vox--2020-06-02--How to be a good white ally, according to activists

There are good ways — and there are less good ways — to be a white ally right now .
Do take cues from black leaders and create space for their voices to be heard .
Don ’ t think a performative emotional post on Instagram about your knowledge of racism does the trick .
Do not center your feelings during this time of social unrest — an uprising that ’ s about racist violence against black Americans .
“ Antiracism is about doing and not just knowing , ” said Leslie Mac , an activist and a community organizer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against police brutality in recent days , there has been much conversation about what it means for white Americans to enact antiracism in their everyday lives — not just when there is unrest across the country .
Because while the protests are directly tied to the killing of George Floyd , a 46-year-old black man , in Minneapolis on May 25 , they are also an expression of widespread anguish within the black community .
Centuries of inequality and racism have brought to bear acutely horrific consequences for black Americans in 2020 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ killed black people , and the accompanying economic crisis has done outsized damage to people of color .
In recent weeks , multiple stories of black people killed by white violence and police have hit the news .
In turn , allyship and antiracism have become popular terms among white Americans wanting to help out .
But what do they mean , and how does one really undertake them ?
“ Allyship is language , and being a co-conspirator is about doing the work , ” said Ben O ’ Keefe , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Elizabeth Warren .
“ It ’ s taking on the issue of racism and oppression as your own issue , even though you ’ ll never truly understand the damage that it does.
” I spoke with three activists about what it means to be an ally and what cues white Americans should be taking .
Their thoughts , edited for length and clarity , are below : One thing that ’ s really important here is that we define what we ’ re talking about when we discuss being an ally , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many supposedly woke white folks wear now like this badge of honor , but the term doesn ’ t really hold its weight always .
We need people to be co-conspirators , and when I say that , I say that because allyship has become this emotional performance — well-intended as it may be , it ’ s still sort of a pontification of their allyship and their emotions and their sadness .
It ’ s become performative .
Allyship is language , and being a co-conspirator is about doing the work .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of racism and oppression as your own issue , even though you ’ ll never truly understand the damage that it does .
There are a few important things to think about as we ’ re having that conversation .
Don ’ t put your burden of your sadness or your fear onto your black friends or onto black leaders that you follow , because the truth is it ’ s not the job of black people to educate you or to make you comfortable .
Antiracism isn ’ t comfortable , just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black people and people of color .
Listen more than you speak .
Do your research .
Ignorance by very definition is a lack of knowledge , so the only way to break down ignorance and your ignorance and the ignorance of others is through education .
It ’ s really important to learn the history of the struggle you ’ re putting yourself into , to learn about the systems of oppression that exist and how you ’ re complicit in them , and then , again , remember that it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s not hard to educate yourself .
You can literally google it .
“ Listen more than you speak .
Do your research.
” Around the protests , how you show up is incredibly important .
When white people show up to protests for the Movement for Black Lives , they are our guests .
They are new for this .
This might be exciting to them now , but this has been something that we have been living for generations and fighting for generations .
So , you are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happy to have you , you are our guests .
A white person ’ s job at a protest isn ’ t to spray paint “ Black Lives Matter ” on a building .
It ’ s not to destroy stuff .
It ’ s not to loot stores .
Their job is not to mess with the cops and throw stuff .
Their job at that protest , what they are there to do , is to do everything they can in their power to put their bodies between the bodies of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know if they ’ re there that they have the privilege of at least knowing that there will be more action taken if they die than if a black person does .
Because not only is it disrespectful to disrupt our protests , but it actually is also doing direct harm to the black lives that these folks are supposed to be there to try to protect .
When you turn on cable news right now , what you hear is that black folks are burning buildings down and looting stores , all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re hearing the president say , if they loot , we shoot .
And if you turn on Twitter for different stories , there ’ s an entirely different reality in which countless times it ’ s white people who are doing this provocation , who are escalating this , and it ’ s not them who are suffering the consequences , both physically there in person and with tear gas and pepper spray thrown in our faces , but also they ’ re not doing service to the narrative that we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re continuing to give fodder that will be used and is currently being used against black people .
If you show up to a protest , you ’ re there to be an ally , you can say .
You are there to listen and to learn and to follow the leadership of the black folks , to follow the leadership of the marginalized .
If you could only see my DMs right now , they ’ re flooded with well-intended wishes of , “ How are you doing ?
” But let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person how they ’ re doing right now is bullshit , because you know how they ’ re doing .
We ’ re doing terrible .
We ’ re struggling .
If you ’ re struggling , we ’ re struggling more .
And the performance of reaching out to show that you ’ re there doesn ’ t matter if the intention is the gratification that comes from it .
You can reach out and say , “ Hey , I can ’ t imagine what you ’ re going through , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it.
” Because instead what often we get is this emotional outreach of , “ I ’ m so sad , I ’ ve been crying all day , I ’ m really struggling.
” And it becomes this really selfish thing where it ’ s like , wow , if you , a white person , are sad and scared , ask how a black person feels .
They ’ re going out knowing that they could die as they protest the death of another , and we ’ ve just seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ David McAtee , a restaurant owner who was shot and killed in Louisville , Kentucky , on Sunday ] .
It ’ s very crucial that people respect the black folks around them and not look to the black folks in your life for condolence , for support .
You ’ re not impressing us by doing the bare minimum .
This is the way it should be .
It ’ s not impressive that you care .
You can check in and that ’ s fine , but there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s to acknowledge that you ’ re there and take the lead of that person on how they want to reach out to you .
One thing that I ’ ll add as we ’ re talking about allyship is that part of being an ally is taking a deep breath and getting past the shame and the guilt that you ’ re carrying , because white people who are alive today did not create racism .
They didn ’ t choose to live in a white supremacist country , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the world that we do today .
But what they can do is choose to admit that they benefit from racism and acknowledge that they have the power to change the conditions , and that ’ s crucial , because this isn ’ t a blame game .
When we have frank conversations about black lives and the role that every white person plays in systemic oppression , it ’ s not an insult , it ’ s not an attack , it ’ s a reality .
And so we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , because only when we face that — only when we give ourselves permission to forgive ourselves , to look forward from this day forward for permission to become better partners and co-conspirators in the movement , permission to educate yourself , permission to grow — that is being a good ally .
We don ’ t need you to carry the burden of your privilege .
We need you acknowledge it and to use your privilege , promote good , and to fight oppression .
And I feel like we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many people are just finally starting to realize something that so many of us have known for so long .
I appreciate that , and I understand the pain and fear because I ’ ve been living it every day of my life .
But we don ’ t have time for you to reconcile with your emotion .
This is time for you to forgive yourself , to acknowledge your complicity and to do something about it , to move on and to make good .
Give your time , talent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders that are doing front-line work in your area .
I don ’ t even think it ’ s a matter of looking to other cities that might be more in the news — there are black people , black organizations , black organizers wherever you are that are doing the difficult work of fighting for black liberation and against state violence .
You need to find out who ’ s doing that work where you are and figure out what they need and do your best to meet those needs .
Another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be doing right now in this moment is to get clear on what being an antiracist means , which is very different than conversations around learning about racism or understanding privilege .
This is very specific to action and what changes you make in your life that affect your community in positive ways .
“ Another thing that I would want white people to be doing right now in this moment is to get clear on what being an antiracist means ” The biggest calls from organizers around the country right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so the things that white people can do with the powers that they hold — that their black counterparts do not — includes pressuring electeds around defunding the police .
Get clear about where money is going in your community .
Do you know how much money is going to police in your area ?
In the current budget ?
The one that is probably going to be passed very soon ?
And what cuts were made in order to make sure that that money wasn ’ t touched ?
Arts programs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — these are all the areas that every city has taken from in order not to touch the money that goes to policing .
We are in the midst of a global pandemic that is hitting black and brown communities worse than any others .
And we ’ re watching tax dollars be used on the streets to brutalize people , money that was never employed to ensure the safety of people in the midst of this pandemic .
I would challenge white people to lift that up — we just watched the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything for us about Covid .
They can ’ t help us economically in any significant ways , they can ’ t help us for health care , they can ’ t help us with our rent , mortgages , all of the things that people are struggling with right now .
Unemployment is increasing .
We have no personal protective equipment for our front-line health care workers and pretty much Avenger-level body armor for police officers to brutalize protesters .
Lastly , they should always center the voices and causes of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color , both online and in their local communities , and amplify their stories and their demands to speak out .
It ’ s also important to be cognizant of how detrimental it is when they lead with how they ’ re feeling in moments like this .
It ’ s an easy thing to get sucked into , because white supremacy culture teaches white people that their feelings are the most important thing .
So it ’ s critical right now for them to rein themselves in .
If they have feelings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spew that on social media , they definitely do not empty that into the mentions or texts or messages with people of color and black people in their lives .
If they need to , they should be creating spaces for themselves to do that that don ’ t put that burden on those that are most directly affected by what ’ s happening right now .
Antiracism is about doing and not just knowing .
I think that we have had a very long period of time — I would say from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now — of a lot of white people getting very educated about white supremacy , about how systems function , but they have a position that knowledge is the end result , the goal .
“ Oh , I know about it , so I ’ m antiracist.
” But being an antiracist is an action , it ’ s a verb .
It ’ s not something that you just learn and you stop , it ’ s about how you change your behavior every day , every week , every month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , your family , yourself toward a more just and equitable society .
Molly Sweeney , organizing director at 482 Forward , an education organizing network in Detroit For me , being a white ally in this moment means a few things .
I think No .
1 , it means listening deeply to the needs and asks of leaders of color in your community .
Two , it means committing yourself to this work and the work of undoing white supremacy within you and within the systems around you .
And it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just because the moment feels urgent to you now .
It means committing yourself to this work ongoing and showing up , not just in these moments that are on the news but day to day .
And I think the challenge for us white people right now is the constant challenge that we need to live with , which is reflection on how white supremacy is using us as tools in our family systems , in our communities , in our schools , in our police departments , and how we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do as white people to break those systems down and to evolve and learn , how to be different in our white skin .
“ I ’ ve described my journey as an antiracist as I ’ m a poisonous snake — not inherently bad , but I carry a poison that can kill ” [ As a white person , ] I ’ ve described my journey as an antiracist as I ’ m a poisonous snake — not inherently bad , but I carry a poison that can kill , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power every day not to bite people of color , and I need to , just like a snake , shed my skin , not that I can get rid of my white skin but shed the embedded white supremacy that lives with me and in my community .
And that ’ s not easy work .
It means changing everything about what we ’ ve always known .
Join your local antiracist group , like SURJ , Showing Up for Racial Justice .
Seek out places where white people are doing work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in movements for racial justice .
And funding — put your money where your mouth is .
Fund movements that are led by people of color that are fighting racism and all the ways that it shows up in our society , in our schools .
If you ’ re raising white kids , talk to them about race right now .
There are lots of small things people can do right now .
But then there are bigger things .
It ’ s really taking a look at your entire life .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ aunts , your family about race ?
Are you asking questions about police departments in your town ?
Have you pulled the racial data ?
Are police wearing body cameras ?
Are they disproportionately pulling over black people ?
Organize parents at your schools to look at the curriculum and what ’ s being taught about the history of our country .
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There are good ways — and there are less good ways — to be a white ally right now. Do take cues from black leaders and create space for their voices to be heard. Don’t think a performative emotional post on Instagram about your knowledge of racism does the trick. Do not center your feelings during this time of social unrest — an uprising that’s about racist violence against black Americans.
“Antiracism is about doing and not just knowing,” said Leslie Mac, an activist and a community organizer.
In light of the widespread protests against police brutality in recent days, there has been much conversation about what it means for white Americans to enact antiracism in their everyday lives — not just when there is unrest across the country. Because while the protests are directly tied to the killing of George Floyd, a 46-year-old black man, in Minneapolis on May 25, they are also an expression of widespread anguish within the black community. Centuries of inequality and racism have brought to bear acutely horrific consequences for black Americans in 2020. The global pandemic has disproportionately sickened and killed black people, and the accompanying economic crisis has done outsized damage to people of color. In recent weeks, multiple stories of black people killed by white violence and police have hit the news.
In turn, allyship and antiracism have become popular terms among white Americans wanting to help out. But what do they mean, and how does one really undertake them?
“Allyship is language, and being a co-conspirator is about doing the work,” said Ben O’Keefe, an activist and former senior aide to Sen. Elizabeth Warren. “It’s taking on the issue of racism and oppression as your own issue, even though you’ll never truly understand the damage that it does.”
I spoke with three activists about what it means to be an ally and what cues white Americans should be taking. Their thoughts, edited for length and clarity, are below:
Ben O’Keefe, former senior aide to Sen. Elizabeth Warren
One thing that’s really important here is that we define what we’re talking about when we discuss being an ally, because it’s a term that many supposedly woke white folks wear now like this badge of honor, but the term doesn’t really hold its weight always. We need people to be co-conspirators, and when I say that, I say that because allyship has become this emotional performance — well-intended as it may be, it’s still sort of a pontification of their allyship and their emotions and their sadness. It’s become performative.
Allyship is language, and being a co-conspirator is about doing the work. It’s taking on the issue of racism and oppression as your own issue, even though you’ll never truly understand the damage that it does.
There are a few important things to think about as we’re having that conversation. Don’t put your burden of your sadness or your fear onto your black friends or onto black leaders that you follow, because the truth is it’s not the job of black people to educate you or to make you comfortable. Antiracism isn’t comfortable, just like racism isn’t comfortable for black people and people of color.
Listen more than you speak. Do your research. Ignorance by very definition is a lack of knowledge, so the only way to break down ignorance and your ignorance and the ignorance of others is through education. It’s really important to learn the history of the struggle you’re putting yourself into, to learn about the systems of oppression that exist and how you’re complicit in them, and then, again, remember that it’s not our job to educate you. It’s not hard to educate yourself. You can literally google it.
“Listen more than you speak. Do your research.”
Around the protests, how you show up is incredibly important. When white people show up to protests for the Movement for Black Lives, they are our guests. They are new for this. This might be exciting to them now, but this has been something that we have been living for generations and fighting for generations. So, you are showing up, and we’re happy to have you, you are our guests.
A white person’s job at a protest isn’t to spray paint “Black Lives Matter” on a building. It’s not to destroy stuff. It’s not to loot stores. Their job is not to mess with the cops and throw stuff. Their job at that protest, what they are there to do, is to do everything they can in their power to put their bodies between the bodies of black people and police. They should know if they’re there that they have the privilege of at least knowing that there will be more action taken if they die than if a black person does. Because not only is it disrespectful to disrupt our protests, but it actually is also doing direct harm to the black lives that these folks are supposed to be there to try to protect.
When you turn on cable news right now, what you hear is that black folks are burning buildings down and looting stores, all these terrible things. And we’re hearing the president say, if they loot, we shoot. And if you turn on Twitter for different stories, there’s an entirely different reality in which countless times it’s white people who are doing this provocation, who are escalating this, and it’s not them who are suffering the consequences, both physically there in person and with tear gas and pepper spray thrown in our faces, but also they’re not doing service to the narrative that we’re trying to build. They’re continuing to give fodder that will be used and is currently being used against black people.
If you show up to a protest, you’re there to be an ally, you can say. You are there to listen and to learn and to follow the leadership of the black folks, to follow the leadership of the marginalized.
If you could only see my DMs right now, they’re flooded with well-intended wishes of, “How are you doing?” But let me be clear, asking a black person how they’re doing right now is bullshit, because you know how they’re doing. We’re doing terrible. We’re struggling. If you’re struggling, we’re struggling more. And the performance of reaching out to show that you’re there doesn’t matter if the intention is the gratification that comes from it.
You can reach out and say, “Hey, I can’t imagine what you’re going through, I’m here if you need it.” Because instead what often we get is this emotional outreach of, “I’m so sad, I’ve been crying all day, I’m really struggling.” And it becomes this really selfish thing where it’s like, wow, if you, a white person, are sad and scared, ask how a black person feels. They’re going out knowing that they could die as they protest the death of another, and we’ve just seen that again, another black death, [David McAtee, a restaurant owner who was shot and killed in Louisville, Kentucky, on Sunday].
It’s very crucial that people respect the black folks around them and not look to the black folks in your life for condolence, for support. You’re not impressing us by doing the bare minimum. This is the way it should be. It’s not impressive that you care. You can check in and that’s fine, but there’s a way to do it, but it’s to acknowledge that you’re there and take the lead of that person on how they want to reach out to you.
One thing that I’ll add as we’re talking about allyship is that part of being an ally is taking a deep breath and getting past the shame and the guilt that you’re carrying, because white people who are alive today did not create racism. They didn’t choose to live in a white supremacist country, and they didn’t choose to exist in the world that we do today. But what they can do is choose to admit that they benefit from racism and acknowledge that they have the power to change the conditions, and that’s crucial, because this isn’t a blame game.
When we have frank conversations about black lives and the role that every white person plays in systemic oppression, it’s not an insult, it’s not an attack, it’s a reality. And so we can ignore reality or we can face reality, because only when we face that — only when we give ourselves permission to forgive ourselves, to look forward from this day forward for permission to become better partners and co-conspirators in the movement, permission to educate yourself, permission to grow — that is being a good ally. We don’t need you to carry the burden of your privilege. We need you acknowledge it and to use your privilege, promote good, and to fight oppression. And I feel like we’re dealing with this space in which so many people are just finally starting to realize something that so many of us have known for so long. I appreciate that, and I understand the pain and fear because I’ve been living it every day of my life. But we don’t have time for you to reconcile with your emotion.
This is time for you to forgive yourself, to acknowledge your complicity and to do something about it, to move on and to make good.
Leslie Mac, an activist and community organizer
Give your time, talent, and treasure to black-led organizations and black leaders that are doing front-line work in your area. I don’t even think it’s a matter of looking to other cities that might be more in the news — there are black people, black organizations, black organizers wherever you are that are doing the difficult work of fighting for black liberation and against state violence. You need to find out who’s doing that work where you are and figure out what they need and do your best to meet those needs.
Another thing that I would want white people to be doing right now in this moment is to get clear on what being an antiracist means, which is very different than conversations around learning about racism or understanding privilege. This is very specific to action and what changes you make in your life that affect your community in positive ways.
“Another thing that I would want white people to be doing right now in this moment is to get clear on what being an antiracist means”
The biggest calls from organizers around the country right now is to defund the police, and so the things that white people can do with the powers that they hold — that their black counterparts do not — includes pressuring electeds around defunding the police. Get clear about where money is going in your community. Do you know how much money is going to police in your area? In the current budget? The one that is probably going to be passed very soon? And what cuts were made in order to make sure that that money wasn’t touched? Arts programs, schools, health care, social services — these are all the areas that every city has taken from in order not to touch the money that goes to policing.
We are in the midst of a global pandemic that is hitting black and brown communities worse than any others. And we’re watching tax dollars be used on the streets to brutalize people, money that was never employed to ensure the safety of people in the midst of this pandemic. I would challenge white people to lift that up — we just watched the government tell us they can’t do anything for us about Covid. They can’t help us economically in any significant ways, they can’t help us for health care, they can’t help us with our rent, mortgages, all of the things that people are struggling with right now. Unemployment is increasing. We have no personal protective equipment for our front-line health care workers and pretty much Avenger-level body armor for police officers to brutalize protesters.
Lastly, they should always center the voices and causes of black, indigenous, and people of color, both online and in their local communities, and amplify their stories and their demands to speak out. It’s also important to be cognizant of how detrimental it is when they lead with how they’re feeling in moments like this. It’s an easy thing to get sucked into, because white supremacy culture teaches white people that their feelings are the most important thing.
So it’s critical right now for them to rein themselves in. If they have feelings to share, they don’t spew that on social media, they definitely do not empty that into the mentions or texts or messages with people of color and black people in their lives. If they need to, they should be creating spaces for themselves to do that that don’t put that burden on those that are most directly affected by what’s happening right now.
Antiracism is about doing and not just knowing. I think that we have had a very long period of time — I would say from Trayvon Martin’s murder up until now — of a lot of white people getting very educated about white supremacy, about how systems function, but they have a position that knowledge is the end result, the goal. “Oh, I know about it, so I’m antiracist.”
But being an antiracist is an action, it’s a verb. It’s not something that you just learn and you stop, it’s about how you change your behavior every day, every week, every month, every year to move your community, your family, yourself toward a more just and equitable society.
Molly Sweeney, organizing director at 482 Forward, an education organizing network in Detroit
For me, being a white ally in this moment means a few things. I think No. 1, it means listening deeply to the needs and asks of leaders of color in your community. Two, it means committing yourself to this work and the work of undoing white supremacy within you and within the systems around you. And it means not dipping in and dipping out just because the moment feels urgent to you now. It means committing yourself to this work ongoing and showing up, not just in these moments that are on the news but day to day.
And I think the challenge for us white people right now is the constant challenge that we need to live with, which is reflection on how white supremacy is using us as tools in our family systems, in our communities, in our schools, in our police departments, and how we’re constantly asking ourselves what we can do as white people to break those systems down and to evolve and learn, how to be different in our white skin.
“I’ve described my journey as an antiracist as I’m a poisonous snake — not inherently bad, but I carry a poison that can kill”
[As a white person,] I’ve described my journey as an antiracist as I’m a poisonous snake — not inherently bad, but I carry a poison that can kill, and I need to do everything in my power every day not to bite people of color, and I need to, just like a snake, shed my skin, not that I can get rid of my white skin but shed the embedded white supremacy that lives with me and in my community.
And that’s not easy work. It means changing everything about what we’ve always known.
Join your local antiracist group, like SURJ, Showing Up for Racial Justice. Seek out places where white people are doing work to unpack the way they show up in movements for racial justice. And funding — put your money where your mouth is. Fund movements that are led by people of color that are fighting racism and all the ways that it shows up in our society, in our schools. If you’re raising white kids, talk to them about race right now.
There are lots of small things people can do right now. But then there are bigger things. It’s really taking a look at your entire life. Are you talking to your uncles, aunts, your family about race? Are you asking questions about police departments in your town? Have you pulled the racial data? Are police wearing body cameras? Are they disproportionately pulling over black people? Organize parents at your schools to look at the curriculum and what’s being taught about the history of our country.


vox--2020-06-02--There isn’t a simple story about looting

On May 27 , the second day of protests over police brutality and the killing of George Floyd , a video of people looting a Target in Floyd ’ s home city of Minneapolis swiftly went viral .
The images of haphazardly cleared aisles , broken windows , and citizens seemingly walking off with merchandise became the focus of how the protests “ turned violent , ” and the actions were broadly condemned by politicians , law enforcement , and others who have urged for these demonstrations to remain peaceful .
The ransacked Target provoked a strong reaction among observers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ act in many ways : as a demonstration of anti-capitalist intent , a sign of the protests ’ lawless and disorderly nature , or an inevitable expression of rage and economic distress .
The scope and scale of the demonstrations against police brutality have grown and spread to more than 250 cities nationwide , and looting has often followed .
From New York City to St. Paul to Chicago to Los Angeles , luxury storefronts , big-box retailers , and mom-and-pop shops have been looted or vandalized or experienced some form of property @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters have argued that these unlawful acts capture the outrage and chaos of the moment while fueling media attention toward the cause .
“ Merchandise can be replaced .
Black lives can not ” is a phrase that has been frequently invoked on social media .
Activists have started circulating a 2014 article titled “ In Defense of Looting , ” which was published in the midst of protests in Ferguson , Missouri .
Amid the social turmoil , some people not affiliated with the protests have capitalized on the moment for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and chaotic by nature .
People who take to the streets might not all share the same beliefs : Some protesters are looting out of the same anger that drives the protests , and other looters are not protesters at all .
But because it ’ s impossible to untangle every person ’ s motivations and intent , it ’ s much easier to lump them all into a group to create a narrative of the event that fits our understanding .
To rein in the protesters , the National Guard has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cities are enforcing curfews that start as early as 6 pm and , in some cases , shutting down mass transit early .
The president has threatened to send the US military to quash the protests , less than a week after he sent a tweet saying , “ Any difficulty and we will assume control but , when the looting starts , the shooting starts.
” Many rallies are publicized as peaceful events , although tensions between police officers and protesters are on a short fuse .
The imaginary line between peace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by just a handful of civilians or law enforcement .
Many activists and protesters have actively warned against looting , vandalism , and violence on social media and at events .
In some cases , captured footage has shown police officers escalating events by using pepper spray , tear gas , and rubber bullets on bystanders indiscriminately .
There is currently an overwhelming sense of unrest across America , preceded by months of staying indoors to try to curb the coronavirus pandemic .
The protests , property destruction , and disregard for authority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situation , according to Darnell Hunt , the dean of social sciences at UCLA , who has done extensive research into the 1992 uprisings in Los Angeles following the acquittal of the police officers who beat Rodney King .
I spoke to Hunt about the many narratives that emerge during a period of massive urban unrest , particularly the focus on theft and property damage , in an attempt to make sense of the social chaos around us .
How does the conversation move from the protests to looting so quickly , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overshadow the goal of the protests ?
What you tend to see in media narratives is a focus on the immediate , the breaking news element of a story .
So , of course , when violence breaks out , that becomes the lead .
Looting becomes the focus .
What tends to happen in the evolution of news coverage of urban unrest is an ever-deeper focus on the particulars of protesters and what they ’ re doing , which all too often speaks about protesters in monolithic terms and fails to distinguish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and others who may be participating in other activities for other reasons .
One of the things I learned from my research in the 1992 LA uprisings is that people took to the streets for a variety of reasons .
The Rodney King verdict was just a trigger that created a moment for people to sort of put on the agenda any number of critiques of the system .
Questions of failures of the criminal justice system .
Rampant inequality in society .
Right now , we ’ re caught in an unprecedented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ combined with the biggest urban unrest we ’ ve seen probably since the late 1960s .
“ You have a once-in-a-century pandemic combined with the biggest urban unrest we ’ ve seen probably since the late 1960s ” When does that ever happen ?
And they ’ re not disconnected .
I think the strains of the pandemic , the fact we have 40 million unemployed Americans , people without access to health care , people who have been shut in for months , people who don ’ t know where the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and not just African Americans but affecting people from across all racial groups .
If you look at the video coverage of what ’ s happening across the country , this is a multiethnic , multicultural protest in many ways , again , triggered by a specific instance of police brutality , but an instance that was the bookend to other cases of police brutality in the last few weeks and months , going back to Ahmaud Arbery in Atlanta to Breonna Taylor in Louisville .
That ’ s just the tip of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beneath the surface of the water prompting people to risk their lives , quite literally , in the midst of a pandemic and to protest without proper social distancing , in some cases without a mask , because they ’ ve been driven to the edge .
You don ’ t get that type of framing in mainstream news narratives .
It tends to quickly descend to the law-and-order frame , when there ’ s the first case of fire or looting .
It then becomes about property values and then you get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ destroying their own communities .
All of that moves the discussion in the direction away from the underlying causes of what ’ s happening .
We get hung up on the symptoms and miss the causes altogether .
It seems like there are two narratives emerging around looting : one of the “ outside agitators , ” that those not affiliated with the protests are coming in to cause chaos , and the other in which looting is actually a political expression .
What do you make of those arguments ?
What ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outside agitators ” is that it ’ s exactly the type of argument that racist Southerners used during the civil rights movement to criticize protests and movements there .
They were saying it was the Northerners who came there to mess up their way of life .
In some way , it doesn ’ t matter where the people are coming from or why they ’ re doing it .
The fact is a moment was created that could be exploited by people , no matter where they ’ re coming from .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Why is it that we got to the point that agitators from other communities could come in and “ agitate ” ?
That ’ s the point .
What created this moment and how are you going to deal with that ?
Clearly , there are people there who are protesting peacefully and are legitimately moved with their lives to do this .
That should still be the focus .
These narratives have been used before in attempts to minimize the legitimacy or the political value of what the people who originally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlight .
People generally seem to have a very visceral reaction to damaged property and any sort of protester-incited violence or destruction .
Why is that , and is that changing ?
It ’ s pragmatic .
No one wants to see their own property damaged .
If you are a business owner , who puts your entire livelihood into a business , you probably don ’ t want it to be the sacrificial lamb of a movement .
One evening when I was going out , researching for my book on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this South LA shopping center where there were a couple businesses burning .
There was this older black man standing .
He was watching everything unfold and told me , “ See that over there ; that ’ s my record store.
” He said he would give it all up to see something positive come out of this .
“ The question you have to ask yourself is : Why are there so many people in our society who don ’ t have a lot to lose ?
” In other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to burn to get attention , to get people to realize that there ’ s something fundamentally wrong with the system .
Yes , he might be a victim of the looting because his shop was burning , but he was willing to make that sacrifice to hope that the movement would advance in a positive direction .
Not everyone might feel that way , but there are some people who do .
Like any group , you ’ re going to see a variety of opinions within the black community , just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proper way to protest is .
The civil rights movement was built on the philosophy of nonviolent protest , but others in the black community who argued against that wanted a more militant approach , like the Black Power approach .
Some people would argue that nonviolent protest will only get you so far , and the threat of other activities might push you over the finish line .
History is a mixed bag when it comes to that .
You ’ ve previously mentioned how protesters nationwide appear to be selective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , which places get looted .
There ’ s been a lot of footage showing how chain stores like Target or CVS have been looted and higher-end retailers boarding up their windows .
How is that different from previous periods of social unrest ?
In the 1960s , a lot of protest activity was centered in the inner-city communities .
There was a long period after those events where the residents of those communities suffered because they didn ’ t have access to certain resources .
Grocery stores stopped locating in those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people lost out on services you had before because they were burned to the ground or looted and destroyed .
What ’ s interesting about this moment is that a lot of activities are not the inner-city communities but in more affluent areas .
Here in Los Angeles , it ’ s in Santa Monica and Melrose .
I haven ’ t heard of events in South LA , where people organized in 1992 and other periods .
It begs the question of symbolism , of where people decide to go and who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It makes it somewhat different than what we ’ ve seen in prior instances of urban unrest — where people took to the streets wherever they happened to be and those areas became the victims of burning and looting .
That doesn ’ t appear to be necessarily the way things are unfolding now .
People appear to be more intentional and actions appear to be more political .
Just as we saw in 1992 , from footage I ’ ve seen on CNN and social media , you see a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or black-owned business .
In other words , these signs say , direct your anger toward the people who are oppressing you , not these small-business owners .
In 1992 , at least , that spared a lot of businesses .
Protesters are not indiscriminately burning things .
They seem to be more focused on chain stores , like Target , or specific cultural icons that represent a system people feel has not served them .
How does the social chaos that stems from a protest spread in a city , and how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ necessarily have the right political motivations in mind to start looting for their own personal gain ?
In any instance of urban unrest , you ’ re going to see a range of different motivations , tactics , and approaches .
Some people are going to do it by the book : strictly peaceful and law-abiding through nonviolent direct action .
Then there ’ s the response from those who believe that confronting authority figures and the police by overturning police cars and vandalizing police stations are actions that have to be done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You also have other people who aren ’ t necessarily proponents of either philosophy , who see the moment as an opportunity to get ahead for whatever reason .
Typically , these people feel economically marginalized and don ’ t have a lot to lose .
People with a lot to lose don ’ t do things like that .
The question you have to ask yourself is : Why are there so many people in our society who don ’ t have a lot to lose ?
That ’ s the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in our economy and problems in our social safety net right now .
People don ’ t know when their next paycheck is coming .
Things have been thrown into question recently .
These instances show a breakdown of legitimacy .
People are basically saying , the system is no longer legitimate .
From the perspective of the authorities , people are breaking the law because the law no longer has legitimacy .
They recognize the law doesn ’ t apply equally ; some people have justice and some people don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you create a society where there ’ s less incentive for people to commit these acts because they have a basic modicum of dignity , a living wage , and things that make them feel secure in their being .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

On May 27, the second day of protests over police brutality and the killing of George Floyd, a video of people looting a Target in Floyd’s home city of Minneapolis swiftly went viral. The images of haphazardly cleared aisles, broken windows, and citizens seemingly walking off with merchandise became the focus of how the protests “turned violent,” and the actions were broadly condemned by politicians, law enforcement, and others who have urged for these demonstrations to remain peaceful.
The ransacked Target provoked a strong reaction among observers across the country, who interpreted the act in many ways: as a demonstration of anti-capitalist intent, a sign of the protests’ lawless and disorderly nature, or an inevitable expression of rage and economic distress.
The scope and scale of the demonstrations against police brutality have grown and spread to more than 250 cities nationwide, and looting has often followed. From New York City to St. Paul to Chicago to Los Angeles, luxury storefronts, big-box retailers, and mom-and-pop shops have been looted or vandalized or experienced some form of property damage. Some in solidarity with the protesters have argued that these unlawful acts capture the outrage and chaos of the moment while fueling media attention toward the cause.
“Merchandise can be replaced. Black lives can not” is a phrase that has been frequently invoked on social media. Activists have started circulating a 2014 article titled “In Defense of Looting,” which was published in the midst of protests in Ferguson, Missouri. Amid the social turmoil, some people not affiliated with the protests have capitalized on the moment for their own benefit.
Civil disobedience is frenzied and chaotic by nature. People who take to the streets might not all share the same beliefs: Some protesters are looting out of the same anger that drives the protests, and other looters are not protesters at all. But because it’s impossible to untangle every person’s motivations and intent, it’s much easier to lump them all into a group to create a narrative of the event that fits our understanding.
To rein in the protesters, the National Guard has been deployed in more than 20 states. Cities are enforcing curfews that start as early as 6 pm and, in some cases, shutting down mass transit early. The president has threatened to send the US military to quash the protests, less than a week after he sent a tweet saying, “Any difficulty and we will assume control but, when the looting starts, the shooting starts.”
....These THUGS are dishonoring the memory of George Floyd, and I won’t let that happen. Just spoke to Governor Tim Walz and told him that the Military is with him all the way. Any difficulty and we will assume control but, when the looting starts, the shooting starts. Thank you! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 29, 2020
Many rallies are publicized as peaceful events, although tensions between police officers and protesters are on a short fuse. The imaginary line between peace and chaos can be easily crossed — by just a handful of civilians or law enforcement. Many activists and protesters have actively warned against looting, vandalism, and violence on social media and at events. In some cases, captured footage has shown police officers escalating events by using pepper spray, tear gas, and rubber bullets on bystanders indiscriminately.
There is currently an overwhelming sense of unrest across America, preceded by months of staying indoors to try to curb the coronavirus pandemic. The protests, property destruction, and disregard for authority are only a symptom of our current situation, according to Darnell Hunt, the dean of social sciences at UCLA, who has done extensive research into the 1992 uprisings in Los Angeles following the acquittal of the police officers who beat Rodney King. I spoke to Hunt about the many narratives that emerge during a period of massive urban unrest, particularly the focus on theft and property damage, in an attempt to make sense of the social chaos around us.
How does the conversation move from the protests to looting so quickly, and does this lead actions like looting to overshadow the goal of the protests?
What you tend to see in media narratives is a focus on the immediate, the breaking news element of a story. So, of course, when violence breaks out, that becomes the lead. Looting becomes the focus. What tends to happen in the evolution of news coverage of urban unrest is an ever-deeper focus on the particulars of protesters and what they’re doing, which all too often speaks about protesters in monolithic terms and fails to distinguish between those who are possibly peaceful protesters and others who may be participating in other activities for other reasons.
One of the things I learned from my research in the 1992 LA uprisings is that people took to the streets for a variety of reasons. The Rodney King verdict was just a trigger that created a moment for people to sort of put on the agenda any number of critiques of the system. Questions of failures of the criminal justice system. Rampant inequality in society. Right now, we’re caught in an unprecedented moment where you have a once-in-a-century pandemic combined with the biggest urban unrest we’ve seen probably since the late 1960s.
“You have a once-in-a-century pandemic combined with the biggest urban unrest we’ve seen probably since the late 1960s”
When does that ever happen? And they’re not disconnected. I think the strains of the pandemic, the fact we have 40 million unemployed Americans, people without access to health care, people who have been shut in for months, people who don’t know where the next paycheck is going to come from, and not just African Americans but affecting people from across all racial groups.
If you look at the video coverage of what’s happening across the country, this is a multiethnic, multicultural protest in many ways, again, triggered by a specific instance of police brutality, but an instance that was the bookend to other cases of police brutality in the last few weeks and months, going back to Ahmaud Arbery in Atlanta to Breonna Taylor in Louisville. That’s just the tip of the iceberg. There’s more beneath the surface of the water prompting people to risk their lives, quite literally, in the midst of a pandemic and to protest without proper social distancing, in some cases without a mask, because they’ve been driven to the edge.
You don’t get that type of framing in mainstream news narratives. It tends to quickly descend to the law-and-order frame, when there’s the first case of fire or looting. It then becomes about property values and then you get the inevitable question of why people are destroying their own communities. All of that moves the discussion in the direction away from the underlying causes of what’s happening. We get hung up on the symptoms and miss the causes altogether.
It seems like there are two narratives emerging around looting: one of the “outside agitators,” that those not affiliated with the protests are coming in to cause chaos, and the other in which looting is actually a political expression. What do you make of those arguments?
What’s interesting about the claim of “outside agitators” is that it’s exactly the type of argument that racist Southerners used during the civil rights movement to criticize protests and movements there. They were saying it was the Northerners who came there to mess up their way of life.
In some way, it doesn’t matter where the people are coming from or why they’re doing it. The fact is a moment was created that could be exploited by people, no matter where they’re coming from. That is what’s more important. Why is it that we got to the point that agitators from other communities could come in and “agitate”? That’s the point. What created this moment and how are you going to deal with that?
Clearly, there are people there who are protesting peacefully and are legitimately moved with their lives to do this. That should still be the focus. These narratives have been used before in attempts to minimize the legitimacy or the political value of what the people who originally took to the streets are attempting to highlight.
People generally seem to have a very visceral reaction to damaged property and any sort of protester-incited violence or destruction. Why is that, and is that changing?
It’s pragmatic. No one wants to see their own property damaged. If you are a business owner, who puts your entire livelihood into a business, you probably don’t want it to be the sacrificial lamb of a movement.
One evening when I was going out, researching for my book on the 1992 LA uprisings, I ended up in this South LA shopping center where there were a couple businesses burning. There was this older black man standing. He was watching everything unfold and told me, “See that over there; that’s my record store.” He said he would give it all up to see something positive come out of this.
“The question you have to ask yourself is: Why are there so many people in our society who don’t have a lot to lose?”
In other words, he meant that things have to burn to get attention, to get people to realize that there’s something fundamentally wrong with the system. Yes, he might be a victim of the looting because his shop was burning, but he was willing to make that sacrifice to hope that the movement would advance in a positive direction. Not everyone might feel that way, but there are some people who do.
Like any group, you’re going to see a variety of opinions within the black community, just like any other community, on what the proper way to protest is. The civil rights movement was built on the philosophy of nonviolent protest, but others in the black community who argued against that wanted a more militant approach, like the Black Power approach. Some people would argue that nonviolent protest will only get you so far, and the threat of other activities might push you over the finish line. History is a mixed bag when it comes to that.
You’ve previously mentioned how protesters nationwide appear to be selective with their location and, in some cases, which places get looted. There’s been a lot of footage showing how chain stores like Target or CVS have been looted and higher-end retailers boarding up their windows. How is that different from previous periods of social unrest?
In the 1960s, a lot of protest activity was centered in the inner-city communities. There was a long period after those events where the residents of those communities suffered because they didn’t have access to certain resources. Grocery stores stopped locating in those communities, banks went away, and people lost out on services you had before because they were burned to the ground or looted and destroyed.
What’s interesting about this moment is that a lot of activities are not the inner-city communities but in more affluent areas. Here in Los Angeles, it’s in Santa Monica and Melrose. I haven’t heard of events in South LA, where people organized in 1992 and other periods. It begs the question of symbolism, of where people decide to go and who decides to participate in those areas. It makes it somewhat different than what we’ve seen in prior instances of urban unrest — where people took to the streets wherever they happened to be and those areas became the victims of burning and looting. That doesn’t appear to be necessarily the way things are unfolding now. People appear to be more intentional and actions appear to be more political.
Just as we saw in 1992, from footage I’ve seen on CNN and social media, you see a lot of spray-paint saying that this is a minority-owned or black-owned business. In other words, these signs say, direct your anger toward the people who are oppressing you, not these small-business owners. In 1992, at least, that spared a lot of businesses. Protesters are not indiscriminately burning things. They seem to be more focused on chain stores, like Target, or specific cultural icons that represent a system people feel has not served them.
How does the social chaos that stems from a protest spread in a city, and how does that lead people who might not necessarily have the right political motivations in mind to start looting for their own personal gain?
In any instance of urban unrest, you’re going to see a range of different motivations, tactics, and approaches. Some people are going to do it by the book: strictly peaceful and law-abiding through nonviolent direct action. Then there’s the response from those who believe that confronting authority figures and the police by overturning police cars and vandalizing police stations are actions that have to be done to get the attention of the system.
You also have other people who aren’t necessarily proponents of either philosophy, who see the moment as an opportunity to get ahead for whatever reason. Typically, these people feel economically marginalized and don’t have a lot to lose. People with a lot to lose don’t do things like that. The question you have to ask yourself is: Why are there so many people in our society who don’t have a lot to lose? That’s the fundamental underlying question.
There are problems in our economy and problems in our social safety net right now. People don’t know when their next paycheck is coming. Things have been thrown into question recently. These instances show a breakdown of legitimacy. People are basically saying, the system is no longer legitimate. From the perspective of the authorities, people are breaking the law because the law no longer has legitimacy. They recognize the law doesn’t apply equally; some people have justice and some people don’t. The question is, how do you create a society where there’s less incentive for people to commit these acts because they have a basic modicum of dignity, a living wage, and things that make them feel secure in their being.


vox--2020-06-03--America’s contradictions are breaking wide open

Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf , perhaps better known to Americans by the condescending nickname of “ Baghdad Bob , ” spent early 2003 trying to convince his fellow Iraqi citizens to stop believing their own eyes in favor of what they dearly wanted to feel in their hearts .
Right up until the fall of Saddam Hussein ’ s regime when Baghdad fell in April 2003 , al-Sahhaf insisted , in his role as Information Minister , that American forces were about to be destroyed .
It didn ’ t happen .
Propaganda is a pernicious force , but it tends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I thought about al-Sahhaf during Donald Trump ’ s Monday-night march to St. John ’ s Lafayette , the Episcopalian church right by the White House that briefly caught fire on Sunday .
( Disclaimer , I guess : I am an Episcopalian , and Trump ’ s use of one of our churches as a prop infuriates me . )
He stood in front of the church and held up a Bible , seemingly to communicate to his evangelical base that he was on their side .
But he only did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from in front of the White House using tear gas , and once he was standing in front of the church , he held the Bible in the sky like a bag full of dog poop , like he couldn ’ t wait to be rid of it .
I thought of al-Sahhaf in that moment because Trump ’ s photo op felt not like a prelude to victory but a weird admission of defeat .
I want to be clear : The forces of so-called “ law and order ” that Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rampant on American streets .
But Trump ’ s actions and demeanor weren ’ t those of a president convinced he was about to win a great victory .
They were those of a political leader doing whatever he could to shore up his base .
He didn ’ t seem assured ; he seemed panicky .
The photo op wasn ’ t meant to assuage the country or even non-Christian Republicans that protests and uprisings against police brutality would subside .
It was meant as a sop to the party faithful , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frustration .
“ Ignore your eyes and ears , ” it seemed to suggest .
“ Things are going great !
” But how many contradictions can one country bear before it splits wide open ?
The disparity between the government ’ s response to Covid-19 and the response to protests against police brutality has been stark The protests that followed the murder of George Floyd , first in his home city of Minneapolis and then quickly all across the nation , have felt both bigger and more significant than any other protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of the media focus has been on what ’ s happening in the nation ’ s largest cities — from New York and Los Angeles to Seattle and Washington , DC .
But as this Twitter thread from BuzzFeed ’ s Anne Helen Petersen shows , protests are happening everywhere , including in America ’ s small towns .
Something about this time is different .
But what ?
To me , the answer lies in how many contradictions Americans are asked to believe at any given time .
Perhaps the protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but they ’ re happening in the fourth year of a Trump presidency that has made life demonstrably worse for so many people ( and frayed the nerves of many others ) .
The protests are happening after a decade of viral video footage that has made Americans viscerally aware of how different policing of black communities is when compared to white communities .
They are happening after the president ’ s demonization of anyone who ’ s not a white man .
They are also happening in the midst of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US has suffered by far the most casualties from .
And even more damning , the Trump administration has never seemed urgently interested in stopping the spread of the coronavirus but does seem urgently interested in quelling protests , no matter how peaceful they are .
The contradictions in this scenario are rife , but here are just a few that many people have pointed out already : When largely white groups of protesters showed up at statehouses all around the country , armed with guns and screaming about how fed up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were greeted with considerable restraint by police officers .
But when much more diverse groups protested police brutality , they were met with considerable violence .
Similarly , Trump was clearly reluctant to mobilize the military to produce necessary personal protective equipment for health care workers battling the pandemic but seemed only too willing to mobilize the military to suppress protests .
Much of the pushback against the very idea of wearing a mask when leaving your house to slow the spread of Covid-19 has been centered on the idea of being unable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like so many black people before him , was killed when a police officer placed a knee on his neck , cutting off his airway .
Shortly after the president ’ s Monday photo op , Fox News pundit Tucker Carlson insisted during his nightly program — a favorite of Trump ’ s — that the American left wants to overthrow the government and rule by brute force ; he made that statement barely an hour after Trump himself said he wanted to break historical precedent for use of the American military and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brute force .
All of these contradictions underline a central contradiction of American existence : White lives are treated as though they have more value than black lives .
Yet the indiscriminate nature of police response to the protests currently taking place all over the country has underlined that a multiracial coalition protesting the police themselves will be treated as though the lives of every single person in the group are fundamentally without value .
There is no question that white folks should have realized this long , long ago .
Some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us absolutely should have .
But the functional result of so many contradictions piling on top of one other now has been a growing wave of people realizing that , hey , shit ’ s pretty fucked , isn ’ t it ?
Contradictions are a part of our lives .
But too many of them in one place at one time can splinter reality , sowing chaos — and possibly change .
Embracing contradictions is part of human life .
We understand that to have peace , you must prepare for war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example .
But too many contradictions piled on top of one another create a kind of alternate reality , one very like the fictional society in George Orwell ’ s 1984 , where war is peace and freedom is slavery .
But believing all of those contradictions requires an entire nation to either buy into that alternate reality or be sufficiently terrified into supporting it .
And don ’ t get me wrong : Human history is full of these alternate realities , often with disastrous effects .
( The doublethink required to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of the citizenry to pretend atrocities don ’ t exist . )
But they usually involve a leader who is supported by more of his citizens than not .
Meanwhile , all available polling suggests that ’ s not the case with Donald Trump , who seems at all times like a weak man ’ s holographic projection of what he thinks a strong man must be like .
As more people key into this contradiction inherent in the president himself , the more his approval numbers droop .
As a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot about how learning to see one contradiction in life can cause you to see all of them , seemingly all at once .
To some degree , coming out as a trans person is an open admission that the gender binary , as it exists in society , simply can not account for the multiplicity of ways individuals might express their own genders , the ways that crude systems can never completely contain the messiness of human beings in all their expression .
There ’ s a famous meme in trans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brain template .
( If you have not seen this meme format , it ’ s one where a progressive series of human brains seem to explode with more and more knowledge of everything in the galaxy . )
The first panel — the normal brain — says , “ I wish I was a girl.
” The second , as the brain is coming to life with points of light , says , “ I can just be a girl.
” The third , glowing , says , “ I always was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the brain reaches its galactic state , says , “ Destroy capitalism.
” It ’ s the best explanation I ’ ve found for why so many trans people I know , even those of us who started pretty far to the left , find themselves sailing off the map of typical American political discourse into socialism or communism or even anarchy .
( Hi , I ’ m Emily , and I ’ m a socialist . )
To wake up to the idea that your gender is not what you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up to the idea that a lot of human society is built atop broken systems .
And these systems are mass hallucinations .
They ’ re built by people , and they only exist as long as we believe in them .
For a long time now , I ’ ve thought of Trump ’ s promise of a wall on the border with Mexico less in terms of a physical wall — though it is that — and more in terms of the psychological and emotional need it appears to satisfy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There ’ s certainly a bone-deep racist desire to just keep nonwhite people out .
But there ’ s also a seeming belief that this one non-porous boundary can reinstate a bunch of other ones .
I grew up in a religious community ( the very evangelical Christian community Trump was pandering to with his photo op ) that asked everyone in it to put up a mental wall between the self and the approved version of the self that aligned with the church community .
The marketing pitch was acceptance ; the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as any churchgoer could emulate some impossible ideal .
( That ideal does not account for trans women , which is a big part of why I left . )
That , too , was a contradiction , and embracing it required an almost pathological degree of magical thinking , of insisting things were better than they seemed to be , in both one ’ s personal and political lives , because God had made it so .
But they almost never were , and whatever God is up to now likely doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every detail of every life .
The walls you put up keep you in as surely as they keep out anything or anybody else .
The contradictions you accept also bind you .
Donald Trump is creating what feels terrifyingly like a police state , but he also acts like a man who has been defeated , a man who is scared .
In forcing these contradictions out into the open , perhaps Trump has created the conditions that will lead to his ultimate exit from the Oval Office , even if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He is nowhere near done for , yet he ’ s lost control of his story all the same .
Things can get better , so long as enough of us believe in our eyes and ears , not in what others insist must be true .
Something new can be realized in our lifetimes .
You can only ask people to believe in so many impossible things before the world breaks wide open and reveals the truth behind your convenient lies .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment requires .
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Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf, perhaps better known to Americans by the condescending nickname of “Baghdad Bob,” spent early 2003 trying to convince his fellow Iraqi citizens to stop believing their own eyes in favor of what they dearly wanted to feel in their hearts. Right up until the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime when Baghdad fell in April 2003, al-Sahhaf insisted, in his role as Information Minister, that American forces were about to be destroyed. It didn’t happen. Propaganda is a pernicious force, but it tends to crumple when faced with unavoidable reality.
I thought about al-Sahhaf during Donald Trump’s Monday-night march to St. John’s Lafayette, the Episcopalian church right by the White House that briefly caught fire on Sunday. (Disclaimer, I guess: I am an Episcopalian, and Trump’s use of one of our churches as a prop infuriates me.) He stood in front of the church and held up a Bible, seemingly to communicate to his evangelical base that he was on their side.
But he only did so after police had cleared peaceful protesters from in front of the White House using tear gas, and once he was standing in front of the church, he held the Bible in the sky like a bag full of dog poop, like he couldn’t wait to be rid of it.
I thought of al-Sahhaf in that moment because Trump’s photo op felt not like a prelude to victory but a weird admission of defeat. I want to be clear: The forces of so-called “law and order” that Trump purported to support still very much run rampant on American streets. But Trump’s actions and demeanor weren’t those of a president convinced he was about to win a great victory. They were those of a political leader doing whatever he could to shore up his base. He didn’t seem assured; he seemed panicky.
The photo op wasn’t meant to assuage the country or even non-Christian Republicans that protests and uprisings against police brutality would subside. It was meant as a sop to the party faithful, a statement not of leadership but of frustration. “Ignore your eyes and ears,” it seemed to suggest. “Things are going great!” But how many contradictions can one country bear before it splits wide open?
The disparity between the government’s response to Covid-19 and the response to protests against police brutality has been stark
The protests that followed the murder of George Floyd, first in his home city of Minneapolis and then quickly all across the nation, have felt both bigger and more significant than any other protest since the Vietnam War era. A lot of the media focus has been on what’s happening in the nation’s largest cities — from New York and Los Angeles to Seattle and Washington, DC. But as this Twitter thread from BuzzFeed’s Anne Helen Petersen shows, protests are happening everywhere, including in America’s small towns. Something about this time is different. But what?
To me, the answer lies in how many contradictions Americans are asked to believe at any given time. Perhaps the protests in a vacuum would have fizzled out, but they’re happening in the fourth year of a Trump presidency that has made life demonstrably worse for so many people (and frayed the nerves of many others). The protests are happening after a decade of viral video footage that has made Americans viscerally aware of how different policing of black communities is when compared to white communities. They are happening after the president’s demonization of anyone who’s not a white man.
They are also happening in the midst of a global pandemic, a deadly disease that the US has suffered by far the most casualties from. And even more damning, the Trump administration has never seemed urgently interested in stopping the spread of the coronavirus but does seem urgently interested in quelling protests, no matter how peaceful they are.
The contradictions in this scenario are rife, but here are just a few that many people have pointed out already: When largely white groups of protesters showed up at statehouses all around the country, armed with guns and screaming about how fed up they were with stay-at-home orders, they were greeted with considerable restraint by police officers. But when much more diverse groups protested police brutality, they were met with considerable violence.
Similarly, Trump was clearly reluctant to mobilize the military to produce necessary personal protective equipment for health care workers battling the pandemic but seemed only too willing to mobilize the military to suppress protests. Much of the pushback against the very idea of wearing a mask when leaving your house to slow the spread of Covid-19 has been centered on the idea of being unable to breathe, yet George Floyd, like so many black people before him, was killed when a police officer placed a knee on his neck, cutting off his airway. Shortly after the president’s Monday photo op, Fox News pundit Tucker Carlson insisted during his nightly program — a favorite of Trump’s — that the American left wants to overthrow the government and rule by brute force; he made that statement barely an hour after Trump himself said he wanted to break historical precedent for use of the American military and, well, rule the country by brute force.
All of these contradictions underline a central contradiction of American existence: White lives are treated as though they have more value than black lives. Yet the indiscriminate nature of police response to the protests currently taking place all over the country has underlined that a multiracial coalition protesting the police themselves will be treated as though the lives of every single person in the group are fundamentally without value.
There is no question that white folks should have realized this long, long ago. Some of us surely did, and more of us absolutely should have. But the functional result of so many contradictions piling on top of one other now has been a growing wave of people realizing that, hey, shit’s pretty fucked, isn’t it?
Contradictions are a part of our lives. But too many of them in one place at one time can splinter reality, sowing chaos — and possibly change.
Embracing contradictions is part of human life. We understand that to have peace, you must prepare for war, to point to one very famous example. But too many contradictions piled on top of one another create a kind of alternate reality, one very like the fictional society in George Orwell’s 1984, where war is peace and freedom is slavery. But believing all of those contradictions requires an entire nation to either buy into that alternate reality or be sufficiently terrified into supporting it.
And don’t get me wrong: Human history is full of these alternate realities, often with disastrous effects. (The doublethink required to live in essentially any authoritarian dictatorship forces a lot of the citizenry to pretend atrocities don’t exist.) But they usually involve a leader who is supported by more of his citizens than not. Meanwhile, all available polling suggests that’s not the case with Donald Trump, who seems at all times like a weak man’s holographic projection of what he thinks a strong man must be like. As more people key into this contradiction inherent in the president himself, the more his approval numbers droop.
As a trans woman, I’ve thought a lot about how learning to see one contradiction in life can cause you to see all of them, seemingly all at once. To some degree, coming out as a trans person is an open admission that the gender binary, as it exists in society, simply cannot account for the multiplicity of ways individuals might express their own genders, the ways that crude systems can never completely contain the messiness of human beings in all their expression.
There’s a famous meme in trans woman communities, built atop the galaxy brain template. (If you have not seen this meme format, it’s one where a progressive series of human brains seem to explode with more and more knowledge of everything in the galaxy.) The first panel — the normal brain — says, “I wish I was a girl.” The second, as the brain is coming to life with points of light, says, “I can just be a girl.” The third, glowing, says, “I always was a girl.” And the last, as the brain reaches its galactic state, says, “Destroy capitalism.”
It’s the best explanation I’ve found for why so many trans people I know, even those of us who started pretty far to the left, find themselves sailing off the map of typical American political discourse into socialism or communism or even anarchy. (Hi, I’m Emily, and I’m a socialist.) To wake up to the idea that your gender is not what you were told it was is to wake up to the idea that a lot of human society is built atop broken systems. And these systems are mass hallucinations. They’re built by people, and they only exist as long as we believe in them.
For a long time now, I’ve thought of Trump’s promise of a wall on the border with Mexico less in terms of a physical wall — though it is that — and more in terms of the psychological and emotional need it appears to satisfy in Trump and many of his supporters. There’s certainly a bone-deep racist desire to just keep nonwhite people out. But there’s also a seeming belief that this one non-porous boundary can reinstate a bunch of other ones.
I grew up in a religious community (the very evangelical Christian community Trump was pandering to with his photo op) that asked everyone in it to put up a mental wall between the self and the approved version of the self that aligned with the church community. The marketing pitch was acceptance; the practice was acceptance, but only insofar as any churchgoer could emulate some impossible ideal. (That ideal does not account for trans women, which is a big part of why I left.) That, too, was a contradiction, and embracing it required an almost pathological degree of magical thinking, of insisting things were better than they seemed to be, in both one’s personal and political lives, because God had made it so.
But they almost never were, and whatever God is up to now likely doesn’t involve being intimately involved in every detail of every life. The walls you put up keep you in as surely as they keep out anything or anybody else. The contradictions you accept also bind you. Donald Trump is creating what feels terrifyingly like a police state, but he also acts like a man who has been defeated, a man who is scared.
In forcing these contradictions out into the open, perhaps Trump has created the conditions that will lead to his ultimate exit from the Oval Office, even if he will never, ever go quietly. He is nowhere near done for, yet he’s lost control of his story all the same. Things can get better, so long as enough of us believe in our eyes and ears, not in what others insist must be true. Something new can be realized in our lifetimes.
You can only ask people to believe in so many impossible things before the world breaks wide open and reveals the truth behind your convenient lies.