vox--2020-09-01--One Good Thing: I’m obsessed with the latest Phoebe Bridgers album

One Good Thing is Vox ’ s recommendations feature .
In each edition , find one more thing from the world of culture that we highly recommend .
There ’ s a set of lyrics in the middle of Phoebe Bridgers ’ s “ Chinese Satellite ” — the sixth track on her remarkable sophomore album Punisher — that breaks me wide open and makes me nearly sob every single time I hear it .
In the song , Bridgers mourns an unspecified friend who seems to have died .
At one point , Bridgers and the friend see evangelical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The friend shouts back at the protesters , and later , the two have a conversation about the situation , which is the part that makes me fall apart .
Punisher is haunted by memory , by echoes , and sometimes by literal ghosts .
I don ’ t know if either the song or the album is based on an actual friend Bridgers lost — the singer has always flirted with being a total goth — but it brims over with sadness , with regret , and with beauty .
I don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ single one of Punisher ’ s 11 songs that I haven ’ t become obsessed with and listened to over and over again at one point or another .
( Album closer “ I Know the End ” is the one I ’ m obsessed with right now , thanks . )
Phoebe Bridgers has been lurking at the edges of the “ Emily VanDerWerff ’ s favorite musicians ever !
!
!
!
!
” list I scrawled in the back of my Trapper Keeper for a few years now .
Her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alps , was a terrific introduction to her talent for writing songs that perfectly capture singular , deeply emotional moments in time .
It also spawned the minor hit “ Motion Sickness , ” which is probably the Phoebe Bridgers song you ’ ve heard if you ’ ve only heard one Phoebe Bridgers song .
Since the release of Stranger , Bridgers has also shown a talent for finding great people to collaborate with .
Boygenius , her 2018 team-up with Julien Baker and Lucy Dacus ( similarly smart white girl singer-songwriters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of queer culture and naked emotion ) was the rare supergroup that ended up being more than the sum of its parts .
In 2019 , Bridgers hooked up with Bright Eyes ’ Conor Oberst ( who contributed guest vocals to Stranger ’ s “ Would You Rather ” and pops up again on Punisher ) for the rousing Better Oblivion Community Center .
But Punisher , which came out in June , is a massive leap past everything else she ’ s done so far .
The sense of loss , death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Punisher gives it a unifying theme .
That dark theme also gains accidental weight from the album arriving in a summer when the country has been riven , over and over again , by crises that take endless numbers of lives while those in power seem utterly oblivious to what ’ s happening .
An album like Fiona Apple ’ s Fetch the Bolt Cutters ( another of the year ’ s best ) captures the fury pulsing throughout the world right now , but Punisher finds the quieter , more private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , too , is angry about everything she ’ s lost , but there ’ s a solitude to it and to her sadness as well .
The album occasionally reminds me of sitting across a table from a good friend who ’ s going through hell , just listening to them talk and nodding every so often as your coffee goes cold .
A thing I think about a lot is how wired our culture is toward the idea of solving emotions , not sharing them .
If somebody comes to me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ usually to offer advice rather than to first ask , “ Hey , do you want some advice ?
” More often than not , what my friend wants is for someone else to live in their emotion with them .
An attempt to solve the problem too often dismisses the gravity of how horrible that emotion feels in the moment .
And yet , isn ’ t our human impulse to help make the emotion go away ?
We are , after all , just trying to help a loved one in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often takes the form of “ solutions.
” What I love about Punisher is how it chronicles Bridgers ’ s discovery that the solution is often in the solidarity .
These are songs about how hard it is to lose someone and to find that , in the process of mourning , you ’ ve shed some part of yourself like so much dead skin .
The cover of the album features Bridgers in a skeleton costume — a cheeky follow-up to the bedsheet ghost that adorned Stranger — but it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Bridgers ’ s fascination with kindergarten Halloween iconography .
Punisher is , at its core , about how often the best way forward is to strip yourself down to the bone and ask those you love if they still love you back .
The answer is usually “ yes , ” and when someone else moves in to share that sorrow , that loss , that grief alongside you , the healing can begin .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little as $ 3 .

One Good Thing is Vox’s recommendations feature. In each edition, find one more thing from the world of culture that we highly recommend.
There’s a set of lyrics in the middle of Phoebe Bridgers’s “Chinese Satellite” — the sixth track on her remarkable sophomore album Punisher — that breaks me wide open and makes me nearly sob every single time I hear it.
In the song, Bridgers mourns an unspecified friend who seems to have died. At one point, Bridgers and the friend see evangelical Christians protesting on a street corner. The friend shouts back at the protesters, and later, the two have a conversation about the situation, which is the part that makes me fall apart.
Bridgers sings:
You said I will never be your vegetable
Because I think when you’re gone, it’s forever But you know I’d stand on the corner
Embarrassed with a picket sign
If it meant I would see you when I die
Punisher is haunted by memory, by echoes, and sometimes by literal ghosts. I don’t know if either the song or the album is based on an actual friend Bridgers lost — the singer has always flirted with being a total goth — but it brims over with sadness, with regret, and with beauty. I don’t think there’s a single one of Punisher’s 11 songs that I haven’t become obsessed with and listened to over and over again at one point or another. (Album closer “I Know the End” is the one I’m obsessed with right now, thanks.)
Phoebe Bridgers has been lurking at the edges of the “Emily VanDerWerff’s favorite musicians ever!!!!!” list I scrawled in the back of my Trapper Keeper for a few years now. Her 2017 debut album, Stranger in the Alps, was a terrific introduction to her talent for writing songs that perfectly capture singular, deeply emotional moments in time. It also spawned the minor hit “Motion Sickness,” which is probably the Phoebe Bridgers song you’ve heard if you’ve only heard one Phoebe Bridgers song.
Since the release of Stranger, Bridgers has also shown a talent for finding great people to collaborate with. Boygenius, her 2018 team-up with Julien Baker and Lucy Dacus (similarly smart white girl singer-songwriters, with music steeped in a combination of queer culture and naked emotion) was the rare supergroup that ended up being more than the sum of its parts. In 2019, Bridgers hooked up with Bright Eyes’ Conor Oberst (who contributed guest vocals to Stranger’s “Would You Rather” and pops up again on Punisher) for the rousing Better Oblivion Community Center.
But Punisher, which came out in June, is a massive leap past everything else she’s done so far. The sense of loss, death, and grief that permeates every song on Punisher gives it a unifying theme. That dark theme also gains accidental weight from the album arriving in a summer when the country has been riven, over and over again, by crises that take endless numbers of lives while those in power seem utterly oblivious to what’s happening.
An album like Fiona Apple’s Fetch the Bolt Cutters (another of the year’s best) captures the fury pulsing throughout the world right now, but Punisher finds the quieter, more private flip side of that anger. Bridgers, too, is angry about everything she’s lost, but there’s a solitude to it and to her sadness as well. The album occasionally reminds me of sitting across a table from a good friend who’s going through hell, just listening to them talk and nodding every so often as your coffee goes cold.
A thing I think about a lot is how wired our culture is toward the idea of solving emotions, not sharing them. If somebody comes to me with a problem, my temptation is usually to offer advice rather than to first ask, “Hey, do you want some advice?” More often than not, what my friend wants is for someone else to live in their emotion with them. An attempt to solve the problem too often dismisses the gravity of how horrible that emotion feels in the moment. And yet, isn’t our human impulse to help make the emotion go away? We are, after all, just trying to help a loved one in crisis, and “help” so often takes the form of “solutions.”
What I love about Punisher is how it chronicles Bridgers’s discovery that the solution is often in the solidarity. These are songs about how hard it is to lose someone and to find that, in the process of mourning, you’ve shed some part of yourself like so much dead skin.
The cover of the album features Bridgers in a skeleton costume — a cheeky follow-up to the bedsheet ghost that adorned Stranger — but it’s more than a wink and a nod to Bridgers’s fascination with kindergarten Halloween iconography. Punisher is, at its core, about how often the best way forward is to strip yourself down to the bone and ask those you love if they still love you back. The answer is usually “yes,” and when someone else moves in to share that sorrow, that loss, that grief alongside you, the healing can begin.


vox--2020-09-01--This week in TikTok: Yet another terrible prank parents are pulling on their kids

Hello from The Goods ’ twice-weekly newsletter !
On Tuesdays , internet culture reporter Rebecca Jennings uses this space to update you all on what ’ s been going on in the world of TikTok .
Is there something you want to see more of ?
Less of ?
Different of ?
Email rebecca.jennings @ vox.com , and subscribe to The Goods ’ newsletter here .
The backlash to influencers has bubbled for years , and quarantine has not helped : Over the past six months , quasi-famous people on social media have been a de facto target for our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , performative activism , and whether anyone should really be begging small businesses for free stuff when tens of millions of Americans have lost their jobs ( or ever ) .
Professionally popular people , it seems , have never been less popular .
Famous TikTokers are no exception .
Los Angeles collab houses , which were taking off just before lockdown , have continued to host a carousel of new houseguests while their members seem to pretend nothing out of the ordinary is going on .
On Friday , LA city attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hall and Blake Gray with misdemeanors for violating local health orders by throwing giant parties during the pandemic .
A week earlier , Mayor Eric Garcetti shut off the power and water in their Hollywood Hills rental home ; if convicted , they could face fines up to $ 2,000 and a year in prison .
All that bad behavior is causing somewhat of a reckoning among creators , at least according to them .
Some have written weepy apologies for their past misdeeds ; last week , while I was speaking to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House , they stressed that their main distinction as a collective was “ kindness.
” Crucially , there is no sponsored content ( yet ) , no talk of lofty business ideas ( yet ) , and no merch ( yet ) , sort of like what TikTok used to be two years ago .
But I say “ yet ” because that is what happens to influencers who get famous enough ; the business opportunities become too large to ignore , and there are too many entertainment industry people parachuting into their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This is the paradox of being “ one of the good influencers ” : Once enough people like you , you ’ re forced into the machine that will make them hate you just as quickly ( see : Emma Chamberlain , who built her Youtube following being weird in her bedroom and now gets paid by Louis Vuitton ) .
What will happen to all the cool alt-TikTokers rooming together when they become just as famous as the Addison Raes and Bryce Halls of the world ?
These are the things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead of , uh , everything else happening with TikTok right now .
Which , speaking of : • Things are not going well for TikTok !
Just four months after taking the job , TikTok CEO Kevin Mayer announced his resignation from the company on August 27 .
His note to staff said , essentially , “ I didn ’ t sign up for this.
” TikTok employees seem to be feeling similarly .
• If you ’ re reading this on Tuesday , it could be the day we find out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to CNBC .
• Here ’ s who that might be and why they want it , per Mike Isaac at the Times : Walmart and Microsoft could team up to “ draw on Walmart ’ s digital sales background to turn TikTok into a kind of e-commerce app for both creators and users , ” while the software company Oracle would “ use TikTok ’ s data about social interactions to benefit its cloud , data and advertising businesses.
” • That ’ s if a sale even happens .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ artificial intelligence exports , which meant that certain technologies could not be exported without a license .
This could “ throw a wrench ” into a potential TikTok sale , as it might break these new laws .
• Even with a US buyer , though , Casey Newton argues at The Verge that the problems are just beginning .
“ The company will have to somehow recreate ByteDance ’ s powerful algorithmic feed , design a steady stream of new features and experiences to keep influencers engaged , and fend off fierce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a host of TikTok clones along the way , ” he writes , adding , “ it ’ s unclear to me how many of the elements that have made it so successful to date will survive.
” • In happier news , here ’ s a delightful piece about how Cardi B and Megan Thee Stallion ’ s “ WAP ” took over TikTok .
All pranks parents pull on their kids and then post online for clout are terrible ( with the sole exception of that one iconic Vine where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thankssssss ” ) .
And there ’ s another very popular one on TikTok that ’ s getting some backlash : the “ new teacher ” prank , where parents pretend to introduce their kid to their teacher over FaceTime .
The joke , though , is that the image on FaceTime is not their new teacher , but a distorted face designed to horrify the child , or worse , a real person deemed ugly enough to be the butt of a joke .
Naturally , this is pretty gross , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a kid who ’ s already being forced to adjust to a life with no classrooms .
Disability activists like Melissa Blake and Lizzie Velasquez , who was once deemed “ the ugliest woman in the world , ” have also spoken out against it .
In one video , Velasquez says , “ If you are an adult who has a young human in your life , please do not teach them that being scared of someone who does not look like them is okay.
” This is far from the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ value ” that proliferates on TikTok ; you could argue that even the earliest transformation trends , where a creator makes themselves look as terrible as possible and then surprises the viewer by suddenly becoming beautiful is a form of it .
One current example is a trend where you use a filter to distort your face so that it looks wider at the bottom , and then take the filter off and record your reaction .
The point is that you look wildly relieved that you don ’ t actually look like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out the rampant fatphobia inherent in these memes .
“ Thank goodness I ’ m skinny and perfect and beautiful and not fat !
” said one girl sarcastically in a viral critique of the trend .
What sucks is that TikTok is already enough of a beauty pageant , and memes like this only make it more explicit .
Of all the billions of “ WAP ” challenges on TikTok , this hypnotizing behind-the-scenes transition video is maybe the most impressive ?
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Hello from The Goods’ twice-weekly newsletter! On Tuesdays, internet culture reporter Rebecca Jennings uses this space to update you all on what’s been going on in the world of TikTok. Is there something you want to see more of? Less of? Different of? Email rebecca.jennings@vox.com, and subscribe to The Goods’ newsletter here.
The backlash to influencers has bubbled for years, and quarantine has not helped: Over the past six months, quasi-famous people on social media have been a de facto target for our anger and anxieties about responsible social distancing, performative activism, and whether anyone should really be begging small businesses for free stuff when tens of millions of Americans have lost their jobs (or ever). Professionally popular people, it seems, have never been less popular.
Famous TikTokers are no exception. Los Angeles collab houses, which were taking off just before lockdown, have continued to host a carousel of new houseguests while their members seem to pretend nothing out of the ordinary is going on. On Friday, LA city attorney Mike Feuer charged Sway House e-boys Bryce Hall and Blake Gray with misdemeanors for violating local health orders by throwing giant parties during the pandemic. A week earlier, Mayor Eric Garcetti shut off the power and water in their Hollywood Hills rental home; if convicted, they could face fines up to $2,000 and a year in prison.
All that bad behavior is causing somewhat of a reckoning among creators, at least according to them. Some have written weepy apologies for their past misdeeds; last week, while I was speaking to the founders of the newly launched Alpha House, they stressed that their main distinction as a collective was “kindness.”
Crucially, there is no sponsored content (yet), no talk of lofty business ideas (yet), and no merch (yet), sort of like what TikTok used to be two years ago. But I say “yet” because that is what happens to influencers who get famous enough; the business opportunities become too large to ignore, and there are too many entertainment industry people parachuting into their inboxes promising to deliver their wildest dreams.
This is the paradox of being “one of the good influencers”: Once enough people like you, you’re forced into the machine that will make them hate you just as quickly (see: Emma Chamberlain, who built her Youtube following being weird in her bedroom and now gets paid by Louis Vuitton). What will happen to all the cool alt-TikTokers rooming together when they become just as famous as the Addison Raes and Bryce Halls of the world? These are the things I am choosing to worry about, instead of, uh, everything else happening with TikTok right now. Which, speaking of:
TikTok in the news
Things are not going well for TikTok! Just four months after taking the job, TikTok CEO Kevin Mayer announced his resignation from the company on August 27. His note to staff said, essentially, “I didn’t sign up for this.” TikTok employees seem to be feeling similarly.
If you’re reading this on Tuesday, it could be the day we find out who the hell is buying TikTok, according to CNBC.
Here’s who that might be and why they want it, per Mike Isaac at the Times: Walmart and Microsoft could team up to “draw on Walmart’s digital sales background to turn TikTok into a kind of e-commerce app for both creators and users,” while the software company Oracle would “use TikTok’s data about social interactions to benefit its cloud, data and advertising businesses.”
That’s if a sale even happens. On Friday, China announced new restrictions on artificial intelligence exports, which meant that certain technologies could not be exported without a license. This could “throw a wrench” into a potential TikTok sale, as it might break these new laws.
Even with a US buyer, though, Casey Newton argues at The Verge that the problems are just beginning. “The company will have to somehow recreate ByteDance’s powerful algorithmic feed, design a steady stream of new features and experiences to keep influencers engaged, and fend off fierce competition from Facebook, Snapchat, and a host of TikTok clones along the way,” he writes, adding, “it’s unclear to me how many of the elements that have made it so successful to date will survive.”
In happier news, here’s a delightful piece about how Cardi B and Megan Thee Stallion’s “WAP” took over TikTok.
Meme watch
All pranks parents pull on their kids and then post online for clout are terrible (with the sole exception of that one iconic Vine where the kid unwraps an avocado and says “thankssssss”). And there’s another very popular one on TikTok that’s getting some backlash: the “new teacher” prank, where parents pretend to introduce their kid to their teacher over FaceTime. The joke, though, is that the image on FaceTime is not their new teacher, but a distorted face designed to horrify the child, or worse, a real person deemed ugly enough to be the butt of a joke.
Naturally, this is pretty gross, and an incredibly unkind thing to do to a kid who’s already being forced to adjust to a life with no classrooms. Disability activists like Melissa Blake and Lizzie Velasquez, who was once deemed “the ugliest woman in the world,” have also spoken out against it. In one video, Velasquez says, “If you are an adult who has a young human in your life, please do not teach them that being scared of someone who does not look like them is okay.”
This is far from the only meme categorizable as “ugliness as shock value” that proliferates on TikTok; you could argue that even the earliest transformation trends, where a creator makes themselves look as terrible as possible and then surprises the viewer by suddenly becoming beautiful is a form of it. One current example is a trend where you use a filter to distort your face so that it looks wider at the bottom, and then take the filter off and record your reaction. The point is that you look wildly relieved that you don’t actually look like that.
Luckily, others have pointed out the rampant fatphobia inherent in these memes. “Thank goodness I’m skinny and perfect and beautiful and not fat!” said one girl sarcastically in a viral critique of the trend. What sucks is that TikTok is already enough of a beauty pageant, and memes like this only make it more explicit.
One Last Thing
Of all the billions of “WAP” challenges on TikTok, this hypnotizing behind-the-scenes transition video is maybe the most impressive?


vox--2020-09-01--What it’s like working at the polls in the middle of a pandemic

With an hour-long video training under my belt , including a five-minute segment about pandemic-related precautions , I circled the halls of a government building in downtown Austin , Texas , looking for the polling location where I ’ d signed up to work .
I tried to open just about every door , until I realized the building was deserted .
When I called various election officials , they informed me that typically these types of details were sorted out at in-person trainings before the election , but they had been canceled due to Covid-19 .
It turned out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the maze of construction en route to the building .
We wound up opening at 8:15 am , over an hour past our scheduled opening time .
My job that July day was to serve as an alternate election judge , a role that involves helping the election judge settle any voter issues or disputes at the polling site , for a combined primary runoff — postponed from May — and special election .
Despite the additional time afforded by the delay , as well as an election that typically sees low @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health and safety of both poll workers and voters left much to be desired during this historic pandemic .
And now , with the 2020 general election fast approaching and Covid-19 ’ s spread showing no signs of slowing , there are other factors that highlight why we need to make in-person voting as safe as possible come November .
Only 21 percent of Americans live in states that send mail-in absentee ballots to all voters , while 22 percent live in states that require a special reason to receive one .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ USPS has begun to inform states that it might not even have the capacity to handle such an extraordinary surge in votes by mail .
It ’ s important we learn from the mistakes made during the primaries .
The virus has specifically devastated Texas , where I was working ; the overall death toll has climbed to more than 10,000 as of late August .
According to a White House report obtained by the Center for Public Integrity , on the day of the election I worked , the state was in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , meaning it had more than 100 new cases per 100,000 population the previous week , and for test positivity , meaning more than 10 percent of diagnostic test results came back positive .
Against this backdrop , poll workers like myself who volunteer to assist voters are crucial to a functional election .
But this year , perhaps unsurprisingly , many volunteers simply did not show up .
Three out of the seven poll workers at my location , for undisclosed reasons , did not attend , and prior to Election Day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had dropped out while another six to eight did not show .
It is not hard to see why poll workers might be so fearful of health consequences that they would back out at the last minute .
Our group of poll workers consisted of three men younger than 30 and one woman in her 50s .
Considering 58 percent of poll workers in the 2018 general election were over 60 years old , our polling site ’ s age demographic surprised me .
In talking with the younger poll workers , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ simply lockdown boredom as reasons for signing up .
For three of us , it was the first election we had ever worked , while the other had a week ’ s worth of early voting experience .
On voting day , it became clear that it was a good thing so many of us were in a lower-risk age group .
I assumed basic preventive measures would be implemented to ensure poll workers were not carrying the virus and infecting voters or each other .
While poll workers were required to wear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no temperature checks , and workers weren ’ t asked any questions regarding symptoms .
We also received no protocol on how to handle a sick voter .
In terms of PPE , we were provided with an array of cleaning supplies , face shields , and finger cots , along with instructions on how to use each item .
Then there were the voters themselves .
In-person voting makes it difficult to implement critical preventive efforts for voters and poll workers , as it risks infringing on voting rights ( i.e .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ mask or running a fever ) .
But our team of poll workers started the day with a pact that we would be honest with each other if someone was doing something that made others uncomfortable , like taking off their mask indoors .
In an effort to maximize safety for voters , we set up a check-in line with spots 6 feet apart , used the entirety of our massive meeting room space to keep voting machines separate , and designed a clear entry-exit flow to ensure minimal contact between voters .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mask and seemed oddly accustomed to being inside with groups of people .
This sentiment likely had to do with our site , which was in an office building complex and catered to people who were probably more used to the Covid-19 protocols of working in-person .
But not every location is like that .
The Wisconsin State Journal reported a mix of mask-wearing compliance at its April election after voters were encouraged but not required to wear them .
Following the election , different studies have shown different risk levels of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus in the state .
The current rule of thumb seems to be that spreading happens with interactions longer than 15 minutes .
At our site , most folks were in and out quickly , but a handful had issues with their voter registration and spent 30 to 45 minutes in the room .
Despite all these risks , voter turnout among Democrats has broken records in 2020 .
Texas offers a perfect example of a state that , despite restrictive mail-in voting , saw increased voting this year .
In an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ runoff for the US Senate candidate facing Republican Sen. John Cornyn , the party reported its highest turnout in years with 5.8 percent of registered voters casting votes — more than double the amount cast in the 2018 runoff .
So far , the pandemic does not appear to be dissuading voters from showing up .
As we gear up for the presidential election of 2020 , officials need to be thinking more about how to safely protect poll workers in the middle of a pandemic .
Election commissions should amplify existing measures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to vote from their car — or curbside voting — which has been expanded in several states .
( Texas did expand curbside voting as well , though no voters requested this at our site . )
Additionally , they should heavily recruit less vulnerable populations , such as college students and younger service industry employees who have lost jobs due to the pandemic .
Finally , increased training and communication will be highly important .
In all likelihood , many poll workers will be inexperienced , so providing a detailed outline of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with experienced workers when possible will be crucial to minimizing wait times at polling sites , and in turn decreasing exposure .
After that primary election , I inquired about testing to see if my day working the polls had resulted in an infection .
Travis County Elections informed me they wouldn ’ t be able to provide help in getting access to testing , something I had hoped to do before visiting my parents the following week .
At the time , Texans across the state were reporting extremely long wait times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so I was nervous .
I did manage to find a testing location , where I was lectured by the nurse about the exposure risks of pole dancing .
Apparently , I needed to be more specific than “ poll working ” — a role that also warrants a conversation about exposure risks .
Benton Graham is a freelance writer and graduate student at the University of Texas at Austin studying journalism .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 3 .

With an hour-long video training under my belt, including a five-minute segment about pandemic-related precautions, I circled the halls of a government building in downtown Austin, Texas, looking for the polling location where I’d signed up to work. I tried to open just about every door, until I realized the building was deserted.
When I called various election officials, they informed me that typically these types of details were sorted out at in-person trainings before the election, but they had been canceled due to Covid-19. It turned out that the other poll workers got lost in the maze of construction en route to the building. We wound up opening at 8:15 am, over an hour past our scheduled opening time.
My job that July day was to serve as an alternate election judge, a role that involves helping the election judge settle any voter issues or disputes at the polling site, for a combined primary runoff — postponed from May — and special election. Despite the additional time afforded by the delay, as well as an election that typically sees low turnout, I witnessed firsthand how the health and safety of both poll workers and voters left much to be desired during this historic pandemic.
And now, with the 2020 general election fast approaching and Covid-19’s spread showing no signs of slowing, there are other factors that highlight why we need to make in-person voting as safe as possible come November. Only 21 percent of Americans live in states that send mail-in absentee ballots to all voters, while 22 percent live in states that require a special reason to receive one. On top of all of this, the USPS has begun to inform states that it might not even have the capacity to handle such an extraordinary surge in votes by mail. It’s important we learn from the mistakes made during the primaries.
The virus has specifically devastated Texas, where I was working; the overall death toll has climbed to more than 10,000 as of late August. According to a White House report obtained by the Center for Public Integrity, on the day of the election I worked, the state was in the red zone for both Covid-19 cases, meaning it had more than 100 new cases per 100,000 population the previous week, and for test positivity, meaning more than 10 percent of diagnostic test results came back positive.
Against this backdrop, poll workers like myself who volunteer to assist voters are crucial to a functional election. But this year, perhaps unsurprisingly, many volunteers simply did not show up. Three out of the seven poll workers at my location, for undisclosed reasons, did not attend, and prior to Election Day, 25 poll workers from Travis County had dropped out while another six to eight did not show. It is not hard to see why poll workers might be so fearful of health consequences that they would back out at the last minute.
Our group of poll workers consisted of three men younger than 30 and one woman in her 50s. Considering 58 percent of poll workers in the 2018 general election were over 60 years old, our polling site’s age demographic surprised me. In talking with the younger poll workers, they explained a mix of patriotic duty and simply lockdown boredom as reasons for signing up. For three of us, it was the first election we had ever worked, while the other had a week’s worth of early voting experience.
On voting day, it became clear that it was a good thing so many of us were in a lower-risk age group. I assumed basic preventive measures would be implemented to ensure poll workers were not carrying the virus and infecting voters or each other. While poll workers were required to wear masks, there was no testing and no temperature checks, and workers weren’t asked any questions regarding symptoms. We also received no protocol on how to handle a sick voter. In terms of PPE, we were provided with an array of cleaning supplies, face shields, and finger cots, along with instructions on how to use each item.
Then there were the voters themselves. In-person voting makes it difficult to implement critical preventive efforts for voters and poll workers, as it risks infringing on voting rights (i.e. turning away voters for not wearing a mask or running a fever). But our team of poll workers started the day with a pact that we would be honest with each other if someone was doing something that made others uncomfortable, like taking off their mask indoors. In an effort to maximize safety for voters, we set up a check-in line with spots 6 feet apart, used the entirety of our massive meeting room space to keep voting machines separate, and designed a clear entry-exit flow to ensure minimal contact between voters.
We were lucky. Every voter wore a mask and seemed oddly accustomed to being inside with groups of people. This sentiment likely had to do with our site, which was in an office building complex and catered to people who were probably more used to the Covid-19 protocols of working in-person.
But not every location is like that. The Wisconsin State Journal reported a mix of mask-wearing compliance at its April election after voters were encouraged but not required to wear them. Following the election, different studies have shown different risk levels of in-person voting and the spread of the virus in the state. The current rule of thumb seems to be that spreading happens with interactions longer than 15 minutes. At our site, most folks were in and out quickly, but a handful had issues with their voter registration and spent 30 to 45 minutes in the room.
Despite all these risks, voter turnout among Democrats has broken records in 2020. Texas offers a perfect example of a state that, despite restrictive mail-in voting, saw increased voting this year. In an election where only Democrats had a statewide primary runoff for the US Senate candidate facing Republican Sen. John Cornyn, the party reported its highest turnout in years with 5.8 percent of registered voters casting votes — more than double the amount cast in the 2018 runoff. So far, the pandemic does not appear to be dissuading voters from showing up.
As we gear up for the presidential election of 2020, officials need to be thinking more about how to safely protect poll workers in the middle of a pandemic. Election commissions should amplify existing measures, such as giving people the option to vote from their car — or curbside voting — which has been expanded in several states. (Texas did expand curbside voting as well, though no voters requested this at our site.)
Additionally, they should heavily recruit less vulnerable populations, such as college students and younger service industry employees who have lost jobs due to the pandemic. Finally, increased training and communication will be highly important. In all likelihood, many poll workers will be inexperienced, so providing a detailed outline of what their roles entail and pairing them with experienced workers when possible will be crucial to minimizing wait times at polling sites, and in turn decreasing exposure.
After that primary election, I inquired about testing to see if my day working the polls had resulted in an infection. Travis County Elections informed me they wouldn’t be able to provide help in getting access to testing, something I had hoped to do before visiting my parents the following week. At the time, Texans across the state were reporting extremely long wait times for tests and delays getting results back, so I was nervous. I did manage to find a testing location, where I was lectured by the nurse about the exposure risks of pole dancing. Apparently, I needed to be more specific than “poll working” — a role that also warrants a conversation about exposure risks.
Benton Graham is a freelance writer and graduate student at the University of Texas at Austin studying journalism.


vox--2020-09-01--A new poll shows rank-and-file Democrats finally realize the Supreme Court is important

There ’ s a widespread perception — shared by both Democrats and Republicans — that GOP voters are far more motivated by a desire to control the judiciary than Democrats .
It ’ s the reason why Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell claimed , somewhat hyperbolically , in a 2019 address to the Federalist Society that “ the single biggest issue that brought nine out of 10 Republican voters home to Donald Trump ... was the Supreme Court.
” It ’ s also the reason President Trump bragged , falsely , that he ’ s appointed “ more than 300 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Republican National Convention ( in reality , the number is closer to 200 ) , while Democrats barely mentioned the courts at all at their convention the previous week .
But a recent poll by the Pew Research Center suggests that this perception that judicial politics favor Republicans is outdated .
Pew asked Democratic and Republican voters which issues are “ very important ” to their vote in the 2020 presidential election .
In their poll , 66 percent of Democrats and only 61 percent of Republicans named “ Supreme Court appointments.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Pew taken in the summer before the 2016 election found that Trump supporters were 8 points more likely to view Supreme Court appointments as “ very important , ” as compared to Clinton voters .
Democrats ’ new interest in the judiciary feels a lot like latching the barn after the horse has escaped .
In 2016 , Justice Antonin Scalia ’ s death gave Democrats their first opportunity to build a Supreme Court with a liberal majority since President Richard Nixon appointed four justices and began that Court ’ s decades-long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans , led by McConnell , held Scalia ’ s vacant seat open for more than a year until Trump could fill it with Justice Neil Gorsuch in 2017 .
Then , in 2018 , the relatively moderate conservative Justice Anthony Kennedy retired , and he was replaced by a hard-line conservative , Justice Brett Kavanaugh .
There are many reasons why Democrats missed their chance to reshape the Court in 2016 .
The biggest one is Senate malapportionment .
In 2016 , when Republicans blocked Obama Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people than their Republican counterparts .
Republicans owed their majority to the fact that small red states like Wyoming receive exactly as many senators as large blue states like California — even though California has 68 times as many people as Wyoming .
But Democrats do bear some responsibility for the GOP ’ s dominance of the Supreme Court .
In the 2014 midterms , turnout was just 36.3 percent — the lowest level of voter turnout in 72 years .
Republicans picked up nine Senate seats in that election , and with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off the Supreme Court .
As my colleague Ezra Klein wrote shortly after Kennedy ’ s retirement , “ I remember covering the 2014 election , and the narrative was that it just didn ’ t matter .
Barack Obama had won reelection in 2012 and gotten filibustered on virtually everything he tried.
” But the 2014 election mattered a great deal : “ Turns out the Supreme Court was the point.
” If Democrats had turned out at higher rates in 2014 , Garland could be the swing vote on the Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ range of Trump policies — from the travel ban to the asylum ban — would likely be off the table .
Even more importantly , we would not have a Supreme Court that is often actively hostile to the right to vote .
But the new Pew poll suggests that Democrats are beginning to wake up to the fact that a Republican judiciary is an existential threat to much of the Democratic Party ’ s agenda , and , as a result , they are beginning to prioritize it .
Help keep Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

There’s a widespread perception — shared by both Democrats and Republicans — that GOP voters are far more motivated by a desire to control the judiciary than Democrats. It’s the reason why Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell claimed, somewhat hyperbolically, in a 2019 address to the Federalist Society that “the single biggest issue that brought nine out of 10 Republican voters home to Donald Trump ... was the Supreme Court.”
It’s also the reason President Trump bragged, falsely, that he’s appointed “more than 300 federal judges” in his speech at the Republican National Convention (in reality, the number is closer to 200), while Democrats barely mentioned the courts at all at their convention the previous week.
But a recent poll by the Pew Research Center suggests that this perception that judicial politics favor Republicans is outdated. Pew asked Democratic and Republican voters which issues are “very important” to their vote in the 2020 presidential election. In their poll, 66 percent of Democrats and only 61 percent of Republicans named “Supreme Court appointments.”
By comparison, a similar poll from Pew taken in the summer before the 2016 election found that Trump supporters were 8 points more likely to view Supreme Court appointments as “very important,” as compared to Clinton voters.
Democrats’ new interest in the judiciary feels a lot like latching the barn after the horse has escaped. In 2016, Justice Antonin Scalia’s death gave Democrats their first opportunity to build a Supreme Court with a liberal majority since President Richard Nixon appointed four justices and began that Court’s decades-long march to the right.
But Senate Republicans, led by McConnell, held Scalia’s vacant seat open for more than a year until Trump could fill it with Justice Neil Gorsuch in 2017. Then, in 2018, the relatively moderate conservative Justice Anthony Kennedy retired, and he was replaced by a hard-line conservative, Justice Brett Kavanaugh.
There are many reasons why Democrats missed their chance to reshape the Court in 2016. The biggest one is Senate malapportionment. In 2016, when Republicans blocked Obama Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland, Democratic senators represented about 20 million more people than their Republican counterparts. Republicans owed their majority to the fact that small red states like Wyoming receive exactly as many senators as large blue states like California — even though California has 68 times as many people as Wyoming.
But Democrats do bear some responsibility for the GOP’s dominance of the Supreme Court. In the 2014 midterms, turnout was just 36.3 percent — the lowest level of voter turnout in 72 years. Republicans picked up nine Senate seats in that election, and with them, the power to keep Garland off the Supreme Court.
As my colleague Ezra Klein wrote shortly after Kennedy’s retirement, “I remember covering the 2014 election, and the narrative was that it just didn’t matter. Barack Obama had won reelection in 2012 and gotten filibustered on virtually everything he tried.” But the 2014 election mattered a great deal: “Turns out the Supreme Court was the point.”
If Democrats had turned out at higher rates in 2014, Garland could be the swing vote on the Supreme Court right now, and a wide range of Trump policies — from the travel ban to the asylum ban — would likely be off the table. Even more importantly, we would not have a Supreme Court that is often actively hostile to the right to vote.
But the new Pew poll suggests that Democrats are beginning to wake up to the fact that a Republican judiciary is an existential threat to much of the Democratic Party’s agenda, and, as a result, they are beginning to prioritize it.


vox--2020-09-01--Walmart+ will finally launch in September. Can it compete with Amazon Prime?

Walmart ’ s much-anticipated membership program , Walmart+ , will finally launch nationwide September 15 , the company announced Tuesday , about six months after the Covid-19 pandemic pushed the retailer to delay its original timing .
The brick-and-mortar retail giant needs the program to be successful in order to stop top-spending customers from fleeing to Amazon Prime .
Walmart+ will cost $ 98 a year , or $ 12.95 a month , and focus mainly on unlimited delivery of groceries and other general merchandise from Walmart stores that will be delivered as soon as the same day they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Walmart gas stations and those of partners , as well as access to “ Scan & Go ” technology , which allows shoppers to use smartphones to scan goods at Walmart stores .
The company says it will add more perks in the future .
Recode previously reported these may include a branded credit card , early availability on product deals , and potentially , access to a popular streaming video service .
Walmart wants the membership program to be “ the ultimate life hack ” for customers , Walmart Chief Customer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview on Monday , arguing that its perks will save customers both time and money .
At the same time , Walmart+ will undoubtedly attract comparisons to Amazon ’ s Prime program , the ultra popular delivery and entertainment membership program that boasts more than 150 million members worldwide and has developed into a retail industry wrecking ball since its launch in 2005 .
Amazon Prime includes express delivery of millions of products ( including groceries ) , video streaming of a large library of TV shows and movies , music streaming , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 119 a year , and Prime customers spend more and shop more frequently than non-Prime members .
And , most importantly for Walmart , more than half of Walmart ’ s top-spending families are now Prime members , as Recode previously reported .
Which begs the question : Will they really subscribe to both membership programs ?
When asked about comparisons to Prime , Whiteside told Recode that “ we didn ’ t necessarily launch Walmart+ to compete with anything else.
” And that answer makes sense ; the head-to-head comparison between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Walmart when considering online customers who value the widest selection of goods or the longest list of perks .
In addition to the unlimited delivery perk — which is basically just a rebrand of Walmart ’ s existing Delivery Unlimited membership — Walmart+ only features two other benefits at launch .
One is fuel discounts of up to 5 cents per gallon at Walmart , Murphy USA , and Murphy Express gas stations ( Sam ’ s Club gas stations are slated to be included soon ) .
The other perk is access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Go ” technology for in-store shopping , which allows shoppers to scan items with their phone , scan their phone at a self-checkout kiosk , and walk out of the store without stopping to pay .
Walmart briefly tested , but discontinued the tool , two years ago .
Walmart ’ s bet is that the mix of online , in-store , and on-the-go perks , like fuel discounts , will carry unique appeal .
Whiteside said that “ deepening a relationship further will mean we will get an even greater share of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some Walmart shoppers will also value the $ 21 difference between the annual fee of Walmart+ and Amazon Prime .
Amazon has made moves in recent years for Prime to appeal to households with less disposable income that historically have favored shopping at Walmart .
Amazon added a monthly payment option for Prime fees in 2016 , a 45 percent Prime fee discount for those on government assistance in 2017 , and most recently , ways for Prime customers to pay for orders with cash .
By early 2017 , Amazon Prime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for households making less than $ 50,000 a year , according to a study by Robert W. Baird & Co .
The success of Walmart+ will likely hinge on how many customers are attracted to the core grocery delivery component of it .
While Walmart ’ s overall grocery business is larger than Amazon ’ s and its prices are often cheaper , one fear is that top Walmart customers could eventually turn to Amazon for groceries as they get sucked further into the Prime suite of perks .
Sources previously told Recode @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Walmart families that subscribe to Amazon Prime will still be attracted to Walmart+ because its fresh grocery prices are often lower than those Amazon offers .
In the past , some Walmart executives have opposed a paid membership program , seeing Walmart ’ s competitive advantage as giving shoppers everyday low prices without the need to splurge on a membership fee .
Whiteside promised that the low prices will remain even for those who don ’ t splurge for the bonus services .
“ In no way does this membership program take anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choose to , or can ’ t afford to , engage with this , ” he said .
On the company ’ s earnings call earlier this month , CEO Doug McMillon stressed the flexibility of Walmart ’ s customer offerings .
“ We ’ re going to have multiple ways to serve them , and those families will decide in that moment how they want to shop , ” McMillon said .
“ And sometimes they ’ ll be in the store , and sometimes they ’ ll do pickup , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and many of them will buy a membership , and when they do they ’ ll get benefits from that.
” Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Walmart’s much-anticipated membership program, Walmart+, will finally launch nationwide September 15, the company announced Tuesday, about six months after the Covid-19 pandemic pushed the retailer to delay its original timing. The brick-and-mortar retail giant needs the program to be successful in order to stop top-spending customers from fleeing to Amazon Prime.
Walmart+ will cost $98 a year, or $12.95 a month, and focus mainly on unlimited delivery of groceries and other general merchandise from Walmart stores that, for orders more than $35, will be delivered as soon as the same day. Members also get fuel discounts at Walmart gas stations and those of partners, as well as access to “Scan & Go” technology, which allows shoppers to use smartphones to scan goods at Walmart stores. The company says it will add more perks in the future. Recode previously reported these may include a branded credit card, early availability on product deals, and, potentially, access to a popular streaming video service.
Walmart wants the membership program to be “the ultimate life hack” for customers, Walmart Chief Customer Officer Janey Whiteside told Recode in an interview on Monday, arguing that its perks will save customers both time and money.
At the same time, Walmart+ will undoubtedly attract comparisons to Amazon’s Prime program, the ultra-popular delivery and entertainment membership program that boasts more than 150 million members worldwide and has developed into a retail industry wrecking ball since its launch in 2005. Amazon Prime includes express delivery of millions of products (including groceries), video streaming of a large library of TV shows and movies, music streaming, and other perks. It now costs $119 a year, and Prime customers spend more and shop more frequently than non-Prime members.
And, most importantly for Walmart, more than half of Walmart’s top-spending families are now Prime members, as Recode previously reported. Which leads to the question: Will they really subscribe to both membership programs?
When asked about comparisons to Prime, Whiteside told Recode that “we didn’t necessarily launch Walmart+ to compete with anything else.” And that answer makes sense; the head-to-head comparison between the services does not look great for Walmart when considering online customers who value the widest selection of goods or the longest list of perks.
In addition to the unlimited delivery perk — which is basically just a rebrand of Walmart’s existing Delivery Unlimited membership — Walmart+ only features two other benefits at launch. One is fuel discounts of up to 5 cents per gallon at Walmart, Murphy USA, and Murphy Express gas stations (Sam’s Club gas stations are slated to be included soon). The other perk is access to Walmart’s Scan & Go technology for in-store shopping, which allows shoppers to scan items with their phone, scan their phone at a self-checkout kiosk, and walk out of the store without stopping to pay. Walmart briefly tested but discontinued the tool two years ago. Walmart’s bet is that the mix of online, in-store, and on-the-go perks, like fuel discounts, will carry unique appeal. Whiteside said that “deepening a relationship further will mean we will get an even greater share of wallet from those customers.” Of course, some Walmart shoppers will also value the $21 difference between the annual fee of Walmart+ and Amazon Prime.
Amazon has made moves in recent years for Prime to appeal to households with less disposable income that historically have favored shopping at Walmart. Amazon added a monthly payment option for Prime fees in 2016, a 45 percent Prime fee discount for those on government assistance in 2017, and, most recently, ways for Prime customers to pay for orders with cash. By early 2017, Amazon Prime membership growth was strongest in the US for households making less than $50,000 a year, according to a study by Robert W. Baird & Co.
The success of Walmart+ will likely hinge on how many customers are attracted to the core grocery delivery component of it. While Walmart’s overall grocery business is larger than Amazon’s and its prices are often cheaper, one fear is that top Walmart customers could eventually turn to Amazon for groceries as they get sucked further into the Prime suite of perks. Sources previously told Recode that some Walmart execs believe that top-spending Walmart families that subscribe to Amazon Prime will still be attracted to Walmart+ because its fresh grocery prices are often lower than those Amazon offers.
In the past, some Walmart executives have opposed a paid membership program, seeing Walmart’s competitive advantage as giving shoppers everyday low prices without the need to pay a membership fee. Whiteside promised that the low prices will remain even for those who don’t splurge for the bonus services.
“In no way does this membership program take anything away from customers who don’t choose to, or can’t afford to, engage with this,” she said.
On the company’s earnings call earlier this month, CEO Doug McMillon stressed the flexibility of Walmart’s customer offerings.
“We’re going to have multiple ways to serve them, and those families will decide in that moment how they want to shop,” McMillon said. “And sometimes they’ll be in the store, and sometimes they’ll do pickup, and sometimes they’ll do delivery, and many of them will buy a membership, and when they do they’ll get benefits from that.”


vox--2020-09-01--Ed Markey wins his Senate primary — fending off a challenge from Joe Kennedy

Sen. Ed Markey ( D-MA ) has won his primary , successfully holding off a challenge from Rep. Joe Kennedy , a scion of the famous Massachusetts political family .
Markey , a longtime US lawmaker , is known for being a stalwart champion of environmental policy including cosponsoring the Green New Deal , as well as landmark House legislation on cap and trade 11 years ago .
There had been a limited ideological case for Kennedy ’ s run since the two lawmakers both identify as progressives , and Markey leaned heavily into his legislative work on both climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A robust digital presence bolstered by his social media team and some of his younger supporters on TikTok and Twitter also played a role in rebranding him as an accessible policymaker , despite his age .
( Markey is 74 . )
The race between the two men was competitive , though Markey ended up leading in surveys taken the week ahead of the election , perhaps buoyed by endorsements from progressives including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Elizabeth Warren , as well as the Sunrise Movement .
Markey has said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress to keep fighting for the Green New Deal and ambitious proposals that address climate change .
“ We ’ ve got to absolutely crush Trump in November , but if we ’ re going to end this era of chaos , that won ’ t be enough .
We got ta make sure President Biden signs the Green New Deal .
We can ’ t wait , ” he ’ s said in a campaign ad .
The primary challenge marks the first time a member of the Kennedy family has lost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and has pushed Markey to reintroduce himself to constituents in a place where he hadn ’ t previously been viewed as a high-profile lawmaker .
“ It ’ s been a weird campaign and I think it ’ s surprised not just the candidates themselves , but everyone in the state , ” Tatishe Nteta , a political science professor at University Massachusetts Amherst , previously told Vox .
With this primary win , Markey has raised awareness of what he stands for , and set up high expectations for what his leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA) has won his primary, successfully holding off a challenge from Rep. Joe Kennedy, a scion of the famous Massachusetts political family.
Markey, a longtime US lawmaker, is known for being a stalwart champion of environmental policy including cosponsoring the Green New Deal, as well as landmark House legislation on cap and trade 11 years ago.
There had been a limited ideological case for Kennedy’s run since the two lawmakers both identify as progressives, and Markey leaned heavily into his legislative work on both climate and tech to carve out an advantage. A robust digital presence bolstered by his social media team and some of his younger supporters on TikTok and Twitter also played a role in rebranding him as an accessible policymaker, despite his age. (Markey is 74.)
The race between the two men was competitive, though Markey ended up leading in surveys taken the week ahead of the election, perhaps buoyed by endorsements from progressives including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, as well as the Sunrise Movement.
Markey has said he’s eager to continue serving in Congress to keep fighting for the Green New Deal and ambitious proposals that address climate change. “We’ve got to absolutely crush Trump in November, but if we’re going to end this era of chaos, that won’t be enough. We gotta make sure President Biden signs the Green New Deal. We can’t wait,” he has said in a campaign ad.
The primary challenge marks the first time a member of the Kennedy family has lost a state-level political race in Massachusetts and has pushed Markey to reintroduce himself to constituents in a place where he hadn’t previously been viewed as a high-profile lawmaker.
“It’s been a weird campaign and I think it’s surprised not just the candidates themselves, but everyone in the state,” Tatishe Nteta, a political science professor at University Massachusetts Amherst, previously told Vox.
With this primary win, Markey has raised awareness of what he stands for and set up high expectations for what his leadership will bring in the next term.


vox--2020-09-01--Richard Neal, one of the most powerful Democrats in Congress, fends off primary challenge

Rep. Richard Neal ( D-MA ) has fended off a high-profile primary challenge in Massachusetts .
Neal , who chairs the House Ways and Means Committee and represents Massachusetts ’ First Congressional District , faced a tight race with Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse heading into Massachusetts ’ primary on Tuesday .
Morse , who is gay , was backed by Justice Democrats , the progressive group that recruits and supports progressive candidates to primary incumbents .
He hoped to follow in the footsteps of figures such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Jamaal Bowman in New York and Cori Bush in Missouri @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress .
Ultimately , Neal , who was endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-CA ) and Massachusetts ’ Republican Gov .
Charlie Baker and had much of the Democratic establishment behind him , held out .
The 71-year-old Neal has been in Congress since 1989 and has one of the most powerful positions in Congress — should he choose to use it .
The Ways and Means Committee he heads is the House ’ s main tax-writing committee and has jurisdiction over taxes and other revenue-raising measures .
The committee and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has the ability to try to go after President Donald Trump ’ s tax returns , and critics have accused the Congress member of moving too slowly .
Neal ’ s office has said he has moved prudently in order to improve Democrats ’ chances of success in the courts .
According to the Washington Post , at one debate between the pair , Morse accused Neal of prioritizing working with the Trump administration over holding them accountable .
Neal insisted he was really focused on just using the best approach .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reverberate throughout American history .
I am not going to screw this case up , ” he said .
Neal has also been criticized for his reticence around Medicare-for-all and has been accused of being too cozy with the health care industry .
In 2019 , he tanked a bill seeking to clamp down on surprise medical billing that had received bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate .
Morse tried to paint Neal as a figure too entrenched in Washington politics and influenced by special interests .
In an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pointed to Neal ’ s support for legislation that would bar the IRS from building an online tax filing system , a bill supported by TurboTax maker Intuit and H & R Block .
“ There ’ s a narrative of Congressman Neal having so much power and influence … he ’ s used that power and influence for corporate influence and wealthy donors , ” he said at the time .
Neal defended his record as an institutionalist who knows how to navigate the system .
This year , he was one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Relief , and Economic Security Act , or the CARES Act , the $ 2.2 trillion stimulus bill the president signed in March .
“ The great things that have happened in American history have come from legislation , ” he said while speaking at an event in Stockbridge , Massachusetts , in July , according to the Berkshire Eagle .
“ That ’ s where the power of the idea plays out.
” The primary between Neal and Morse garnered quite a bit of national attention — and also had some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most covered moments of the race came in August , after the College Democrats of Massachusetts put out a letter alleging Morse , 31 , had used “ his position of power for romantic or sexual gain ” and had inappropriate contacts with students on multiple occasions in his time as a university lecturer .
Morse issued a statement denying he had ever had a nonconsensual encounter with anyone or used his position of power to try to manipulate anyone for romantic or sexual ends .
He acknowledged he had consensual relationships with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at local universities I ’ ve met using dating apps.
” The accusations caused ripples , and progressive group the Sunrise Movement temporarily paused campaigning for Morse .
However , the allegations were later revealed by the Intercept to be part of a plot to try to manufacture and leak accusations of inappropriate behavior by Morse .
Morse was elected mayor of Holyoke in 2011 at the age of 22 , becoming the city ’ s youngest and first openly gay mayor .
He is also single , and as Jeremy Peters outlined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incident is likely only the beginning or the types of attacks LGBTQ politicians will face “ as more people who are open about their sexual orientation and gender identity run for office.
” “ The expectation shouldn ’ t be that we have to be in monogamous , heteronormative relationships before we enter public life , ” Morse told Peters .
Beyond the story around the Morse allegations , the contest between Neal and Morse garnered national attention for other reasons as well .
It was another iteration of the establishment incumbent versus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve seen since Ocasio-Cortez , who backed Morse , defeated Joe Crowley in 2018 .
“ This is definitely a national race in lots of ways , ” Massachusetts state Rep. Aaron Vega told the Daily Hampshire Gazette ahead of the election .
“ What does progressiveness mean and what does incumbency and power bring to the table ?
” In 2020 , Massachusetts ’ First District chose incumbency and power that Democrats hope Neal will wield .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from as little as $ 3 .

Rep. Richard Neal (D-MA) has fended off a high-profile primary challenge in Massachusetts.
Neal, who chairs the House Ways and Means Committee and represents Massachusetts’ First Congressional District, faced a tight race with Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse heading into Massachusetts’ primary on Tuesday. Morse, who is gay, was backed by Justice Democrats, the progressive group that recruits and supports progressive candidates to primary incumbents. He hoped to follow in the footsteps of figures such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Jamaal Bowman in New York and Cori Bush in Missouri in unseating an entrenched Democratic member of Congress.
Ultimately, Neal, who was endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Massachusetts’ Republican Gov. Charlie Baker and had much of the Democratic establishment behind him, held out.
The 71-year-old Neal has been in Congress since 1989 and has one of the most powerful positions in Congress — should he choose to use it. The Ways and Means Committee he heads is the House’s main tax-writing committee and has jurisdiction over taxes and other revenue-raising measures. The committee and, more specifically, Neal, also has the ability to try to go after President Donald Trump’s tax returns, and critics have accused the Congress member of moving too slowly. Neal’s office has said he has moved prudently in order to improve Democrats’ chances of success in the courts.
According to the Washington Post, at one debate between the pair, Morse accused Neal of prioritizing working with the Trump administration over holding them accountable. Neal insisted he was really focused on just using the best approach. “This is a case that is going to reverberate throughout American history. I am not going to screw this case up,” he said.
Neal has also been criticized for his reticence around Medicare-for-all and has been accused of being too cozy with the health care industry. In 2019, he tanked a bill seeking to clamp down on surprise medical billing that had received bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate.
Morse tried to paint Neal as a figure too entrenched in Washington politics and influenced by special interests. In an interview with Vox last year, he pointed to Neal’s support for legislation that would bar the IRS from building an online tax filing system, a bill supported by TurboTax maker Intuit and H&R Block. “There’s a narrative of Congressman Neal having so much power and influence … he’s used that power and influence for corporate influence and wealthy donors,” he said at the time.
Neal defended his record as an institutionalist who knows how to navigate the system. This year, he was one of the drafters of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, or the CARES Act, the $2.2 trillion stimulus bill the president signed in March. “The great things that have happened in American history have come from legislation,” he said while speaking at an event in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in July, according to the Berkshire Eagle. “That’s where the power of the idea plays out.”
Neal vs. Morse garnered a lot of national attention
The primary between Neal and Morse garnered quite a bit of national attention — and also had some twists and turns.
One of the most covered moments of the race came in August, after the College Democrats of Massachusetts put out a letter alleging Morse, 31, had used “his position of power for romantic or sexual gain” and had inappropriate contacts with students on multiple occasions in his time as a university lecturer.
Morse issued a statement denying he had ever had a nonconsensual encounter with anyone or used his position of power to try to manipulate anyone for romantic or sexual ends. He acknowledged he had consensual relationships with other men, “including students enrolled at local universities I’ve met using dating apps.” The accusations caused ripples, and progressive group the Sunrise Movement temporarily paused campaigning for Morse.
However, the allegations were later revealed by the Intercept to be part of a plot to try to manufacture and leak accusations of inappropriate behavior by Morse.
Morse was elected mayor of Holyoke in 2011 at the age of 22, becoming the city’s youngest and first openly gay mayor. He is also single, and as Jeremy Peters outlined at the New York Times, this incident is likely only the beginning of the types of attacks LGBTQ politicians will face “as more people who are open about their sexual orientation and gender identity run for office.”
“The expectation shouldn’t be that we have to be in monogamous, heteronormative relationships before we enter public life,” Morse told Peters.
Beyond the story around the Morse allegations, the contest between Neal and Morse garnered national attention for other reasons as well. It was another iteration of the establishment incumbent versus young, progressive up-and-comer story we’ve seen since Ocasio-Cortez, who backed Morse, defeated Joe Crowley in 2018.
“This is definitely a national race in lots of ways,” Massachusetts state Rep. Aaron Vega told the Daily Hampshire Gazette ahead of the election. “What does progressiveness mean and what does incumbency and power bring to the table?”
In 2020, Massachusetts’ First District chose incumbency and power that Democrats hope Neal will wield.


vox--2020-09-01--How college activists are trying to win the youth vote remotely

The coronavirus pandemic has shuttered thousands of colleges and universities around the US , creating new challenges for young voters both in registering to vote and in accessing polling places .
In response , student activists are working to employ new strategies for enfranchising first-time voters — and ensuring they actually vote .
Finding ways to increase the youth vote has long been a challenge .
The US has one of the lowest youth voter turnout rates in the world , with voters 60 and over nearly three times as likely to turn out to vote as 18- to 29-year-olds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Study of Electoral Systems .
But a new study from the Knight Foundation suggests the youth turnout may be higher in 2020 — the foundation found more than 70 percent of college students plan to vote in November .
Across the US , voting rights activists hope to ensure those plans become reality , and that barriers that have led to low voting numbers in the past — for instance , confusion over how to register to vote — do not depress turnout this year .
Traditionally , colleges and universities have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but with so many institutions providing fall instruction remotely , that will not be the case this year .
“ In many ways , it ’ s changed completely in that we can ’ t canvass anymore , we can ’ t go knock on doors , almost everything we ’ re going to be doing is virtual , ” said president of Penn Democrats and rising University of Pennsylvania senior Owen Voutsinas-Klose .
“ We ’ re going to need to figure out a way to get to reach people if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reach their fellow students , Voutsinas-Klose and other student activists hope to educate their peers differently this year , leveraging technology and their networks to ensure college students still have access to the polls — even if they aren ’ t physically on campus .
How student activists — and their schools — plan to energize youth voters From phone banking to designing guides that describe how to register for absentee ballots , campus organizers are doing everything they can to get their peers to vote this November .
And despite the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voter turnout .
“ One thing that gives me a lot of hope is that we ’ ve been seeing a real uprising of student activists and student leadership in the political and civic engagement kind of area in light of George Floyd ’ s murder and kind of this reckoning with racial injustice in America , ” junior and co-director of the nonpartisan student group Penn Leads the Vote Eva Gonzalez said .
“ I think we ’ ve definitely seen a lot of people wanting to get more engaged , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a part of that.
” With their school now completely remote , Gonzalez and her team have been using a method they call reverse door-knocking to get their fellow University of Pennsylvania students registered — and excited — to vote .
The technique works through leveraging networks : They reach out to student leaders on campus , provide them with information about upcoming elections , and encourage them to pass it on to their respective groups .
While the internet has made this sort of remote voter outreach possible for years , other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ digital organizing — particularly when student bodies are spread across numerous states , each with their own voting laws .
And this has led some activists to promote relying on absentee ballots sent back to elections officials in their schools ’ home states over trying to register students in their home jurisdictions .
Rick Hart — a Morehouse College junior who is active in his student government and Democratic nominee Joe Biden ’ s campaign , and who leads his school ’ s chapter of National Action Network , a civil rights organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said he and other activists on campus are advocating for mail-in ballots , given Morehouse classes are completely remote this fall .
“ We ’ re going to have to rely on sending our ballots back to Georgia , and what worries me is that you ’ ll have the governor of Georgia [ and ] president of the United States who will do everything in their power to prevent that from happening , ” Hart said , referencing President Donald Trump ’ s stated opposition to mail-in voting and Georgia Gov .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bill banning mail ballot requests .
Hart said he hopes these concerns can be overcome via voter education — his groups plan to help students understand how to meet challenges presented by mail-in voting and ballot deadlines through digital information sessions .
And there is some evidence that efforts to allay concerns about mail-in voting may be working ; the Knight Foundation ’ s survey found that the majority of college students — 53 percent — plan to vote by mail in November .
A number of experts are concerned that despite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Knight Foundation — and despite the efforts of activists like Gonzalez and Hart — youth voter turnout will be particularly low in 2020 .
Their concerns are founded in the persistence of barriers that have historically led to low youth turnout , as well as new barriers that have arisen due to the pandemic .
And while activists like Gonzalez are optimistic about the energy recent protests have inspired among young adults , some researchers believe a recent uptick in political activism will not translate to more youth voter engagement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s important , that they should be talking about it and knowing about it , but that doesn ’ t necessarily translate into action .
In fact , it might replace action , ” Eitan Hersh , a Tufts associate professor of political science and author of the book Politics Is for Power , said .
Some of this pessimism comes from the fact that increased participation in movements has not traditionally led to greater participation in the electoral process .
University of Virginia politics professor and author of Making Young Voters John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change as an example of this phenomenon .
The youth-led climate change movement has built up momentum — particularly over the past decade — but youth voter turnout , even in elections featuring candidates who focus on the issue , has remained low .
Even without taking the pandemic into account , Holbein said , “ I ’ m really worried that many of the structural barriers that have stopped young people from voting for decades are still in place , and if not more prevalent in an election where the voting rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uncertain , where the president is tweeting about moving the election.
” Those barriers include access to polling sites , inflexible work and schooling schedules , and restrictive policies like voter ID laws .
And while most states have expanded access to mail-in ballots , the process for getting them can be opaque — particularly for first-time voters .
Activists remain cognizant of these barriers , but nevertheless are hopeful about voter turnout among their peers due to increased political engagement since the start of the pandemic — and due to general youth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I really think that we ’ re at an inflection point in this country in terms of what is on the ballot .
This is a matter of life and death , ” Hart said .
“ You have to vote in this election.
” Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work , and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
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The coronavirus pandemic has shuttered thousands of colleges and universities around the US, creating new challenges for young voters both in registering to vote and in accessing polling places. In response, student activists are working to employ new strategies for enfranchising first-time voters — and ensuring they actually vote.
Finding ways to increase the youth vote has long been a challenge. The US has one of the lowest youth voter turnout rates in the world, with voters 60 and over nearly three times as likely to turn out to vote as 18- to 29-year-olds, according to data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. But a new study from the Knight Foundation suggests the youth turnout may be higher in 2020 — the foundation found more than 70 percent of college students plan to vote in November.
Across the US, voting rights activists hope to ensure those plans become reality, and that barriers that have led to low voting numbers in the past — for instance, confusion over how to register to vote — do not depress turnout this year. Traditionally, colleges and universities have been useful avenues for voter education and empowerment, but with so many institutions providing fall instruction remotely, that will not be the case this year.
“In many ways, it’s changed completely in that we can’t canvass anymore, we can’t go knock on doors, almost everything we’re going to be doing is virtual,” said president of Penn Democrats and rising University of Pennsylvania senior Owen Voutsinas-Klose. “We’re going to need to figure out a way to get to reach people if everybody is indoors.”
In order to reach their fellow students, Voutsinas-Klose and other student activists hope to educate their peers differently this year, leveraging technology and their networks to ensure college students still have access to the polls — even if they aren’t physically on campus.
How student activists — and their schools — plan to energize youth voters
From phone banking to designing guides that describe how to register for absentee ballots, campus organizers are doing everything they can to get their peers to vote this November. And despite the pandemic, many of them remain optimistic about voter turnout.
“One thing that gives me a lot of hope is that we’ve been seeing a real uprising of student activists and student leadership in the political and civic engagement kind of area in light of George Floyd’s murder and kind of this reckoning with racial injustice in America,” junior and co-director of the nonpartisan student group Penn Leads the Vote Eva Gonzalez said. “I think we’ve definitely seen a lot of people wanting to get more engaged, and, you know, obviously voting is a part of that.”
With their school now completely remote, Gonzalez and her team have been using a method they call reverse door-knocking to get their fellow University of Pennsylvania students registered — and excited — to vote. The technique works through leveraging networks: They reach out to student leaders on campus, provide them with information about upcoming elections, and encourage them to pass it on to their respective groups.
While the internet has made this sort of remote voter outreach possible for years, other student activists note there are limitations to digital organizing — particularly when student bodies are spread across numerous states, each with their own voting laws. And this has led some activists to promote relying on absentee ballots sent back to elections officials in their schools’ home states over trying to register students in their home jurisdictions.
Rick Hart — a Morehouse College junior who is active in his student government and Democratic nominee Joe Biden’s campaign, and who leads his school’s chapter of National Action Network, a civil rights organization founded by Rev. Al Sharpton — said he and other activists on campus are advocating for mail-in ballots, given Morehouse classes are completely remote this fall.
“We’re going to have to rely on sending our ballots back to Georgia, and what worries me is that you’ll have the governor of Georgia [and] president of the United States who will do everything in their power to prevent that from happening,” Hart said, referencing President Donald Trump’s stated opposition to mail-in voting and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp’s efforts to pass a bill banning mail ballot requests.
Hart said he hopes these concerns can be overcome via voter education — his groups plan to help students understand how to meet challenges presented by mail-in voting and ballot deadlines through digital information sessions.
And there is some evidence that efforts to allay concerns about mail-in voting may be working; the Knight Foundation’s survey found that the majority of college students — 53 percent — plan to vote by mail in November.
Experts fear a gap between youth enthusiasm and voting
A number of experts are concerned that despite early signs of enthusiasm like those found by the Knight Foundation — and despite the efforts of activists like Gonzalez and Hart — youth voter turnout will be particularly low in 2020. Their concerns are founded in the persistence of barriers that have historically led to low youth turnout, as well as new barriers that have arisen due to the pandemic. And while activists like Gonzalez are optimistic about the energy recent protests have inspired among young adults, some researchers believe a recent uptick in political activism will not translate to more youth voter engagement.
“They’ll know it’s important, that they should be talking about it and knowing about it, but that doesn’t necessarily translate into action. In fact, it might replace action,” Eitan Hersh, a Tufts associate professor of political science and author of the book Politics Is for Power, said.
Some of this pessimism comes from the fact that increased participation in movements has not traditionally led to greater participation in the electoral process.
University of Virginia politics professor and author of Making Young Voters John Holbein pointed to the issue of climate change as an example of this phenomenon. The youth-led climate change movement has built up momentum — particularly over the past decade — but youth voter turnout, even in elections featuring candidates who focus on the issue, has remained low.
Even without taking the pandemic into account, Holbein said, “I’m really worried that many of the structural barriers that have stopped young people from voting for decades are still in place, and if not more prevalent in an election where the voting rules are uncertain, where the election is uncertain, where the president is tweeting about moving the election.”
Those barriers include access to polling sites, inflexible work and schooling schedules, and restrictive policies like voter ID laws. And while most states have expanded access to mail-in ballots, the process for getting them can be opaque — particularly for first-time voters.
Activists remain cognizant of these barriers, but nevertheless are hopeful about voter turnout among their peers due to increased political engagement since the start of the pandemic — and due to general youth enthusiasm about voting this year.
“I really think that we’re at an inflection point in this country in terms of what is on the ballot. This is a matter of life and death,” Hart said. “You have to vote in this election.”