the [sheriff’s office] would fall under the citizen oversight board. The board will only have the power to review actions of the Columbus Divisions of Police.”
In addition, implementation of the ballot measure may still be difficult due to the Columbus police officers’ union contract. According to the city attorney’s office, without changes to the current union contract, the new commission could only be advisory, which means the decision-making during an investigation on police misconduct will remain in the hands of the police chief. That would only change if unconventional measures — like appealing to the state legislature to change laws that would fully open the door for police reform — were taken.
Family and activists say lack of transparency in the police killing of Goodson shows the need for better police accountability.
“Casey was a vocal supporter of civil rights, freedom, and justice for all,” said Walton. “As I have come to learn more about Casey, what stands out to me is how proud he was to protect his family and to show his younger siblings the right way to live. It is important that his name and legacy continue in a way that is befitting of his short yet powerful life.”