vox--2020-05-18--Why arrests take so long in cases like Ahmaud Arbery’s and Breonna Taylor’s

When an unarmed black person in America is killed during an encounter with police — or , in the recent case of Ahmaud Arbery , former police — one of the many questions that often arises is why does it take so long for an arrest to happen , if one happens at all ?
Though the shooting death of Arbery took place in February , little national attention was paid to the story until widely shared cellphone footage of the killing — by two armed white men in a pickup truck while 25-year-old Arbery was jogging in Satilla Shores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news cycle in early May .
Two days later , the two men , Gregory McMichael and his son Travis McMichael , were arrested and charged with murder and aggravated assault .
It also became widely known around then that Gregory McMichael is a former officer with the local police department and investigator in the area ’ s district attorney ’ s office .
The visibility of Arbery ’ s case also made room for the troubling story of the March officer-involved fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor in Louisville , Kentucky .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman , died at the hands of police officers who were executing a drug raid .
But according to Taylor ’ s family , now suing the officers , the officers ’ target did not live in Taylor ’ s apartment complex .
The police fired 20 rounds into Taylor ’ s home on the night of March 13 , striking her eight times and killing her .
No arrests have been made .
One reason for the delay in the Arbery case is that it has now been tossed to as many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors in the case recused themselves due to professional ties to Gregory McMichael ; the third suggested that the case move to another office , citing resource constraints .
But before George E. Barnhill , the second prosecutor , recused himself ( his son works at the district attorney ’ s office that Gregory McMichael retired from ) , he wrote a letter in an effort to exonerate the McMichaels , claiming that Arbery “ initiated the fight , ” which the graphic cellphone video footage later suggested was not the case .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ mental health records & prior convictions help explain his apparent aggressive nature and his possible thought pattern to attack an armed man.
” On Saturday , protesters gathered at the Glynn County courthouse , demanding the removal of Barnhill , and the prosecutor before him , from office .
Now Arbery ’ s case is in the hands of Joyette M. Holmes , the first black woman to serve as district attorney for the Cobb County Judicial Circuit .
And Georgia ’ s attorney general has asked both the US Department of Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examine how the case was handled .
In the Taylor case , two months after Taylor ’ s death , Kentucky Gov .
Andy Beshear has asked that the state attorney general , the local prosecutor , and the federal prosecutor connected to the jurisdiction review the preliminary police investigation into the shooting .
Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron will serve as special prosecutor for the case moving forward .
While the delay in arrests has unsurprisingly led to anger and frustration around both cases , Ronald Wright , Wake Forest Law professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work of criminal prosecutors , says we ’ d be better off asking what the prosecutors have been doing as opposed to how long they are taking .
Looking at procedure , Wright suggests that “ taking a long time ” can be both beneficial and unbeneficial for justice .
He explains to Vox what that means for the cases of Arbery and Taylor .
Our interview has been edited and condensed .
With widespread public attention on the Arbery and Taylor cases , a big question for onlookers right now is why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for there to be arrests when the suspected offender is a law enforcement official or someone with significant ties to law enforcement ?
Is there such a thing as “ taking too long ” ?
And can you comment on these suspicions ?
The answer is different in different cases .
The ones we hear about are the ones where there ’ s a long delay .
There are some cases where there ’ s really quick action .
There ’ s a lot of variety .
If you ’ re talking about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police shoot somebody or maybe they kill somebody — those cases are going to be very difficult to win .
I don ’ t really fault prosecutors for taking their time , gathering the facts , being thorough .
The timing doesn ’ t really bother me as much as the amount of effort .
If what you ’ re doing is you ’ re not doing anything and you ’ re stalling , and you don ’ t really intend to press the case as hard as you would press any shooting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a problem .
You have to ask , “ Is this case taking significantly longer than any other assault or murder investigation in the office ?
” Some offices just have the resources to move more quickly than others .
These cases are especially difficult to win at trial , so you really have to build a very solid case .
That takes time .
So the delay could be a good thing or a bad thing depending on whether they are putting in the effort into building a great case .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ saw the first two district attorneys recuse themselves .
Now the state attorney general has commissioned investigations into the handling of the case at their hands .
What potential problems do you see here , on the part of the district attorneys ?
These cases all start with a problem , and that is that the police and the prosecutors normally work together very closely and very cooperatively , and they should .
They are together trying to protect public safety .
But then when the time arrives and one of the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you have to turn to your working partner and say , “ Okay , now I ’ m going to investigate you.
” That ’ s just uncomfortable .
It ’ s got to be that way , but it ’ s a challenge .
Different states handle that challenge differently .
Some states say whenever there ’ s alleged wrongdoing by a police officer , by law , the local prosecutor just has to give that away to some other prosecutor , typically being assigned by the state attorney general .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Other states say , “ We ’ ll leave it to the local prosecutor to decide.
” This is something that local prosecutors really disagree about .
If you get 20 chief prosecutors in a room and say , “ Should you handle the police shooting cases yourself or should you give it to somebody else ?
” the temperature goes up in a hurry in that room .
They are really committed to their positions , and half are going to be on one side and half are going to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s really not a Republican-Democrat thing .
There ’ s not really a political valence to it .
It ’ s that some prosecutors feel like this is a conflict of interest situation , and they think , “ I don ’ t trust my instincts or the instincts of my office in that setting.
” Others say this is the moment where we have to rise to the occasion , where we have to demonstrate to our community that nobody is above the law .
And even when our partners in law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do something about it .
We have to treat them like everybody else .
Prosecutors themselves are split down the middle on whether to keep the case or give it away .
But once you keep the case , you have to do a good job with it .
In the Arbery case , it looks like some pretty poor decision-making along the way .
Can you further explain the complexity behind local prosecutors making the decision to keep a case versus give it away ?
The case for giving it away is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they ’ re dealing with a conflict of interest .
And that is , “ I am too close to one of the parties involved .
My personal involvement might get in the way of the kind of detached judgment that the job requires .
Even though I believe I normally try to do the best thing , I know human beings are imperfect and I might be missing things .
For all the normal reasons for conflict of interest , I should give it away.
” The case for keeping it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in office to uphold the rule of law , and I have to demonstrate to them that I am capable of applying the law even-handedly .
And I have to be able to demonstrate that that ’ s true , even if it ’ s the mayor who ’ s being charged with corruption or the city treasurer who ’ s being charged with embezzlement or a police officer who ’ s being charged with improper use of force .
Sure , I work with those people all the time , and they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the voters put me here to apply the law neutrally .
They expect that of me , and I believe I can do it.
” Is it unprecedented that , in the case of Arbery , Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr asked the Georgia Bureau of Investigations to look into the actions of the first two district attorneys for possible misconduct or failure to disclose information ?
“ If you ’ re talking about police use of force — if the police shoot somebody or maybe they kill somebody — those cases are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” This is rare for an attorney general to ask for an investigation of a local prosecutor .
Offhand , I can ’ t think of another time .
All states give the state ’ s attorneys general some power to reassign cases , maybe at the request of a local prosecutor , or maybe overriding their decision .
And the state attorney general can ask for investigations of the way cases are handled if they ’ re improper in some way .
But it ’ s just very rare .
Similarly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s mayor and police chief have asked the US Department of Justice and the FBI to look into the police department ’ s initial investigation of Taylor ’ s killing .
And , Kentucky ’ s attorney general , Alex Cameron , has stepped in as special prosecutor .
What do these moves suggest about the case and where things stand ?
The fact that the mayor and police commissioner are now asking an outside agency to evaluate the earlier phase of the investigation suggests either , one , they believe the investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they believe that an outside review is necessary at this point to reassure a skeptical public .
I think that outsiders — non-local law enforcement and non-local prosecutors — tend to produce more reliable results during investigation of police shootings .
So I take the involvement of the Kentucky attorney general to be a positive sign .
But it does sometimes happen that local law enforcement and local prosecutors do thorough work and achieve sound results , despite their possible conflict of interest .
In Arbery ’ s case , can you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who seemed to hold on to the case for some time before his recusal ?
In a letter explaining why he removed himself , he wrote that there is “ insufficient probable cause to issue arrest warrants ” for the McMichaels , arguing that it was legal for them to pursue Arbery , open carry , and use deadly force to defend themselves .
He also claimed that Arbery initiated the fight and had an “ apparent aggressive nature.
” Local lawmakers have been calling for his removal from office along with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t make any arrests .
Generally , a delay itself is not enough to believe there ’ s wrongdoing .
But if you look at the delay involved with Barnhill , the second district attorney , you can say , well , you held [ the case ] for a lot of weeks — what did you get done ?
It looks like the answer is not much .
It looks like he was pretty much determined to do nothing with it .
Now , that ’ s a problem .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and you sit on it for weeks , and you get nothing done , then I think there ’ s a reason to question the propriety of his handling of the case .
But another example is if you look at [ State ’ s Attorney ] Marilyn Mosby in Baltimore .
A few years ago , she prosecuted some officers who drove a van and the occupant of the van , Freddie Gray , died .
She had to really develop her case .
It wasn ’ t instantaneously that she filed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maybe she could have done better .
The charges ended up not going far enough , and she ended up not getting convictions .
And it may have been that it would ’ ve been better to go a little slower and get more evidence for charges after some delay .
So delay could be good ; it could be preparation .
Or delay could be bad ; it could be squashing it .
And there are signs that in the case of Arbery , the delay was squashing it .
The other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutor , Barnhill , is that ultimately it was not a hard call in terms of conflict of interest .
He had to get out of the case .
And he could ’ ve known that immediately .
It wasn ’ t just some employee way down the line .
This was his son who worked in the office involved .
He would know that immediately .
He would just have to say , “ I can ’ t be involved in this.
” And once you ’ ve declared you have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t then write a letter and explain all the bad things about the case and why you don ’ t charge it .
Once you ’ re conflicted out , you stay out .
You don ’ t try to influence the next neutral decision-maker who ’ s going to try to take on the case .
Will there be consequences for Barnhill for issuing the letter ?
I don ’ t see legal consequences for it .
He ’ ll likely have people criticizing him in public .
I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to say whether that would hurt him with voters in the next election cycle .
But among groups of prosecutors , I think he will get some criticism for giving his opinions about the case even after he saw that he had to step out because of conflicts .
The graphic cellphone video incited public outrage earlier this month , and just two days later , there were arrests .
What is the role of public outrage in influencing prosecutors and speeding up the process ?
Public outrage is a two-edged sword .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bad thing if prosecutors take a poll before they decide whether to charge somebody with a crime .
Their job is not to charge the people who the public hates the most .
So popular control over criminal charges in individual cases is , generally speaking , a dangerous thing .
However — a pretty big however — if there is a prosecutor who is inappropriately trying to squash a case by sitting on a case and the public starts saying we want you to treat this case just like all the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them according to your standards , then I think that ’ s the role that video recording is making possible .
This never used to happen because you just had verbal accounts , sometimes only from the people who survive the shooting .
And then what else can you do ?
But in this case , there ’ s extra evidence .
The evidence , plus the valuation of it , and public discontent led to switching it over to a new prosecutor , and that ’ s , I think , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a double-edged sword here , and it can be very dangerous to have the public weighing in on who the prosecutor should charge .
It sounds like prosecutors can have uneasy relationships with their communities .
How might better partnerships between prosecutors and communities of color , in particular , alter the course of these cases ?
Yeah , it could be a very good outcome if the prosecutor says , “ Look , this shooting happened , I ’ m going to look into it .
I ’ m not going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are going to put resources into it and take it seriously .
And you will hear from me when we ’ re ready.
” And maybe a month later they come back and say , “ Okay .
We ’ ve really thoroughly investigated this case , and we ’ re going to make an arrest and charge or we ’ re not .
Here ’ s why.
” That is the healthy community relationship .
It only happens in those places where prosecutors ’ offices have built relationships of trust with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve got good relationships with local ministers and community groups and others who are leaders in the community and they trust you when you say , “ I ’ m taking this seriously ; I will give you a thorough explanation for my decision , ” then take your time and get it right .
That ’ s fine .
Since there have been arrests in the Arbery case , what do you see happening next there ?
I would imagine that the Georgia Bureau of Investigations will continue to gather information .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ re working now in May when somebody should ’ ve been doing a thorough job with this in February .
And generally , all I can say is these cases are tough .
If you ’ re talking about prosecuting a shooting case in South Georgia and race is an obvious issue in the case , an obvious component of the way people think about the way these men interacted , I would say you better put a darn good prosecutor on this case .
Because it ’ s going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And that ’ s acknowledging that there ’ s video here — a really graphic , powerful video .
And yet even with that video , the case is going to be hard .
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When an unarmed black person in America is killed during an encounter with police — or, in the recent case of Ahmaud Arbery, former police — one of the many questions that often arises is why does it take so long for an arrest to happen, if one happens at all?
Though the shooting death of Arbery took place in February, little national attention was paid to the story until widely shared cellphone footage of the killing — by two armed white men in a pickup truck while 25-year-old Arbery was jogging in Satilla Shores, Georgia — broke through the coronavirus news cycle in early May. Two days later, the two men, Gregory McMichael and his son Travis McMichael, were arrested and charged with murder and aggravated assault. It also became widely known around then that Gregory McMichael is a former officer with the local police department and investigator in the area’s district attorney’s office.
The visibility of Arbery’s case also made room for the troubling story of the March officer-involved fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Kentucky. The 26-year-old emergency medical technician, a black woman, died at the hands of police officers who were executing a drug raid. But according to Taylor’s family, now suing the officers, the officers’ target did not live in Taylor’s apartment complex. The police fired 20 rounds into Taylor’s home on the night of March 13, striking her eight times and killing her. No arrests have been made.
One reason for the delay in the Arbery case is that it has now been tossed to as many as four prosecutors. The first two prosecutors in the case recused themselves due to professional ties to Gregory McMichael; the third suggested that the case move to another office, citing resource constraints. But before George E. Barnhill, the second prosecutor, recused himself (his son works at the district attorney’s office that Gregory McMichael retired from), he wrote a letter in an effort to exonerate the McMichaels, claiming that Arbery “initiated the fight,” which the graphic cellphone video footage later suggested was not the case. He concluded that “Arbery’s mental health records & prior convictions help explain his apparent aggressive nature and his possible thought pattern to attack an armed man.” On Saturday, protesters gathered at the Glynn County courthouse, demanding the removal of Barnhill, and the prosecutor before him, from office.
Now Arbery’s case is in the hands of Joyette M. Holmes, the first black woman to serve as district attorney for the Cobb County Judicial Circuit. And Georgia’s attorney general has asked both the US Department of Justice and the Georgia Bureau of Investigation to examine how the case was handled.
In the Taylor case, two months after Taylor’s death, Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has asked that the state attorney general, the local prosecutor, and the federal prosecutor connected to the jurisdiction review the preliminary police investigation into the shooting. Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron will serve as special prosecutor for the case moving forward.
While the delay in arrests has unsurprisingly led to anger and frustration around both cases, Ronald Wright, Wake Forest Law professor of criminal law and expert on the work of criminal prosecutors, says we’d be better off asking what the prosecutors have been doing as opposed to how long they are taking. Looking at procedure, Wright suggests that “taking a long time” can be both beneficial and unbeneficial for justice. He explains to Vox what that means for the cases of Arbery and Taylor. Our interview has been edited and condensed.
Fabiola Cineas
With widespread public attention on the Arbery and Taylor cases, a big question for onlookers right now is why does it seem to take suspiciously long for there to be arrests when the suspected offender is a law enforcement official or someone with significant ties to law enforcement? Is there such a thing as “taking too long”? And can you comment on these suspicions?
Ronald Wright
The answer is different in different cases. The ones we hear about are the ones where there’s a long delay. There are some cases where there’s really quick action. There’s a lot of variety.
If you’re talking about police use of force — if the police shoot somebody or maybe they kill somebody — those cases are going to be very difficult to win. I don’t really fault prosecutors for taking their time, gathering the facts, being thorough. The timing doesn’t really bother me as much as the amount of effort. If what you’re doing is you’re not doing anything and you’re stalling, and you don’t really intend to press the case as hard as you would press any shooting in your district, then that’s a problem. You have to ask, “Is this case taking significantly longer than any other assault or murder investigation in the office?” Some offices just have the resources to move more quickly than others.
These cases are especially difficult to win at trial, so you really have to build a very solid case. That takes time. So the delay could be a good thing or a bad thing depending on whether they are putting in the effort into building a great case.
Fabiola Cineas
In the case of Arbery, we saw the first two district attorneys recuse themselves. Now the state attorney general has commissioned investigations into the handling of the case at their hands. What potential problems do you see here, on the part of the district attorneys?
Ronald Wright
These cases all start with a problem, and that is that the police and the prosecutors normally work together very closely and very cooperatively, and they should. They are together trying to protect public safety. But then when the time arrives and one of the police officers maybe has done something wrong, you have to turn to your working partner and say, “Okay, now I’m going to investigate you.” That’s just uncomfortable. It’s got to be that way, but it’s a challenge.
Different states handle that challenge differently. Some states say whenever there’s alleged wrongdoing by a police officer, by law, the local prosecutor just has to give that away to some other prosecutor, typically being assigned by the state attorney general. Some states take it out of their hands. Other states say, “We’ll leave it to the local prosecutor to decide.”
This is something that local prosecutors really disagree about. If you get 20 chief prosecutors in a room and say, “Should you handle the police shooting cases yourself or should you give it to somebody else?” the temperature goes up in a hurry in that room. They are really committed to their positions, and half are going to be on one side and half are going to be on another side.
And it’s really not a Republican-Democrat thing. There’s not really a political valence to it. It’s that some prosecutors feel like this is a conflict of interest situation, and they think, “I don’t trust my instincts or the instincts of my office in that setting.” Others say this is the moment where we have to rise to the occasion, where we have to demonstrate to our community that nobody is above the law.
And even when our partners in law enforcement break the law, we can do something about it. We have to treat them like everybody else. Prosecutors themselves are split down the middle on whether to keep the case or give it away. But once you keep the case, you have to do a good job with it. In the Arbery case, it looks like some pretty poor decision-making along the way.
Fabiola Cineas
Can you further explain the complexity behind local prosecutors making the decision to keep a case versus give it away?
Ronald Wright
The case for giving it away is the same case that lawyers always have when they’re dealing with a conflict of interest. And that is, “I am too close to one of the parties involved. My personal involvement might get in the way of the kind of detached judgment that the job requires. Even though I believe I normally try to do the best thing, I know human beings are imperfect and I might be missing things. For all the normal reasons for conflict of interest, I should give it away.”
The case for keeping it is, “The voters put me in office to uphold the rule of law, and I have to demonstrate to them that I am capable of applying the law even-handedly. And I have to be able to demonstrate that that’s true, even if it’s the mayor who’s being charged with corruption or the city treasurer who’s being charged with embezzlement or a police officer who’s being charged with improper use of force. Sure, I work with those people all the time, and they’re even my friends, but the voters put me here to apply the law neutrally. They expect that of me, and I believe I can do it.”
Fabiola Cineas
Is it unprecedented that, in the case of Arbery, Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr asked the Georgia Bureau of Investigations to look into the actions of the first two district attorneys for possible misconduct or failure to disclose information?
“If you’re talking about police use of force — if the police shoot somebody or maybe they kill somebody — those cases are going to be very difficult to win”
Ronald Wright
This is rare for an attorney general to ask for an investigation of a local prosecutor. Offhand, I can’t think of another time. All states give the state’s attorneys general some power to reassign cases, maybe at the request of a local prosecutor, or maybe overriding their decision. And the state attorney general can ask for investigations of the way cases are handled if they’re improper in some way. But it’s just very rare.
Fabiola Cineas
Similarly, in the Taylor case, Louisville’s mayor and police chief have asked the US Department of Justice and the FBI to look into the police department’s initial investigation of Taylor’s killing. And, Kentucky’s attorney general, Alex Cameron, has stepped in as special prosecutor. What do these moves suggest about the case and where things stand?
Ronald Wright
The fact that the mayor and police commissioner are now asking an outside agency to evaluate the earlier phase of the investigation suggests either, one, they believe the investigation might have been problematic, or two, they believe that an outside review is necessary at this point to reassure a skeptical public.
I think that outsiders — non-local law enforcement and non-local prosecutors — tend to produce more reliable results during investigation of police shootings. So I take the involvement of the Kentucky attorney general to be a positive sign. But it does sometimes happen that local law enforcement and local prosecutors do thorough work and achieve sound results, despite their possible conflict of interest.
Fabiola Cineas
In Arbery’s case, can you speak specifically to District Attorney Barnhill, who seemed to hold on to the case for some time before his recusal? In a letter explaining why he removed himself, he wrote that there is “insufficient probable cause to issue arrest warrants” for the McMichaels, arguing that it was legal for them to pursue Arbery, open carry, and use deadly force to defend themselves. He also claimed that Arbery initiated the fight and had an “apparent aggressive nature.” Local lawmakers have been calling for his removal from office along with the first prosecutor’s since they didn’t make any arrests.
Ronald Wright
Generally, a delay itself is not enough to believe there’s wrongdoing. But if you look at the delay involved with Barnhill, the second district attorney, you can say, well, you held [the case] for a lot of weeks — what did you get done? It looks like the answer is not much. It looks like he was pretty much determined to do nothing with it. Now, that’s a problem. If it’s this explosive a case and you sit on it for weeks, and you get nothing done, then I think there’s a reason to question the propriety of his handling of the case.
But another example is if you look at [State’s Attorney] Marilyn Mosby in Baltimore. A few years ago, she prosecuted some officers who drove a van and the occupant of the van, Freddie Gray, died. She had to really develop her case. It wasn’t instantaneously that she filed the charges. And in fact, maybe she could have done better. The charges ended up not going far enough, and she ended up not getting convictions. And it may have been that it would’ve been better to go a little slower and get more evidence for charges after some delay. So delay could be good; it could be preparation. Or delay could be bad; it could be squashing it. And there are signs that in the case of Arbery, the delay was squashing it.
The other real problem area here for the second prosecutor, Barnhill, is that ultimately it was not a hard call in terms of conflict of interest. He had to get out of the case. And he could’ve known that immediately. It wasn’t just some employee way down the line. This was his son who worked in the office involved. He would know that immediately. He would just have to say, “I can’t be involved in this.” And once you’ve declared you have a conflict of interest, you can’t then write a letter and explain all the bad things about the case and why you don’t charge it. Once you’re conflicted out, you stay out. You don’t try to influence the next neutral decision-maker who’s going to try to take on the case.
Fabiola Cineas
Will there be consequences for Barnhill for issuing the letter?
Ronald Wright
I don’t see legal consequences for it. He’ll likely have people criticizing him in public. I don’t know the local political landscape well enough to say whether that would hurt him with voters in the next election cycle. But among groups of prosecutors, I think he will get some criticism for giving his opinions about the case even after he saw that he had to step out because of conflicts.
Fabiola Cineas
The graphic cellphone video incited public outrage earlier this month, and just two days later, there were arrests. What is the role of public outrage in influencing prosecutors and speeding up the process?
Ronald Wright
Public outrage is a two-edged sword. On the one hand, it is a bad thing if prosecutors take a poll before they decide whether to charge somebody with a crime. Their job is not to charge the people who the public hates the most. So popular control over criminal charges in individual cases is, generally speaking, a dangerous thing.
However — a pretty big however — if there is a prosecutor who is inappropriately trying to squash a case by sitting on a case and the public starts saying we want you to treat this case just like all the others, like you should be treating them according to your standards, then I think that’s the role that video recording is making possible.
This never used to happen because you just had verbal accounts, sometimes only from the people who survive the shooting. And then what else can you do? But in this case, there’s extra evidence. The evidence, plus the valuation of it, and public discontent led to switching it over to a new prosecutor, and that’s, I think, a good outcome. But it’s a double-edged sword here, and it can be very dangerous to have the public weighing in on who the prosecutor should charge.
Fabiola Cineas
It sounds like prosecutors can have uneasy relationships with their communities. How might better partnerships between prosecutors and communities of color, in particular, alter the course of these cases?
Ronald Wright
Yeah, it could be a very good outcome if the prosecutor says, “Look, this shooting happened, I’m going to look into it. I’m not going to make a decision right away. But we are going to put resources into it and take it seriously. And you will hear from me when we’re ready.” And maybe a month later they come back and say, “Okay. We’ve really thoroughly investigated this case, and we’re going to make an arrest and charge or we’re not. Here’s why.” That is the healthy community relationship. It only happens in those places where prosecutors’ offices have built relationships of trust with the community. So if you’ve got good relationships with local ministers and community groups and others who are leaders in the community and they trust you when you say, “I’m taking this seriously; I will give you a thorough explanation for my decision,” then take your time and get it right. That’s fine.
Fabiola Cineas
Since there have been arrests in the Arbery case, what do you see happening next there?
Ronald Wright
I would imagine that the Georgia Bureau of Investigations will continue to gather information. They’re at a disadvantage because they’re working now in May when somebody should’ve been doing a thorough job with this in February. And generally, all I can say is these cases are tough. If you’re talking about prosecuting a shooting case in South Georgia and race is an obvious issue in the case, an obvious component of the way people think about the way these men interacted, I would say you better put a darn good prosecutor on this case. Because it’s going to be a hard one to take over. And that’s acknowledging that there’s video here — a really graphic, powerful video. And yet even with that video, the case is going to be hard.


vox--2020-05-19--Georgia Republicans cancel election for state Supreme Court, meaning governor can appoint a Republic

Georgia Republicans cancel election for state Supreme Court, meaning governor can appoint a Republican

The state of Georgia was supposed to hold an election Tuesday to fill a seat on the state Supreme Court .
Justice Keith Blackwell , a Republican whose six-year term expires on the last day of this year , did not plan to run for reelection .
The election , between former Democratic Rep. John Barrow and former Republican state lawmaker Beth Beskin , would determine who would fill Blackwell ’ s seat .
But then something weird happened : Georgia ’ s Republican Gov .
Brian Kemp and the state ’ s Republican secretary of state , Brad Raffensperger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Instead , Kemp will appoint Blackwell ’ s successor , and that successor will serve for at least two years — ensuring the seat will remain in Republican hands .
On May 14 , the state Supreme Court handed down a decision that effectively blessed this scheme to keep Blackwell ’ s seat in the GOP ’ s hands .
The court ’ s decision in Barrow v. Raffensperger is unusual in many regards — among other things , six of the state ’ s regular Supreme Court justices recused from the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lower court judges who sat temporarily on the state ’ s highest court .
The court ’ s decision in Barrow turns upon poorly drafted language in the state constitution , which does suggest that Blackwell , Kemp , and Raffensperger ’ s scheme was legal .
In late February , just a few days before the deadline for candidates to file to run to replace Justice Blackwell was about to expire , Blackwell sent a letter to Kemp announcing that he intends to resign his seat , effective November 18 .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few weeks before his term was set to expire on December 31 .
Shortly after receiving this letter , Kemp formally accepted Blackwell ’ s future resignation .
The governor then informed Raffensperger , the state ’ s chief elections officer , that he intended to fill Blackwell ’ s seat by gubernatorial appointment .
In response , Raffensperger canceled the election to fill Blackwell ’ s seat , which was scheduled for May 19 .
Both Democratic candidate Barrow and Republican candidate Beskin filed lawsuits seeking to reinstate the election , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court in a 6-2 vote .
The court ’ s decision in Barrow turns on the tension between two provisions of the Georgia Constitution .
The first provides that “ all Justices of the Supreme Court and the Judges of the Court of Appeals shall be elected on a nonpartisan basis for a term of six years , ” and that the terms of these judges “ shall begin the next January 1 after their election.
” Because this language refers to “ all Justices , ” it suggests that an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s seat , and that whoever prevails in that election shall join the state Supreme Court on the first of January .
But a separate provision of the state constitution permits the governor to temporarily fill vacancies on the state Supreme Court , and it provides that “ an appointee to an elective office shall serve until a successor is duly selected and qualified and until January 1 of the year following the next general election which is more than six months after such person ’ s appointment.
” Thus , while the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be held to fill Blackwell ’ s seat — with the winner taking office on January 1 , 2021 — the second provision indicates that an appointed justice may serve much longer .
When Blackwell resigns on November 18 , the “ next general election which is more than six months ” after that date won ’ t occur until 2022 .
So the second provision seems to suggest that an appointed justice may serve until January 1 , 2023 — and longer , if that justice eventually wins the 2022 election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to run with all the advantages incumbency provides .
A majority of the state Supreme Court concluded that the second provision effectively trumps the first provision ’ s suggestion that the primary method of choosing Georgia Supreme Court justices is an election .
“ When an incumbent Justice vacates his or her office before the end of his or her term , ” the court explained , “ the incumbent ’ s unexpired term disappears with the incumbent , along with any hypothetical future terms associated with that incumbent.
” Kemp ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not simply serve out the remaining few weeks in Blackwell ’ s term .
They will serve those remaining few weeks plus an additional two years .
The court ’ s decision in Barrow will be very easy to game As a practical matter , this decision is likely to prove very easy for retiring justices to game if they belong to the same political party as the incumbent governor .
Indeed , under the court ’ s decision in Barrow , Blackwell likely could have announced that he would resign effective December @ @ @ @ @ @ @ term would have expired — and Kemp still would have gained the power to name Blackwell ’ s replacement .
Indeed , Kemp could potentially even appoint Blackwell to fill the vacancy created by Blackwell ’ s early resignation .
That would effectively give Blackwell an eight-year term , rather than a six-year term .
And nothing would prevent Blackwell from running for election again in 2022 .
The upshot of Barrow is likely to be that when a justice who belongs to the same party as the governor wishes to retire , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the one Blackwell submitted to Kemp .
That will effectively give that justice ’ s party an extra two years to hold on to the justice ’ s seat before the next election takes place .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

The state of Georgia was supposed to hold an election Tuesday to fill a seat on the state Supreme Court. Justice Keith Blackwell, a Republican whose six-year term expires on the last day of this year, did not plan to run for reelection. The election, between former Democratic Rep. John Barrow and former Republican state lawmaker Beth Beskin, would determine who would fill Blackwell’s seat.
But then something weird happened: Georgia’s Republican Gov. Brian Kemp and the state’s Republican secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, canceled Tuesday’s election. Instead, Kemp will appoint Blackwell’s successor, and that successor will serve for at least two years — ensuring the seat will remain in Republican hands.
On May 14, the state Supreme Court handed down a decision that effectively blessed this scheme to keep Blackwell’s seat in the GOP’s hands. The court’s decision in Barrow v. Raffensperger is unusual in many regards — among other things, six of the state’s regular Supreme Court justices recused from the case, and they were replaced by five lower court judges who sat temporarily on the state’s highest court. The court’s decision in Barrow turns upon poorly drafted language in the state constitution, which does suggest that Blackwell, Kemp, and Raffensperger’s scheme was legal.
The scheme, briefly explained
In late February, just a few days before the deadline for candidates to file to run to replace Justice Blackwell was about to expire, Blackwell sent a letter to Kemp announcing that he intends to resign his seat, effective November 18. That means that Blackwell will leave office a few weeks before his term was set to expire on December 31.
Shortly after receiving this letter, Kemp formally accepted Blackwell’s future resignation. The governor then informed Raffensperger, the state’s chief elections officer, that he intended to fill Blackwell’s seat by gubernatorial appointment. In response, Raffensperger canceled the election to fill Blackwell’s seat, which was scheduled for May 19.
Both Democratic candidate Barrow and Republican candidate Beskin filed lawsuits seeking to reinstate the election, but these pleas were rejected by the state Supreme Court in a 6-2 vote.
The court’s decision in Barrow turns on the tension between two provisions of the Georgia Constitution. The first provides that “all Justices of the Supreme Court and the Judges of the Court of Appeals shall be elected on a nonpartisan basis for a term of six years,” and that the terms of these judges “shall begin the next January 1 after their election.” Because this language refers to “all Justices,” it suggests that an election must be held to fill Blackwell’s seat, and that whoever prevails in that election shall join the state Supreme Court on the first of January.
But a separate provision of the state constitution permits the governor to temporarily fill vacancies on the state Supreme Court, and it provides that “an appointee to an elective office shall serve until a successor is duly selected and qualified and until January 1 of the year following the next general election which is more than six months after such person’s appointment.”
Thus, while the first provision suggests that an election must be held to fill Blackwell’s seat — with the winner taking office on January 1, 2021 — the second provision indicates that an appointed justice may serve much longer. When Blackwell resigns on November 18, the “next general election which is more than six months” after that date won’t occur until 2022.
So the second provision seems to suggest that an appointed justice may serve until January 1, 2023 — and longer, if that justice eventually wins the 2022 election. The new justice will also be able to run with all the advantages incumbency provides.
A majority of the state Supreme Court concluded that the second provision effectively trumps the first provision’s suggestion that the primary method of choosing Georgia Supreme Court justices is an election. “When an incumbent Justice vacates his or her office before the end of his or her term,” the court explained, “the incumbent’s unexpired term disappears with the incumbent, along with any hypothetical future terms associated with that incumbent.”
Kemp’s appointee, in other words, will not simply serve out the remaining few weeks in Blackwell’s term. They will serve those remaining few weeks plus an additional two years.
The court’s decision in Barrow will be very easy to game
As a practical matter, this decision is likely to prove very easy for retiring justices to game if they belong to the same political party as the incumbent governor. Indeed, under the court’s decision in Barrow, Blackwell likely could have announced that he would resign effective December 30 — just one day before his term would have expired — and Kemp still would have gained the power to name Blackwell’s replacement.
Indeed, Kemp could potentially even appoint Blackwell to fill the vacancy created by Blackwell’s early resignation. That would effectively give Blackwell an eight-year term, rather than a six-year term. And nothing would prevent Blackwell from running for election again in 2022.
The upshot of Barrow is likely to be that when a justice who belongs to the same party as the governor wishes to retire, they will submit a postdated resignation similar to the one Blackwell submitted to Kemp. That will effectively give that justice’s party an extra two years to hold on to the justice’s seat before the next election takes place.


What day is it today?

Today is Tuesday , May 19 , 2020 , at least in the continental United States .
It is already Wednesday , May 20 , in some parts of the world .
To some degree , time is an illusion .
We are bound by its forward passage , being the third-dimensional creatures we are , but the perceptions we have placed upon time have been invented .
Humans invented the year .
Humans invented the month .
Humans invented the day , the hour , the minute , the second .
These distinctions are not arbitrary — it really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Earth to orbit the sun — but their creation was not inevitable .
Our numerical system is likely base-10 because we have 10 fingers ; the way we understand time is almost entirely dependent on the fact that we evolved on this planet , circling this sun .
Time , at least as we understand it , is also a byproduct of capitalism .
In his seminal 1967 economic paper “ Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism , ” E. P. Thompson notes that in early human cultures , delineations of time were broad understandings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went down , when the seasons changed .
But as industrialization became the norm , time became a mechanized system that no longer served those who ’ d invented it .
We increasingly served at the beck and call of time , for that is how those who possessed capital could best regulate those who performed the labor .
For we are now at a point where sociologists are discussing the “ problem ” of leisure .
And a part of the problem is : how did it come to be a problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convenience with industrial capitalism , was the agent which converted men to new valuations of time ; which taught children even in their infancy to improve each shining hour ; and which saturated men ’ s minds with the equation , time is money .
One recurrent form of revolt within Western industrial capitalism , whether bohemian or beatnik , has often taken the form of flouting the urgency of respectable timevalues .
And the interesting question arises : if Puritanism was a necessary part of the work-ethos which enabled the industrialized world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the past , will the Puritan valuation of time begin to decompose as the pressures of poverty relax ?
Is it decomposing already ?
Will men begin to lose that restless urgency , that desire to consume time purposively , which most people carry just as they carry a watch on their wrists ?
But it remains that on some base level , we will always understand time .
The sun comes up , the sun goes down .
Though we might be inside , where that process is more difficult to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not obscure the day and night cycle .
What is lost , as each day blends into the next , in vaguely similar ways , is the mechanistic definition of time , the capitalist definition of time , the industrial definition of time .
We do not know what day it is , but we do know when there is a new day .
To live inside is to lose distinction .
There is a numbing effect that occurs when each day is the same , when our schedules are subsumed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undifferentiated time .
And yet isn ’ t this how so many of the less privileged around the world , forced to work jobs involving menial labor , day after day after day , already live ?
Isn ’ t this why we invented the weekend ?
Has this quarantine simply shown to those of us with more economic privilege that our “ free time ” was always a mirage , which could disappear before our eyes , by giving us so much “ free ” time ?
I have a wall calendar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I need to orient myself in time , I look at it .
But even the usefulness of my calendar has started to fray around the edges .
I began writing this story because I couldn ’ t quite believe it was a Thursday , even as I knew it had to be a Thursday .
But it might as well not be .
A cycle that bears the sun across our sky until it sets in the west is a reality ; “ Thursday ” is an invention .
Is it still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I will update this article daily until we don ’ t need it anymore .
I hope there is a time when we know it is Thursday or Tuesday or June 17 without having to look at a calendar or ask each other or Google .
I hope there is a time when going outside to see the sun doesn ’ t feel like exposing yourself to toxic levels of radiation .
( I know I should be taking walks ; every time , I feel like I ’ m risking everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in which all this “ free ” time no longer feels like a period we must exploit for maximum value .
I hope there is a time when I remember what it ’ s like to grab lunch with a friend , to watch dogs play in the surf , to breathe in the air and just be .
Until then , find a way to make time have meaning for you .
Read a long book .
Cook an elaborate meal .
Take up knitting .
Write an epic poem .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ always meant to get to .
Sleep .
Remember that time doesn ’ t own you , and that you own time .
This will be over someday , a part of the past .
It will someday be a memory .
Hang on to that .
I ’ ll see you outside again .
For now , it is Tuesday , May 19 , 2020 .
In some parts of the world , it is Wednesday , May 20 , 2020 .
Are you a “ What day is it today ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ theme song .
It ’ s written by composer Laura Stratford , and it is wonderful .

Today is Wednesday, July 1, 2020, at least in the continental United States. It is already Thursday, July 2, 2020, in some parts of the world. Life isn’t resuming gracefully, but the herky jerky train wreck of America’s reopening certainly speaks to some desire to exit this quarantine period. And so “What Day Is It Today” will exit the stage, too. For now, at least.
To some degree, time is an illusion. We are bound by its forward passage, being the third-dimensional creatures we are, but the perceptions we have placed upon time have been invented. Humans invented the year. Humans invented the month. Humans invented the day, the hour, the minute, the second.
These distinctions are not arbitrary — it really does take about 365 days for the Earth to orbit the sun — but their creation was not inevitable. Our numerical system is likely base-10 because we have 10 fingers; the way we understand time is almost entirely dependent on the fact that we evolved on this planet, circling this sun.
Time, at least as we understand it, is also a byproduct of capitalism. In his seminal 1967 economic paper “Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” E. P. Thompson notes that in early human cultures, delineations of time were broad understandings of when the sun came up and went down, when the seasons changed. But as industrialization became the norm, time became a mechanized system that no longer served those who’d invented it. We increasingly served at the beck and call of time, for that is how those who possessed capital could best regulate those who performed the labor.
Thompson writes:
For we are now at a point where sociologists are discussing the “problem” of leisure. And a part of the problem is: how did it come to be a problem ? Puritanism, in its marriage of convenience with industrial capitalism, was the agent which converted men to new valuations of time; which taught children even in their infancy to improve each shining hour; and which saturated men’s minds with the equation, time is money. One recurrent form of revolt within Western industrial capitalism, whether bohemian or beatnik, has often taken the form of flouting the urgency of respectable timevalues. And the interesting question arises: if Puritanism was a necessary part of the work-ethos which enabled the industrialized world to break out of the poverty-stricken economies of the past, will the Puritan valuation of time begin to decompose as the pressures of poverty relax? Is it decomposing already? Will men begin to lose that restless urgency, that desire to consume time purposively, which most people carry just as they carry a watch on their wrists?
But it remains that on some base level, we will always understand time. The sun comes up, the sun goes down. Though we might be inside, where that process is more difficult to witness, the fact of our insideness does not obscure the day and night cycle. What is lost, as each day blends into the next, in vaguely similar ways, is the mechanistic definition of time, the capitalist definition of time, the industrial definition of time. We do not know what day it is, but we do know when there is a new day.
To live inside is to lose distinction. There is a numbing effect that occurs when each day is the same, when our schedules are subsumed by what feels like an endless gulf of undifferentiated time. And yet isn’t this how so many of the less privileged around the world, forced to work jobs involving menial labor, day after day after day, already live? Isn’t this why we invented the weekend? Has this quarantine simply shown to those of us with more economic privilege that our “free time” was always a mirage, which could disappear before our eyes, by giving us so much “free” time?
I have a wall calendar hanging above my desk, and when I need to orient myself in time, I look at it. But even the usefulness of my calendar has started to fray around the edges. I began writing this story because I couldn’t quite believe it was a Thursday, even as I knew it had to be a Thursday. But it might as well not be. A cycle that bears the sun across our sky until it sets in the west is a reality; “Thursday” is an invention. Is it still necessary? I don’t know.
What’s important to remember is that time doesn’t own you. You own time. This will be over someday, a part of the past. It will someday be a memory. Hang on to that. I’ll see you outside again.
This story was originally published Friday, March 27, 2020.
Are you a “What day is it today?” superfan? Check out our official theme song. It’s written by composer Laura Stratford, and it is wonderful.


vox--2020-05-19--The best $19.98 I ever spent: A seatbelt extender

“ We ’ d like to offer you the position , ” she said , meeting me with a broad , expectant smile .
I had thought I was coming in for a final interview , but was instead met with a job offer .
I was stunned .
I had applied for the position on a lark , thinking I was too inexperienced for this dream job , and now here I was .
We spoke about the particulars , about where all the bodies were buried , about the work that would need to happen , and about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the kind of unvarnished terms you only use when telling someone else who ’ s accountable for fixing things .
As I left , I hesitated to call friends and family to tell them the good news , though I knew I should have .
This was good , right ?
This felt not just like a job , but like a calling .
I was getting a raise , too , and while the role would come with daunting responsibilities , it also came with substantial professional clout .
Still , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anyone .
Still , I was afraid .
Because this new role wasn ’ t like my other jobs .
This one required regular travel , often across the country , from one coast to another .
I would spend hours in airports and on planes each month .
And I was fat .
If you haven ’ t been fat — not just “ felt fat , ” but been undeniably , unquestionably fat — you might not know what it ’ s like to board a plane as a fat person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s like to walk past 10 , 15 , 20 rows of passengers , most of whom meet your face with dread , disgust , or fear .
You might not know what it ’ s like to hear your body loudly derided in your presence .
You might not know about the emotional toll that the simple act of boarding a flight causes .
You might not have the sad , familiar experience of paying for a second seat , only to board the plane and find that seat to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who doesn ’ t know that you paid , that you tried , and that they needn ’ t resent you .
You might not know the heartbreak of knowing they will resent you no matter what you do .
You also might not know about the maze of confusing “ customer of size ” policies that nearly every airline has laid out .
You may not know that United Airlines requires fat passengers to buy a second seat at the day-of price if the flight crew determines we can not “ fit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the flight is fully booked , that fat passenger will be removed from the flight and required to rebook .
You might not know that nearly every policy is mired in murky language that poses more questions than it answers for its fat passengers — and that many airlines don ’ t publicly share their policies at all .
You might not know that it is up to flight attendants to determine whether fat people are “ comfortable ” in our seats , and whether we should be permitted to keep them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ complaints are among the most common reasons fat people are kicked off flights , sometimes left without a refund , and nearly always left without legal recourse .
You might not know the simmering resentment from our fellow passengers when fat people take on the simple act of daring to fly .
You might not know about these facts of fat passengers ’ experience , but those of us who are unquestionably fat know well the contours of these anxieties .
Each time I board , and each time I ask for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that leads to being deplaned — I am left to wonder if this will be the prompt my seatmate or flight attendant needs to complain , to suggest that I “ might be more comfortable on another flight , ” and to leave me stranded , miles from home .
In this new job , those humiliations wouldn ’ t just be mine to hold .
They ’ d be added expenses I ’ d need to justify to my new boss , travel delays that could hold up colleagues or delay meetings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed to be explained away .
Yes , I had my dream job .
But I could only have it if I exposed myself to a brutal kind of humiliation that I had limited for years .
If you haven ’ t been fat — not just “ felt fat , ” but been undeniably , unquestionably fat — you might not know what it ’ s like to board a plane as a fat person It wasn ’ t long before that anticipation became too much to bear on its own .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I decided to see if it was possible to make — or , better yet , buy — my own seat belt extender .
I ’ d heard stories about fat people bringing their own seat belt extenders only to have them confiscated by the TSA , a kind of contraband of dignity we would not be permitted .
It was a risk : This small , protective measure could lead to even more public embarrassment .
I imagined a TSA agent seizing my extender in front of an endless line of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman , leaving them with a simmering resentment that would almost certainly boil over into aggressive comments and actions .
Still , that same risk could also save me from the perilous act of asking for a seat belt extender — which could , in turn , prompt a passenger to complain about my body and request my removal from the plane .
I had other fat friends , but none who had purchased their own extender .
So I was left with a sea of seemingly identical extenders from questionable sellers on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After poring over dozens of reviews , reading carefully for safety concerns , I was ready .
I took the risk , and bought the extender .
It arrived days later , its thick woven strap neatly coiled around a heavy metal buckle , all nestled into a purple velour pouch .
I was surprised at its heft , how formidable such a small thing felt .
The pouch reminded me of something from a crystal shop , a kind of talisman with mystical healing powers .
It seemed oddly grandiose at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something I had so long feared .
But as time went on , that velvety pouch felt more and more fitting .
There was no perfect line to say , no ironclad defense of my body .
After all , no explanation would suit them .
They would resent my body regardless .
As my job took me back and forth across the country , my seatbelt extender saved me time and time again .
It saved me from the exhausting and commonplace arguments with flight attendants about whether or not I could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seat ( I could ) , and whether or not I looked like I could “ comfortably fit ” in my airline seat ( who does ? )
.
It saved me from the threat of being forced to purchase a second seat at its day-of price , then explain that astronomical expense to my boss .
That seat belt extender didn ’ t just save me additional fights to retain the seat I ’ d purchased on each flight .
It also saved me from dreading the very worst aspects of boarding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It spared me the humiliation of being escorted from a plane , ejected from the flight after everyone else had been seated .
It relieved the anxiety of wondering how and when to ask for my extender .
It alleviated the desperation to find a perfect script , the panacea statement that would save me when my seatmate looked at me that way , just as their disgust curdled into action .
And it allowed me to relax into the knowledge that there was no perfect line to say , no ironclad defense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no explanation would suit them .
They would resent my body regardless .
Now , when I board planes , I still worry .
Airlines ’ lacking “ customer of size ” policies still leave me vulnerable to being stranded , or to spending hundreds in unplanned second seats or rebooked flights .
Boarding the plane still makes me the target of so much bigotry and overt disgust .
But when so much is outside of my control , my little seat belt extender , neatly coiled in a purple velour pouch , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ functional , yes , and it is also a reminder of my resourcefulness , my resiliency .
It helps me remember that I have faced worse than this before , and I will again .
When others ’ intolerance of my body rears its head , my seatbelt extender is a talisman : welcome protection against the reliable heartache of flying while fat .
Your Fat Friend writes anonymously about the social realities of life as a very fat person .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

“We’d like to offer you the position,” she said, meeting me with a broad, expectant smile.
I had thought I was coming in for a final interview, but was instead met with a job offer. I was stunned. I had applied for the position on a lark, thinking I was too inexperienced for this dream job, and now here I was. We spoke about the particulars, about where all the bodies were buried, about the work that would need to happen, and about the most complex problems of the role in the kind of unvarnished terms you only use when telling someone else who’s accountable for fixing things.
As I left, I hesitated to call friends and family to tell them the good news, though I knew I should have. This was good, right? This felt not just like a job, but like a calling. I was getting a raise, too, and while the role would come with daunting responsibilities, it also came with substantial professional clout. Still, I didn’t want to tell anyone. Still, I was afraid.
Because this new role wasn’t like my other jobs. This one required regular travel, often across the country, from one coast to another. I would spend hours in airports and on planes each month. And I was fat.
If you haven’t been fat — not just “felt fat,” but been undeniably, unquestionably fat — you might not know what it’s like to board a plane as a fat person. You might not know what it’s like to walk past 10, 15, 20 rows of passengers, most of whom meet your face with dread, disgust, or fear. You might not know what it’s like to hear your body loudly derided in your presence.
You might not know about the emotional toll that the simple act of boarding a flight causes. You might not have the sad, familiar experience of paying for a second seat, only to board the plane and find that seat to have been resold to another passenger — someone who doesn’t know that you paid, that you tried, and that they needn’t resent you. You might not know the heartbreak of knowing they will resent you no matter what you do.
You also might not know about the maze of confusing “customer of size” policies that nearly every airline has laid out. You may not know that United Airlines requires fat passengers to buy a second seat at the day-of price if the flight crew determines we cannot “fit comfortably” in our seats. If the flight is fully booked, that fat passenger will be removed from the flight and required to rebook. You might not know that nearly every policy is mired in murky language that poses more questions than it answers for its fat passengers — and that many airlines don’t publicly share their policies at all.
You might not know that it is up to flight attendants to determine whether fat people are “comfortable” in our seats, and whether we should be permitted to keep them. You might not know that other passengers’ complaints are among the most common reasons fat people are kicked off flights, sometimes left without a refund, and nearly always left without legal recourse. You might not know the simmering resentment from our fellow passengers when fat people take on the simple act of daring to fly.
You might not know about these facts of fat passengers’ experience, but those of us who are unquestionably fat know well the contours of these anxieties. Each time I board, and each time I ask for a seatbelt extender — often the trigger that leads to being deplaned — I am left to wonder if this will be the prompt my seatmate or flight attendant needs to complain, to suggest that I “might be more comfortable on another flight,” and to leave me stranded, miles from home.
In this new job, those humiliations wouldn’t just be mine to hold. They’d be added expenses I’d need to justify to my new boss, travel delays that could hold up colleagues or delay meetings — the kind of public admonishment that needed to be explained away.
Yes, I had my dream job. But I could only have it if I exposed myself to a brutal kind of humiliation that I had limited for years.
If you haven’t been fat — not just “felt fat,” but been undeniably, unquestionably fat — you might not know what it’s like to board a plane as a fat person
It wasn’t long before that anticipation became too much to bear on its own. Less than a month into my job, I decided to see if it was possible to make — or, better yet, buy — my own seat belt extender. I’d heard stories about fat people bringing their own seat belt extenders only to have them confiscated by the TSA, a kind of contraband of dignity we would not be permitted.
It was a risk: This small, protective measure could lead to even more public embarrassment. I imagined a TSA agent seizing my extender in front of an endless line of passengers, all inconvenienced by a fat woman, leaving them with a simmering resentment that would almost certainly boil over into aggressive comments and actions. Still, that same risk could also save me from the perilous act of asking for a seat belt extender — which could, in turn, prompt a passenger to complain about my body and request my removal from the plane.
I had other fat friends, but none who had purchased their own extender. So I was left with a sea of seemingly identical extenders from questionable sellers on shopping mega-sites like Amazon and Walmart. After poring over dozens of reviews, reading carefully for safety concerns, I was ready. I took the risk, and bought the extender.
It arrived days later, its thick woven strap neatly coiled around a heavy metal buckle, all nestled into a purple velour pouch. I was surprised at its heft, how formidable such a small thing felt. The pouch reminded me of something from a crystal shop, a kind of talisman with mystical healing powers. It seemed oddly grandiose at the time, giving the royal treatment to something I had so long feared. But as time went on, that velvety pouch felt more and more fitting.
There was no perfect line to say, no ironclad defense of my body. After all, no explanation would suit them. They would resent my body regardless.
As my job took me back and forth across the country, my seatbelt extender saved me time and time again. It saved me from the exhausting and commonplace arguments with flight attendants about whether or not I could fully lower the armrest next to my seat (I could), and whether or not I looked like I could “comfortably fit” in my airline seat (who does?). It saved me from the threat of being forced to purchase a second seat at its day-of price, then explain that astronomical expense to my boss.
That seat belt extender didn’t just save me additional fights to retain the seat I’d purchased on each flight. It also saved me from dreading the very worst aspects of boarding the plane as a fat person. It spared me the humiliation of being escorted from a plane, ejected from the flight after everyone else had been seated. It relieved the anxiety of wondering how and when to ask for my extender.
It alleviated the desperation to find a perfect script, the panacea statement that would save me when my seatmate looked at me that way, just as their disgust curdled into action. And it allowed me to relax into the knowledge that there was no perfect line to say, no ironclad defense of my body. After all, no explanation would suit them. They would resent my body regardless.
Now, when I board planes, I still worry. Airlines’ lacking “customer of size” policies still leave me vulnerable to being stranded, or to spending hundreds in unplanned second seats or rebooked flights. Boarding the plane still makes me the target of so much bigotry and overt disgust.
But when so much is outside of my control, my little seat belt extender, neatly coiled in a purple velour pouch, is my quiet reassurance. It is functional, yes, and it is also a reminder of my resourcefulness, my resiliency. It helps me remember that I have faced worse than this before, and I will again. When others’ intolerance of my body rears its head, my seatbelt extender is a talisman: welcome protection against the reliable heartache of flying while fat.
Your Fat Friend, also known as Aubrey Gordon, writes about the social realities of life as a very fat person.


vox--2020-05-19--The new Hunger Games prequel is introspective and dark as hell

As our present moment grows to feel more and more apocalyptic — pandemics , climate change , murder hornets , plants that cause third degree burns and also blindness — it can be oddly comforting to escape to a fictional dystopia .
In a way , it ’ s as though we ’ ve been preparing for this eventuality for decades .
Pop culture is America ’ s subconscious , and ours has been dreaming apocalyptic dreams .
The latest fictional dystopia is also an old one .
This week sees the publication of Suzanne Collins ’ s The Ballad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to her wildly successful Hunger Games trilogy about a dystopian world in which children are forced to battle to the death on reality TV .
The new book is billed as an origin story for Coriolanus Snow , the future president of Panem and the chief villain of the original trilogy .
And it fulfills that function capably enough , although it fails to ever quite reach the adrenaline-pumping urgency of the first trilogy .
But more pressingly , The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes is an origin story for the Hunger Games @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why they came to be in the first place .
The Hunger Games are all about bread and circuses .
The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes reveals the origin of the circus part .
The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes begins with the 10th Hunger Games , 64 years before Katniss Everdeen will volunteer for the Games that kick off the central trilogy .
And at this point in time , the Games are comparatively minimalist .
The Games still , at this early stage , feature 24 children , a.k.a .
tributes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impoverished districts that rebelled against the wealthy Capitol of Panem — who are thrown into an arena with a handful of weapons and forced to fight to their own televised death .
But as we enter the story , the arena isn ’ t the vast and ever-shifting outdoor landscape that Collins put to such memorable use in the first trilogy .
( Collins has never been strong on prose , but she ’ s fantastic at setting .
I ’ ll never forget the choking wilderness of the forest from The Hunger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Catching Fire . )
In The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes , the arena is a literal arena .
It ’ s a sports stadium , and the luckless tributes try to hide from each other in the stands .
The cameras haven ’ t yet begun to follow the tributes from place to place to pick up every juicy minute of the Games .
There aren ’ t even many microphones , so that when one tribute happens to fall and break his leg next to a mic , the watching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bones .
They haven ’ t heard any of the previous carnage .
But not that many people enjoy watching the Games yet , even within the Capitol .
They don ’ t doubt the necessity of the Games — the war between districts and Capitol is only 10 years gone , and everyone remembers the deprivation and the horror of the violence and is eager for it to be avenged on their enemies — but they find the Games dull .
They don ’ t particularly care for the tributes or whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ citizens , there ’ s really nothing that interesting about watching a bunch of impoverished children hack each other to bits and/or starve to death .
To pep up the proceedings in this 10th year , 24 students from the Academy — a high school for the children of the Capitol elite — will be guiding the tributes as mentors .
The idea is that they can help inject some fresh interest , under the symbolic guise of unity between Capitol and districts .
And among those 24 elite students is 18-year-old Coriolanus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , Coriolanus is nothing but a striver , networking and brown-nosing with abandon .
The Snows lost everything in the war except for their old family name and reputation , and Coriolanus plans to reedeem it with the splendor of his achievements .
The mentorship program will be the first step in a series of professional glories for him : He ’ ll guide his tribute to victory , be awarded a scholarship to study at the University , and then embark on a career in politics that will culminate in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restore honor to his family name .
His aging grandmother and his beloved cousin Tigris ( old fans will remember her from Mockingjay ) will be able to lead lives of comfort and ease .
So it puts a major hitch in Coriolanus ’ s plans to find himself saddled with the girl from District Twelve as his tribute , Lucy Gray .
She ’ s from the poorest district , and undernourished , which makes her unlikely to win .
That means trouble for Coriolanus .
But after all , Coriolanus reasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dark horse contestant will just make him a more attractive figure to all the career politicians who care about the Games .
And even if Lucy Gray isn ’ t particularly strong or deadly , she has personality .
She ’ s a performer who wows the crowd at her reaping by singing a folk song to the watching audience .
People find her charming .
Even Coriolanus does .
Gently , Coriolanus begins to pitch ideas to the Gamemakers that work to Lucy Gray ’ s advantage .
What if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through interviews , so that they ’ d have a reason to care about the fights ?
What if viewers could bet on tributes , to give them a rooting interest ?
What if they could sponsor their tribute of choice ?
And so we watch the Games become a spectacle , because it suits Coriolanus ’ s purposes , and because his bosses agree that it ’ s an effective way of getting the Capitol citizens more invested in the fights .
But it takes much longer to understand why the Games @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes is less interested in political allegory than it is in political philosophy The original Hunger Games trilogy was part action series , part political allegory .
In those books , the government forced children to kill each other with spectacle because that is what we do in real life to our children , under our present government .
Collins came up with the idea for the series while flipping back and forth between Iraq War footage and episodes of a reality TV talent show .
The series became @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown .
American culture is full of the spectacular and televised killing of teenagers , and all Collins really did in her dystopia was dial the ages down a couple of years .
The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes digs a little deeper .
It ’ s interested not just in the fact of the murder of children , but in the why of it , and it primes the readers to begin to consider the question with epigraphs from the philosophers Hobbes and Locke and Rousseau @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a creature that sacrifices its children ’ s lives to settle its differences , ” Katniss says at the end of Mockingjay .
In The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes , Coriolanus begins to investigate exactly what that something is .
He ’ s guided in his investigation by Dr. Gaul , the menacing Head Gamemaker who keeps popping up out of nowhere to torture an animal , say something sinister , and disappear again .
Gaul believes the Games are necessary to keep order in place and to prevent human beings from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She takes a special interest in teaching Coriolanus exactly why that control is necessary , and why she believes the Games are essential to it .
This book is President Snow ’ s origin story .
That doesn ’ t mean he comes off as sympathetic .
When the announcement first came that The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes would be Snow ’ s origin story , fans reacted with outrage .
Were they really going to be asked to sympathize with a fictional fascist ?
Would Collins try to justify all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to commit by giving him a tragic past , Anakin Skywalker style ?
But nothing of the sort happens in this book .
Collins doesn ’ t even grant Coriolanus the intimacy of narrating the book in the first person , the way Katniss does in the original trilogy .
Instead , we stay in Coriolanus ’ s head but at the slight remove of a close third person , the better to watch a stone-cold snake at work .
Coriolanus is a player from the beginning , analyzing every single person he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then either abandoning them or relentlessly buttering them up .
His tribute Lucy Gray thinks he ’ s a good person because he treats her like a human being , but we readers know he does so only because he thinks he ’ ll have a better chance of engaging the audience if he convinces them that Lucy Gray is closer to a real human being than the other district kids are .
The rest of them he considers to be little better than animals .
And as Coriolanus begins to grow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gray , Collins leaves us little space to imagine that his interest in her is in any way based on a belief in her inherent human worth .
All of this calculation and coldness makes Coriolanus a tricky protagonist .
Collins has no interest in making him sympathetic or a figure to root for , but she does have to maintain the reader ’ s interest in him all the same .
Mostly , she does that by giving Coriolanus a sense of humor .
The kid ’ s a slimeball , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and one of the deep pleasures of this book is watching his unimpressed reactions to the sparse pageantry the Capitol has built around this early version of the Games : At one point the presenter brings in his pet parrot and , when it refuses to talk , mimes talking for it .
Coriolanus , gamely thumbs-upping the camera , thinks dark thoughts .
But while Coriolanus can be compelling , he never resolves into the kind of iconic survive-at-all-costs protagonist that Katniss was .
And in general , The Ballad of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the original trilogy .
In part , that ’ s because we ’ re not in the arena ourselves this time .
We ’ re in the studio with the 24 Capitol kids who run the mentorship program , watching the Games with them .
Thematically , that ’ s a strong choice that hammers home both Coriolanus ’ s complicity with the system and our own : If you ’ re reading this book , there ’ s a solid chance that you ’ re much closer to being part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are to being one with the impoverished districts .
But on a storytelling level , it means we never feel the adrenaline jolt of our narrator battling for her life against insurmountable odds .
We just follow our snake-like protagonist as he watches other people battle for their lives , across the slight and chilly remove of a third person narration .
So in the end , The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes isn ’ t quite the moment-defining achievement that the original trilogy was .
It ’ s more of a curiosity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ depth to the original three books but is not essential reading .
It ’ s a nightmare from which it is all too easy to wake up .

As our present moment grows to feel more and more apocalyptic — pandemics, climate change, murder hornets, plants that cause third-degree burns and also blindness — it can be oddly comforting to escape to a fictional dystopia. In a way, it’s as though we’ve been preparing for this eventuality for decades. Pop culture is America’s subconscious, and ours has been dreaming apocalyptic dreams.
The latest fictional dystopia is also an old one. This week sees the publication of Suzanne Collins’s The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes, a prequel to her wildly successful Hunger Games trilogy about a dystopian world in which children are forced to battle to the death on reality TV. The new book is billed as an origin story for Coriolanus Snow, the future president of Panem and the chief villain of the original trilogy. And it fulfills that function capably enough, although it fails to ever quite reach the adrenaline-pumping urgency of the first trilogy.
But more pressingly, The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes is an origin story for the Hunger Games themselves. It tells us how and why they came to be in the first place.
The Hunger Games are all about bread and circuses. The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes reveals the origin of the circus part.
The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes begins with the 10th Hunger Games, 64 years before Katniss Everdeen will volunteer for the Games that kick off the central trilogy. And at this point, the Games are comparatively minimalist.
Rating: 3.5 out of 5 vox-mark vox-mark vox-mark vox-mark vox-mark
The Games still, at this early stage, feature 24 children, a.k.a. tributes — two from each of the 12 impoverished districts that rebelled against the wealthy Capitol of Panem — who are thrown into an arena with a handful of weapons and forced to fight to their televised deaths. But as we enter the story, the arena isn’t the vast and ever-shifting outdoor landscape that Collins put to such memorable use in the first trilogy. (Collins has never been strong on prose, but she’s fantastic at setting. I’ll never forget the choking wilderness of the forest from The Hunger Games, or the eerie clock-shaped arena of Catching Fire.)
In The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes, the arena is a literal arena. It’s a sports stadium, and the luckless tributes try to hide from each other in the stands.
The cameras haven’t yet begun to follow the tributes from place to place to pick up every juicy minute of the Games. There aren’t even many microphones, so that when one tribute happens to fall and break his leg next to a mic, the watching audience is startled by crack of his bones. They haven’t heard any of the previous carnage.
But not that many people enjoy watching the Games yet, even within the Capitol. They don’t doubt their necessity — the war between districts and Capitol is only 10 years gone, and everyone remembers the deprivation and the horror of the violence and is eager for it to be avenged on their enemies — but they find the Games dull. They don’t particularly care for the tributes or whether they live or die. For Capitol citizens, there’s really nothing that interesting about watching a bunch of impoverished children hack each other to bits and/or starve to death.
To pep up the proceedings in this 10th year, 24 students from the Academy — a high school for the children of the Capitol elite — will be guiding the tributes as mentors. The idea is that they can help inject some fresh interest, under the symbolic guise of unity between the Capitol and districts. And among those 24 elite students is 18-year-old Coriolanus Snow, future villain.
At 18, however, Coriolanus is nothing but a striver, networking and brown-nosing with abandon. The Snows lost everything in the war except for their old family name and reputation, and Coriolanus plans to redeem it with the splendor of his achievements. The mentorship program will be the first step in a series of professional glories for him: He’ll guide his tribute to victory, be awarded a scholarship to study at the university, and then embark on a career in politics that will culminate in his presidency. He’ll restore honor to his family name. His aging grandmother and his beloved cousin Tigris (old fans will remember her from Mockingjay) will be able to lead lives of comfort and ease.
So it puts a major hitch in Coriolanus’s plans to find himself saddled with the girl from District Twelve as his tribute, Lucy Gray. She’s from the poorest district, and undernourished, which makes her unlikely to win. That means trouble for Coriolanus.
But after all, Coriolanus reasons, pulling an unlikely win out of a dark horse contestant will just make him a more attractive figure to all the career politicians who care about the Games. And even if Lucy Gray isn’t particularly strong or deadly, she has personality. She’s a performer who wows the crowd at her reaping by singing a folk song to the watching audience. People find her charming. Even Coriolanus does.
Gently, Coriolanus begins to pitch ideas to the Gamemakers that work to Lucy Gray’s advantage. What if the audience got to know the tributes better through interviews, so that they’d have a reason to care about the fights? What if viewers could bet on tributes, to give them a rooting interest? What if they could sponsor their tribute of choice?
And so we watch the Games become a spectacle, because it suits Coriolanus’s purposes, and because his bosses agree that it’s an effective way of getting the Capitol citizens more invested in the fights. But it takes much longer to understand why the Games exist in the first place.
The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes is less interested in political allegory than it is in political philosophy
The original Hunger Games trilogy was part action series, part political allegory. In those books, the government forced children to kill each other with spectacle because that is what we do in real life to our children, under our present government. Collins came up with the idea for the series while flipping back and forth between Iraq War footage and episodes of a reality TV talent show. The series became a motif during the Ferguson protests against the police shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown. American culture is full of the spectacular and televised killing of teenagers, and all Collins really did in her dystopia was dial the ages down a couple of years.
The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes digs a little deeper. It’s interested not just in the fact of the murder of children, but in the why of it, and it primes the readers to begin to consider the question with epigraphs from the philosophers Hobbes and Locke and Rousseau. “Something is significantly wrong with a creature that sacrifices its children’s lives to settle its differences,” Katniss says at the end of Mockingjay. In The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes, Coriolanus begins to investigate what that something is.
He’s guided in his investigation by Dr. Gaul, the menacing Head Gamemaker who keeps popping up out of nowhere to torture an animal, say something sinister, and disappear again. Gaul believes the Games are necessary to keep order in place and to prevent human beings from devolving into an animalistic state of nature. She takes a special interest in teaching Coriolanus exactly why that control is necessary, and why she believes the Games are essential to it.
This book is President Snow’s origin story. That doesn’t mean he comes off as sympathetic.
When the announcement first came that The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes would be Snow’s origin story, fans reacted with outrage. Were they really going to be asked to sympathize with a fictional fascist? Would Collins try to justify all the atrocities we knew he was going to commit by giving him a tragic past, Anakin Skywalker style?
But nothing of the sort happens in this book. Collins doesn’t even grant Coriolanus the intimacy of narrating the book in the first person, the way Katniss does in the original trilogy. Instead, we stay in Coriolanus’s head but at the slight remove of a close third person, the better to watch a stone-cold snake at work.
Coriolanus is a player from the beginning, analyzing every person he meets for their value to his prospects and then either abandoning them or relentlessly buttering them up. His tribute Lucy Gray thinks he’s a good person because he treats her like a human being, but we readers know he does so only because he thinks he’ll have a better chance of engaging the audience if he convinces them that Lucy Gray is closer to a real human being than the other district kids are. The rest of them he considers to be little better than animals.
And as Coriolanus begins to grow gradually more and more fond of Lucy Gray, Collins leaves us little space to imagine that his interest in her is in any way based on a belief in her inherent human worth.
All of this calculation and coldness makes Coriolanus a tricky protagonist. Collins has no interest in making him sympathetic or a figure to root for, but she does have to maintain the reader’s interest in him all the same. Mostly, she does that by giving Coriolanus a sense of humor. The kid’s a slimeball, but he knows tacky when he sees it, and one of the deep pleasures of this book is watching his unimpressed reactions to the sparse pageantry the Capitol has built around this early version of the Games: At one point the presenter brings in his pet parrot and, when it refuses to talk, mimes talking for it. Coriolanus, gamely thumbs-upping the camera, thinks dark thoughts.
But while Coriolanus can be compelling, he never resolves into the kind of iconic survive-at-all-costs protagonist that Katniss was. And in general, The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes lacks the relentless urgency of the original trilogy.
In part, that’s because we’re not in the arena ourselves this time. We’re in the studio with the 24 Capitol kids who run the mentorship program, watching the Games with them. Thematically, that’s a strong choice that hammers home both Coriolanus’s complicity with the system and our own: If you’re reading this book, there’s a solid chance that you’re much closer to being part of the corrupt and decadent Capitol than you are to being one with the impoverished districts.
But on a storytelling level, it means we never feel the adrenaline jolt of our narrator battling for her life against insurmountable odds. We just follow our snake-like protagonist as he watches other people battle for their lives, across the slight and chilly remove of a third-person narration.
So in the end, The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes isn’t quite the moment-defining achievement the original trilogy was. It’s more of a curiosity, a cold-blooded philosophical inquiry that adds depth to the original three books but is not essential reading. It’s a nightmare from which it is all too easy to wake up.