vox--2020-03-04--The Supreme Court case that could transform abortion in America

Kelley found out she was pregnant in 2014 , her senior year of college .
“ I did not see it coming , ” she said .
“ I thought I was doing everything right.
” When Kelley , who asked that her full name not be used , decided to get an abortion , she didn ’ t face a lot of the obstacles that many Americans encounter when trying to terminate a pregnancy .
While abortion restrictions have shut down clinics across the South and Midwest in the last 10 years , forcing some people to travel hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lived in Connecticut , where abortion remains relatively accessible .
She went to her school ’ s health center , was referred to an abortion clinic , and got a medication abortion .
“ Within 36 hours , about , I was sitting for a final at college , ” she told Vox .
In many ways , she said , the experience was quick and easy .
What wasn ’ t easy was dealing with the stigma .
“ I was so deeply afraid of people thinking I had poor judgment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family members that I did not tell for four years.
” The stigma Kelley felt , even in a state where many hold progressive views on abortion , can be even more intense in places where the procedure is highly restricted .
Heather , who asked to be identified by her first name , got an abortion in Louisiana in 2016 .
“ The way it is down there , it ’ s like you have to have had a crime committed against you for you to even have a footing to say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and even then they won ’ t believe you , ” she told Vox .
The judgment that people can feel after terminating a pregnancy is already a personal problem for many — and thanks to a case before the Supreme Court , it could become a big obstacle to challenging abortion laws .
On Wednesday , the Court will hear oral arguments in June Medical Services v. Russo , a challenge to a Louisiana law requiring that abortion doctors have admitting privileges at a local hospital .
If the Court upholds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remaining clinics in Louisiana could close , and abortion-rights advocates fear that more around the country could follow .
But at the same time , the Court will also consider another issue that advocates on both sides believe is equally consequential : who is allowed to challenge an abortion law in court in the first place .
As with most high-profile abortion cases in recent years , the main plaintiff in June Medical Services v. Russo is an abortion clinic .
But the state of Louisiana , and many anti-abortion groups , argue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be allowed to bring abortion cases to court ; they say only patients themselves should be able to do so .
They argue that abortion clinics don ’ t actually have their patients ’ best interests at heart and shouldn ’ t be allowed to sue in cases that affect them .
If the Court agrees , abortion laws around the country would likely become much harder to challenge because patients like Kelley would have to come forward to challenge them .
That would mean participating in a lengthy court battle , taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finding care for any children they may already have , potentially while still pregnant .
And it would mean testifying in court about something they may not be comfortable even sharing with friends and family : having an unintended pregnancy and seeking to end it .
For patients , “ to think that this is just something you can add to their to-do list in such a deep and raw moment in their lives is willfully being ignorant about the emotional gravity of choosing to end a pregnancy , ” Kelley said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ could force pregnant people to go to court to challenge abortion laws There are several issues at play in June Medical Services v. Russo .
The one that has received the most attention so far is relatively simple : the question of whether the state of Louisiana has the right to enact an admitting-privileges law , or whether that law violates Americans ’ right to an abortion as set forth in Roe v. Wade and elsewhere .
But on Wednesday , the court will also consider a doctrine called “ third-party standing.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in order to challenge a law in federal court , plaintiffs have to show that the law affects their own “ legal rights and interests.
” Since the right to an abortion belongs to pregnant people seeking the procedure , ordinarily they would have to be the ones to bring suit .
But under the doctrine of third-party standing , a third party can also bring a suit if that party has a close relationship to the people directly affected and if those people might have a hard time bringing a suit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Court has allowed abortion providers to challenge abortion laws under this doctrine .
The argument is that they have a close relationship with their patients , and it ’ s not easy for patients to sue while they are dealing with an unintended pregnancy .
Many of the most famous abortion cases to reach the Supreme Court in the last few decades have been the result of providers challenging state abortion laws .
In Whole Woman ’ s Health v. Hellerstedt , for example , five Texas clinics and three doctors challenged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the one now at issue in Louisiana .
In 2016 , the Court decided in their favor , striking down the Texas law and leading to a slowdown ( though not a halt ) of similar laws around the country .
But now , the state of Louisiana and anti-abortion groups are arguing that doctors and clinics should not be allowed to bring suit on behalf of their patients .
Many abortion opponents argue that providers don ’ t actually have a close relationship with their patients , and that in fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ You have abortion providers challenging a law that protects patients ’ health and safety , and the law specifically is trying to protect patients from incompetence or substandard care from those very abortion providers , ” Denise Harle , senior counsel for the Center for Life at the Alliance Defending Freedom , an anti-abortion group that has filed an amicus brief on behalf of Louisiana state legislators in June Medical Services .
“ Would Ford Motor Company be able to come into court , supposedly on behalf of its consumers , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulations on vehicles ?
” she asked .
But abortion doctors argue that laws requiring doctors to have admitting privileges at hospitals don ’ t actually benefit patient health and safety at all and are merely an attempt to shut abortion clinics down .
They point out that serious complications from abortion are extremely rare , and in the unlikely case that someone does have to go to a hospital , they can be treated there regardless of whether the doctor who performed the original abortion has admitting privileges .
And those privileges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get ; after a law requiring them passed in Texas , more than half the clinics in the state ended up closing .
Meanwhile , many doctors and abortion-rights advocates say it makes sense that providers should be able to challenge abortion laws on behalf of their patients .
“ I do truly believe that patients are experts in their own lives , ” Dr. Colleen McNicholas , chief medical officer of Planned Parenthood of the St. Louis Region and Southwest Missouri , told Vox , “ but those of us who provide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands and thousands of stories , and how each of these regulations can impact , down to the nuanced level , these individual patients ’ lives.
” Getting an abortion in America is hard .
Going to court to demand one could be even harder .
Meanwhile , abortion-rights advocates say that patients seeking abortions are in a uniquely difficult position when it comes to challenging abortion laws in court .
First of all , there are logistical concerns .
The majority of Americans who seek abortions are low-income and already have at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting an abortion difficult , especially in states where clinics are scarce , because they have to pay for transportation and sometimes lodging , as well as arrange care for their children .
A 2014 study of patients at a variety of clinics around the country found that for more than half of them , the cost of an abortion and the travel involved were more than a third of their monthly income .
And suing to challenge an abortion law in court is far more complex and time-consuming than actually getting the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they were personally impacted by the law — meaning they wanted an abortion but could not get one because of the restriction .
And being part of a legal case would be a huge undertaking for many .
Groups like the Center for Reproductive Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union would certainly help , likely offering pro bono representation to patients as they have for providers in the past .
But patients would still have to endure the disruption in their lives that a court case would entail .
McNicholas has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restrictions on the clinic where she works , which is the last remaining abortion clinic in Missouri .
She says that for patients , being a plaintiff would probably involve multiple days of preparation , an interrogation by lawyers for the state seeking to uphold the restriction , hours to review documents with lawyers , and then many more days off of work to be present at a trial .
For the many people seeking abortions in America who live below or near the poverty line , “ that just is not economically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s the time factor .
Someone seeking an abortion would likely have to be willing to go through at least some portion of a legal case while still pregnant , knowing that abortions become more costly and difficult to obtain the later they happen .
It ’ s not clear if the case would be thrown out if the patient was able to obtain an abortion elsewhere — for example , in another state that didn ’ t have those restrictions .
But regardless of the legal specifics , any plaintiff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a legal case , potentially while still trying to find a way to get an abortion .
The stigma of seeking an abortion could keep patients from going to court And then there ’ s the enormous stigma that still attaches to abortion in this country .
For Kelley , it manifested as the feeling that she had lost a version of herself .
“ It felt like mourning , ” she said .
“ I was mourning my old self , my old self who had a lot going for her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of these things that I thought I had simply lost by having an unplanned pregnancy.
” For others , the stigma shows up in other ways .
Heather remembers that the day before she was scheduled to get her abortion , the issue came up in the 2016 presidential debates .
She had to stay away from social media because “ everybody and their mama had an opinion on the shit that I had to go do , ” she said .
She told a few close friends about her abortion , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ until she moved away from Louisiana a few years later .
Her mother , at the time , was posting on Facebook in praise of Louisiana ’ s recently passed six-week ban on abortion ( the ban is not in effect , pending a court challenge ) .
“ I can ’ t sit by and watch you guys be like , ‘ oh , thank you Jesus , you guys are saving so many babies , ’ and not say something about how it ’ s affecting me directly , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parents a text telling them about her abortion .
“ They didn ’ t say anything , ” she said .
“ It was like it never happened.
” Meanwhile , a recent study of people who shared their abortion stories , conducted by the research group Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health ( ANSIRH ) , found that 60 percent experienced harassment or another negative consequence after talking about the procedure , with 48 percent being called offensive names and 14 percent receiving death threats .
“ I have been told several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no matter what , even if your life is at risk , and that I deserved to die for what I had done , and if I had died because I chose to continue my pregnancies , then that would have been God ’ s will , ” one study participant told researchers .
“ I had a friend that I thought was a friend , ” another said .
“ He found out about my story and called me a lot of names .
The thing that upset me most was that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me.
” In response to concerns about stigma , Harle of the Alliance Defending Freedom said that courts often keep parties to a case anonymous , as in trials involving abuse of minors .
Indeed , the plaintiff in Roe v. Wade brought her suit anonymously , under the name Jane Roe .
Her true identity was not widely known for many years , Mary Ziegler , a law professor at Florida State University who studies the history of the abortion debate , told Vox .
But that was in 1973 .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the internet and social media than they probably would have ” at that time , Ziegler said .
“ I ’ d be more worried about it now in terms of keeping people ’ s identities confidential than I would have been at the time.
” And even if anonymity is maintained , the patient would still have to testify in court — and answer questions from opposing lawyers — about something that many people are afraid to disclose even to their families .
“ Why do we expect this out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment in their lives ?
” Kelley asks .
“ It ’ s mind-boggling.
” The logistical barriers and fear of stigma could stop people from coming forward to challenge abortion laws .
In general , “ it ’ s hard to know exactly how onerous it would be to bring these suits , just because it would be so different from what it ’ s been for decades , ” Ziegler said .
But getting rid of third-party standing would likely “ add a layer of difficulty for groups like the ACLU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are willing to challenge these laws , and then to try to do right by them.
” That added difficulty could mean more abortion restrictions stay on the books — even if they are potentially unconstitutional .
In turn , abortion could become harder and harder to access , especially for low-income people in the South and Midwest who already struggle to get the procedure .
No one knows what the Court will decide after it hears oral arguments in June Medical Services this week .
But it ’ s clear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hangs in the balance .
And depending on what the Court decides , more people could have to fight a public battle for what remains , for many , an intensely private decision .
Today , Heather is open about her abortion .
She works as an artist and lives in a blue state where “ I ’ m not worried about my neighbors coming and harassing me , ” she said .
“ I ’ m not trying to be somebody who ’ s up there spreading a message , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of women who aren ’ t in a position where they can speak about their experiences and I am.
” Still , when asked about whether she would go to court to challenge an abortion law , Heather says , “ Even me , I wouldn ’ t be able to do it .
”

Kelley found out she was pregnant in 2014, her senior year of college.
“I did not see it coming,” she said. “I thought I was doing everything right.”
When Kelley, who asked that her full name not be used, decided to get an abortion, she didn’t face a lot of the obstacles that many Americans encounter when trying to terminate a pregnancy. While abortion restrictions have shut down clinics across the South and Midwest in the last 10 years, forcing some people to travel hundreds of miles for the procedure, Kelley lived in Connecticut, where abortion remains relatively accessible.
She went to her school’s health center, was referred to an abortion clinic, and got a medication abortion.
“Within 36 hours, about, I was sitting for a final at college,” she told Vox. In many ways, she said, the experience was quick and easy.
What wasn’t easy was dealing with the stigma. “I was so deeply afraid of people thinking I had poor judgment,” she said. “There were family members that I did not tell for four years.”
The stigma Kelley felt, even in a state where many hold progressive views on abortion, can be even more intense in places where the procedure is highly restricted. Heather, who asked to be identified by her first name, got an abortion in Louisiana in 2016. “The way it is down there, it’s like you have to have had a crime committed against you for you to even have a footing to say that this is something that you need, and even then they won’t believe you,” she told Vox.
The judgment that people can feel after terminating a pregnancy is already a personal problem for many — and thanks to a case before the Supreme Court, it could become a big obstacle to challenging abortion laws. On Wednesday, the Court will hear oral arguments in June Medical Services v. Russo, a challenge to a Louisiana law requiring that abortion doctors have admitting privileges at a local hospital. If the Court upholds the law, two of the three remaining clinics in Louisiana could close, and abortion-rights advocates fear that more around the country could follow. But at the same time, the Court will also consider another issue that advocates on both sides believe is equally consequential: who is allowed to challenge an abortion law in Court in the first place.
As with most high-profile abortion cases in recent years, the main plaintiff in June Medical Services v. Russo is an abortion clinic. But the state of Louisiana, and many anti-abortion groups, argue that clinics and doctors shouldn’t be allowed to bring abortion cases to Court; they say only patients themselves should be able to do so. They argue that abortion clinics don’t actually have their patients’ best interests at heart and shouldn’t be allowed to sue in cases that affect them.
If the Court agrees, abortion laws around the country would likely become much harder to challenge because patients like Kelley would have to come forward to challenge them. That would mean participating in a lengthy court battle, taking time off work or school, and finding care for any children they may already have, potentially while still pregnant. And it would mean testifying in Court about something they may not be comfortable even sharing with friends and family: having an unintended pregnancy and seeking to end it.
For patients, “to think that this is just something you can add to their to-do list in such a deep and raw moment in their lives is willfully being ignorant about the emotional gravity of choosing to end a pregnancy,” Kelley said.
A decision coming from the Supreme Court could force pregnant people to challenge abortion laws in Court
There are several issues at play in June Medical Services v. Russo. The one that has received the most attention so far is relatively simple: the question of whether the state of Louisiana has the right to enact an admitting-privileges law, or whether that law violates Americans’ right to an abortion as set forth in Roe v. Wade and elsewhere.
But on Wednesday, the Court will also consider a doctrine called “third-party standing.” As Vox’s Ian Millhiser explains, in order to challenge a law in federal court, plaintiffs have to show that the law affects their own “legal rights and interests.” Since the right to an abortion belongs to pregnant people seeking the procedure, ordinarily they would have to be the ones to bring suit.
But under the doctrine of third-party standing, a third party can also bring a suit if that party has a close relationship to the people directly affected and if those people might have a hard time bringing a suit on their own.
Since 1976, the Court has allowed abortion providers to challenge abortion laws under this doctrine. The argument is that they have a close relationship with their patients, and it’s not easy for patients to sue while they are dealing with an unintended pregnancy.
Many of the most famous abortion cases to reach the Supreme Court in the last few decades have been the result of providers challenging state abortion laws. In Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, for example, five Texas clinics and three doctors challenged an admitting-privileges law in their state similar to the one now at issue in Louisiana. In 2016, the Court decided in their favor, striking down the Texas law and leading to a slowdown (though not a halt) of similar laws around the country.
But now, the state of Louisiana and anti-abortion groups are arguing that doctors and clinics should not be allowed to bring suit on behalf of their patients.
Many abortion opponents argue that providers don’t actually have a close relationship with their patients, and that, in fact, their interests are in conflict. “You have abortion providers challenging a law that protects patients’ health and safety, and the law specifically is trying to protect patients from incompetence or substandard care from those very abortion providers,” Denise Harle, senior counsel for the Center for Life at the Alliance Defending Freedom, an anti-abortion group that has filed an amicus brief on behalf of Louisiana state legislators in June Medical Services.
“Would Ford Motor Company be able to come into court, supposedly on behalf of its consumers, and challenge a law that requires certain safety regulations on vehicles?” she asked.
But abortion doctors argue that laws requiring doctors to have admitting privileges at hospitals don’t actually benefit patient health and safety at all and are merely an attempt to shut abortion clinics down. They point out that serious complications from abortion are extremely rare, and in the unlikely case that someone does have to go to a hospital, they can be treated there regardless of whether the doctor who performed the original abortion has admitting privileges. And those privileges can be very difficult for doctors to get; after a law requiring them passed in Texas, more than half the clinics in the state ended up closing.
Meanwhile, many doctors and abortion-rights advocates say it makes sense that providers should be able to challenge abortion laws on behalf of their patients. “I do truly believe that patients are experts in their own lives,” Dr. Colleen McNicholas, chief medical officer of Planned Parenthood of the St. Louis Region and Southwest Missouri, told Vox, “but those of us who provide the care have the privilege of knowing thousands and thousands of stories, and how each of these regulations can impact, down to the nuanced level, these individual patients’ lives.”
Getting an abortion in America is hard. Going to Court to demand one could be even harder.
Meanwhile, abortion-rights advocates say that patients seeking abortions are in a uniquely difficult position when it comes to challenging abortion laws in Court. First of all, there are logistical concerns. The majority of Americans who seek abortions are low-income and already have at least one child. That can make getting an abortion difficult, especially in states where clinics are scarce, because they have to pay for transportation and sometimes lodging, as well as arrange care for their children. A 2014 study of patients at a variety of clinics around the country found that for more than half of them, the cost of an abortion and the travel involved were more than a third of their monthly income.
And suing to challenge an abortion law in Court is far more complex and time-consuming than actually getting the procedure. Patients would have to show that they were personally impacted by the law — meaning they wanted an abortion but could not get one because of the restriction. And being part of a legal case would be a huge undertaking for many.
Groups like the Center for Reproductive Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union would certainly help, likely offering pro bono representation to patients as they have for providers in the past. But patients would still have to endure the disruption in their lives that a court case would entail.
McNicholas has been to court countless times to challenge restrictions on the clinic where she works, which is the last remaining abortion clinic in Missouri. She says that for patients, being a plaintiff would probably involve multiple days of preparation, an interrogation by lawyers for the state seeking to uphold the restriction, hours to review documents with lawyers, and then many more days off of work to be present at a trial.
For the many people seeking abortions in America who live below or near the poverty line, “that just is not economically sustainable,” she said.
Then there’s the time factor. Someone seeking an abortion would likely have to be willing to go through at least some portion of a legal case while still pregnant, knowing that abortions become more costly and difficult to obtain the later they happen. It’s not clear if the case would be thrown out if the patient was able to obtain an abortion elsewhere — for example, in another state that didn’t have those restrictions. But regardless of the legal specifics, any plaintiff would be faced with the time commitments of a legal case, potentially while still trying to find a way to get an abortion.
The stigma of seeking an abortion could keep patients from going to Court
And then there’s the enormous stigma that still attaches to abortion in this country. For Kelley, it manifested as the feeling that she had lost a version of herself. “It felt like mourning,” she said. “I was mourning my old self, my old self who had a lot going for her, who was good, and all of these things that I thought I had simply lost by having an unplanned pregnancy.”
For others, the stigma shows up in other ways. Heather remembers that the day before she was scheduled to get her abortion, the issue came up in the 2016 presidential debates. She had to stay away from social media because “everybody and their mama had an opinion on the shit that I had to go do,” she said.
She told a few close friends about her abortion, but she didn’t tell her parents until she moved away from Louisiana a few years later. Her mother, at the time, was posting on Facebook in praise of Louisiana’s recently passed six-week ban on abortion (the ban is not in effect, pending a Court challenge).
“I can’t sit by and watch you guys be like, ‘oh, thank you Jesus, you guys are saving so many babies,’ and not say something about how it’s affecting me directly,” she remembers thinking.
So she sent her parents a text telling them about her abortion. “They didn’t say anything,” she said. “It was like it never happened.”
Meanwhile, a recent study of people who shared their abortion stories, conducted by the research group Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health (ANSIRH), found that 60 percent experienced harassment or another negative consequence after talking about the procedure, with 48 percent being called offensive names and 14 percent receiving death threats.
“I have been told several times online that abortion is wrong, no matter what, even if your life is at risk, and that I deserved to die for what I had done, and if I had died because I chose to continue my pregnancies, then that would have been God’s will,” one study participant told researchers.
“I had a friend that I thought was a friend,” another said. “He found out about my story and called me a lot of names. The thing that upset me most was that he said my mother should have aborted me.”
In response to concerns about stigma, Harle of the Alliance Defending Freedom said that courts often keep parties to a case anonymous, as in trials involving abuse of minors. Indeed, the plaintiff in Roe v. Wade brought her suit anonymously, under the name Jane Roe. Her true identity was not widely known for many years, Mary Ziegler, a law professor at Florida State University who studies the history of the abortion debate, told Vox. But that was in 1973. “People can do a lot more sleuthing with the internet and social media than they probably would have” at that time, Ziegler said. “I’d be more worried about it now in terms of keeping people’s identities confidential than I would have been at the time.”
And even if anonymity is maintained, the patient would still have to testify in court — and answer questions from opposing lawyers — about something that many people are afraid to disclose even to their families.
“Why do we expect this out of people who are in such a raw moment in their lives?” Kelley asks. “It’s mind-boggling.”
The logistical barriers and fear of stigma could stop people from coming forward to challenge abortion laws. In general, “it’s hard to know exactly how onerous it would be to bring these suits, just because it would be so different from what it’s been for decades,” Ziegler said. But getting rid of third-party standing would likely “add a layer of difficulty for groups like the ACLU or Planned Parenthood to basically find people who are willing to challenge these laws, and then to try to do right by them.”
That added difficulty could mean more abortion restrictions stay on the books — even if they are potentially unconstitutional. In turn, abortion could become harder and harder to access, especially for low-income people in the South and Midwest who already struggle to get the procedure.
No one knows what the Court will decide after it hears oral arguments in June Medical Services this week. But it’s clear that the future of abortion law in America hangs in the balance. And depending on what the Court decides, more people could have to fight a public battle for what remains, for many, an intensely private decision.
Today, Heather is open about her abortion. She works as an artist and lives in a blue state where “I’m not worried about my neighbors coming and harassing me,” she said.
“I’m not trying to be somebody who’s up there spreading a message,” she said, but “there’s a lot of women who aren’t in a position where they can speak about their experiences and I am.”
Still, when asked about whether she would go to Court to challenge an abortion law, Heather says, “Even me, I wouldn’t be able to do it.”


vox--2020-03-04--Why is wine still so confusing?

Why is wine still so confusing?

If you ’ ve ever surveyed the walls upon walls of options in a wine store and simply grabbed the nearest $ 15 bottle of rosé , you ’ re not alone .
Many people still find wine cryptic and intimidating .
Humans have been fermenting grapes for thousands of years , but it hasn ’ t gotten any easier to understand .
While some startups have tried to disrupt the industry and make wine more accessible , no one company has broken through .
Shouldn ’ t wine be easier to understand by now ?
Why haven ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that consumers don ’ t feel daunted by wine lists and sommeliers at restaurants or overwhelmed when walking into a cavernous wine shop ?
According to wine experts , there are a number of factors at work .
Thanks to the wealth of options , shoppers experience a kind of consumer paralysis .
Government regulations on wine complicate things further , due to a lack of consistency from country to country in how wines are named and classified .
Plus , importing and distribution impact what types of wines you see in your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and explain why you don ’ t often see the same wine brands from store to store .
And wine labels ?
They ’ re not for you — they ’ re written purely to satisfy government requirements and don ’ t include details that would help consumers decide on a wine at all .
Here ’ s why wine still remains so complicated and hard to understand , and why it ’ s not your fault you don ’ t “ get ” wine .
There are thousands of wines — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choice “ Wine as an industry is one of the most fragmented industries in the world , ” says Caleb Ganzer , managing partner at La Compagnie des Vins Surnaturel , a wine bar in New York .
“ Wine is probably the most fragmented consumer product that exists.
” In 2019 , the US drank about 370 million cases of wine ; at 12 bottles a case , that ’ s about 4.4 billion bottles of wine in a year .
Studies estimate that about half of the US wine market is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an extensive portfolio of brands you may have heard of : E & J Gallo ( the maker of Barefoot , among others ) , Constellation Brands ( which includes brands like Woodbridge , Robert Mondavi , and Arbor Mist ) , and the Wine Group ( which includes brands like Franzia ) .
These types of big corporations can afford to produce , ship , and distribute thousands of bottles of wine each year across the world and across the US so you can find , say , Robert Mondavi or Barefoot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ There are certain stores and restaurants that carry big brand names that will be available everywhere .
But those are wines that are made basically by almost factory farms .
They ’ re produced the way Coca-Cola is produced , to taste the same year after year and to be available in huge , huge quantities , ” says Jenny Lefcourt , founder of Jenny & François Selections , a wine importer that specializes in natural wines .
The other half of the wine market — arguably the more interesting half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tiny to medium producers .
And their wines are very different from mass-produced wines from the big corporations , explains Lefcourt : “ It ’ s the difference between agribusiness farming and farmers market produce .
If you buy a tomato from a farmers market it ’ s going to smell and taste absolutely incredible , whereas if you buy a tomato that ’ s made by a huge enormous company and shipped across the country , it might look pretty but it doesn ’ t taste so good.
” Why are there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always have been a lot of winemakers , Ganzer says , but there ’ s been a rise in consumer interest in wine drinking in recent years .
“ Consumption and interest is at an all-time high ; the demand is insatiable , ” Ganzer says .
“ It ’ s actually the best time to be a drinker because farming ’ s only gotten better and production ’ s only gotten better , so there ’ s more good wine on the market than there ’ s ever been.
” According to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Journal , US wine consumption has been steadily rising every year since 1994 , though it dipped slightly in 2019 ( due in part to the rise of low-alcohol beverages like hard seltzer ) .
For consumers , it can be easy to gravitate toward brand names you recognize and have seen before — but if you can navigate the hundreds of other choices of smaller producers available to you , you ’ re likely to find wines that are more interesting , more complex , and ultimately a better drinking experience .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ however , is still tough for most buyers .
And that ’ s part of why an entire occupation exists to help consumers choose a bottle : the sommelier .
In restaurants , the sommelier ’ s job is “ having the wine discussions with tables and taking care of the wine service , ” says longtime somm Ganzer .
Many restaurants with serious wine programs have extensive bottle lists , often in the form of a fat binder .
These lists can be daunting for consumers to parse , so the sommelier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expert on every wine they serve and to be able to supply guests with recommendations that suit their tastes and budget .
Different countries name wines differently because there ’ s no internationally agreed-upon standard One element that perhaps contributes most to why wine is confusing : Every country regulates wine differently — and names its wines differently — so there ’ s very little consistency across the world .
Most people who drink wine probably think of wines in terms of the grape varietals , such as malbec , chardonnay , pinot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But 51 percent of the world ’ s wines are produced by three countries : France , Italy , and Spain .
And in European countries — which are known as the “ Old World ” in wine , because they have been producing wine the longest — they don ’ t name wines after grapes , they name them after regions : A burgundy and a chianti are from their namesake regions in France and Italy , respectively .
So your average American wine consumer , if they want to make more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to learn about grape varietals and has to understand the wine-producing regions in France , Italy , and Spain , all three of which have so many different regions and appellations that mere mortals could not possibly keep track of them .
“ When Europe started making wine , we didn ’ t know as much about grape varieties .
We knew they had white grapes and red grapes and they would grow in , say , Bordeaux , and we put these red grapes together and call the wine bordeaux , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wine education website Wine Folly .
“ Now with science over the last 200 years , we figured out that we have all these different grape varieties .
But the label regulations haven ’ t really changed that much , and bordeaux is still called bordeaux , even though it ’ s a blend of cabernet sauvignon , merlot , cabernet franc , malbec , and petit bordeaux .
“ So we have a label disagreement of whether we call it by the grape variety or the place .
Is it orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What am I drinking ?
Or do we call it Florida orange juice ?
” In fact , until just a few decades ago , naming was actually even more complicated : New World wine countries — those not in Europe , so places like the US , Australia , and New Zealand — often named their bottles after wines they resembled from Europe , even though they weren ’ t from that region .
This meant that a red wine from California could be called a burgundy even though Burgundy is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , two US-based wine importers , Frank Schoonmaker and Alexis Lichine , began convincing California winemakers to start labeling wines after the grape varietals instead of regions .
The California wineries began to label their wines after the grapes , such as zinfandels and chardonnays , and eventually , this became the standard practice among New World wine countries .
Still , Puckette notes that European winemakers hold on to their regional names — these days , it ’ s a marketing tool .
“ If Bordeaux is trying to sell their wines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where they are from is what makes it unique , ” says Puckette .
“ So they name it after the one you can ’ t take away from them , and that ’ s where they ’ re from.
” This lack of international consistency also creates confusion : Do I prefer sancerre or sauvignon blanc ?
( It ’ s a trick question : Sancerre is a region in France , and the grapes grown there are sauvignon blanc grapes . )
Syrah and shiraz are the same grape varietal — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ France and shiraz in Australia .
It becomes an additional thing for consumers to learn : What type of grapes are actually in a bordeaux or a burgundy ?
Winemakers don ’ t always make it easy to discern the differences among these choices .
The reason you don ’ t see the same wines very often : Importing and distribution Every time you walk into a wine store , you ’ re presented with entire walls ’ worth of bottles of wine , most from producers you ’ ve never heard of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you like one time , but will you ever find that producer again in the next wine store or restaurant you go to ?
Probably not !
The reason for that is tied up in how wine distribution works .
“ You could sit down at one restaurant and be confronted by seven by-the-glass wines from one part of the world , and sit down at another restaurant and have seven completely different by-the-glass wines from different grapes and different parts of the world , ” says Bianca Bosker , a journalist and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about her quest to understand the wine world .
“ When it comes to distributing wines … the wines that you can find in New York are not necessarily the wines you can find in Houston and are not necessarily the wines you can find in San Francisco , ” Bosker says .
“ This is an agricultural product … especially the more artisanal winemakers , they don ’ t have endless amounts to supply wine to restaurants all over the world , so as a result you can ’ t find the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not like finding salmon on the menu.
” “ The wines that you can find in New York are not necessarily the wines you can find in Houston ” One reason , Lefcourt explains , is that small winemakers can only produce limited quantities , which means they can ’ t be everywhere : “ It ’ s hard to necessarily find those wines all year or all across the US because they are available in limited production.
” Additionally , small wine producers don ’ t have the infrastructure to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world , so they rely on a network of importers and distributors to get their wines from their farms and vineyards in France and Australia onto shelves and wine lists around the world .
Importers like Lefcourt work with the winery to get their wines to other countries ; then the importers either become licensed to sell the wine directly to stores and restaurants or they outsource that task to distributors .
That complicated is by the fact that every country has different laws and regulations .
Within the US , it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have different regulations on alcohol , so distributors — or importer-distributors — often work with just a few states .
“ Distribution is still very much tied to relationships , ” Ganzer says .
“ Importers are almost more important than sommeliers .
Importers are the ones finding the new people , putting them on ships , bringing them over ; they ’ re driving the market , at least in the US.
” Tess Bryant , a California-based wine importer who specializes in organic and biodynamic wines from Australia and France , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wines she imported to California in New York , because they were her home markets .
But when she wants to bring her wines to a new state , that requires her to identify and build a personal relationship with a distributor in that market — a slow process that requires putting effort into relationship-building , one state at a time .
She also emphasizes that she doesn ’ t want to just hand her wines to any random distributor — she wants to get to know them first , understand their tastes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wines as much as she does and thus will be good salespeople whom she can trust to represent her wines well .
When you consider an item or packaged good at the grocery store , you probably look at the packaging to learn more about what that item tastes like .
Wine labels are no help on this front .
“ The wine label doesn ’ t speak to the consumer .
Every country does it differently , and not for the consumer ’ s benefit.
” “ Moscato is typically a sweet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does it say it ’ s sweet , ” Puckette says , as an example .
There ’ s little consistency across wine labels to help you make a decision on what to buy .
Wine label regulations are controlled by the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau , not the Food and Drug Administration .
In order to be approved to import and sell a wine in the US , the label must include the mandatory information required by the TTB , which includes things like a health warning and alcohol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ require nutritional information like calories , carbohydrates , or sugar , which customers would arguably appreciate , and it doesn ’ t require any information on taste .
“ The wine label doesn ’ t speak to the consumer , ” Puckette explains .
“ Every country does it differently , and countries do it for tax purposes , not for the consumer ’ s benefit.
” Winemakers are not even required to list all the types of grapes in a wine if they don ’ t hit certain minimum thresholds .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cabernet sauvignon , it can have up to 25 percent of other grapes in it — who knows what .
In many other countries they have an 85 percent minimum rule ; we ’ re a little slow here in the US , ” she adds .
On the other end of the spectrum , many fine wine labels , such as champagne , burgundy , and bordeaux , now include more granular details on their labels than ever before — like the vineyard a wine comes from , the subsoils the grapes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disgorgement date , or total acidity and pH .
These extra layers of technical details can often be appealing to wine nerds who want to understand exactly where , when , and how their wine was made , but they ’ re often not helpful for the average drinker .
If anything , they ’ re more confusing .
Ganzer mentions champagne as an example : “ On the back of a lot of champagne bottles , they ’ ll give you the harvest date , types of grape blend , vineyard subsoils @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things — so that ’ s an extra line item of something you have to explain to somebody about what this wine is.
” Bigger brands , like Veuve Clicquot or Moët , don ’ t bother .
“ They don ’ t want you to think about anything else besides this label and this wine that you ’ re enjoying .
They want to make it as easy as possible ; they don ’ t want to talk about the little details because that drives people away to a certain extent.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the heightened desire in the industry for more transparency around the winemaking process .
“ As the market has grown , people just ask more and more questions .
So as the buyers become more educated , you know , 30 years ago no one would have been talking about , oh , how are you farming ?
How much SO2 are you using ?
” This transparency can be exciting for industry professionals and the most serious wine collectors , but this hasn ’ t squared with the things that might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the average , unobsessed consumer .
“ In a way , it ’ s more complicated now because there ’ s more transparency , ” says Ganzer .
“ Before , you didn ’ t have to know that much about wine to be into wine ; you could say , ‘ Oh , I love a good chablis ’ — things were definitely less complicated back in the day.
” Wines also taste different every year The taste of a wine is easily affected by many factors : The weather , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vary so much year to year .
Once you find a bottle you like , if you buy it next year , it may taste different from what you remember .
“ When I first got into wine , I had a bottle of a 2005 côtes du rhône , and I loved it .
It smelled like olives , and it was the first wine that was really savory in my life .
I bought more and the vintage changed ; it smelled like something else and it wasn ’ t the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recalls .
Puckette acknowledges that this is complicated — even difficult — but also says it ’ s part of the beauty of wine .
“ Wine is one of the only things out there that we put in our bodies that we allow to be expressive of the time in which it was grown .
It forces us to accept that things change , ” she says .
“ I think when people start getting into wine , that ’ s the magic that they discover .
The thing that makes wine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes wine so good.
” So … what can you do about it ?
A handful of companies have tried to find ways to make understanding and exploring wines easier .
There are apps , like Delectable and Vivino , that let you take a photo of a wine label and then pull up reviews of the wine from other app users .
There are wine subscription clubs , like Winc and Bright Cellars , that ask you questions about your taste and preferences and then send you a personalized selection of wines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for tracking and rating wines you tried or finding reviews of a specific bottle in front of you at a store , while the subscription wine clubs can be helpful for discovering a few new bottles you might enjoy .
But neither of these types of tools can solve the bigger problem that consumers face : how to filter through the myriad options in a wine store or a restaurant and make an informed decision .
“ Wine is really analogous to life in that it ’ s complicated , and there are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things , and that ’ s the beauty of it — it ’ s a reflection of life , ” says Ganzer .
The best way to better understand wine , ultimately , is to drink a lot of wine .
Being able to taste the differences among wines may seem like a tall order , but it comes with time and practice .
Bosker , who spent years studying wine and getting trained as a sommelier before writing Cork Dork , suggests having a wine club with friends and working your way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — chardonnay , sauvignon blanc , cabernet sauvignon , and so forth — and then start noting what you like .
“ When you go out to drink wine , take a picture of it and note where it ’ s from , even if it ’ s just the country , and what grape it ’ s made with , ” she says .
“ Make a little note to yourself .
Did you like it ?
Did you not like it ?
That ’ s going to start to provide some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wine is really analogous to life in that it ’ s complicated ” Bosker and the other experts I talked to all emphasized that the most important thing is understanding your own tastes and preferences and what types of wines you enjoy drinking , rather than attempting to memorize names of grapes and producers .
There ’ s no right or wrong way to appreciate wine — so much of it is about personal taste , rather than some objective standard of what ’ s “ best.
” Lefcourt also encourages drinkers not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to describe the wines they like .
“ It shouldn ’ t be intimidating — it ’ s like describing anything else , like what a meal tastes like .
We don ’ t all have the great language to describe what the beef stew tastes like , but we can try to put words on it , ” she says .
“ You don ’ t have to have the language .
You can just remember or take a picture of the wine that you do enjoy and then share that with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s their job to understand what your taste is and help you out .
That ’ s what they ’ re there for and what they enjoy doing.
” And Bosker encourages consumers to lean on the shops and sommeliers to guide you to something new : “ You really only need two pieces of information to drink well , whether you ’ re at a restaurant or buying wine at a shop .
… One is : What is your budget ?
Everyone has one , it ’ s fine , just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you .
And secondly : What flavors do you want ?
That can be as specific as saying , ‘ I like wines that taste like violet , ’ or it can be something like saying , ‘ I love nero d ’ avolas from Sicily , what do you have that ’ s like that ?
’ And with those two pieces of information , people can really guide you to a new and hopefully great experience with a bottle of wine , ” Bosker says .
So in the end , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand wine is : don ’ t .
Just drink it .
Sign up for The Goods ’ newsletter .
Twice a week , we ’ ll send you the best Goods stories exploring what we buy , why we buy it , and why it matters .

If you’ve ever surveyed the walls upon walls of options in a wine store and simply grabbed the nearest $15 bottle of rosé, you’re not alone. Many people still find wine cryptic and intimidating. Humans have been fermenting grapes for thousands of years, but it hasn’t gotten any easier to understand. While some startups have tried to disrupt the industry and make wine more accessible, no one company has broken through.
Shouldn’t wine be easier to understand by now? Why haven’t we hacked this into something easier so that consumers don’t feel daunted by wine lists and sommeliers at restaurants or overwhelmed when walking into a cavernous wine shop?
According to wine experts, there are a number of factors at work. Thanks to the wealth of options, shoppers experience a kind of consumer paralysis. Government regulations on wine complicate things further, due to a lack of consistency from country to country in how wines are named and classified. Plus, importing and distribution impact what types of wines you see in your local wine store and your favorite restaurants — and explain why you don’t often see the same wine brands from store to store. And wine labels? They’re not for you — they’re written purely to satisfy government requirements and don’t include details that would help consumers decide on a wine at all.
Here’s why wine still remains so complicated and hard to understand, and why it’s not your fault you don’t “get” wine.
There are thousands of wines — it’s an overwhelming amount of choice
“Wine as an industry is one of the most fragmented industries in the world,” says Caleb Ganzer, managing partner at La Compagnie des Vins Surnaturels, a wine bar in New York. “Wine is probably the most fragmented consumer product that exists.”
In 2019, the US drank about 370 million cases of wine; at 12 bottles a case, that’s about 4.4 billion bottles of wine in a year. Studies estimate that about half of the US wine market is dominated by three conglomerates, each with an extensive portfolio of brands you may have heard of: E&J Gallo (the maker of Barefoot, among others), Constellation Brands (which includes brands like Woodbridge, Robert Mondavi, and Arbor Mist), and the Wine Group (which includes brands like Franzia). These types of big corporations can afford to produce, ship, and distribute thousands of bottles of wine each year across the world and across the US so you can find, say, Robert Mondavi or Barefoot in nearly every store you go to.
“There are certain stores and restaurants that carry big brand names that will be available everywhere. But those are wines that are made basically by almost factory farms. They’re produced the way Coca-Cola is produced, to taste the same year after year and to be available in huge, huge quantities,” says Jenny Lefcourt, founder of Jenny & François Selections, a wine importer that specializes in natural wines.
The other half of the wine market — arguably the more interesting half — is made up of thousands of tiny to medium producers. And their wines are very different from mass-produced wines from the big corporations, explains Lefcourt: “It’s the difference between agribusiness farming and farmers market produce. If you buy a tomato from a farmers market it’s going to smell and taste absolutely incredible, whereas if you buy a tomato that’s made by a huge enormous company and shipped across the country, it might look pretty but it doesn’t taste so good.”
Why are there so many thousands of producers? There always have been a lot of winemakers, Ganzer says, but there’s been a rise in consumer interest in wine drinking in recent years. “Consumption and interest is at an all-time high; the demand is insatiable,” Ganzer says. “It’s actually the best time to be a drinker because farming’s only gotten better and production’s only gotten better, so there’s more good wine on the market than there’s ever been.” According to recent numbers reported by the Wall Street Journal, US wine consumption has been steadily rising every year since 1994, though it dipped slightly in 2019 (due in part to the rise of low-alcohol beverages like hard seltzer).
For consumers, it can be easy to gravitate toward brand names you recognize and have seen before — but if you can navigate the hundreds of other choices of smaller producers available to you, you’re likely to find wines that are more interesting, more complex, and ultimately a better drinking experience.
Navigating through the glut of options, however, is still tough for most buyers. And that’s part of why an entire occupation exists to help consumers choose a bottle: the sommelier. In restaurants, the sommelier’s job is “having the wine discussions with tables and taking care of the wine service,” says longtime somm Ganzer. Many restaurants with serious wine programs have extensive bottle lists, often in the form of a fat binder. These lists can be daunting for consumers to parse, so the sommelier’s job is to be an expert on every wine they serve and to be able to supply guests with recommendations that suit their tastes and budget.
Different countries name wines differently because there’s no internationally agreed-upon standard
One element that perhaps contributes most to why wine is confusing: Every country regulates wine differently — and names its wines differently — so there’s very little consistency across the world.
Most people who drink wine probably think of wines in terms of the grape varietals, such as malbec, chardonnay, pinot noir, pinot grigio, merlot. But 51 percent of the world’s wines are produced by three countries: France, Italy, and Spain. And in European countries — which are known as the “Old World” in wine, because they have been producing wine the longest — they don’t name wines after grapes, they name them after regions: A burgundy and a chianti are from their namesake regions in France and Italy, respectively. So your average American wine consumer, if they want to make more informed choices at the store, has to learn about grape varietals and has to understand the wine-producing regions in France, Italy, and Spain, all three of which have so many different regions and appellations that mere mortals could not possibly keep track of them.
“When Europe started making wine, we didn’t know as much about grape varieties. We knew they had white grapes and red grapes and they would grow in, say, Bordeaux, and we put these red grapes together and call the wine bordeaux,” explains Madeline Puckette, the co-founder of the wine education website Wine Folly. “Now with science over the last 200 years, we figured out that we have all these different grape varieties. But the label regulations haven’t really changed that much, and bordeaux is still called bordeaux, even though it’s a blend of cabernet sauvignon, merlot, cabernet franc, malbec, and petit verdot.
“So we have a label disagreement of whether we call it by the grape variety or the place. Is it orange juice? Is it strawberry juice? What am I drinking? Or do we call it Florida orange juice?”
In fact, until just a few decades ago, naming was actually even more complicated: New World wine countries — those not in Europe, so places like the US, Australia, and New Zealand — often named their bottles after wines they resembled from Europe, even though they weren’t from that region. This meant that a red wine from California could be called a burgundy even though Burgundy is a region in France.
In the mid-1900s, two US-based wine importers, Frank Schoonmaker and Alexis Lichine, began convincing California winemakers to start labeling wines after the grape varietals instead of regions. The California wineries began to label their wines after the grapes, such as zinfandels and chardonnays, and eventually, this became the standard practice among New World wine countries.
Still, Puckette notes that European winemakers hold on to their regional names — these days, it’s a marketing tool. “If Bordeaux is trying to sell their wines to the world, they realize that where they are from is what makes it unique,” says Puckette. “So they name it after the one you can’t take away from them, and that’s where they’re from.”
This lack of international consistency also creates confusion: Do I prefer sancerre or sauvignon blanc? (It’s a trick question: Sancerre is a region in France, and the grapes grown there are sauvignon blanc grapes.) Syrah and shiraz are the same grape varietal — it’s just called syrah in France and shiraz in Australia. It becomes an additional thing for consumers to learn: What type of grapes are actually in a bordeaux or a burgundy? Winemakers don’t always make it easy to discern the differences among these choices.
The reason you don’t see the same wines very often: Importing and distribution
Every time you walk into a wine store, you’re presented with entire walls’ worth of bottles of wine, most from producers you’ve never heard of before. And maybe you find something you like one time, but will you ever find that producer again in the next wine store or restaurant you go to? Probably not! The reason for that is tied up in how wine distribution works.
“You could sit down at one restaurant and be confronted by seven by-the-glass wines from one part of the world, and sit down at another restaurant and have seven completely different by-the-glass wines from different grapes and different parts of the world,” says Bianca Bosker, a journalist and author of Cork Dork, a book about her quest to understand the wine world.
“When it comes to distributing wines … the wines that you can find in New York are not necessarily the wines you can find in Houston and are not necessarily the wines you can find in San Francisco,” Bosker says. “This is an agricultural product … especially the more artisanal winemakers, they don’t have endless amounts to supply wine to restaurants all over the world, so as a result you can’t find the same thing everywhere you go; it’s not like finding salmon on the menu.”
“The wines that you can find in New York are not necessarily the wines you can find in Houston”
One reason, Lefcourt explains, is that small winemakers can only produce limited quantities, which means they can’t be everywhere: “It’s hard to necessarily find those wines all year or all across the US because they are available in limited production.”
Additionally, small wine producers don’t have the infrastructure to ship and distribute their wines around the world, so they rely on a network of importers and distributors to get their wines from their farms and vineyards in France and Australia onto shelves and wine lists around the world. Importers like Lefcourt work with the winery to get their wines to other countries; then the importers either become licensed to sell the wine directly to stores and restaurants or they outsource that task to distributors. That complicated is by the fact that every country has different laws and regulations. Within the US, it’s further complicated because every state can have different regulations on alcohol, so distributors — or importer-distributors — often work with just a few states.
“Distribution is still very much tied to relationships,” Ganzer says. “Importers are almost more important than sommeliers. Importers are the ones finding the new people, putting them on ships, bringing them over; they’re driving the market, at least in the US.”
Tess Bryant, a California-based wine importer who specializes in organic and biodynamic wines from Australia and France, agrees. Bryant started by selling the wines she imported to California in New York, because they were her home markets. But when she wants to bring her wines to a new state, that requires her to identify and build a personal relationship with a distributor in that market — a slow process that requires putting effort into relationship-building, one state at a time.
She also emphasizes that she doesn’t want to just hand her wines to any random distributor — she wants to get to know them first, understand their tastes, and make sure they love the wines as much as she does and thus will be good salespeople whom she can trust to represent her wines well.
Wine labels aren’t designed to help consumers make decisions
When you consider an item or packaged good at the grocery store, you probably look at the packaging to learn more about what that item tastes like. Wine labels are no help on this front.
“The wine label doesn’t speak to the consumer. Every country does it differently, and not for the consumer’s benefit.”
“Moscato is typically a sweet wine, and nowhere on the bottle does it say it’s sweet,” Puckette says, as an example. There’s little consistency across wine labels to help you make a decision on what to buy.
Wine label regulations are controlled by the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, not the Food and Drug Administration. In order to be approved to import and sell a wine in the US, the label must include the mandatory information required by the TTB, which includes things like a health warning and alcohol content — but it doesn’t require nutritional information like calories, carbohydrates, or sugar, which customers would arguably appreciate, and it doesn’t require any information on taste.
“The wine label doesn’t speak to the consumer,” Puckette explains. “Every country does it differently, and countries do it for tax purposes, not for the consumer’s benefit.”
Winemakers are not even required to list all the types of grapes in a wine if they don’t hit certain minimum thresholds. “In America, if a wine says cabernet sauvignon, it can have up to 25 percent of other grapes in it — who knows what. In many other countries they have an 85 percent minimum rule; we’re a little slow here in the US,” she adds.
On the other end of the spectrum, many fine wine labels, such as champagne, burgundy, and bordeaux, now include more granular details on their labels than ever before — like the vineyard a wine comes from, the subsoils the grapes grew in, the harvest date and disgorgement date, or total acidity and pH. These extra layers of technical details can often be appealing to wine nerds who want to understand exactly where, when, and how their wine was made, but they’re often not helpful for the average drinker. If anything, they’re more confusing.
Ganzer mentions champagne as an example: “On the back of a lot of champagne bottles, they’ll give you the harvest date, types of grape blend, vineyard subsoils, disgorgement dates, all these little things — so that’s an extra line item of something you have to explain to somebody about what this wine is.” Bigger brands, like Veuve Clicquot or Moët, don’t bother. “They don’t want you to think about anything else besides this label and this wine that you’re enjoying. They want to make it as easy as possible; they don’t want to talk about the little details because that drives people away to a certain extent.”
Ganzer chalks up the information overload trend to the heightened desire in the industry for more transparency around the winemaking process. “As the market has grown, people just ask more and more questions. So as the buyers become more educated, you know, 30 years ago no one would have been talking about, oh, how are you farming? How much SO2 are you using?” This transparency can be exciting for industry professionals and the most serious wine collectors, but this hasn’t squared with the things that might explain the experience of drinking a bottle to the average, unobsessed consumer.
“In a way, it’s more complicated now because there’s more transparency,” says Ganzer. “Before, you didn’t have to know that much about wine to be into wine; you could say, ‘Oh, I love a good chablis’ — things were definitely less complicated back in the day.”
Wines also taste different every year
The taste of a wine is easily affected by many factors: The weather, the climate, and the harvest can vary so much year to year. Once you find a bottle you like, if you buy it next year, it may taste different from what you remember.
“When I first got into wine, I had a bottle of a 2005 côtes du rhône, and I loved it. It smelled like olives, and it was the first wine that was really savory in my life. I bought more and the vintage changed; it smelled like something else and it wasn’t the same delicious olive wine,” Puckette recalls.
Puckette acknowledges that this is complicated — even difficult — but also says it’s part of the beauty of wine. “Wine is one of the only things out there that we put in our bodies that we allow to be expressive of the time in which it was grown. It forces us to accept that things change,” she says. “I think when people start getting into wine, that’s the magic that they discover. The thing that makes wine so hard is ultimately the thing that makes wine so good.”
So … what can you do about it?
A handful of companies have tried to find ways to make understanding and exploring wines easier. There are apps, like Delectable and Vivino, that let you take a photo of a wine label and then pull up reviews of the wine from other app users. There are wine subscription clubs, like Winc and Bright Cellars, that ask you questions about your taste and preferences and then send you a personalized selection of wines every month. The apps are helpful for tracking and rating wines you tried or finding reviews of a specific bottle in front of you at a store, while the subscription wine clubs can be helpful for discovering a few new bottles you might enjoy. But neither of these types of tools can solve the bigger problem that consumers face: how to filter through the myriad options in a wine store or a restaurant and make an informed decision.
“Wine is really analogous to life in that it’s complicated, and there are lots of different ways to look at things, and that’s the beauty of it — it’s a reflection of life,” says Ganzer.
The best way to better understand wine, ultimately, is to drink a lot of wine. Being able to taste the differences among wines may seem like a tall order, but it comes with time and practice. Bosker, who spent years studying wine and getting trained as a sommelier before writing Cork Dork, suggests having a wine club with friends and working your way through tasting the “noble grapes” — chardonnay, sauvignon blanc, cabernet sauvignon, and so forth — and then start noting what you like.
“When you go out to drink wine, take a picture of it and note where it’s from, even if it’s just the country, and what grape it’s made with,” she says. “Make a little note to yourself. Did you like it? Did you not like it? That’s going to start to provide some structure to what you know.”
“Wine is really analogous to life in that it’s complicated”
Bosker and the other experts I talked to all emphasized that the most important thing is understanding your own tastes and preferences and what types of wines you enjoy drinking, rather than attempting to memorize names of grapes and producers. There’s no right or wrong way to appreciate wine — so much of it is about personal taste, rather than some objective standard of what’s “best.”
Lefcourt also encourages drinkers not to worry about having the right vocabulary to describe the wines they like. “It shouldn’t be intimidating — it’s like describing anything else, like what a meal tastes like. We don’t all have the great language to describe what the beef stew tastes like, but we can try to put words on it,” she says. “You don’t have to have the language. You can just remember or take a picture of the wine that you do enjoy and then share that with your local retailer, and it’s their job to understand what your taste is and help you out. That’s what they’re there for and what they enjoy doing.”
And Bosker encourages consumers to lean on the shops and sommeliers to guide you to something new: “You really only need two pieces of information to drink well, whether you’re at a restaurant or buying wine at a shop. … One is: What is your budget? Everyone has one, it’s fine, just say it however feels most graceful to you. And secondly: What flavors do you want? That can be as specific as saying, ‘I like wines that taste like violet,’ or it can be something like saying, ‘I love nero d’avolas from Sicily, what do you have that’s like that?’ And with those two pieces of information, people can really guide you to a new and hopefully great experience with a bottle of wine,” Bosker says.
So in the end, maybe the simple answer to how to understand wine is: don’t. Just drink it.
Sign up for The Goods’ newsletter. Twice a week, we’ll send you the best Goods stories exploring what we buy, why we buy it, and why it matters.


vox--2020-03-04--7 key House primaries to watch on Super Tuesday

While the Democratic presidential race might be front of mind this Tuesday , March 3 , there are also plenty of primaries for congressional seats happening on Super Tuesday — ones that could have an impact in November as Republicans attempt to wrest the House speaker ’ s gavel back from Nancy Pelosi .
Voters in 14 states and one territory will head to the polls ( or caucuses , if you live in American Samoa ) on Tuesday .
And though not all of them will hold primaries for down-ballot races , some — like California and Texas — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contentious races for seats in the US House of Representatives .
Those include a “ jungle primary ” in California ’ s 25th District to replace former Rep. Katie Hill — who resigned last year after allegations of having a relationship with a staffer and being attacked with revenge porn — to a progressive challenge in Texas ’ s 28th to one of the most conservative Democrats currently in the House .
These seven races — three in California and four in Texas — could all have major implications one way or another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come January 2021 .
Some reflect intra-party struggles over ideology while others could be decisive in the fight to control the House .
Vox will be covering the results of these seven key House races live on Tuesday night , in partnership with Decision Desk .
Polls close in California at 8 pm Pacific , 11 pm Eastern , but thanks to various quirks in the state ’ s voting procedures , it could be many days before a race gets called .
Vox is focusing on California ’ s 16th , 25th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results for the rest of California ’ s contests here .
Eight-term incumbent and Blue Dog Democrat Jim Costa is facing a formidable challenge from the left this cycle .
Costa represents California ’ s 16th District , which includes Fresno and part of the state ’ s heavily agricultural Central Valley .
He ’ s known for being one of the more conservative members of the House , particularly on environmental issues .
In the past , he ’ s been called out by liberals for the donations he ’ s taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as a state bill he authored , which severely limited rent control in California .
Fresno City Councilmember Esmeralda Soria , former foreign service member Kim Williams , and Republican Kevin Cookingham are all running for Costa ’ s seat .
Both Soria and Williams have highlighted themselves as more progressive alternatives to Costa .
And Soria , who ’ s also the member of a statewide task force on addressing homelessness , has picked up support from local organizers and activists including SEIU California .
Because of the top-two primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will advance to the general election taking place in November , regardless of party affiliation .
California ’ s 25th : A primary and a special election for Katie Hill ’ s old seat California ’ s 25th , the southern swing district that Katie Hill flipped last cycle , is open once again , after she decided to resign in the wake of allegations of an improper relationship with a staffer and a smear campaign involving revenge porn .
A staggering 13 candidates are running in a primary for the seat , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic ” by Cook Political Report .
Again , because of the top-two primary system in California , the top-two finishers will advance to the general election taking place in November , regardless of party affiliation .
In addition to the primary , however , the district is also holding a special election for someone to replace Hill and serve out her existing term through this year .
Ten candidates will participate in both races — and one will have to secure a majority of the vote to win the special election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ head to a run-off set to take place on May 12 .
The individuals vying for the seat in the primary and special election run the gamut of familiar names across both parties .
The Democrats include Young Turks cofounder Cenk Uygur and state assemblymember Christy Smith , while the Republicans include former district Rep. Steve Knight ( whom Hill unseated in 2018 ) , former fighter pilot Mike Garcia , and former Trump campaign adviser George Papadopoulos .
California ’ s 50th District primary : Members of both parties — including former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out for Duncan Hunter ’ s district California ’ s 50th District , a southern district that includes part of San Diego County , is now vacant after former Rep. Duncan Hunter , who pleaded guilty to violations of campaign finance laws , resigned .
A longtime Republican district , it ’ s poised to stay that way , though candidates from both sides of the aisle will be competing in the primary .
Ten candidates will face off on Super Tuesday in an attempt to qualify for the general election ballot .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to flip the seat , and he ’ s joined this time by businesswoman Marisa Calderon .
Notable Republicans competing for the seat include former Rep. Darrell Issa and former San Diego City Councilmember Carl Demaio .
Polls close in Texas at 7 pm Central , 8 pm Eastern ( at least mostly — part of Texas is on Mountain time ) .
Vox is focusing on Texas ’ s 12th , 22nd , 28th , and 32nd congressional districts ; find live results for the rest of Texas ’ s contests here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : A GOP incumbent under fire from the right Update : Decision Desk is projecting incumbent Rep. Kay Granger as the winner of the Republican primary .
Rep. Kay Granger , who represents Fort Worth and is the most senior Republican woman in the House , is facing a primary challenge from a former local city council member , Chris Putnam , who is flush with campaign cash and has accused her of not being loyal to Trump .
She is the top Republican on the House Appropriations Committee , a coveted position @ @ @ @ @ @ @ career in Congress .
There are only 13 Republican women in the House right now , and several are set to retire rather than run for re-election .
If Granger is defeated Tuesday , that number could fall even further .
Texas ’ s 22nd District primary : A Bush scion is vying for the Republican nomination in a swing-district race for an open seat Update : Decision Desk is projecting that Troy Nehls and Kathaleen Wall will head to a runoff .
There is also a 15-way Republican primary for retiring Rep. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Land — one that Democrats hope to win in the general election .
Notably , Pierce Bush , the grandson of former President George H.W .
Bush , is one of the contenders .
In 2018 , Olson won the district by just five points against his Democratic challenger , Sri Preston Kulkarni .
Kulkarni is running for the seat again , and Olson has endorsed Bush as his potential successor .
Texas ’ s 28th District primary : The Justice Democrats look to unseat another Blue Dog Democrat Update : Decision Desk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his primary challenge to be the Democratic nominee .
Meanwhile , immigration attorney Jessica Cisneros is trying to unseat Rep. Henry Cuellar , a conservative Blue Dog Democrat who has backed Trump ’ s policies 69 percent of the time , endorsed former Republican President George W. Bush , advocated for gun rights , and opposed federal funding for abortions .
Cisneros once interned for Cuellar in Congress , but now she ’ s running against him with the support of the Justice Democrats — the same group that helped propel Rep. Alexandria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign against incumbent Democrat Joe Crowley , who had held his seat for two decades .
Cisneros ’ s candidacy has attracted national attention and endorsements from Sanders and Warren as well as Ocasio-Cortez .
Cisneros has embraced progressive policies , including Medicare-for-all and the Green New Deal , despite her rival ’ s claims that his district is fundamentally moderate .
Texas ’ s 32nd District primary : Republicans jostle for a chance to challenge an at-risk freshman Democrat Update : Decision Desk has projected that Genevieve Collins will face Allred in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back a seat in Dallas now occupied by Rep. Colin Allred , a former NFL player and a Democrat who flipped the district blue after narrowly beating the incumbent , Pete Sessions , in 2018 .
He ’ s among 42 members of Congress who are in the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee ’ s program to protect incumbents facing tough reelection campaigns , and while many of them have avoided talking about the Democratic primary , Allred has been actively campaigning on behalf of Biden .
The top two Republican contenders in that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running on a pro-business platform and snagged the Dallas Morning News ’ endorsement , and Floyd McLendon Jr. , a former Navy SEAL who is running on a border-security platform .

While the Democratic presidential race might be front of mind this Tuesday, March 3, there are also plenty of primaries for congressional seats happening on Super Tuesday — ones that could have an impact in November as Republicans attempt to wrest the House speaker’s gavel back from Nancy Pelosi.
Voters in 14 states and one territory will head to the polls (or caucuses, if you live in American Samoa) on Tuesday. And though not all of them will hold primaries for down-ballot races, some — like California and Texas — are home to a handful of especially contentious races for seats in the US House of Representatives. Those include a “jungle primary” in California’s 25th District to replace former Rep. Katie Hill — who resigned last year after allegations of having a relationship with a staffer and being attacked with revenge porn — to a progressive challenge in Texas’s 28th to one of the most conservative Democrats currently in the House.
These seven races — three in California and four in Texas — could all have major implications one way or another when a new Congress is sworn in come January 2021. Some reflect intra-party struggles over ideology while others could be decisive in the fight to control the House.
Vox will be covering the results of these seven key House races live on Tuesday night, in partnership with Decision Desk.
California
Polls close in California at 8 pm Pacific, 11 pm Eastern, but thanks to various quirks in the state’s voting procedures, it could be many days before a race gets called. Vox is focusing on California’s 16th, 25th and 50th congressional districts; find live results for the rest of California’s contests here.
California’s 16th District primary: Longtime incumbent Jim Costa faces a challenge from the left
Eight-term incumbent and Blue Dog Democrat Jim Costa is facing a formidable challenge from the left this cycle.
Costa represents California’s 16th District, which includes Fresno and part of the state’s heavily agricultural Central Valley. He’s known for being one of the more conservative members of the House, particularly on environmental issues. In the past, he’s been called out by liberals for the donations he’s taken from corporate agricultural interests and oil companies as well as a state bill he authored, which severely limited rent control in California.
Fresno City Councilmember Esmeralda Soria, former foreign service member Kim Williams, and Republican Kevin Cookingham are all running for Costa’s seat. Both Soria and Williams have highlighted themselves as more progressive alternatives to Costa. And Soria, who’s also the member of a statewide task force on addressing homelessness, has picked up support from local organizers and activists including SEIU California.
Because of the top-two primary system in California, the top-two finishers will advance to the general election taking place in November, regardless of party affiliation.
California’s 25th: A primary and a special election for Katie Hill’s old seat
California’s 25th, the southern swing district that Katie Hill flipped last cycle, is open once again, after she decided to resign in the wake of allegations of an improper relationship with a staffer and a smear campaign involving revenge porn.
A staggering 13 candidates are running in a primary for the seat, which is currently rated as “Likely Democratic” by Cook Political Report.
Again, because of the top-two primary system in California, the top-two finishers will advance to the general election taking place in November, regardless of party affiliation.
In addition to the primary, however, the district is also holding a special election for someone to replace Hill and serve out her existing term through this year.
Ten candidates will participate in both races — and one will have to secure a majority of the vote to win the special election. Otherwise, the top two candidates will head to a run-off set to take place on May 12.
The individuals vying for the seat in the primary and special election run the gamut of familiar names across both parties. The Democrats include Young Turks cofounder Cenk Uygur and state assemblymember Christy Smith, while the Republicans include former district Rep. Steve Knight (whom Hill unseated in 2018), former fighter pilot Mike Garcia, and former Trump campaign adviser George Papadopoulos.
California’s 50th District primary: Members of both parties — including former Rep. Darrell Issa — are duking it out for Duncan Hunter’s district
California’s 50th District, a southern district that includes part of San Diego County, is now vacant after former Rep. Duncan Hunter, who pleaded guilty to violations of campaign finance laws, resigned.
A longtime Republican district, it’s poised to stay that way, though candidates from both sides of the aisle will be competing in the primary.
Ten candidates will face off on Super Tuesday in an attempt to qualify for the general election ballot. Democrat Ammar Campa-Najjar is trying once more to flip the seat, and he’s joined this time by businesswoman Marisa Calderon. Notable Republicans competing for the seat include former Rep. Darrell Issa and former San Diego City Councilmember Carl Demaio.
Texas
Polls close in Texas at 7 pm Central, 8 pm Eastern (at least mostly — part of Texas is on Mountain time). Vox is focusing on Texas’s 12th, 22nd, 28th, and 32nd congressional districts; find live results for the rest of Texas’s contests here.
Texas’s 12th District primary: A GOP incumbent under fire from the right
Update: Decision Desk is projecting incumbent Rep. Kay Granger as the winner of the Republican primary.
Rep. Kay Granger, who represents Fort Worth and is the most senior Republican woman in the House, is facing a primary challenge from a former local city council member, Chris Putnam, who is flush with campaign cash and has accused her of not being loyal to Trump. She is the top Republican on the House Appropriations Committee, a coveted position usually reserved for members with a long career in Congress.
There are only 13 Republican women in the House right now, and several are set to retire rather than run for re-election. If Granger is defeated Tuesday, that number could fall even further.
Texas’s 22nd District primary: A Bush scion is vying for the Republican nomination in a swing-district race for an open seat
Update: Decision Desk is projecting that Troy Nehls and Kathaleen Wall will head to a runoff.
There is also a 15-way Republican primary for retiring Rep. Pete Olson’s seat representing Sugar Land — one that Democrats hope to win in the general election. Notably, Pierce Bush, the grandson of former President George H.W. Bush, is one of the contenders.
In 2018, Olson won the district by just five points against his Democratic challenger, Sri Preston Kulkarni. Kulkarni is running for the seat again, and Olson has endorsed Bush as his potential successor.
Texas’s 28th District primary: The Justice Democrats look to unseat another Blue Dog Democrat
Update: Decision Desk is projecting that Cuellar will fend off his primary challenge to be the Democratic nominee.
Meanwhile, immigration attorney Jessica Cisneros is trying to unseat Rep. Henry Cuellar, a conservative Blue Dog Democrat who has backed Trump’s policies 69 percent of the time, endorsed former Republican President George W. Bush, advocated for gun rights, and opposed federal funding for abortions.
Cisneros once interned for Cuellar in Congress, but now she’s running against him with the support of the Justice Democrats — the same group that helped propel Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to victory in her 2018 primary campaign against incumbent Democrat Joe Crowley, who had held his seat for two decades.
Cisneros’s candidacy has attracted national attention and endorsements from Sanders and Warren as well as Ocasio-Cortez. Cisneros has embraced progressive policies, including Medicare-for-all and the Green New Deal, despite her rival’s claims that his district is fundamentally moderate.
Texas’s 32nd District primary: Republicans jostle for a chance to challenge an at-risk freshman Democrat
Update: Decision Desk has projected that Genevieve Collins will face Allred in November.
Republicans are hoping to take back a seat in Dallas now occupied by Rep. Colin Allred, a former NFL player and a Democrat who flipped the district blue after narrowly beating the incumbent, Pete Sessions, in 2018. He’s among 42 members of Congress who are in the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s program to protect incumbents facing tough reelection campaigns, and while many of them have avoided talking about the Democratic primary, Allred has been actively campaigning on behalf of Biden.
The top two Republican contenders in that race are Genevieve Collins, who is running on a pro-business platform and snagged the Dallas Morning News’ endorsement, and Floyd McLendon Jr., a former Navy SEAL who is running on a border-security platform.