vox--2020-06-10--New coronavirus cases reported at reopened Tesla factory. This doesn’t look great for Elon Musk.

In news that should surprise no one , several workers at a Tesla factory have the coronavirus .
The Alameda County Public Health Department ( ACPHD ) , where the Fremont , California , plant is based , confirmed to Recode that Tesla reported “ some ” of its employees there tested positive for the virus .
For privacy reasons , the number of employees and when they tested positive would not be disclosed .
Musk very publicly defied local officials when reopening his factories a few weeks ago .
On Tuesday , the Washington Post reported that two anonymous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases ” of Covid-19 had been confirmed at both the company ’ s Fremont production plant and nearby at its smaller seat-assembly factory .
The electric transportation site Electrek later reported that four Tesla workers tested positive for the coronavirus on Tuesday alone .
Tesla did not confirm either of those reports and did not respond to Recode ’ s request for comment .
It ’ s a bad look for Tesla and for Musk , the company ’ s founder and CEO .
The company closed its factories in March after disagreements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fremont Police Department .
There was then a fight to reopen the factories in May , when Musk defied local health officials , Tesla sued Alameda County , and then the factories just reopened before being given the blessing to resume operations in defiance of Alameda County health orders last month .
The lawsuit was later dropped .
The ACPHD eventually allowed the reopening of the Fremont facilities as long as Tesla agreed to certain safety measures , including having fewer workers per shift and requiring them to wear masks .
An anonymous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attempts at worker safety and virus prevention fall short .
“ We ’ re still working on top of each other , ” the worker told Electrek .
“ All they do is make us wear a mask in a hot factory .
They take our temperature and have us use hand sanitizer when we walk in .
But obviously , that isn ’ t working.
” Musk has been an outspoken Twitter critic of shelter-in-place orders , calling them “ de facto house arrest.
” He ’ s also criticized the response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March 6 , he tweeted that the “ coronavirus panic ” was “ dumb , ” following that up two days later with a tweet claiming that coronavirus ’ s danger had been “ overstated.
” A week after that , he said the panic over the virus “ exceeds ” the danger of the virus itself .
He also openly defied shelter-in-place orders in March , telling Tesla employees that while they shouldn ’ t “ feel obligated to come to work , ” he would be there .
Workers reportedly felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Musk ’ s assertions that it was “ totally ok ” if they stayed home .
Though Musk did eventually close the factory and appeared to take the virus more seriously on Twitter for a while , by May he was clearly itching to get Tesla back to work , tweeting photos of ice cream sundaes and saying “ life should be lived.
” Musk is likely feeling external pressure to get production up and running on Tesla ’ s new Model Y as quickly as possible to fulfill preorders , which have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ factory ’ s shutdown has only delayed its ability to get the new crossover SUV on the market , and in emails leaked this week , Musk said that he would be “ walking the lines ” himself in order to get Model Y production up to speed .
The billionaire is known to be a demanding boss who doesn ’ t , according to reports , seem particularly concerned with worker safety .
In 2015 , the injury rate at Tesla ’ s Fremont factory was 30 percent higher than the industrial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and called them the work of union activists .
The company was also sued in 2018 by a former safety director who claimed that he was fired after he reported unsafe conditions and inaccurate safety reporting practices to the company .
( Tesla said the man was fired for “ harassing workplace behavior.
” ) Additionally , Musk has gotten in trouble for violating labor law in tweets and other actions that discouraged employees from forming unions .
Tesla remains the only large US automaker without a unionized workforce , giving them less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little recourse against unsafe working conditions .
Without an exact number of new cases , it ’ s hard to say the extent of the virus ’ s spread in the factories or when and how the infected workers contracted it .
But even one sick worker shows that Musk ’ s strong-arming the county to get his factories back online has come with a price — even if Musk himself doesn ’ t have to pay it .
Update , June 10 , 3:15 pm ET : Added new information from Electrek @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Health Department .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

In news that should surprise no one, several workers at a Tesla factory have the coronavirus. The Alameda County Public Health Department (ACPHD), where the Fremont, California, plant is based, confirmed to Recode that Tesla reported “some” of its employees there tested positive for the virus. For privacy reasons, the number of employees and when they tested positive would not be disclosed. Musk very publicly defied local officials when reopening his factories a few weeks ago.
On Tuesday, the Washington Post reported that two anonymous workers told the paper that “several cases” of Covid-19 had been confirmed at both the company’s Fremont production plant and nearby at its smaller seat-assembly factory. The electric transportation site Electrek later reported that four Tesla workers tested positive for the coronavirus on Tuesday alone. Tesla did not confirm either of those reports and did not respond to Recode’s request for comment.
It’s a bad look for Tesla and for Musk, the company’s founder and CEO. The company closed its factories in March after disagreements with the Alameda County sheriff and the Fremont Police Department. There was then a fight to reopen the factories in May, when Musk defied local health officials, Tesla sued Alameda County, and then the factories just reopened before being given the blessing to resume operations in defiance of Alameda County health orders last month. The lawsuit was later dropped.
The ACPHD eventually allowed the reopening of the Fremont facilities as long as Tesla agreed to certain safety measures, including having fewer workers per shift and requiring them to wear masks.
An anonymous worker told Electrek that Tesla’s attempts at worker safety and virus prevention fall short.
“We’re still working on top of each other,” the worker told Electrek. “All they do is make us wear a mask in a hot factory. They take our temperature and have us use hand sanitizer when we walk in. But obviously, that isn’t working.”
Musk has been an outspoken Twitter critic of shelter-in-place orders, calling them “de facto house arrest.” He’s also criticized the response to the coronavirus in general. On March 6, he tweeted that the “coronavirus panic” was “dumb,” following that up two days later with a tweet claiming that coronavirus’s danger had been “overstated.” A week after that, he said the panic over the virus “exceeds” the danger of the virus itself. He also openly defied shelter-in-place orders in March, telling Tesla employees that while they shouldn’t “feel obligated to come to work,” he would be there. Workers reportedly felt pressured to continue to show up despite Musk’s assertions that it was “totally ok” if they stayed home.
Though Musk did eventually close the factory and appeared to take the virus more seriously on Twitter for a while, by May he was clearly itching to get Tesla back to work, tweeting photos of ice cream sundaes and saying “life should be lived.”
Musk is likely feeling external pressure to get production up and running on Tesla’s new Model Y as quickly as possible to fulfill preorders, which have been open since March 2019. The factory’s shutdown has only delayed its ability to get the new crossover SUV on the market, and in emails leaked this week, Musk said that he would be “walking the lines” himself in order to get Model Y production up to speed.
The billionaire is known to be a demanding boss who doesn’t, according to reports, seem particularly concerned with worker safety. In 2015, the injury rate at Tesla’s Fremont factory was 30 percent higher than the industrial average. Tesla has denied these reports and called them the work of union activists. The company was also sued in 2018 by a former safety director who claimed that he was fired after he reported unsafe conditions and inaccurate safety reporting practices to the company. (Tesla said the man was fired for “harassing workplace behavior.”)
Additionally, Musk has gotten in trouble for violating labor law in tweets and other actions that discouraged employees from forming unions. Tesla remains the only large US automaker without a unionized workforce, giving them less protection against the whims of management and little recourse against unsafe working conditions.
Without an exact number of new cases, it’s hard to say the extent of the virus’s spread in the factories or when and how the infected workers contracted it. But even one sick worker shows that Musk’s strong-arming the county to get his factories back online has come with a price — even if Musk himself doesn’t have to pay it.
Update, June 10, 3:15 pm ET: Added new information from Electrek and confirmation from the Alameda County Public Health Department.


vox--2020-06-10--Merriam-Webster has a new definition of “racism”

Signifying the larger cultural shift felt around the US , Merriam-Webster will now include systemic oppression in its latest definition of racism .
The dictionary , which has long served as a gatekeeper of the English lexicon , made plans for the update after recent Drake University graduate Kennedy Mitchum emailed editors frustrated about the current definition ’ s inadequacy .
Mitchum , a black woman who hails from Florissant , Missouri , a city just north of Ferguson , wanted the dictionary to provide a more detailed definition , one that includes an explanation of systemic oppression .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injustice , just to have people point to the dictionary as a defense for why they ’ re not racist .
“ I kept having to tell them that definition is not representative of what is actually happening in the world .
The way that racism occurs in real life is not just prejudice , it ’ s the systemic racism that is happening for a lot of black Americans , ” she told CNN .
Mitchum was both shocked and pleased when editors at Merriam-Webster replied to her concern and pledged to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Mitchum , Merriam-Webster editor Alex Chambers said : “ While our focus will always be on faithfully reflecting the real-world usage of a word , not on promoting any particular viewpoint , we have concluded that omitting any mention of the systemic aspects of racism promotes a certain viewpoint in itself.
” As protests against racism and police violence continue around the world , Merriam-Webster ’ s statement signifies a shift in how people and institutions are coming to grapple with what racism is and the full scope of how it has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go hand in hand White discourse on racism has historically relied on the part of the dictionary definition that says one must believe a particular race is superior or inferior to be racist .
Under this definition , someone is racist , for example , if in one-to-one interactions they intentionally mistreat someone or deny them opportunity ( a job or promotion , housing , a seat at a restaurant ) based on their race .
Under this definition , someone is racist if they use the n-word , a term that inherently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are inferior .
But modern discourse has advanced the reality that larger systems and institutions at play in society — whether in education , policing , health care , or the economy — work over time to reinforce the superiority of one race over another .
For example , the continued practice of redlining on the part of banks and the US real estate industry in the 20th century systematically disenfranchised black homeowners and furthered segregation and the prosperity of white Americans across the country .
Or the country ’ s policing system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system that is racist , reinforces the false idea that black people are innately criminals and therefore inferior .
Meanwhile , policies like stop-and-frisk criminalize and systematically oppress black people when they target them on the basis of race .
In its revision of the definition for racism , Merriam-Webster will attempt to show how racism isn ’ t just about discrimination or prejudice from one person to another but also about how longstanding institutions and laws and regulations buttress notions of supremacy and inferiority between the races .
Moreover , the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white people benefit from racism since systemic oppression is ingrained in the fabric of American society .
“ Because people often turn to the dictionary to gain a more nuanced view of the way a word is being used in a particular context , and because the use of the word racism to specifically describe racial prejudice combined with systemic oppression is now so common , ignoring this meaning of the word may leave our readers confused or misled , ” Chambers wrote to Mitchum .
Merriam-Webster ’ s decision comes at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police killings of black people , from Breonna Taylor to George Floyd to Maurice Gordon .
International unrest has followed these deaths , with protesters calling for changes to the systems and people that intentionally and unintentionally enforce racism .
Merriam-Webster said the revised entry for racism is being drafted and will be added to the dictionary soon .
In addition , the dictionary said it will “ revise the entries of other words that are related to racism or have racial connotations.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Signifying the larger cultural shift felt around the US, Merriam-Webster will now include systemic oppression in its latest definition of racism.
The dictionary, which has long served as a gatekeeper of the English lexicon, made plans for the update after recent Drake University graduate Kennedy Mitchum emailed editors frustrated about the current definition’s inadequacy.
Merriam-Webster’s current definition of racism reads:
a belief that race is the primary determinant of human traits and capacities and that racial differences produce an inherent superiority of a particular race.” a: doctrine or political program based on the assumption of racism and designed to execute its principles b: a political or social system founded on racism racial prejudice or discrimination.
Mitchum, a black woman who hails from Florissant, Missouri, a city just north of Ferguson, wanted the dictionary to provide a more detailed definition, one that includes an explanation of systemic oppression. She grew tired of having conversations about racial injustice, just to have people point to the dictionary as a defense for why they’re not racist.
“I kept having to tell them that definition is not representative of what is actually happening in the world. The way that racism occurs in real life is not just prejudice, it’s the systemic racism that is happening for a lot of black Americans,” she told CNN.
Mitchum was both shocked and pleased when editors at Merriam-Webster replied to her concern and pledged to make a change. In the response to Mitchum, Merriam-Webster editor Alex Chambers said: “While our focus will always be on faithfully reflecting the real-world usage of a word, not on promoting any particular viewpoint, we have concluded that omitting any mention of the systemic aspects of racism promotes a certain viewpoint in itself.”
As protests against racism and police violence continue around the world, Merriam-Webster’s statement signifies a shift in how people and institutions are coming to grapple with what racism is and the full scope of how it has always worked.
Racism and systemic oppression go hand in hand
White discourse on racism has historically relied on the part of the dictionary definition that says one must believe a particular race is superior or inferior to be racist. Under this definition, someone is racist, for example, if in one-to-one interactions they intentionally mistreat someone or deny them opportunity (a job or promotion, housing, a seat at a restaurant) based on their race. Under this definition, someone is racist if they use the n-word, a term that inherently speaks to the belief that black people are inferior.
But modern discourse has advanced the reality that larger systems and institutions at play in society — whether in education, policing, health care, or the economy — work over time to reinforce the superiority of one race over another. For example, the continued practice of redlining on the part of banks and the US real estate industry in the 20th century systematically disenfranchised black homeowners and furthered segregation and the prosperity of white Americans across the country. Or the country’s policing system, part of a greater criminal justice system that is racist, reinforces the false idea that black people are innately criminals and therefore inferior. Meanwhile, policies like stop-and-frisk criminalize and systematically oppress black people when they target them on the basis of race.
In its revision of the definition for racism, Merriam-Webster will attempt to show how racism isn’t just about discrimination or prejudice from one person to another but also about how longstanding institutions and laws and regulations buttress notions of supremacy and inferiority between the races. Moreover, the new definition may help us better see how white people benefit from racism since systemic oppression is ingrained in the fabric of American society.
“Because people often turn to the dictionary to gain a more nuanced view of the way a word is being used in a particular context, and because the use of the word racism to specifically describe racial prejudice combined with systemic oppression is now so common, ignoring this meaning of the word may leave our readers confused or misled,” Chambers wrote to Mitchum.
Merriam-Webster’s decision comes at a time when national attention has turned to the police killings of black people, from Breonna Taylor to George Floyd to Maurice Gordon. International unrest has followed these deaths, with protesters calling for changes to the systems and people that intentionally and unintentionally enforce racism.
Merriam-Webster said the revised entry for racism is being drafted and will be added to the dictionary soon. In addition, the dictionary said it will “revise the entries of other words that are related to racism or have racial connotations.”


vox--2020-06-10--Minnesota’s unrest is decades in the making. Most Americans just forgot that black Midwesterners exi

Minnesota’s unrest is decades in the making. Most Americans just forgot that black Midwesterners exist.

It ’ s unclear who broke the first shop window or started the first fire .
But Minneapolis residents knew two things : They were tired of police abuse , which sparked the unrest .
And they were tired of promises of equality , only for them to dissipate .
The stores , most of which they did not own or operate , would have to evaporate too .
This wasn ’ t May 2020 , but July 1967 in Minneapolis ’ s North Side .
A police officer mistreated a young black woman at a parade , some accounts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Plymouth Avenue , it became a rebellion .
Some of the crowd burned stores , threw rocks and bottles , and sporadically set the neighborhood on fire .
One state over in the same month , Milwaukee would also be in flames after clashes with police officers .
Throughout the country in that long , hot summer , urban unrest spread like wildfire .
Hundreds of cities that once offered a beacon of light for black Americans escaping the south would become nightmares engulfed in flames for many of these migrants and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those conditions largely remain , particularly in the Midwest .
Minneapolis is almost 20 percent black , just a few percentage points lower than New York City and Oakland .
Despite the “ Minnesota Nice ” veneer and relatively high average quality of life for the state ’ s residents , Minnesota has some of the worst black-white inequality in the country .
In recent years , it had the highest income gap and highest poverty gap between its black and white residents .
It had the country ’ s second-highest unemployment gap @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Two other Midwestern states — Iowa and Wisconsin — narrowly edged it out . )
These racial disparities are prevalent throughout the region , with the country ’ s top nine states with black-white unemployment disparities all in the Midwest .
Yet , up until the past month , when George Floyd was killed by a Minneapolis police officer , sparking protests against racist police violence around the world , much of the popular depiction of the Midwest has been blind to its extreme racial inequality — or that nonwhite Midwesterners even exist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , politicians , and political coverage often failed to acknowledge that black people with policy needs worth paying attention to even exist in the region , opting for archaic tropes of average Joes , white blue collar workers , and moderates who require wooing in Midterms and presidential elections .
When a region is symbolized for “ real Americans ” — by which they mean “ working class ” or civically engaged , moderate taxpayers who are white — it ’ s easy to erase black people , who are rarely portrayed as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poor are framed as dysfunctional and underclass .
Nonwhites are othered .
Statements from Jonathan Weisman last summer , then the deputy Washington editor for the New York Times , exemplify this sentiment .
“ Saying @ RashidaTlaib ( D-Detroit ) and @ IlhanMN ( D-Minneapolis ) are from the Midwest is like saying @ RepLloydDoggett ( D-Austin ) is from Texas or @ repjohnlewis ( D-Atlanta ) is from the Deep South , ” he tweeted .
Instead of acknowledging the changing demographics of the Midwest where , for instance , Minneapolis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Somali immigrants , he stripped two Midwestern women of that part of their identity altogether .
When I took a reporting trip to Wisconsin a year after the 2016 Sherman Park uprising , I was forced to confront my own stereotypes about the region .
The city of Milwaukee ’ s black population is nearly 40 percent of the total , considerably higher than Brooklyn , Chicago , and Houston .
I saw the central city ’ s abandoned factories and heard from black retired union workers about businesses settling into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country .
To be clear , these regions are vastly white , but there are meaningful black populations who have called it home for decades , largely due to the Great Migration of black Southerners to other parts of the country in the early 20th century .
My experience in Wisconsin eventually brought me back to the region , where I followed up a year later in producing the short film “ Left Out , ” which focuses on black Midwesterners who are left out of larger political and policy conversations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it became clear to me that the political narrative of Midwest deindustrialization wasn ’ t just a blue-collar white men ’ s problem ; in fact , it was even more pronounced for black men , who were overrepresented in these jobs .
Now , four of the top five cities in black male unemployment are in the Midwest , including Detroit , Milwaukee , Cleveland , and Chicago .
Throughout the region , the black unemployment rate is three to four times that of white Midwesterners .
Despite a crisis that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stories of job insecurity , health insurance failings , union decline , and corporate offshoring don ’ t feature the people hit worst by it .
Erasing the region ’ s nonwhite residents also erases the region ’ s black radical tradition and ignores what may be guiding some of its protest today , from Nebraska ’ s Malcolm X , to Illinois ’ s Fred Hampton , to Rev .
Albert Cleage , the founding pastor of my Detroit-headquartered church and co-founder of the Organization of Afro-American Unity , Malcolm X @ @ @ @ @ @ @ series of devastating events over the past six years , the killing of George Floyd was merely the final crack for this radicalism to resurface .
There was the police killing of Philando Castile in Minneapolis in 2016 , and unrest in Ferguson , Missouri , after police officer Darren Wilson killed Michael Brown two years before .
A few hundred miles away in Milwaukee ’ s Sherman Park neighborhood , black residents erupted after police officer Dominique Heaggan-Brown killed Sylville Smith .
There was 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Ohio , and John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hashtags followed most of these incidents .
Elsewhere , militarized police escalated violence and unjustly arrested protestors .
Before the ninth and final minute Derek Chauvin ’ s knee dug into George Floyd ’ s windpipe , the brewing inequality was already prepared to boil over .
After peaceful protests and relatively little change , with elected officials who have promised to either return America to “ normal ” or widen its inequality , those on the verge of imploding found their catharsis .
Both in Minneapolis and in cities throughout the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the coronavirus catastrophe and its subsequent deaths and economic devastation spread the unrest swifter and wider .
Like many cities defined by segregation , Minneapolis ’ s racist and restrictive housing covenants limited black home-buying to a designated area — the city ’ s North Side .
Some things have changed since , as other ethnic groups have uprooted their lives to call Minnesota home .
But much of the city ’ s inequalities have gone unchanged .
Plymouth , a community a bit south of the North Side , and where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is fairly representative of the city ’ s racial demographics .
Segregation may now be legally invalid , but the attitudes behind the practice — perceiving black people as threats and their lives indispensable — pervade .
The 17-year-old filming Floyd ’ s killing captured this reality for the world to see .
I don ’ t know what will happen when the mass protests settle .
But the crises of capitalism and policing will be ongoing .
A deeper understanding of the Midwest could change how the region is covered both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people more silently suffer from homelessness , unemployment , undereducation , and over policing .
Perhaps it could influence the policymakers who help mold the Midwest narrative and , potentially , improve the lives of people enduring its pervasive job loss .
Otherwise , future generations absent from mainstream stories may be forced to repeat the same words of despair of protesters today , moments after the damage has already been done .
Malaika Jabali is a writer , activist , and filmmaker whose first short film , “ Left Out , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

It’s unclear who broke the first shop window or started the first fire. But Minneapolis residents knew two things: They were tired of police abuse, which sparked the unrest. And they were tired of promises of equality, only for them to dissipate. The stores, most of which they did not own or operate, would have to evaporate too.
This wasn’t May 2020, but July 1967 in Minneapolis’s North Side. A police officer mistreated a young black woman at a parade, some accounts said. As the protest migrated to Plymouth Avenue, it became a rebellion. Some of the crowd burned stores, threw rocks and bottles, and sporadically set the neighborhood on fire.
One state over in the same month, Milwaukee would also be in flames after clashes with police officers. Throughout the country in that long, hot summer, urban unrest spread like wildfire. Hundreds of cities that once offered a beacon of light for black Americans escaping the south would become nightmares engulfed in flames for many of these migrants and their children. Over 50 years later, those conditions largely remain, particularly in the Midwest.
Minneapolis is almost 20 percent black, just a few percentage points lower than New York City and Oakland. Despite the “Minnesota Nice” veneer and relatively high average quality of life for the state’s residents, Minnesota has some of the worst black-white inequality in the country. In recent years, it had the highest income gap and highest poverty gap between its black and white residents. It had the country’s second-highest unemployment gap and the fourth-highest incarceration gap. (Two other Midwestern states — Iowa and Wisconsin — narrowly edged it out.) These racial disparities are prevalent throughout the region, with the country’s top nine states with black-white unemployment disparities all in the Midwest.
Yet, up until the past month, when George Floyd was killed by a Minneapolis police officer, sparking protests against racist police violence around the world, much of the popular depiction of the Midwest has been blind to its extreme racial inequality — or that nonwhite Midwesterners even exist.
News outlets, film and television, politicians, and political coverage often failed to acknowledge that black people with policy needs worth paying attention to even exist in the region, opting for archaic tropes of average Joes, white blue collar workers, and moderates who require wooing in Midterms and presidential elections. When a region is symbolized for “real Americans” — by which they mean “working class” or civically engaged, moderate taxpayers who are white — it’s easy to erase black people, who are rarely portrayed as workers deserving of sympathy. The black poor are framed as dysfunctional and underclass. Nonwhites are othered.
Statements from Jonathan Weisman last summer, then the deputy Washington editor for the New York Times, exemplify this sentiment. “Saying @RashidaTlaib (D-Detroit) and @IlhanMN (D-Minneapolis) are from the Midwest is like saying @RepLloydDoggett (D-Austin) is from Texas or @repjohnlewis (D-Atlanta) is from the Deep South,” he tweeted. Instead of acknowledging the changing demographics of the Midwest where, for instance, Minneapolis has the country’s highest population of Somali immigrants, he stripped two Midwestern women of that part of their identity altogether.
When I took a reporting trip to Wisconsin a year after the 2016 Sherman Park uprising, I was forced to confront my own stereotypes about the region. The city of Milwaukee’s black population is nearly 40 percent of the total, considerably higher than Brooklyn, Chicago, and Houston. I saw the central city’s abandoned factories and heard from black retired union workers about businesses settling into the metro area’s suburbs or outside of the country.
To be clear, these regions are vastly white, but there are meaningful black populations who have called it home for decades, largely due to the Great Migration of black Southerners to other parts of the country in the early 20th century. My experience in Wisconsin eventually brought me back to the region, where I followed up a year later in producing the short film “Left Out,” which focuses on black Midwesterners who are left out of larger political and policy conversations.
In reporting on this region, it became clear to me that the political narrative of Midwest deindustrialization wasn’t just a blue-collar white men’s problem; in fact, it was even more pronounced for black men, who were overrepresented in these jobs. Now, four of the top five cities in black male unemployment are in the Midwest, including Detroit, Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Chicago. Throughout the region, the black unemployment rate is three to four times that of white Midwesterners. Despite a crisis that has been growing for decades, many of the stories of job insecurity, health insurance failings, union decline, and corporate offshoring don’t feature the people hit worst by it.
Erasing the region’s nonwhite residents also erases the region’s black radical tradition and ignores what may be guiding some of its protest today, from Nebraska’s Malcolm X, to Illinois’s Fred Hampton, to Rev. Albert Cleage, the founding pastor of my Detroit-headquartered church and co-founder of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, Malcolm X’s political organization.
After a series of devastating events over the past six years, the killing of George Floyd was merely the final crack for this radicalism to resurface. There was the police killing of Philando Castile in Minneapolis in 2016, and unrest in Ferguson, Missouri, after police officer Darren Wilson killed Michael Brown two years before. A few hundred miles away in Milwaukee’s Sherman Park neighborhood, black residents erupted after police officer Dominique Heaggan-Brown killed Sylville Smith. There was 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Ohio, and John Crawford too. Peaceful protests and viral hashtags followed most of these incidents. Elsewhere, militarized police escalated violence and unjustly arrested protestors.
Before the ninth and final minute Derek Chauvin’s knee dug into George Floyd’s windpipe, the brewing inequality was already prepared to boil over. After peaceful protests and relatively little change, with elected officials who have promised to either return America to “normal” or widen its inequality, those on the verge of imploding found their catharsis. Both in Minneapolis and in cities throughout the country, the winds of historic inequalities along with the coronavirus catastrophe and its subsequent deaths and economic devastation spread the unrest swifter and wider.
Like many cities defined by segregation, Minneapolis’s racist and restrictive housing covenants limited black home-buying to a designated area — the city’s North Side. Some things have changed since, as other ethnic groups have uprooted their lives to call Minnesota home. But much of the city’s inequalities have gone unchanged. Plymouth, a community a bit south of the North Side, and where George Floyd would exhale his last breath, is fairly representative of the city’s racial demographics. Segregation may now be legally invalid, but the attitudes behind the practice — perceiving black people as threats and their lives indispensable — pervade. The 17-year-old filming Floyd’s killing captured this reality for the world to see.
I don’t know what will happen when the mass protests settle. But the crises of capitalism and policing will be ongoing. A deeper understanding of the Midwest could change how the region is covered both during urban unrest and beyond, when people more silently suffer from homelessness, unemployment, undereducation, and over policing. Perhaps it could influence the policymakers who help mold the Midwest narrative and, potentially, improve the lives of people enduring its pervasive job loss. Otherwise, future generations absent from mainstream stories may be forced to repeat the same words of despair of protesters today, moments after the damage has already been done.
Malaika Jabali is a writer, activist, and filmmaker whose first short film, “Left Out,” examines the economic crisis facing black Midwesterners.


vox--2020-06-10--A Republican witness at a congressional hearing on police brutality didn’t mention police brutality

Fox News contributor and former Secret Service agent Dan Bongino was invited by Republicans to testify at Tuesday ’ s House Judiciary Committee hearing on police brutality .
But Bongino didn ’ t mention the subject even once in his opening statement .
Instead , Bongino chose to highlight the risks inherent to the job of policing , which doesn ’ t rank among the top 10 most dangerous careers , according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics .
While Bongino did admit there was need to “ commit to police accountability , ” he warned legislators not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civilization and chaos.
” He also attempted to position police reform as a personal attack on police officers themselves , rather than the institution as a whole — a sign that at least some conservatives are staking out the position that less , not more , should be done concerning the issue of police brutality .
Bongino began his testimony by highlighting his personal relationship with NYPD officer Dan O ’ Sullivan , who was injured during a 1998 stop to assist a stranded motorist .
“ Dan was the very essence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself last , while putting his commitment to the safety and security of the public first , ” Bongino said , before asserting that most police officers are not bad people .
“ These are good men and women.
” He did add a caveat to his statement by admitting there are some officers who “ aren ’ t suited for the job and who cause trouble , and sometimes worse.
” But Bongino also said that bad law enforcement officers are “ rare , ” in his experience , and “ becoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ few bad apples ” argument .
But as Vox ’ s Sean Illing previously explained , the problem is systemic racism , not a few rogue officers .
Bongino invoked imagery valorizing the police , including NYPD officers and New York firefighters running into burning buildings on 9/11 , and said the movement to defund the police would target those heroes .
Though this tactic has been effective in the past , new polling shows that it may have reached its limits .
According to a Washington Post-Schar School poll of 1,006 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of Americans said the police killing of George Floyd represents a broader problem within law enforcement .
That perception has grown over the last few years .
In 2014 , when protests erupted after Michael Brown was killed in Ferguson , Missouri , and Eric Garner was killed in New York City , just 43 percent described those deaths as “ indicative of broader problems in policing , ” the Washington Post reported .
Strangely missing from Bongino ’ s testimony was any mention of police violence or brutality .
While other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against Black people and the ongoing Black Lives Matter protests , Bongino instead painted a picture of policing as a stressful job , where violence against the public is the only thing keeping communities safe at night .
“ I receive an email or a text a few times a year notifying me about the death or injury of a police officer I knew or worked with , ” Bongino said .
“ Imagine if that was happening at your job .
God forbid you found out that co-workers of yours were killed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their jobs .
And you received these messages multiple times each year .
That ’ s policing .
That ’ s what they do .
They risk their own lives for yours.
” Lastly , Bongino urged committee members to drop talk of police reform “ before someone gets hurt , ” ignoring dozens of instances of police officers injuring protesters over the last two weeks , not to mention centuries of police violence against Black people in the US .
His statement felt out of place compared with those of other witnesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and sensible reform proposals .
Even other Republican-invited witnesses at the hearing , like Pastor Darrell Scott , a former member of President Donald Trump ’ s transition team , stressed the need for police reforms such as banning chokeholds or creating a national database of officers who are fired for misconduct .
That Bongino would be one of the GOP witnesses at this hearing is a statement in itself , even as Republicans have seemingly begun to take police reform seriously over the last two weeks of nationwide protests sparked by Floyd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member Rep. Jim Jordan ( R-OH ) , however , echoed Bongino ’ s sentiments in his opening statement .
“ The vast , vast majority of law enforcement officers are responsible , hardworking , heroic first responders , ” Jordan said .
“ They ’ re the officers who protect the Capitol , who protect us every single day .
They ’ re the officers who rushed into the twin towers on 9/11.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Vox today .

Fox News contributor and former Secret Service agent Dan Bongino was invited by Republicans to testify at Tuesday’s House Judiciary Committee hearing on police brutality. But Bongino didn’t mention the subject even once in his opening statement.
Instead, Bongino chose to highlight the risks inherent to the job of policing, which doesn’t rank among the top 10 most dangerous careers, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. While Bongino did admit there was need to “commit to police accountability,” he warned legislators not to shred “the thin wall between civilization and chaos.” He also attempted to position police reform as a personal attack on police officers themselves, rather than the institution as a whole — a sign that at least some conservatives are staking out the position that less, not more, should be done concerning the issue of police brutality.
Bongino began his testimony by highlighting his personal relationship with NYPD officer Dan O’Sullivan, who was injured during a 1998 stop to assist a stranded motorist.
“Dan was the very essence of a public servant. Dan always put himself last, while putting his commitment to the safety and security of the public first,” Bongino said, before asserting that most police officers are not bad people. “These are good men and women.”
He did add a caveat to his statement by admitting there are some officers who “aren’t suited for the job and who cause trouble, and sometimes worse.” But Bongino also said that bad law enforcement officers are “rare,” in his experience, and “becoming rarer” He was essentially making the “few bad apples” argument.
But as Vox’s Sean Illing previously explained, the problem is systemic racism, not a few rogue officers.
Bongino invoked imagery valorizing the police, including NYPD officers and New York firefighters running into burning buildings on 9/11, and said the movement to defund the police would target those heroes. Though this tactic has been effective in the past, new polling shows that it may have reached its limits. According to a Washington Post-Schar School poll of 1,006 US adults taken June 2-7, 69 percent of Americans said the police killing of George Floyd represents a broader problem within law enforcement.
That perception has grown over the last few years. In 2014, when protests erupted after Michael Brown was killed in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner was killed in New York City, just 43 percent described those deaths as “indicative of broader problems in policing,” the Washington Post reported.
Strangely missing from Bongino’s testimony was any mention of police violence or brutality. While other witnesses cited repeated acts of police violence against Black people and the ongoing Black Lives Matter protests, Bongino instead painted a picture of policing as a stressful job, where violence against the public is the only thing keeping communities safe at night.
“I receive an email or a text a few times a year notifying me about the death or injury of a police officer I knew or worked with,” Bongino said. “Imagine if that was happening at your job. God forbid you found out that co-workers of yours were killed or injured in the course of doing their jobs. And you received these messages multiple times each year. That’s policing. That’s what they do. They risk their own lives for yours.”
Ask a spouse of a police officer why the sound of velcro at night is the greatest sound in the world –– then you will have a tiny idea of what it's like to wear the uniform.
The battle over law & order is not one our society can afford to lose.
My opening statement to Congress: pic.twitter.com/M28SLXJd5h — Dan Bongino (@dbongino) June 10, 2020
Lastly, Bongino urged committee members to drop talk of police reform “before someone gets hurt,” ignoring dozens of instances of police officers injuring protesters over the last two weeks, not to mention centuries of police violence against Black people in the US. His statement felt out of place compared with those of other witnesses who calmly detailed instances of police brutality and sensible reform proposals.
Even other Republican-invited witnesses at the hearing, like Pastor Darrell Scott, a former member of President Donald Trump’s transition team, stressed the need for police reforms such as banning chokeholds or creating a national database of officers who are fired for misconduct. That Bongino would be one of the GOP witnesses at this hearing is a statement in itself, even as Republicans have seemingly begun to take police reform seriously over the last two weeks of nationwide protests sparked by Floyd’s death.
House Judiciary ranking member Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH), however, echoed Bongino’s sentiments in his opening statement. “The vast, vast majority of law enforcement officers are responsible, hardworking, heroic first responders,” Jordan said. “They’re the officers who protect the Capitol, who protect us every single day. They’re the officers who rushed into the twin towers on 9/11.”


vox--2020-06-10--8 states that experts worry are the new Covid-19 hot spots

If reopening the economy were going to lead to more coronavirus spread , states would likely just now be starting to feel the effects , with rising case counts , higher positive-test rates , and increasingly strained hospitals .
Unfortunately , there is a good amount of evidence that is exactly what is happening .
A couple of things to be mindful of as we track Covid-19 after reopening : First , states certainly expected some additional spread once people began going back to restaurants and resuming other normal activities .
It is a question of trade-offs : How much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alleviating the costs of the economic shutdown ?
What ’ s most important is whether a state health system maintains enough hospital capacity that it can treat all the coronavirus patients — and other patients — it has .
Exponential spread that risks overwhelming the hospitals in the state , and requires the reinstitution of strict social distancing measures , is the worst-case scenario .
One other consideration : Raw case counts alone might not tell you much about a state ’ s Covid-19 situation .
We would expect cases to increase along @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s rate of positive tests is rising , or if the number of hospitalizations is going up , that is better evidence of increased spread .
And looking ahead , the continued easing of social distancing could serve to exacerbate these trends .
“ The thing about all of these places is not that these increases are definitely tied to reopening or partying over Memorial Day weekend , though they might be , but that in the face of increasing numbers of case counts , the continued relaxation will only provide more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hanage , a Harvard epidemiologist , said .
“ The virus is getting highways along which to transmit.
” With that in mind , I asked public health experts across the country which coronavirus hot spots they are watching and worrying about .
Here ’ s the list .
( Eric Topol , a top medical scientist , came up with a very similar list on Twitter . )
All data pulled on Wednesday , June 10 .
Arizona has quickly become the most closely watched state in the country .
The state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that its intensive care unit is filling up .
The state ’ s top health official asked hospitals to activate their emergency plans for increasing their bed capacity .
Public health experts in the state have blamed the relaxing of social distancing for the spread , as the Arizona Republic reported .
Arizona began to reopen gyms , restaurants , and other businesses in mid-May .
The state has not required all individuals to wear masks in public , but workers who interact with the public are expected to have a mask .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ points to increased testing capacity to explain the state ’ s numbers .
But while it ’ s true that the number of daily tests has increased from 4,200 to 7,900 over the past two weeks , the rate at which those tests are coming back positive is also increasing .
Experts say such a trend suggests the virus is actually spreading , not just that more tests happen to be finding more cases .
Arizona ’ s former state health director warned this week that the state may be forced to issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state ’ s hospitals reporting a relatively low amount of bed availability as well , Arizona is at the foreground of the fears about reopening and renewed spread .
North Carolina repeats many of the same trends as Arizona , though to a slightly less severe degree .
Hospitalizations are up , and the positive test rate is rising .
The hospital system ’ s bed availability is considered low , according to the Covid Exit Strategy dashboard , though it is not dangerously so yet .
The Raleigh News & Observer reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospitalizations on Tuesday .
Democratic Gov .
Roy Cooper has sought to restore some social distancing in problematic places , such as ordering a racetrack that had been the site of an informal , maskless protest to close again .
At the same time , certain activities — like high school sports — have been allowed to resume in recent days .
The state is also not currently requiring masks to be worn in public places .
Its trendlines are being watched closely for now ; the top state health official recently said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being monitored to determine whether schools will be reopened .
Hospitalizations on June 9 : 541 ( up from 482 on June 7 ) South Carolina saw a dramatic one-day spike in Covid-19 hospitalizations , which has put it on the national radar .
Its bed capacity is also beginning to dwindle , down to about 30 percent statewide , with some areas seeing even less availability , according to the Washington Post .
The state is an anomaly on testing : Its daily average in tests has actually trailed off in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 4,200 .
But its positive test rate has more than doubled over the same period , suggesting increased spread since South Carolina was on the leading edge of allowing some businesses to reopen starting on April 20 .
Testing , again , does not seem sufficient to explain the trends , and health officials are clearly worried about people not taking proper precautions .
No state mandate for mask-wearing is in effect , though people are being urged to wear one .
“ Other factors , including gatherings at which people fail to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ play as well , ” state officials said this week , according to WCSC .
“ There is still a significant risk of being exposed to the COVID-19 virus in a public setting in any community.
” Utah has not seen a dramatic surge in hospitalizations to date , but its positive test rate is soaring to concerning heights .
Tests are coming back positive with twice the frequency they were two weeks ago , even though the state slightly increased its number of daily tests over the same period .
An outbreak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partially to blame for the spike in cases .
Some cities have started closing their public facilities again in response to the apparent surge .
Utah never actually instituted a stay-at-home order , and businesses were allowed to start reopening on May 1 .
State officials acknowledge that transmission is worrisomely persistent , and masks have been required in public places since April .
There does not appear to be any serious consideration of renewed social distancing policies for the time being .
Arkansas has seen its level of Covid-19 hospitalizations nearly double @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the state do not yet appear to be at risk of exceeding capacity .
But what ’ s concerning is the combination of increased hospitalizations and a higher positive test rate , even while its testing capacity is nearly twice what it was two weeks ago .
This is one of the states that never had a statewide stay-at-home order , and some business activities resumed in early May .
The general public is not being required to wear masks , but employees at public-facing companies are .
Gov .
Asa Hutchinson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not believe the increase in cases is related to reopening , citing instead clusters in nursing homes and correctional facilities .
In fact , the governor is expected to announce the next phase of reopening on Wednesday .
Texas is experiencing the same trends — hospitalizations up , positive test rates up — just at a much larger scale because it is a much larger state .
It started reopening businesses and restaurants at the beginning of May .
The Houston Chronicle reported hospitalizations are up 36 percent since the Memorial Day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hospitals have a little more than 30 percent of their general and ICU beds available .
Gov .
Greg Abbott has equivocated on whether reopening or the anti-police violence protests are to blame for the worrisome trendlines , but public health experts point to the relaxing of social distancing and the holiday , according to the Chronicle .
Nevertheless , reopening continues unabated for now .
Restaurants will be allowed to fill their dining rooms to 75 percent capacity starting this week , and amusement parks will be permitted to let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next week .
It ’ s not clear if Florida is experiencing a spike in hospitalizations right now because the state only reports cumulative totals , not current capacity .
But its positive test rate grew in the past two weeks , even though testing capacity is stable , suggesting an increase in spread .
Florida was a little later in reopening than other states on this list , so it is difficult to be sure why spread seems to be picking up .
Gov .
Ron DeSantis pointed to groups of agriculture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one possible explanation .
He also blamed people for failing to wear masks as has been advised — but not mandated , except for workers — by the state .
Daily average of new hospitalizations as of May 20 : 18 Daily average of new hospitalizations as of June 9 : 26 Tennessee does not disclose its total current hospitalizations , but it does report new hospitalizations each day , and those have jumped since late May .
Its positive test rate is also up slightly .
Restaurants have been open since late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rolled back on May 1 .
“ COVID is still with us .
It ’ s not going on a summer vacation , and our opening up clearly opened the door for more transmission , ” William Schaffner , an infectious disease professor at Vanderbilt University , told the Tennessean .
Nashville in particular is delaying its next stage of reopening — which would have allowed restaurants , retail stores , and small music venues to operate at their full capacity again — because of the rise in new cases there , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in VoxCare , a newsletter from Vox on the latest twists and turns in America ’ s health care debate .
Sign up to get VoxCare in your inbox along with more health care stats and news .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

If reopening the economy were going to lead to more coronavirus spread, states would likely just now be starting to feel the effects, with rising case counts, higher positive-test rates, and increasingly strained hospitals. Unfortunately, there is a good amount of evidence that is exactly what is happening.
A couple of things to be mindful of as we track Covid-19 after reopening: First, states certainly expected some additional spread once people began going back to restaurants and resuming other normal activities. It is a question of trade-offs: How much new coronavirus spread is “worth” alleviating the costs of the economic shutdown?
What’s most important is whether a state health system maintains enough hospital capacity that it can treat all the coronavirus patients — and other patients — it has. Exponential spread that risks overwhelming the hospitals in the state, and requires the reinstitution of strict social distancing measures, is the worst-case scenario.
One other consideration: Raw case counts alone might not tell you much about a state’s Covid-19 situation. We would expect cases to increase along with testing. But if a state’s rate of positive tests is rising, or if the number of hospitalizations is going up, that is better evidence of increased spread.
And looking ahead, the continued easing of social distancing could serve to exacerbate these trends.
“The thing about all of these places is not that these increases are definitely tied to reopening or partying over Memorial Day weekend, though they might be, but that in the face of increasing numbers of case counts, the continued relaxation will only provide more opportunity for community transmission,” William Hanage, a Harvard epidemiologist, said. “The virus is getting highways along which to transmit.”
With that in mind, I asked public health experts across the country which coronavirus hot spots they are watching and worrying about. Here’s the list. (Eric Topol, a top medical scientist, came up with a very similar list on Twitter.) All data pulled on Wednesday, June 10.
Arizona
Relaxed/ended stay-at-home order: May 16
Hospitalizations on May 16: 791
Hospitalizations on June 8: 1,252
Test positivity rate: 12.7 percent (increased from 7.7 percent two weeks ago)
Arizona has quickly become the most closely watched state in the country. The state’s largest health system has warned that its intensive care unit is filling up. The state’s top health official asked hospitals to activate their emergency plans for increasing their bed capacity.
Public health experts in the state have blamed the relaxing of social distancing for the spread, as the Arizona Republic reported. Arizona began to reopen gyms, restaurants, and other businesses in mid-May. The state has not required all individuals to wear masks in public, but workers who interact with the public are expected to have a mask.
Gov. Doug Ducey’s administration points to increased testing capacity to explain the state’s numbers. But while it’s true that the number of daily tests has increased from 4,200 to 7,900 over the past two weeks, the rate at which those tests are coming back positive is also increasing. Experts say such a trend suggests the virus is actually spreading, not just that more tests happen to be finding more cases.
Arizona’s former state health director warned this week that the state may be forced to issue a new stay-at-home order. With the state’s hospitals reporting a relatively low amount of bed availability as well, Arizona is at the foreground of the fears about reopening and renewed spread.
North Carolina
Relaxed/ended stay-at-home order: May 22
Hospitalizations on May 22: 568
Hospitalizations on June 9: 774
Test positivity rate: 7.2 percent (increased from 5.2 percent two weeks ago)
North Carolina repeats many of the same trends as Arizona, though to a slightly less severe degree. Hospitalizations are up, and the positive test rate is rising. The hospital system’s bed availability is considered low, according to the Covid Exit Strategy dashboard, though it is not dangerously so yet.
The Raleigh News & Observer reported the state saw a record number of hospitalizations on Tuesday. Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper has sought to restore some social distancing in problematic places, such as ordering a racetrack that had been the site of an informal, maskless protest to close again.
At the same time, certain activities — like high school sports — have been allowed to resume in recent days. The state is also not currently requiring masks to be worn in public places. Its trendlines are being watched closely for now; the top state health official recently said she was concerned about the specific benchmarks being monitored to determine whether schools will be reopened.
South Carolina
Relaxed/ended stay-at-home order: May 4
Hospitalizations on June 9: 541 (up from 482 on June 7)
Test positivity rate: 9.6 percent (increased from 3.9 percent two weeks ago)
South Carolina saw a dramatic one-day spike in Covid-19 hospitalizations, which has put it on the national radar. Its bed capacity is also beginning to dwindle, down to about 30 percent statewide, with some areas seeing even less availability, according to the Washington Post.
The state is an anomaly on testing: Its daily average in tests has actually trailed off in the last two weeks, from 5,400 to 4,200. But its positive test rate has more than doubled over the same period, suggesting increased spread since South Carolina was on the leading edge of allowing some businesses to reopen starting on April 20.
Testing, again, does not seem sufficient to explain the trends, and health officials are clearly worried about people not taking proper precautions. No state mandate for mask-wearing is in effect, though people are being urged to wear one.
“Other factors, including gatherings at which people fail to practice safety measures, could be in play as well,” state officials said this week, according to WCSC. “There is still a significant risk of being exposed to the COVID-19 virus in a public setting in any community.”
Utah
Relaxed social distancing policies: May 1
Hospitalizations on May 4: 102
Hospitalizations on June 9: 126
Test positivity rate: 9.4 percent (increased from 4.8 percent two weeks ago)
Utah has not seen a dramatic surge in hospitalizations to date, but its positive test rate is soaring to concerning heights. Tests are coming back positive with twice the frequency they were two weeks ago, even though the state slightly increased its number of daily tests over the same period.
An outbreak in a meat-packing plant is at least partially to blame for the spike in cases. Some cities have started closing their public facilities again in response to the apparent surge. Utah never actually instituted a stay-at-home order, and businesses were allowed to start reopening on May 1.
State officials acknowledge that transmission is worrisomely persistent, and masks have been required or strongly recommended in public places since April. There does not appear to be any serious consideration of renewed social distancing policies for the time being.
Arkansas
Relaxed social distancing policies: May 4
Hospitalizations on May 4: 91
Hospitalizations on June 8: 171
Test positivity rate: 8.1 percent (increased from 6.6 percent two weeks ago)
Arkansas has seen its level of Covid-19 hospitalizations nearly double in the past month, though hospitals in the state do not yet appear to be at risk of exceeding capacity. But what’s concerning is the combination of increased hospitalizations and a higher positive test rate, even while its testing capacity is nearly twice what it was two weeks ago.
This is one of the states that never had a statewide stay-at-home order, and some business activities resumed in early May. The general public is not being required to wear masks, but employees at public-facing companies are.
Gov. Asa Hutchinson and state health officials have insisted they do not believe the increase in cases is related to reopening, citing instead clusters in nursing homes and correctional facilities. In fact, the governor is expected to announce the next phase of reopening on Wednesday.
Texas
Relaxed social distancing policies: May 1
Hospitalizations on May 1: 1,778
Hospitalizations on June 8: 1,935
Test positivity rate: 6.6 percent (increased from 4.9 percent two weeks ago)
Texas is experiencing the same trends — hospitalizations up, positive test rates up — just at a much larger scale because it is a much larger state. It started reopening businesses and restaurants at the beginning of May. The Houston Chronicle reported hospitalizations are up 36 percent since the Memorial Day weekend. For now, the state’s hospitals have a little more than 30 percent of their general and ICU beds available.
Gov. Greg Abbott has equivocated on whether reopening or the anti-police violence protests are to blame for the worrisome trendlines, but public health experts point to the relaxing of social distancing and the holiday, according to the Chronicle.
Nevertheless, reopening continues unabated for now. Restaurants will be allowed to fill their dining rooms to 75 percent capacity starting this week, and amusement parks will be permitted to let in 50 percent of their usual capacity next week.
Florida
Relaxed/ended stay-at-home order: May 18
Test positivity rate: 4.1 percent (increased from 3.2 percent two weeks ago)
It’s not clear if Florida is experiencing a spike in hospitalizations right now because the state only reports cumulative totals, not current capacity. But its positive test rate grew in the past two weeks, even though testing capacity is stable, suggesting an increase in spread.
Florida was a little later in reopening than other states on this list, so it is difficult to be sure why spread seems to be picking up. Gov. Ron DeSantis pointed to groups of agriculture workers who live in close quarters as one possible explanation. He also blamed people for failing to wear masks as has been advised — but not mandated, except for workers — by the state.
(Here, as elsewhere, officials are also citing increased testing to explain the trends. But, again, that does not explain the rise in tests returning as positive.)
Tennessee
Relaxed social distancing policies: May 1
Daily average of new hospitalizations as of May 20: 18
Daily average of new hospitalizations as of June 9: 26
Test positivity rate: 5.4 percent (increased from 5 percent two weeks ago)
Tennessee does not disclose its total current hospitalizations, but it does report new hospitalizations each day, and those have jumped since late May. Its positive test rate is also up slightly. Restaurants have been open since late April, and the stay-at-home order was rolled back on May 1.
“COVID is still with us. It’s not going on a summer vacation, and our opening up clearly opened the door for more transmission,” William Schaffner, an infectious disease professor at Vanderbilt University, told the Tennessean.
Nashville in particular is delaying its next stage of reopening — which would have allowed restaurants, retail stores, and small music venues to operate at their full capacity again — because of the rise in new cases there, according to the newspaper.
This story appears in VoxCare, a newsletter from Vox on the latest twists and turns in America’s health care debate. Sign up to get VoxCare in your inbox along with more health care stats and news.


vox--2020-06-11--My cousin was killed in the Charleston church shootings. Here’s what happens after the cameras leave

My cousin was killed in the Charleston church shootings. Here’s what happens after the cameras leave.

In 2015 , the summer before my senior year of high school , an armed gunman walked into Mother Emanuel Church in Charleston , South Carolina .
A total stranger , he was nonetheless invited to join the group ’ s Bible study .
When the parishioners bent their heads to pray , he opened fire , killing nine members of the church .
Cynthia .
Susie .
Ethel .
Depayne .
Tywanza .
Daniel .
Sharonda .
Myra .
Clementa .
The next morning , I watched as my mother and father , just hours after returning from an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the people who had died was family .
Clementa — our cousin , our blood , 42 years old and a South Carolina state senator .
The next few weeks felt like they could be read in any newspaper in the country .
I saw our family ’ s faces on television , in the gas station , in the hair salon , at work .
My baby cousins got to meet Obama .
I watched them lower Clementa into his grave .
I watched as people lined the streets for his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next to her father ’ s grave , watched my family sweat under the Carolina sun .
I watched as the news replayed Clementa ’ s speeches protesting for Walter Scott , an unarmed man shot by police , just three months prior .
I watched them arrest his killer on an easy , bright day and bring him Burger King at the jail .
I was 17 , and I had finally realized what the world had been trying to tell me .
“ Remember this .
This is what happens to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to you.
” I wish I could say that was the last time I watched a dashcam video with bated breath , watched a white man pull his gun with zero thought , watched a black body fall and never get back up .
But it wasn ’ t the last time — far from it .
The rise of technology brought with it a new way to communicate , a new way to organize against a police state insistent on protecting its own .
The police could put out a statement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If a picture is worth a thousand words , video footage is holy scripture come down from the mountain .
In the past month especially , social media has been inundated with videos of racist scenarios .
At best , it ’ s a deliberate accusation made on a gentle birdwatcher .
At worst , it ’ s the murder of a man , of a woman , of a friend , being broadcast over and over and over again .
Black trauma is not new .
For centuries , African Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice long-delayed and denied .
They have toiled and tread and bled for a new day , a new way forward .
But the newfound viral fame of black death has made it inescapable .
What happens next : Rallying cries form , people post pictures or sympathies or prayers .
The outrage spreads and the petitions start and somewhere along the way , a name becomes more than just a name .
But few understand what happens afterward , when people tire of clicking on a video that no longer makes them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a nation move on to the next town , the next cop , the next video ?
You are left with the remains of a city , of a family , of a mother or brother or daughter who had the worst moments of their lives broadcast again and again .
Their loved one ’ s last moments have been used in think pieces , Facebook arguments , political rallies , and more .
The face of their beloved has been plastered again and again on signs , T-shirts , Facebook walls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The promises made in front of cameras , when lights flashed and the eyes of a nation watched , are no more .
For the rest of my life , I will remember my cousin .
Time and time again , his likeness will be reshared on social media , on the anniversary of his death , the day his young daughters spoke at the March for Our Lives , and every single time a police officer kills someone .
I will watch as he is carved again and again in effigy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ watercolor painting with a halo , or with a crown of flowers adorning his head .
Every so often , the video of President Obama singing “ Amazing Grace ” will circulate again , and instead of his face , I will watch as the camera pans over the crowd until it settles on the first five rows of the amphitheater , where I will watch my cousin ’ s wife cry and , behind her , my mother bow her head under the weight of the day .
And every time I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video will be me , so sure that the next cop or white man I offend will make my highest achievement a viral video .
In high school , I refused to be around illegal activity , refused to speed , got panic attacks when cop cars were near , and was paralyzed about what one mistake could mean .
Even now , as an adult , I fear what will happen when , not if , my parents are forced to watch another video of their blood spilling on the street .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ his body taken out of the church , and I am reminded that this world will not be kind to me , that the only right my ancestors ’ fight has afforded me , in this age , is a public death .
But even more than my fear of being remembered , I ’ m scared of being forgotten .
For every name that we cry in the streets , there is a name whispered quietly and alone .
A name that had no video recording .
A name where , after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of force is deemed “ acceptable.
” I am not alone .
There are innumerable names , innumerable families who must watch their loved ones die again and again .
There are teenagers whose viral traffic stops will define the rest of their lives .
And with every graphic , violent video of death , there are preteens and children being taught that their prospects will not matter as much as their suspected crime .
Even now , as an adult , I fear what will happen when , not if , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video of their blood spilling on the street I was 14 when I learned this lesson .
Emmett Till was 14 when he died , when his mother wept with her boy at her feet , when his broken body laid in an open casket for the world to see .
For all the lessons the country might have learned that day , the friends who played with him , who ran with him , who whistled with him learned something different : “ Remember .
This could still be you.
” With @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same , but our response to it grows numb .
Seeing death , even through a screen , changes a person ’ s life forever .
So imagine what it is like for the teenagers watching this through their phones , seeing life snuffed out of people ’ s eyes again and again .
Imagine what this does to younger children who become accustomed to seeing bodies fall and people scream with their hands up , to no avail .
What does it do to you , to watch a life end and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have created a new liturgy that values sight above all else , and in doing so , we are making our quest for freedom that much harder .
We have created a living graveyard , a minefield of aggression and pain and visual , violent deaths that we have normalized .
I don ’ t need to see another video of black death to be reminded that a person ’ s life mattered .
And neither do you .
Imagine if the protests that followed George Floyd ’ s death had happened without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a gentle , God-fearing black man being killed under suspicion and raised up by brothers and sisters speaking his name in the streets .
Imagine if every time someone died in police custody , we didn ’ t gather testimony from the cop ’ s friends about how the officer was a good man .
Imagine if it didn ’ t matter whether she was stealing , if it didn ’ t matter that he ran , that they reached for a wallet , that he was wearing a hoodie .
Imagine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what the world would look like if we flooded the streets to speak their names every single time there was a name to speak .
Imagine what it would be like to truly act like all of their lives mattered .
I can not act as if I have the answers .
Tonight I write in a warm bed , and tomorrow I will wake to see videos of people who have spent the night in jail , college students yanked out their cars , protesters laid bare in front of billy clubs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an end .
The chants will die down and the barricades will leave the streets , and two months from now I will walk on the same streets that have burned , and I will still be afraid of being remembered .
I do not know what will make my life matter .
But I know I can not let my fear of being remembered for the wrong thing keep me from being remembered for the right reasons .
So I will remember — George and Ahmaud and Sean and Tony and Breonna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mike , and the ones no one remembers and the ones no one knows and the ones who haven ’ t died yet and the ones who shouldn ’ t have , and the thousands of trans sisters and brothers whose murders see empty streets .
I remember Clementa .
And I hope that after the banners are rolled away and the marching stops and the popularity fades , you remember them too .
This essay is adapted from a post on Medium .
Zoe Christen Jones is a digital journalist , cultural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York City .
Her work has been published in Newsweek , Refinery29 , and more .
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In 2015, the summer before my senior year of high school, an armed gunman walked into Mother Emanuel Church in Charleston, South Carolina. A total stranger, he was nonetheless invited to join the group’s Bible study. When the parishioners bent their heads to pray, he opened fire, killing nine members of the church. Cynthia. Susie. Ethel. Depayne. Tywanza. Daniel. Sharonda. Myra. Clementa.
The next morning, I watched as my mother and father, just hours after returning from an overseas trip, found out that one of the people who had died was family. Clementa — our cousin, our blood, 42 years old and a South Carolina state senator.
The next few weeks felt like they could be read in any newspaper in the country. I saw our family’s faces on television, in the gas station, in the hair salon, at work. My baby cousins got to meet Obama. I watched them lower Clementa into his grave. I watched as people lined the streets for his funeral procession, watched my mother cry next to her father’s grave, watched my family sweat under the Carolina sun. I watched as the news replayed Clementa’s speeches protesting for Walter Scott, an unarmed man shot by police, just three months prior. I watched them arrest his killer on an easy, bright day and bring him Burger King at the jail.
I was 17, and I had finally realized what the world had been trying to tell me. “Remember this. This is what happens to us. This is what will happen to you.”
I wish I could say that was the last time I watched a dashcam video with bated breath, watched a white man pull his gun with zero thought, watched a black body fall and never get back up. But it wasn’t the last time — far from it.
The rise of technology brought with it a new way to communicate, a new way to organize against a police state insistent on protecting its own. The police could put out a statement, but the public could decide for themselves. If a picture is worth a thousand words, video footage is holy scripture come down from the mountain.
In the past month especially, social media has been inundated with videos of racist scenarios. At best, it’s a deliberate accusation made on a gentle birdwatcher. At worst, it’s the murder of a man, of a woman, of a friend, being broadcast over and over and over again. Black trauma is not new. For centuries, African Americans have been forced to deal with a justice long-delayed and denied. They have toiled and tread and bled for a new day, a new way forward. But the newfound viral fame of black death has made it inescapable.
What happens next: Rallying cries form, people post pictures or sympathies or prayers. The outrage spreads and the petitions start and somewhere along the way, a name becomes more than just a name. But few understand what happens afterward, when people tire of clicking on a video that no longer makes them gasp. What happens when the eyes of a nation move on to the next town, the next cop, the next video?
You are left with the remains of a city, of a family, of a mother or brother or daughter who had the worst moments of their lives broadcast again and again. Their loved one’s last moments have been used in think pieces, Facebook arguments, political rallies, and more. The face of their beloved has been plastered again and again on signs, T-shirts, Facebook walls, until the very sight becomes unimaginable. The promises made in front of cameras, when lights flashed and the eyes of a nation watched, are no more.
For the rest of my life, I will remember my cousin. Time and time again, his likeness will be reshared on social media, on the anniversary of his death, the day his young daughters spoke at the March for Our Lives, and every single time a police officer kills someone. I will watch as he is carved again and again in effigy, as a cartoon, as a watercolor painting with a halo, or with a crown of flowers adorning his head. Every so often, the video of President Obama singing “Amazing Grace” will circulate again, and instead of his face, I will watch as the camera pans over the crowd until it settles on the first five rows of the amphitheater, where I will watch my cousin’s wife cry and, behind her, my mother bow her head under the weight of the day.
And every time I watch, I am afraid the next video will be me, so sure that the next cop or white man I offend will make my highest achievement a viral video. In high school, I refused to be around illegal activity, refused to speed, got panic attacks when cop cars were near, and was paralyzed about what one mistake could mean. Even now, as an adult, I fear what will happen when, not if, my parents are forced to watch another video of their blood spilling on the street. I watch black bodies fall, watch his body taken out of the church, and I am reminded that this world will not be kind to me, that the only right my ancestors’ fight has afforded me, in this age, is a public death.
But even more than my fear of being remembered, I’m scared of being forgotten. For every name that we cry in the streets, there is a name whispered quietly and alone. A name that had no video recording. A name where, after internal review in police departments, the use of force is deemed “acceptable.”
I am not alone. There are innumerable names, innumerable families who must watch their loved ones die again and again. There are teenagers whose viral traffic stops will define the rest of their lives. And with every graphic, violent video of death, there are preteens and children being taught that their prospects will not matter as much as their suspected crime.
Even now, as an adult, I fear what will happen when, not if, my parents are forced to watch another video of their blood spilling on the street
I was 14 when I learned this lesson. Emmett Till was 14 when he died, when his mother wept with her boy at her feet, when his broken body laid in an open casket for the world to see. For all the lessons the country might have learned that day, the friends who played with him, who ran with him, who whistled with him learned something different: “Remember. This could still be you.”
With each video, the outrage stays the same, but our response to it grows numb. Seeing death, even through a screen, changes a person’s life forever. So imagine what it is like for the teenagers watching this through their phones, seeing life snuffed out of people’s eyes again and again. Imagine what this does to younger children who become accustomed to seeing bodies fall and people scream with their hands up, to no avail. What does it do to you, to watch a life end and be forced to keep scrolling? We have created a new liturgy that values sight above all else, and in doing so, we are making our quest for freedom that much harder. We have created a living graveyard, a minefield of aggression and pain and visual, violent deaths that we have normalized. I don’t need to see another video of black death to be reminded that a person’s life mattered. And neither do you.
Imagine if the protests that followed George Floyd’s death had happened without a video. Imagine instead the story of a gentle, God-fearing black man being killed under suspicion and raised up by brothers and sisters speaking his name in the streets. Imagine if every time someone died in police custody, we didn’t gather testimony from the cop’s friends about how the officer was a good man. Imagine if it didn’t matter whether she was stealing, if it didn’t matter that he ran, that they reached for a wallet, that he was wearing a hoodie. Imagine if we cared about them all, what the world would look like if we flooded the streets to speak their names every single time there was a name to speak. Imagine what it would be like to truly act like all of their lives mattered.
I cannot act as if I have the answers. Tonight I write in a warm bed, and tomorrow I will wake to see videos of people who have spent the night in jail, college students yanked out their cars, protesters laid bare in front of billy clubs and tear gas. There will be an end. The chants will die down and the barricades will leave the streets, and two months from now I will walk on the same streets that have burned, and I will still be afraid of being remembered.
I do not know what will make my life matter. But I know I cannot let my fear of being remembered for the wrong thing keep me from being remembered for the right reasons.
So I will remember — George and Ahmaud and Sean and Tony and Breonna and Yassin and Eric and Trayvon and Mike, and the ones no one remembers and the ones no one knows and the ones who haven’t died yet and the ones who shouldn’t have, and the thousands of trans sisters and brothers whose murders see empty streets. I remember Clementa. And I hope that after the banners are rolled away and the marching stops and the popularity fades, you remember them too.
This essay is adapted from a post on Medium.
Zoe Christen Jones is a digital journalist, cultural critic, and video producer based in New York City. Her work has been published in Newsweek, Refinery29, and more. Follow her on Twitter here.