vox--2020-10-09--The pandemic is fueling the private tutoring industry

Around mid-July , Meghan Colasanti joked to her business partner , Karmin Braun , that they might need to hire a secretary .
The co-owners of Mathletes and Bookworms Tutoring had become inundated with phone calls and emails from families in the Denver area .
Their client list was rapidly expanding ( the business had already grown by 50 percent in April ) , but as parents faced the prospect of having to help their kids with virtual learning this fall , those with disposable income sought out additional tutoring , educational consulting , or supplemental curriculum — sometimes for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caregiver present multiple times a week .
“ Right now , parents are trying to smash both education and child care together , ” Braun told me .
“ But for us , our whole reason for having this tutoring business for the past eight years is to help kids learn , and it takes a lot of effort and work to design meaningful lessons to engage them.
” With some districts starting school as early as August , some parents have gravitated toward the idea of “ pods , ” in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ socioeconomic circles — bring their kids together in small groups to socialize or share a learning space .
As Anna North previously reported for Vox , the concept is highly appealing to busy parents , many of whom have joined regional or neighborhood Facebook groups advocating for independent pod creation .
Pods can exist solely as a supplement to online curriculum , while others may operate more like microschools .
Critics , however , worry that these closed-off learning groups will exacerbate the educational inequalities brought on by the coronavirus pandemic , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the resources and benefits of in-person teaching .
Although pods could be helmed by working parents who trade off child-watching responsibilities during the week , some middle- and upper-class families are exclusively hiring private tutors for their groups , the Washington Post reported in July .
Therein lies the predicament of a pod network , especially ones that offer extra schooling : “ Not every child has an equal opportunity to be in a pod , ” North wrote .
“ Low-income parents can ’ t afford to pay a tutor or rent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mostly among neighbors , they risk further amplifying the kinds of residential segregation that already exist in the American school system.
” Consequently , demand for tutoring and child care services has exploded over the summer due to the interest in learning pods , fueled by parental concerns about remote learning and the lack of direct teacher-to-student interaction .
There ’ s demand across every grade level , but pod queries for elementary school children have become especially popular , according to the companies I spoke to .
“ Parents are feeling that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ co-owner of NoCo Tutoring & Enrichment in Colorado .
“ Kids might be able to do this schoolwork by themselves , but mom and dad are realizing they can ’ t help them with this material anymore.
” “ Kids might be able to do this schoolwork by themselves , but mom and dad are realizing they can ’ t help them with this material anymore ” Tutoring companies have tweaked their business models to accommodate what families are looking for , with many promoting in-person group options and highlighting their online offerings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were already turning to online tutors such as Outschool to prevent their kids from “ falling behind , ” as one mother told the Wall Street Journal .
Even parents who are trained as educators say they struggle with supervising their kids , as children are more likely to take parental criticisms to heart .
“ There ’ s just so much more emotional weight that goes into teaching your own kids , ” Vasco Lopes , a school psychologist , told The Cut .
These child-care-related stressors are facilitating the growth of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which some parents see as a solution to their problems .
Beyond tutoring companies tailoring their services to groups , training programs like Pod School Prep have sprung up , selling themselves as a sort of “ virtual teaching aide ” to both individuals and companies tasked with leading their own pods .
The Texas Learning Pod — a service founded by a University of Texas Austin student that connects families with college undergrads for tutoring — charges between $ 20 and $ 55 per hour for group packages , according to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ site dedicated to caregivers , housekeepers , and tutors , saw a 92 percent increase in groups of families hiring a caregiver or tutor for multiple children on the platform in July .
“ We ’ re seeing a real surge in demand for child care overall , and specific to pods , there ’ s been a lot of interest in homeschooling pods , as well as hiring people to help you provide distance learning , ” said Carrie Cronkey , Care.com ’ s chief marketing officer .
“ When we surveyed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority of them didn ’ t feel prepared for distance learning again this fall.
” Thanks to Facebook and sites like Care , pod networks can easily connect with local teachers and specialized tutors to discuss the number of students per group , length of care , and hourly rates .
Parents are especially keen on hiring former teachers who have worked in their area or school district , said Mathletes and Bookworms ’ Colasanti .
“ Parents want teachers who are familiar with the curriculum , and to possibly design lessons to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
Her company — which works only with certified teachers — charges $ 75 an hour for one-to-one tutoring , although it offers classes for groups of up to six students .
“ We ’ ve always offered small-group sessions , or pods , as people now call them , ” Colasanti said , noting that she and Braun , her business partner , haven ’ t significantly changed their services since the pandemic began .
The rate for these group lessons starts at $ 100 per hour for two students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ additional child and a minimum commitment of three sessions per month .
Depending on the length and frequency of tutoring sessions , it ’ s likely that families will spend hundreds of dollars a week on tutoring or homeschooling .
One former teacher in Minnesota wrote in a local Facebook group that she ’ s able to teach about five to seven students in her home , at a rate of $ 10 per child per hour for a regular school day .
“ I plan to keep them for the entire day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and activities to keep their day exciting while staying on track with schoolwork and standards , ” the teacher wrote .
An ESM Prep tutor in the San Francisco Bay Area said on Facebook that the company ’ s “ mentors , ” as they ’ re officially called , can make $ 50 to $ 60 an hour , provided they ’ re able to commute to clients ’ homes and teach groups of four to seven students .
Price listings on Care.com range from $ 12 to $ 40 an hour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected to supervise or help kids with their schoolwork throughout the week .
At NoCo Tutoring , Smosna and her fellow co-owners have adjusted their rates to better suit the growing interest in group work , while also ensuring they ’ re fairly compensating their teachers .
“ Typically , our rates for a private one-to-one would be $ 50 an hour for one and $ 70 for two , ” Smosna told me .
“ It used to be about $ 600 [ a week ] for two students , if we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now we ’ ve reduced it to $ 400.
” However , Smosna added that she ’ s seen rates “ across the gamut ” as more and more people — even those who aren ’ t certified educators — try to hop on the bandwagon .
This wave of interest in independent microschooling , or the establishment of at-home learning sites , could vastly decrease the amount of public school funding in both the long term and short term , according to public school advocates .
The number of kids enrolled in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it receives per academic year .
In some locales , parents are being encouraged to stay enrolled in both the district and the virtual school , so that no funding is lost .
This option isn ’ t consistent across states or districts , however .
Some schools pursuing a hybrid model ( with both in-person and online learning ) could require parents to withdraw enrollment from the institution if they want to pursue an online-only option for the year .
Meanwhile , in places such as Washington , DC , private schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These factors , combined with shrinking local and state budgets , could lead to financial cuts in staff and educational resources .
Well-off parents have the means to outsource labor to certified teachers to teach a “ pod ” of kids who , statistically , are expected to succeed in the classroom .
“ A strong indicator of school achievement is education and income levels within the family , ” said Shayla Griffin , co-founder of Justice Leaders Collaborative , an organization focused on social justice education , training , and coaching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race and education , recently self-published several Medium articles on the social justice implications of pandemic pods and why parents who stay home with their kids should be paid for child care .
“ There ’ s this middle-class parenting angst occurring among people who assume that online learning isn ’ t perfect for their kids , and so they hire private tutors , ” Griffin said .
“ The truth is , their kids will be fine even if this year is crappy .
If anything , middle- and upper-class families should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and energy toward advocating for better virtual learning options.
” Although some pod groups on Facebook have raised concerns about equity and even proposed sponsoring “ scholarships ” or spots for low-income students , that doesn ’ t necessarily solve the overarching issue of educational inequality , Griffin said .
“ Parents have to figure out what to do with their kids , and if they need a network to do so , they should , ” she added .
“ But that ’ s entirely different than hiring a teacher to create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In spite of equity concerns voiced by advocates of public education , families are still looking out for their own self-interests .
Jason Calacanis , a well-known angel investor and tech entrepreneur in Silicon Valley , posted a Twitter callout for “ the best 4-6th grade teacher in [ the ] Bay Area ” to teach a group of two to seven students in his backyard .
The job comes with a “ 1-year contract , that will beat whatever they are getting paid.
” Teaching salaries have always varied from state to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Department of Education , the average salary for a public school teacher in the US was $ 61,730 for the 2018- ’ 19 school year .
And while that number has increased over the past few decades , when adjusted for inflation , the average salary is actually about 1.3 percent lower than what it was in the early 2000s , Business Insider reported .
Some public educators , then , are also turning to pods or independent tutoring companies ; and although hourly pay could shift depending on the frequency and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a temporary solution for those who either don ’ t feel comfortable going back into a classroom environment or are unable to do so for their own safety .
“ I need to take charge of my own health .
I don ’ t know how long this is going to last , ” one public school teacher in Dallas said in an interview with local news channel WFAA .
“ But if I can control something , then I have more power .
My health is my wealth.
” After coming down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decided to host virtual classes and teach small in-person groups this year .
Many teachers , as well as their respective labor unions , are concerned about whether districts will implement enough safety measures or offer enough personal protective equipment and hand sanitizer for students and staff when they reopen , which means teachers could be tasked with independently stocking up on supplies for their own classrooms .
“ I don ’ t think there ’ s a lot of confidence among teachers right now that public schools are going to be able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them or their families , ” Smosna told me .
“ We ’ ve had quite a few teachers come out of retirement looking for us , wanting to get their teaching fix .
Some who are being asked to teach in person have the option with us to be virtual , if they want to work with online clients.
” NoCo Tutoring has gone from working with about 10 to 12 certified teachers before the pandemic to 25 , and is also considering expanding the number of contractors , Smosna added .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this newfound reliance on private tutoring is alarming — even if it is a supplement for kids who need it .
“ The part that I struggle with as a former public educator is that there ’ s a real social and economic divide that ’ s happening , ” said Smosna .
“ It ’ s something we ’ ve struggled as a business : How can we support the kids who need it the most ?
And on top of the financial gap we ’ re setting up , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is frightening to me.
” Some of NoCo Tutoring ’ s clients have lost their jobs during the pandemic , so Smosna and the other co-owners have picked up additional tutoring shifts for free .
“ We used to have scholarships funded by local businesses , but that money dried up when Covid hit , ” she added .
Economically privileged families have always had the means to provide extra schooling for their children , and Griffin acknowledges the possibility that won ’ t ever change — even if schools and local governments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t mean you can ’ t try to have wealthier families think about it differently , ” she told me .
“ I don ’ t think the choices they ’ re making are malicious , but with the resources some of these parents have , they should be advocating for more local and statewide solutions that will benefit all families.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Around mid-July, Meghan Colasanti joked to her business partner, Karmin Braun, that they might need to hire a secretary.
The co-owners of Mathletes and Bookworms Tutoring had become inundated with phone calls and emails from families in the Denver area. Their client list was rapidly expanding (the business had already grown by 50 percent in April), but as parents faced the prospect of having to help their kids with virtual learning this fall, those with disposable income sought out additional tutoring, educational consulting, or supplemental curriculum — sometimes for groups of children that would need a caregiver present multiple times a week.
“Right now, parents are trying to smash both education and child care together,” Braun told me. “But for us, our whole reason for having this tutoring business for the past eight years is to help kids learn, and it takes a lot of effort and work to design meaningful lessons to engage them.”
With some districts starting school as early as August, some parents have gravitated toward the idea of “pods,” in which families — usually those within the same socioeconomic circles — bring their kids together in small groups to socialize or share a learning space. As Anna North previously reported for Vox, the concept is highly appealing to busy parents, many of whom have joined regional or neighborhood Facebook groups advocating for independent pod creation. Pods can exist solely as a supplement to online curriculum, while others may operate more like microschools. Critics, however, worry that these closed-off learning groups will exacerbate the educational inequalities brought on by the coronavirus pandemic, as students no longer have equal access to the resources and benefits of in-person teaching.
Although pods could be helmed by working parents who trade off child-watching responsibilities during the week, some middle- and upper-class families are exclusively hiring private tutors for their groups, the Washington Post reported in July. Therein lies the predicament of a pod network, especially ones that offer extra schooling: “Not every child has an equal opportunity to be in a pod,” North wrote. “Low-income parents can’t afford to pay a tutor or rent a space, and if pods form mostly among neighbors, they risk further amplifying the kinds of residential segregation that already exist in the American school system.”
Consequently, demand for tutoring and child care services has exploded over the summer due to the interest in learning pods, fueled by parental concerns about remote learning and the lack of direct teacher-to-student interaction. There’s demand across every grade level, but pod queries for elementary school children have become especially popular, according to the companies I spoke to. “Parents are feeling that panic,” said Niel Smosna, co-owner of NoCo Tutoring & Enrichment in Colorado. “Kids might be able to do this schoolwork by themselves, but mom and dad are realizing they can’t help them with this material anymore.”
“Kids might be able to do this schoolwork by themselves, but mom and dad are realizing they can’t help them with this material anymore”
Tutoring companies have tweaked their business models to accommodate what families are looking for, with many promoting in-person group options and highlighting their online offerings. In the spring, some parents were already turning to online tutors such as Outschool to prevent their kids from “falling behind,” as one mother told the Wall Street Journal. Even parents who are trained as educators say they struggle with supervising their kids, as children are more likely to take parental criticisms to heart. “There’s just so much more emotional weight that goes into teaching your own kids,” Vasco Lopes, a school psychologist, told The Cut.
These child-care-related stressors are facilitating the growth of a cottage industry around pandemic pods, which some parents see as a solution to their problems. Beyond tutoring companies tailoring their services to groups, training programs like Pod School Prep have sprung up, selling themselves as a sort of “virtual teaching aide” to both individuals and companies tasked with leading their own pods. The Texas Learning Pod — a service founded by a University of Texas Austin student that connects families with college undergrads for tutoring — charges between $20 and $55 per hour for group packages, according to the Texas Tribune.
Care.com, a listings site dedicated to caregivers, housekeepers, and tutors, saw a 92 percent increase in groups of families hiring a caregiver or tutor for multiple children on the platform in July. “We’re seeing a real surge in demand for child care overall, and specific to pods, there’s been a lot of interest in homeschooling pods, as well as hiring people to help you provide distance learning,” said Carrie Cronkey, Care.com’s chief marketing officer. “When we surveyed about 2,000 members on Care, the majority of them didn’t feel prepared for distance learning again this fall.”
Thanks to Facebook and sites like Care, pod networks can easily connect with local teachers and specialized tutors to discuss the number of students per group, length of care, and hourly rates. Parents are especially keen on hiring former teachers who have worked in their area or school district, said Mathletes and Bookworms’ Colasanti. “Parents want teachers who are familiar with the curriculum, and to possibly design lessons to meet children where they are,” she said. Her company — which works only with certified teachers — charges $75 an hour for one-to-one tutoring, although it offers classes for groups of up to six students.
“We’ve always offered small-group sessions, or pods, as people now call them,” Colasanti said, noting that she and Braun, her business partner, haven’t significantly changed their services since the pandemic began. The rate for these group lessons starts at $100 per hour for two students, with another $10 for each additional child and a minimum commitment of three sessions per month.
Depending on the length and frequency of tutoring sessions, it’s likely that families will spend hundreds of dollars a week on tutoring or homeschooling. One former teacher in Minnesota wrote in a local Facebook group that she’s able to teach about five to seven students in her home, at a rate of $10 per child per hour for a regular school day. “I plan to keep them for the entire day, so we can plan for breaks and activities to keep their day exciting while staying on track with schoolwork and standards,” the teacher wrote. An ESM Prep tutor in the San Francisco Bay Area said on Facebook that the company’s “mentors,” as they’re officially called, can make $50 to $60 an hour, provided they’re able to commute to clients’ homes and teach groups of four to seven students. Price listings on Care.com range from $12 to $40 an hour for pandemic pod teachers, who are expected to supervise or help kids with their schoolwork throughout the week.
At NoCo Tutoring, Smosna and her fellow co-owners have adjusted their rates to better suit the growing interest in group work, while also ensuring they’re fairly compensating their teachers. “Typically, our rates for a private one-to-one would be $50 an hour for one and $70 for two,” Smosna told me. “It used to be about $600 [a week] for two students, if we met for eight hours a week. Now we’ve reduced it to $400.” However, Smosna added that she’s seen rates “across the gamut” as more and more people — even those who aren’t certified educators — try to hop on the bandwagon.
This wave of interest in independent microschooling, or the establishment of at-home learning sites, could vastly decrease the amount of public school funding in both the long term and short term, according to public school advocates. The number of kids enrolled in a school district affects how much money it receives per academic year. In some locales, parents are being encouraged to stay enrolled in both the district and the virtual school, so that no funding is lost. This option isn’t consistent across states or districts, however. Some schools pursuing a hybrid model (with both in-person and online learning) could require parents to withdraw enrollment from the institution if they want to pursue an online-only option for the year. Meanwhile, in places such as Washington, DC, private schools or learning centers are attracting more interest. These factors, combined with shrinking local and state budgets, could lead to financial cuts in staff and educational resources.
Well-off parents have the means to outsource labor to certified teachers to teach a “pod” of kids who, statistically, are expected to succeed in the classroom. “A strong indicator of school achievement is education and income levels within the family,” said Shayla Griffin, co-founder of Justice Leaders Collaborative, an organization focused on social justice education, training, and coaching. Griffin, who has written about race and education, recently self-published several Medium articles on the social justice implications of pandemic pods and why parents who stay home with their kids should be paid for child care.
“There’s this middle-class parenting angst occurring among people who assume that online learning isn’t perfect for their kids, and so they hire private tutors,” Griffin said. “The truth is, their kids will be fine even if this year is crappy. If anything, middle- and upper-class families should be directing their money, time, and energy toward advocating for better virtual learning options.”
Looking for the best 4-6th grade teacher in Bay Area who wants a 1-year contract, that will beat whatever they are getting paid, to teach 2-7 students in my back yard#microschool
If you know this teacher, refer them & we hire them, I will give you a $2k UberEats gift card — jason@calacanis.com (@Jason) August 2, 2020
Although some pod groups on Facebook have raised concerns about equity and even proposed sponsoring “scholarships” or spots for low-income students, that doesn’t necessarily solve the overarching issue of educational inequality, Griffin said. “Parents have to figure out what to do with their kids, and if they need a network to do so, they should,” she added. “But that’s entirely different than hiring a teacher to create a separate curriculum for your kids.”
In spite of equity concerns voiced by advocates of public education, families are still looking out for their own self-interests. Jason Calacanis, a well-known angel investor and tech entrepreneur in Silicon Valley, posted a Twitter callout for “the best 4-6th grade teacher in [the] Bay Area” to teach a group of two to seven students in his backyard. The job comes with a “1-year contract, that will beat whatever they are getting paid.”
Teaching salaries have always varied from state to state, but according to data from the Department of Education, the average salary for a public school teacher in the US was $61,730 for the 2018-’19 school year. And while that number has increased over the past few decades, when adjusted for inflation, the average salary is actually about 1.3 percent lower than what it was in the early 2000s, Business Insider reported. Some public educators, then, are also turning to pods or independent tutoring companies; and although hourly pay could shift depending on the frequency and type of teaching, it’s a temporary solution for those who either don’t feel comfortable going back into a classroom environment or are unable to do so for their own safety.
“I need to take charge of my own health. I don’t know how long this is going to last,” one public school teacher in Dallas said in an interview with local news channel WFAA. “But if I can control something, then I have more power. My health is my wealth.” After coming down with the coronavirus in July, she decided to host virtual classes and teach small in-person groups this year.
I’m so sorry Nick.
Teachers I work with on online tutoring make more doing this than their teaching salaries.
There’s a huge demand for this. — Trinity (@TrinityResists) July 25, 2020
Many teachers, as well as their respective labor unions, are concerned about whether districts will implement enough safety measures or offer enough personal protective equipment and hand sanitizer for students and staff when they reopen, which means teachers could be tasked with independently stocking up on supplies for their own classrooms.
“I don’t think there’s a lot of confidence among teachers right now that public schools are going to be able to set up a place safe for them or their families,” Smosna told me. “We’ve had quite a few teachers come out of retirement looking for us, wanting to get their teaching fix. Some who are being asked to teach in person have the option with us to be virtual, if they want to work with online clients.” NoCo Tutoring has gone from working with about 10 to 12 certified teachers before the pandemic to 25, and is also considering expanding the number of contractors, Smosna added.
To educational researchers and public school advocates, this newfound reliance on private tutoring is alarming — even if it is a supplement for kids who need it. “The part that I struggle with as a former public educator is that there’s a real social and economic divide that’s happening,” said Smosna. “It’s something we’ve struggled as a business: How can we support the kids who need it the most? And on top of the financial gap we’re setting up, the achievement gap as a result of Covid-19 is frightening to me.”
Some of NoCo Tutoring’s clients have lost their jobs during the pandemic, so Smosna and the other co-owners have picked up additional tutoring shifts for free. “We used to have scholarships funded by local businesses, but that money dried up when Covid hit,” she added.
Economically privileged families have always had the means to provide extra schooling for their children, and Griffin acknowledges the possibility that won’t ever change — even if schools and local governments step in to help. “That doesn’t mean you can’t try to have wealthier families think about it differently,” she told me. “I don’t think the choices they’re making are malicious, but with the resources some of these parents have, they should be advocating for more local and statewide solutions that will benefit all families.”


vox--2020-10-09--What a Democratic Senate wants

What a Democratic Senate wants

If Senate Democrats win a governing majority in 2020 , they are vowing not to squander the opportunity .
“ The idea that we ’ re going to have to prioritize essentially one topic at a time is preposterous , ” said Sen. Brian Schatz ( D-HI ) .
“ The idea we ’ re going to look at Covid , and health care and the economy and climate and say , ‘ Okay , which one of these do we pick ?
’ It ’ s a waste of a win.
” If they flip the Senate , Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be more Covid-19 relief — especially now that a preelection deal looks increasingly unlikely .
Up next is trying to supercharge a lagging economy with a green jobs bill , likely including a massive infrastructure package on which Democrats hope to find common ground with Republicans .
Democrats also want to pass sweeping anti-corruption reforms , enhance and expand the Affordable Care Act , consider a public option , and take up a criminal justice bill to combat police brutality against Black Americans .
And that doesn ’ t even get to other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ background checks .
“ Oh , my gosh , there ’ s so much , ” Sen. Debbie Stabenow ( D-MI ) , chair of the Senate Democratic Policy and Communications Committee , told Vox in a recent interview .
“ We feel a great sense of responsibility and a great sense of urgency.
” There ’ s a lot of pent-up energy among Democrats who remember how intractable Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was even as minority leader in 2009 and 2010 .
Those years left a mark on Senate Democrats , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think bigger .
“ The way I view that is a New Deal Congress , ” said Sen. Bob Casey ( D-PA ) .
But all this ambition hinges on whether Democrats have the political courage to think bigger about the rules of the game .
They will have two options : budget reconciliation or blowing up the Senate filibuster — the 60-vote threshold that has disproportionately been used as a tool to block legislation since 2008 .
A Democratic Senate majority will include moderates from swing states like Arizona , Colorado , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is all about fixing Washington by bringing the parties together , and more moderate members might not be up for a power grab .
“ The dynamic to watch is whether Mitch McConnell does to a Biden presidency what he did to an Obama presidency , ” Sen. Ron Wyden ( D-OR ) told Vox .
Starting in 2009 , Senate Republicans blocked a record-breaking number of presidential nominees and united against almost everything .
“ Ultimately , the filibuster rests on how Republicans approach being in the minority , ” a Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vox in interviews this fall they aren ’ t ready to kill the filibuster right away , but they ’ re leaving the door open .
“ I think there will be enormous pressure on Republicans to find places where they can collaborate , ” said former Colorado Gov .
John Hickenlooper , the Democratic candidate in the Colorado Senate race , who has a record of working across the aisle in his home state .
But even he didn ’ t rule out the option .
“ If push comes to shove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There ’ s no question , ” he said .
A meaningful Covid-19 response is the first priority Democrats widely agree on their first big priority : a new Covid-19 relief and response package , likely modeled off the House-passed HEROES Act , which included $ 75 million for testing and contact tracing , “ strike teams ” to tackle challenges around long-term care and prisons , and funding to help cash-strapped state and local governments .
“ I find that to be a very attractive package , ” Sen. Tim Kaine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an immediate relief bill is becoming ever more urgent , with Trump recently upending talks on a package between his administration and Democrats .
The idea has a broad consensus , but Democrats face a big choice : They could stick to an incremental approach , such as covering treatment for the people with long-term Covid-19 complications .
Or they could go bigger by enhancing the Obamacare tax subsidies and perhaps enacting the Biden campaign ’ s proposal for a public health insurance option , part of his plan to extend health insurance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic aides want to see an overwhelmingly popular bill come to the floor and don ’ t want to get bogged down in a big fight with the health care industry over a public option .
But progressives , especially those in an expanded House majority , are going to push for more — a public option , at a minimum , given Biden ’ s stated support for it .
Even with unified control , this could be the Democrats ’ first big decision .
The upcoming Supreme Court case on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conversation .
If the Supreme Court overturns the ACA , one of Democrats ’ first steps could be crafting a proposal that replaces it .
“ We ’ d have to decide , is the right fix to just do exactly the same thing , or is it to go further and provide even more coverage ?
” Kaine said .
Broadly , some senior Democrats are imagining what they have called a “ never again ” agenda if they control the White House and Congress , a response to Covid-19 that addresses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health disparities exposed by the pandemic .
Covering the 30 million or so Americans who are still uninsured would be a natural fit for such a legislative agenda .
“ First , you have to stop the bleeding , ” one senior Democratic official said recently .
“ But if we don ’ t take full advantage of this moment , we ’ ll be making a huge mistake.
” If they are able to pass more Covid-19 relief relatively quickly , the next immediate priority for Democrats is revitalizing a lagging economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tackling the climate crisis at the same time .
“ In addition to fighting and containing the coronavirus , we will work aggressively to create jobs and improve the unemployment crisis caused by President Trump , ” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told Vox in a statement .
Aides say Schumer is especially invested in boosting the economy and tackling racial economic inequality .
Schumer has also made climate change one of his top priorities .
This summer was again one of the hottest on record , with scorching temperatures and drought exacerbating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colorado .
Iowa saw a massive derecho destroy property and farm crops , and storm surges from hurricanes flooded parts of coastal southern states .
Schumer has an ally in Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden , who has already proposed a $ 2 trillion climate plan as part of his signature “ Build Back Better ” campaign slogan .
Biden ’ s plan aims to create millions of jobs through green infrastructure , retrofitting houses , and manufacturing electric cars , among other things .
The Democratic nominee shares the broad goal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by 2050 , but he ’ s also set more aggressive targets , like getting to 100 percent clean electricity in the US by 2035 .
“ The Green New Deal the president keeps trying to talk about , it ’ s not a bad deal , but it ’ s not the plan I have — that ’ s the Biden Green Deal , ” Biden recently told reporters .
Some senators and Democratic Senate candidates told Vox they haven ’ t yet read the specifics of Biden ’ s climate plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big infrastructure plan and climate resiliency to be front and center of a 2021 legislative agenda .
In August , Senate Democrats released a report outlining their plan for action on climate .
It looks similar to Biden ’ s , calling for decarbonization of American homes and buildings , scaling up electric vehicle manufacturing , and further investment in renewables like wind , solar , and geothermal .
“ When it comes to an economic recovery , it ’ s very easy to imagine that climate action will be an essential part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the lead author of the Senate climate report and chair of Senate Democrats ’ Climate Crisis Committee .
“ We can find common ground within the Democratic conference to move forward with the kind of infrastructure that will enable a clean energy transformation and enable millions of new jobs.
” Joe Biden shares the broad goal of getting the United States to net-zero emissions by 2050 Even members of the Senate Democratic caucus who are more moderate than Schatz agree that federal investment into the nation ’ s infrastructure should be one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2021 .
But the fight over how bold to go on climate — and whether that should include phasing out fossil fuels entirely — could be a real tussle between liberal and moderates .
“ At this time , we need an ‘ all of the above ’ approach where we invest in new green energy opportunities while continuing to improve traditional energy sources , ” Kansas Democratic Senate candidate Barbara Bollier told Vox in a statement when asked if she ’ d support phasing out fossil fuels .
The fact that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jobs as a first priority also signals how they ’ re planning to test the bipartisanship waters with Senate Republicans .
How Democrats might approach the filibuster Democrats recognize two things : that getting rid of the filibuster might be their only chance to truly govern in the US Senate , and that it will still be politically treacherous .
Most Democratic senators want to try all other options before dramatically changing Senate rules — but they also aren ’ t saying no outright .
“ I will not turn to a reconsideration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exhausted every alternative , ” said Sen. Chris Coons ( D-DE ) , adding he ’ s already talking to individual Republican senators about where the two parties could find bipartisan compromise .
“ I ’ m not telling you we ’ re going to eliminate the filibuster , ” added Stabenow .
“ Certainly there ’ s a real hesitancy on that because my colleagues and I want to govern.
” The thinking from many Democrats is that the first two legislative goals will be a good test of how willing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought Democrats and Republicans together in March 2020 to pass a massive $ 2.3 trillion stimulus bill , and passing an infrastructure bill has been a long-held bipartisan goal that turned into somewhat of a running joke under Trump ’ s tenure in office .
Most moderate Democrats want to negotiate in good faith with Republicans first .
And if Republicans lose badly in the election , Democrats think the GOP might have more incentive to come to the bargaining table .
“ There is a breaking point when Americans look at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate under Mitch McConnell has been turned into nothing more than a vehicle for obstructing progress rather than making progress , ” said Sen. Tina Smith ( D-MN ) , who echoed she was open to all options — but likewise would not back eliminating the filibuster yet .
If Republicans refuse to cooperate , moderate Democrats could be persuaded to take more dramatic action .
A big stimulus and green jobs bill — and a more modest health care expansion — would be tricky but may be possible with budget reconciliation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes in the Senate to approve most other measures with the filibuster still in place .
And to eliminate it , Democrats would need 51 votes .
Whether Democrats can obtain this support is still an open question .
At least five of 47 current members , including Sens .
Dianne Feinstein ( CA ) , Jon Tester ( MT ) , and Joe Manchin ( WV ) , have already told the Wall Street Journal they remain wary of filibuster changes .
There ’ s also a broad range of positions on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with some willing to explicitly support a change in the vote threshold , while others have backed different reforms .
Gov .
Steve Bullock in Montana and state House Rep. Sara Gideon in Maine have backed changing the 60-vote filibuster threshold in their Senate campaigns , while Jon Ossoff in Georgia has said he ’ s open to considering the possibility .
Veteran Cal Cunningham in North Carolina , meanwhile , has said he ’ s supportive of reforms — including the possible return of the “ talking filibuster.
” Others , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa , haven ’ t ruled out filibuster changes , but both said they hope to advance bipartisan priorities first .
Mark Kelly in Arizona , Rev .
Raphael Warnock in Georgia , and state Sen. Barbara Bollier in Kansas have said they are reviewing this subject , and former South Carolina Democratic Party Chair Jaime Harrison has said he opposes eliminating the filibuster , for now .
“ Basically every member of the conference is concerned about not letting McConnell paralyze the place , ” Sen. Jeff Merkley ( D-OR ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , told Vox .
“ There ’ s a whole variety of ways we can tackle this ; it will be a subject of conversation .
So it isn ’ t like one proposal.
” One of the most commonly referenced options is a straightforward rule change that would eliminate the 60-vote threshold that ’ s currently required to advance most bills .
Others , as detailed by the Wall Street Journal , include plans to reinstate a “ talking filibuster , ” during which senators looking to block a bill actually need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do so , as well as the possibility of making some areas of legislation — like voting rights — impervious to a filibuster .
“ We ’ ve had almost four years of creating problems and adding to problems , ” Stabenow said .
“ Everything is on the table depending on how our Republican colleagues choose to operate.
” The Democratic conference ’ s ideological lean will determine exactly what it can do The policies that ultimately advance in a Democratic Senate will depend heavily on the ideological composition of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate Minority Leader Schumer must weigh both the interests of moderate red-state senators like Manchin and Doug Jones of Alabama , along with that of more progressive members including Sens .
Elizabeth Warren ( MA ) and Bernie Sanders ( I-VT ) when establishing Democratic positions on everything from judicial nominees to economic stimulus .
He ’ s focused on maintaining unity as Democrats have sought to block Republican priorities including judges and a repeal of the Affordable Care Act .
“ Caucus unity is vital , ” Schumer told Vox in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are divided , Trump , the Republicans , even now , when they control the Senate , will roll over us.
” If Democrats retake the majority , the question then becomes whether they can hold this same degree of unity when considering a change to Senate rules or advancing more ambitious policies .
One measure Democrats think has broad support among the caucus is a sweeping anti-corruption proposal similar to the 2019 House bill known as HR 1 , which was popular among centrist and leftist House Democrats alike .
A number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states are making reform one of their signature issues in 2020 .
“ We have to deal with what I think of as a foundational issue — and that is the fact that special interests have so much power that they are actually preventing us from getting things done , ” Maine candidate Sara Gideon told Vox in an interview .
Police reform and a broader emphasis on racial justice is also a key part of Democrats ’ upcoming plans .
Despite a groundswell of both activist and voter support , Democrats and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation earlier this year — putting pressure on the party to prioritize more action if it retakes the upper chamber .
The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act , which passed the House this summer with strong Democratic support , could serve as a starting point .
That legislation would reduce legal protections for police , including qualified immunity , and impose a federal ban on chokeholds and no-knock warrants .
Depending on how elections in swing states shake out , many first-term Democrats could have immense influence on how the conference approaches @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Kelly , have run on emphasizing just how centrist they are , and could well take positions that resemble those of Manchin ’ s if elected .
( Sitting Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema had previously said that Manchin was her role model , and her stances have often aligned with his since she ’ s taken office . )
If Hickenlooper , Kelly , and Bullock win next year , there could be a politically important bloc of 10 Democratic senators from the Mountain West and Southwestern regions .
“ We are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to his and Bullock ’ s record as governors of working with Republican legislatures in their states .
“ We are problem solvers , by nature.
” Whether Democrats are able to implement any rules and policy changes of their own , however , rests on whether they can retake the Senate this November .
If Jones does not win reelection and the other incumbent Democrats do , the party will need to flip at least five battleground seats to establish a 51-49 majority .
Once they ’ ve done that , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earnest .
“ Get the majority .
Beat Trump , ” Schumer said in a 2019 interview .
“ We ’ ll leave discussion of rules to next year.
” Will you help keep Vox free for all ?
The United States is in the middle of one of the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes .
It ’ s essential that all Americans are able to access clear , concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives , and the lives of their families and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vox .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone understand this presidential election : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

If Senate Democrats win a governing majority in 2020, they are vowing not to squander the opportunity.
“The idea that we’re going to have to prioritize essentially one topic at a time is preposterous,” said Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI). “The idea we’re going to look at Covid, and health care and the economy and climate and say, ‘Okay, which one of these do we pick?’ It’s a waste of a win.”
If they flip the Senate, Democrats are clear-eyed that their first priority must be more Covid-19 relief — especially now that a preelection deal looks increasingly unlikely. Up next is trying to supercharge a lagging economy with a green jobs bill, likely including a massive infrastructure package on which Democrats hope to find common ground with Republicans. Democrats also want to pass sweeping anti-corruption reforms, enhance and expand the Affordable Care Act, consider a public option, and take up a criminal justice bill to combat police brutality against Black Americans. And that doesn’t even get to other priorities like immigration reform or passing universal background checks.
“Oh, my gosh, there’s so much,” Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-MI), chair of the Senate Democratic Policy and Communications Committee, told Vox in a recent interview. “We feel a great sense of responsibility and a great sense of urgency.”
There’s a lot of pent-up energy among Democrats who remember how intractable Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was even as minority leader in 2009 and 2010. Those years left a mark on Senate Democrats, and it’s pushing them to think bigger.
“The way I view that is a New Deal Congress,” said Sen. Bob Casey (D-PA).
But all this ambition hinges on whether Democrats have the political courage to think bigger about the rules of the game. They will have two options: budget reconciliation or blowing up the Senate filibuster — the 60-vote threshold that has disproportionately been used as a tool to block legislation since 2008. A Democratic Senate majority will include moderates from swing states like Arizona, Colorado, and North Carolina. Their campaign messaging is all about fixing Washington by bringing the parties together, and more moderate members might not be up for a power grab.
“The dynamic to watch is whether Mitch McConnell does to a Biden presidency what he did to an Obama presidency,” Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) told Vox.
Starting in 2009, Senate Republicans blocked a record-breaking number of presidential nominees and united against almost everything. “Ultimately, the filibuster rests on how Republicans approach being in the minority,” a Democratic aide emphasized.
Many moderate Democrats told Vox in interviews this fall they aren’t ready to kill the filibuster right away, but they’re leaving the door open.
“I think there will be enormous pressure on Republicans to find places where they can collaborate,” said former Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper, the Democratic candidate in the Colorado Senate race, who has a record of working across the aisle in his home state. But even he didn’t rule out the option. “If push comes to shove, I have to look at everything. There’s no question,” he said.
A meaningful Covid-19 response is the first priority
Democrats widely agree on their first big priority: a new Covid-19 relief and response package, likely modeled off the House-passed HEROES Act, which included $75 million for testing and contact tracing, “strike teams” to tackle challenges around long-term care and prisons, and funding to help cash-strapped state and local governments.
“I find that to be a very attractive package,” Sen. Tim Kaine (D-VA) told Vox.
Passing an immediate relief bill is becoming ever more urgent, with Trump recently upending talks on a package between his administration and Democrats. The idea has a broad consensus, but Democrats face a big choice: They could stick to an incremental approach, such as covering treatment for the people with long-term Covid-19 complications. Or they could go bigger by enhancing the Obamacare tax subsidies and perhaps enacting the Biden campaign’s proposal for a public health insurance option, part of his plan to extend health insurance to about 25 million people.
Some Democratic aides want to see an overwhelmingly popular bill come to the floor and don’t want to get bogged down in a big fight with the health care industry over a public option. But progressives, especially those in an expanded House majority, are going to push for more — a public option, at a minimum, given Biden’s stated support for it. Even with unified control, this could be the Democrats’ first big decision.
The upcoming Supreme Court case on the Affordable Care Act could also impact this conversation. If the Supreme Court overturns the ACA, one of Democrats’ first steps could be crafting a proposal that replaces it. “We’d have to decide, is the right fix to just do exactly the same thing, or is it to go further and provide even more coverage?” Kaine said.
Broadly, some senior Democrats are imagining what they have called a “never again” agenda if they control the White House and Congress, a response to Covid-19 that addresses many of America’s economic and health disparities exposed by the pandemic. Covering the 30 million or so Americans who are still uninsured would be a natural fit for such a legislative agenda.
“First, you have to stop the bleeding,” one senior Democratic official said recently. “But if we don’t take full advantage of this moment, we’ll be making a huge mistake.”
Infrastructure week could finally happen
If they are able to pass more Covid-19 relief relatively quickly, the next immediate priority for Democrats is revitalizing a lagging economy with a large infrastructure package — and tackling the climate crisis at the same time.
“In addition to fighting and containing the coronavirus, we will work aggressively to create jobs and improve the unemployment crisis caused by President Trump,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told Vox in a statement.
Aides say Schumer is especially invested in boosting the economy and tackling racial economic inequality. Schumer has also made climate change one of his top priorities. This summer was again one of the hottest on record, with scorching temperatures and drought exacerbating deadly wildfires from California to Oregon to Colorado. Iowa saw a massive derecho destroy property and farm crops, and storm surges from hurricanes flooded parts of coastal southern states.
Schumer has an ally in Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, who has already proposed a $2 trillion climate plan as part of his signature “Build Back Better” campaign slogan. Biden’s plan aims to create millions of jobs through green infrastructure, retrofitting houses, and manufacturing electric cars, among other things. The Democratic nominee shares the broad goal of getting the United States to net-zero emissions by 2050, but he’s also set more aggressive targets, like getting to 100 percent clean electricity in the US by 2035.
“The Green New Deal the president keeps trying to talk about, it’s not a bad deal, but it’s not the plan I have — that’s the Biden Green Deal,” Biden recently told reporters.
Some senators and Democratic Senate candidates told Vox they haven’t yet read the specifics of Biden’s climate plan, but many agree they want a big infrastructure plan and climate resiliency to be front and center of a 2021 legislative agenda.
In August, Senate Democrats released a report outlining their plan for action on climate. It looks similar to Biden’s, calling for decarbonization of American homes and buildings, scaling up electric vehicle manufacturing, and further investment in renewables like wind, solar, and geothermal.
“When it comes to an economic recovery, it’s very easy to imagine that climate action will be an essential part of our strategy,” said Schatz, the lead author of the Senate climate report and chair of Senate Democrats’ Climate Crisis Committee. “We can find common ground within the Democratic conference to move forward with the kind of infrastructure that will enable a clean energy transformation and enable millions of new jobs.”
Joe Biden shares the broad goal of getting the United States to net-zero emissions by 2050
Even members of the Senate Democratic caucus who are more moderate than Schatz agree that federal investment into the nation’s infrastructure should be one of Congress’s first big priorities in 2021. But the fight over how bold to go on climate — and whether that should include phasing out fossil fuels entirely — could be a real tussle between liberal and moderates.
“At this time, we need an ‘all of the above’ approach where we invest in new green energy opportunities while continuing to improve traditional energy sources,” Kansas Democratic Senate candidate Barbara Bollier told Vox in a statement when asked if she’d support phasing out fossil fuels.
The fact that Democrats want to focus on infrastructure and jobs as a first priority also signals how they’re planning to test the bipartisanship waters with Senate Republicans.
How Democrats might approach the filibuster
Democrats recognize two things: that getting rid of the filibuster might be their only chance to truly govern in the US Senate, and that it will still be politically treacherous.
Most Democratic senators want to try all other options before dramatically changing Senate rules — but they also aren’t saying no outright.
“I will not turn to a reconsideration of our rules until I’ve exhausted every alternative,” said Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE), adding he’s already talking to individual Republican senators about where the two parties could find bipartisan compromise.
“I’m not telling you we’re going to eliminate the filibuster,” added Stabenow. “Certainly there’s a real hesitancy on that because my colleagues and I want to govern.”
Related The definitive case for ending the filibuster
The thinking from many Democrats is that the first two legislative goals will be a good test of how willing the Senate GOP is to reciprocate. Covid-19 brought Democrats and Republicans together in March 2020 to pass a massive $2.3 trillion stimulus bill, and passing an infrastructure bill has been a long-held bipartisan goal that turned into somewhat of a running joke under Trump’s tenure in office.
Most moderate Democrats want to negotiate in good faith with Republicans first. And if Republicans lose badly in the election, Democrats think the GOP might have more incentive to come to the bargaining table.
“There is a breaking point when Americans look at the United States Senate and they see that the Senate under Mitch McConnell has been turned into nothing more than a vehicle for obstructing progress rather than making progress,” said Sen. Tina Smith (D-MN), who echoed she was open to all options — but likewise would not back eliminating the filibuster yet.
If Republicans refuse to cooperate, moderate Democrats could be persuaded to take more dramatic action. A big stimulus and green jobs bill — and a more modest health care expansion — would be tricky but may be possible with budget reconciliation. Still, Democrats will need 60 votes in the Senate to approve most other measures with the filibuster still in place. And to eliminate it, Democrats will need 51 votes.
Whether Democrats can obtain this support is still an open question. At least five of 47 current members, including Sens. Dianne Feinstein (CA), Jon Tester (MT), and Joe Manchin (WV), have already told the Wall Street Journal they remain wary of filibuster changes. There’s also a broad range of positions on the filibuster among potential new members, with some willing to explicitly support a change in the vote threshold, while others have backed different reforms.
Gov. Steve Bullock in Montana and state House Rep. Sara Gideon in Maine have backed changing the 60-vote filibuster threshold in their Senate campaigns, while Jon Ossoff in Georgia has said he’s open to considering the possibility.
Veteran Cal Cunningham in North Carolina, meanwhile, has said he’s supportive of reforms — including the possible return of the “talking filibuster.” Others, including Hickenlooper in Colorado and Theresa Greenfield in Iowa, haven’t ruled out filibuster changes, but both said they hope to advance bipartisan priorities first. Mark Kelly in Arizona, Rev. Raphael Warnock in Georgia, and state Sen. Barbara Bollier in Kansas have said they are reviewing this subject, and former South Carolina Democratic Party Chair Jaime Harrison has said he opposes eliminating the filibuster, for now.
“Basically every member of the conference is concerned about not letting McConnell paralyze the place,” Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-OR), the Democrat leading talks about filibuster reform, told Vox. “There’s a whole variety of ways we can tackle this; it will be a subject of conversation. So it isn’t like one proposal.”
One of the most commonly referenced options is a straightforward rule change that would eliminate the 60-vote threshold that’s currently required to advance most bills. Others, as detailed by the Wall Street Journal, include plans to reinstate a “talking filibuster,” during which senators looking to block a bill actually need to hold the floor and make speeches to do so, as well as the possibility of making some areas of legislation — like voting rights — impervious to a filibuster.
“We’ve had almost four years of creating problems and adding to problems,” Stabenow said. “Everything is on the table depending on how our Republican colleagues choose to operate.”
The Democratic conference’s ideological lean will determine exactly what it can do
The policies that ultimately advance in a Democratic Senate will depend heavily on the ideological composition of the majority.
Currently, for example, Senate Minority Leader Schumer must weigh both the interests of moderate red-state senators like Manchin and Doug Jones of Alabama, along with that of more progressive members including Sens. Elizabeth Warren (MA) and Bernie Sanders (I-VT) when establishing Democratic positions on everything from judicial nominees to economic stimulus. He’s focused on maintaining unity as Democrats have sought to block Republican priorities including judges and a repeal of the Affordable Care Act.
“Caucus unity is vital,” Schumer told Vox in an interview last year. “If we are divided, Trump, the Republicans, even now, when they control the Senate, will roll over us.” If Democrats retake the majority, the question then becomes whether they can hold this same degree of unity when considering a change to Senate rules or advancing more ambitious policies.
One measure Democrats think has broad support among the caucus is a sweeping anti-corruption proposal similar to the 2019 House bill known as HR 1, which was popular among centrist and leftist House Democrats alike. A number of Democratic Senate candidates running in swing states are making reform one of their signature issues in 2020.
“We have to deal with what I think of as a foundational issue — and that is the fact that special interests have so much power that they are actually preventing us from getting things done,” Maine candidate Sara Gideon told Vox in an interview.
Police reform and a broader emphasis on racial justice is also a key part of Democrats’ upcoming plans. Despite a groundswell of both activist and voter support, Democrats and Republicans failed to agree on police reform legislation earlier this year — putting pressure on the party to prioritize more action if it retakes the upper chamber. The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, which passed the House this summer with strong Democratic support, could serve as a starting point. That legislation would reduce legal protections for police, including qualified immunity, and impose a federal ban on chokeholds and no-knock warrants.
Depending on how elections in swing states shake out, many first-term Democrats could have immense influence on how the conference approaches these next steps. Several candidates, like Kelly, have run on emphasizing just how centrist they are, and could well take positions that resemble those of Manchin’s if elected. (Sitting Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema had previously said that Manchin was her role model, and her stances have often aligned with his since she’s taken office.)
If Hickenlooper, Kelly, and Bullock win next year, there could be a politically important bloc of 10 Democratic senators from the Mountain West and Southwestern regions.
“We are pragmatic,” said Hickenlooper, pointing to his and Bullock’s record as governors of working with Republican legislatures in their states. “We are problem solvers, by nature.”
Whether Democrats are able to implement any rules and policy changes of their own, however, rests on whether they can retake the Senate this November. If Jones does not win reelection and the other incumbent Democrats do, the party will need to flip at least five battleground seats to establish a 51-49 majority. Once they’ve done that, the work on their agenda can commence in earnest.
“Get the majority. Beat Trump,” Schumer said in a 2019 interview. “We’ll leave discussion of rules to next year.”


vox--2020-10-09--The UN World Food Program wins the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize

The 2020 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded Friday to the UN World Food Program ( WFP ) , the world ’ s largest humanitarian organization focused on providing sustenance to the hungry , for feeding the most vulnerable in times of conflict , and as nations — including the United States — mostly look after themselves .
The Norwegian Nobel Committee , which decides who or what deserves the honor every year , said the global body proved instrumental in combating starvation and poverty last year amid challenging circumstances .
“ In 2019 , the WFP provided assistance to close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are victims of acute food insecurity and hunger , ” the committee ’ s announcement said , as “ 135 million people suffered from acute hunger , the highest number in many years .
Most of the increase was caused by war and armed conflict.
” Fighting around the world — in places like Yemen , Syria , and the Democratic Republic of Congo — accounts for roughly 60 percent of the world ’ s food insecurity , according to a 2018 United Nations report .
During wars , millions flee their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and adversaries target markets and crops .
Hunger , then , is a weapon of war , and since its founding in 1961 the WFP “ has made a strong contribution towards mobilising UN Member States to combat ” its use , the committee said .
In May 2018 , the WFP encouraged the UN Security Council to , for the first time ever , pass a resolution condemning the purposeful and illegal starvation of civilians during conflict .
David Beasley , the WFP ’ s executive director , said at the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward toward breaking the cycle of conflict and hunger that stands in the way of prosperity and peace for hundreds of millions of people.
” It ’ s hard enough to address those issues as bombs drop and guns fire .
But during the Covid-19 pandemic , such relief efforts are even more challenging , even with the WFP ’ s 17,000 staff and more than 20 ships , 92 planes , and 5,600 trucks at its disposal .
That ’ s concerning , as about 9 million people die of hunger every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ malaria , and tuberculosis combined .
Shining a light on the scourge of starvation as wars , a global health crisis , and climate change curb access to food , then , was the committee ’ s motivation behind this year ’ s award .
It ’ s estimated that about 265 million more people will go hungry than if the WFP had greater resources .
It ’ s for those and other reasons that humanitarian aid workers like Shantamay Chatterjee of CARE in India applauded the Nobel committee ’ s decision .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ need for robust development agencies to resolve critical gaps when addressing nutrition access , affordability , and availability in low-income countries , ” he told me .
The award is kind of a critique of Trump One person who may not be happy with the Nobel committee ’ s pick is President Donald Trump .
After receiving two nominations from right-leaning politicians in Scandinavia for brokering peace deals in the Middle East and the Balkans , he made his desire to win the Peace Prize clear .
However , experts say the accord @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually do anything , and the “ Abraham Accords ” signed by Israel with the UAE and Bahrain normalized and formalized ties that already existed .
Plus , there ’ s just a logistical challenge : The nomination deadline for this year ’ s award was February 1 , many months before any of those deals were realized .
But the Nobel committee made clear Trump was never — and may never be — likely to win as the “ America First ” foreign policy he promotes is anathema to its worldview .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ combat global challenges , ” committee chair Berit Reiss-Andersen said on Friday in Oslo , Norway .
“ Multilateralism seems to have a lack of respect these days , and the Nobel Committee definitely wants to emphasize this aspect.
” Trump is one of the main culprits of this trend .
Among other things , he continues to advocate for cuts to America ’ s UN contributions .
That ’ s a problem , as Washington , DC , provides the WFP and other UN agencies with more money than any other world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UN agency for Palestinian refugees in 2018 , for example , the administration put around 140,000 people at risk of not receiving food aid .
It doesn ’ t help that the US continues to assist the Saudi Arabia-led war in Yemen — which has resulted in hunger and illness for millions of Yemenis — because Trump vetoed a bipartisan congressional resolution last year calling for America ’ s extrication from the conflict .
Trump also relishes telling the UN at its annual gathering that every country should focus on their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a go-it-yourself attitude that has led to less multilateral cooperation during his four years in power , not more .
Those just aren ’ t the actions of a Nobel Peace Prize winner .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
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The 2020 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded Friday to the UN World Food Program (WFP), the world’s largest humanitarian organization focused on providing sustenance to the hungry, for feeding the most vulnerable in times of conflict, and as nations — including the United States — mostly look after themselves.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which decides who or what deserves the honor every year, said the global body proved instrumental in combating starvation and poverty last year amid challenging circumstances.
“In 2019, the WFP provided assistance to close to 100 million people in 88 countries who are victims of acute food insecurity and hunger,” the committee’s announcement said, as “135 million people suffered from acute hunger, the highest number in many years. Most of the increase was caused by war and armed conflict.”
BREAKING NEWS:
The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize to the World Food Programme (WFP).#NobelPrize #NobelPeacePrize pic.twitter.com/fjnKfXjE3E — The Nobel Prize (@NobelPrize) October 9, 2020
Fighting around the world — in places like Yemen, Syria, and the Democratic Republic of Congo — accounts for roughly 60 percent of the world’s food insecurity, according to a 2018 United Nations report. During wars, millions flee their homes, supply chains break down, and adversaries target markets and crops.
Hunger, then, is a weapon of war, and since its founding in 1961 the WFP “has made a strong contribution towards mobilising UN Member States to combat” its use, the committee said.
In May 2018, the WFP encouraged the UN Security Council to, for the first time ever, pass a resolution condemning the purposeful and illegal starvation of civilians during conflict. David Beasley, the WFP’s executive director, said at the time the measure was a “huge step forward toward breaking the cycle of conflict and hunger that stands in the way of prosperity and peace for hundreds of millions of people.”
It’s hard enough to address those issues as bombs drop and guns fire. But during the Covid-19 pandemic, such relief efforts are even more challenging, even with the WFP’s 17,000 staff and more than 20 ships, 92 planes, and 5,600 trucks at its disposal.
That’s concerning, as about 9 million people die of hunger every year, more than from AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis combined.
Shining a light on the scourge of starvation as wars, a global health crisis, and climate change curb access to food, then, was the committee’s motivation behind this year’s award. It’s estimated that about 265 million more people will go hungry than if the WFP had greater resources.
We are deeply humbled to receive the #NobelPeacePrize. This is an incredible recognition of the dedication of the @WFP family, working to end hunger everyday in 80+ countries.
Thank you @NobelPrize for this incredible honor! pic.twitter.com/bHcS0usWQa — David Beasley (@WFPChief) October 9, 2020
It’s for those and other reasons that humanitarian aid workers like Shantamay Chatterjee of CARE in India applauded the Nobel committee’s decision. “This is a recognition of the need for robust development agencies to resolve critical gaps when addressing nutrition access, affordability, and availability in low-income countries,” he told me.
The award is kind of a critique of Trump
One person who may not be happy with the Nobel committee’s pick is President Donald Trump.
After receiving two nominations from right-leaning politicians in Scandinavia for brokering peace deals in the Middle East and the Balkans, he made his desire to win the Peace Prize clear. However, experts say the accord between Serbia and Kosovo didn’t actually do anything, and the “Abraham Accords” signed by Israel with the UAE and Bahrain normalized and formalized ties that already existed.
Plus, there’s just a logistical challenge: The nomination deadline for this year’s award was February 1, many months before any of those deals were realized.
But the Nobel committee made clear Trump was never — and may never be — likely to win as the “America First” foreign policy he promotes is anathema to its worldview.
“Multilateral cooperation is absolutely necessary to combat global challenges,” committee chair Berit Reiss-Andersen said on Friday in Oslo, Norway. “Multilateralism seems to have a lack of respect these days, and the Nobel Committee definitely wants to emphasize this aspect.”
Trump is one of the main culprits of this trend.
Among other things, he continues to advocate for cuts to America’s UN contributions. That’s a problem, as Washington, DC, provides the WFP and other UN agencies with more money than any other world capital. When the US stopped funding the UN agency for Palestinian refugees in 2018, for example, the administration put around 140,000 people at risk of not receiving food aid.
It doesn’t help that the US continues to assist the Saudi Arabia-led war in Yemen — which has resulted in hunger and illness for millions of Yemenis — because Trump vetoed a bipartisan congressional resolution last year calling for America’s extrication from the conflict.
Trump also relishes telling the UN at its annual gathering that every country should focus on their own challenges, not global problems. It’s a go-it-yourself attitude that has led to less multilateral cooperation during his four years in power, not more.
Those just aren’t the actions of a Nobel Peace Prize winner.