vox--2020-06-05--Black bodies are still treated as expendable

Ahmaud Arbery ’ s lynching raises the specter of slavery like the hoisting of a rebel flag .
This crime ’ s imagery — the white men racing , the rifles brandishing , the black man fleeing — looks ripped from Birth of a Nation .
Georgia , where Arbery was killed , still houses Stone Mountain , the world ’ s largest Confederate monument .
It rivals Mount Rushmore in size .
For Ahmaud ’ s killers , his life was worth less than whatever they assumed he stole .
For Ahmaud ’ s killers , protecting neighborhood property @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up to Arbery ’ s death , Greg McMichael , who with his son was arrested and charged in Arbery ’ s death , offered help to the local police to keep anyone out of a community construction site near where the events unfolded .
He said residents should call him if they spotted anyone suspicious .
We know many casually visited this property — black people , white people , men , women , and children .
But it was a black person whom the McMichaels are accused of hunting down and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pattern .
In the shocking video of George Floyd ’ s death , the nation watched a white police officer kill a black man for allegedly spending a counterfeit $ 20 bill at a grocery store .
It ’ s reminiscent of Mike Brown , who was killed over cigarillos , or Breonna Taylor , who was killed over nonexistent drugs , or Shelly Frey , who was killed over Walmart shoplifting , or William Chapman , who was killed over Walmart shoplifting , or Eric Garner , who was killed over loose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was killed over a stolen Toyota , or Jessica Williams , who was killed over a stolen Honda , or Ahmaud Arbery , who was killed over someone else stealing a gun weeks before he went out for a run on February 23 .
In the gun barrels of vigilante citizens , under the knees of police officers , and now in the hasty reopenings of states , we have received an answer to what has been one of the essential questions of the coronavirus era : What is the value of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s priceless .
Other public policy experts argued it ’ s in the tens of millions .
Whatever the going rate is supposed to be , it ’ s clear it ’ s less for black people .
This deficit was anticipated by the Black Lives Matter movement , which years ago articulated the markdown on black lives and now seems prophetic amid news of senseless death and disease disproportionately affecting black people .
America ’ s racial hierarchy stratifies such that black lives regularly rank below the value of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ property and , as witnessed in the mad dash to reopen stores , beneath that of corporate profits .
This devaluing of black people and the sacrificing of them to make money goes back to slavery .
At the country ’ s founding , the Constitution enumerated black life as three-fifths of a white life , and the discount did not end there .
Crossing over a bridge built by inequities like Jim Crow , “ separate but equal , ” and mass incarceration , America continues to operate under the antebellum accounting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Today , whether weighed against the worth of “ stolen ” goods from a neighbor ’ s house or compared to new revenue from reopening retailers , profit margins outweigh black people ’ s mortality .
“ Reopening ” showed us how little black lives mattered Historically , white homeowners react to black passersby the way Sen. Richard Burr allegedly reacts to coronavirus briefings — by selling .
Through the 1970s , realtors paid black people to stroll down the sidewalks in white neighborhoods to panic owners .
Spooked , white homeowners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plummeting prices .
Today , appraisers still mark down home values in black areas , and too many black residents continue to correlate with lower demand .
Many white homeowners view black bodies as a threat to their property — even without a crime being committed .
That notion , combined with stereotypes about innate black criminality , can form a deadly cocktail for a black man like Arbery jogging through the wrong neighborhood .
Far from fringe , Georgia ’ s governor bragged about conducting racist patrols in his own community .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kemp cocks his shotgun , hops into his Ford F-350 , slams his door , and drawls , “ I ’ ve got a big truck , just in case I need to round up criminal illegals and take them home myself.
” The ad could seem to serve as a dry run for two years later , when the McMichaels grabbed their guns , hopped in their truck , and went to round up their own “ criminal ” in the southeastern region of the state .
Kemp is the same governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close his state and the first to reopen it for the sake of preserving the economy .
Vice President Mike Pence praised the move .
Last month , in a press conference with restaurateurs , Pence commended Georgia for being a freedom fighter on the front lines of reopening the economy .
Waffle House CEO Walt Ehmer beamed , noting the company had recovered 70 percent of its revenue since the state opened .
Across the country , 80 percent of black workers do not have the ability to work from home .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ this essential work .
Thus , while delaying closing and then fast-tracking reopening has been fantastic for short-term profits and the illusion of economic rebound , reopening has loomed ominously for many black essential workers .
Public health experts have noted an uptick in cases and hospitalizations since the reopening in the state .
Last month , a study from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found 80 percent of Georgia ’ s hospitalizations were black .
The study cited concerns about infections contracted during the unique occupational hazards black folks face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to say that message is one that [ for ] our ancestors , that ’ s been the story of America for us , ” former Demos president Heather McGhee said in a recent interview , explaining how many business leaders have eagerly pushed their minority workforces back into the Covid-19 economy .
“ Where does this belief [ come from ] , particularly among people who have a lot of money , that other people ’ s lives are easy fodder to make more money ?
That does come back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does.
” President of the Appeal Josie Duffy Rice also shared this concern after conservative politicians urged the rapid reopening of the country , tweeting “ today has made it very clear how many people would have absolutely justified slavery because ‘ the economy.
’ ” The point is simple .
Many of today ’ s top executives and politicians manage the economy as the intellectual progeny of yesterday ’ s slave owners .
The demographics of corporate power reflect this fact .
According to a 2015 Demos report , 91 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ across the economy , Black and Latino workers are less likely to work in professional , management , and related occupations — the highest paid occupational category in the labor force.
” In Accounting for Slavery , the University of California Berkeley historian Caitlin Rosenthal traces how plantation economics influence modern management .
“ It was remarkably easy for slaveholders to overlook the human costs of their profits , and it can be similarly convenient for modern managers ( and consumers ) to forget the conditions under which goods are made , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to the legacy of slavery The United States did not truly end slavery until the year before the birth of Donald Trump — as late as the 1940s .
According to the reporting of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Douglas Blackmon , in the American South , enslaved black people worked in forced-labor camps .
Many were chained .
They toiled under the lash .
Overseers worked them to death on farms , on railroads , and in coal mines .
The revenue generated fueled the fortunes of titans like Coca-Cola , the Woodruff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same disregard for black lives that grew these major corporate giants back then is being summoned for the sustenance of today ’ s restaurants , warehouses , and retailers .
“ Every day , black people confront the damning reality that we are less valued ” In his book Democracy in Black , Princeton Professor Eddie Glaude Jr. describes how Americans — pedestrians and politicians alike — discount black people ’ s lives the way grocers do expiring meat .
“ No matter our stated principles , or how much progress we think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are valued more than others in this country , and that fact continues to shape the life chances of millions of Americans , ” Glaude wrote , adding , “ Every day , black people confront the damning reality that we are less valued.
” We know how much less .
Calculating their smaller life insurance payouts , deflated wage rates , marked-down housing values , diminutive public education expenditures , and several other empirical measures , Duke University economist William Darity estimates black lives are worth less than a third of white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black humanity has been enormous , ” he writes .
“ A variety of metrics indicate that , even after the end of Jim Crow , black lives are routinely assigned a worth approximately 30 percent that of white lives.
” Now , refracted through the urgent lens of the coronavirus , we are witnessing the logical ends of political rhetoric , swirling for years , which has not merely measured black life as a fraction of other lives but assessed it as a negative value .
Donald Trump calls Mexicans murderers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them .
One is a precursor to the other .
The devaluing of black life is a precursor to the policies that put black folks in harm ’ s way during the pandemic .
This idea is visible in popular stereotypes : Black people don ’ t pay taxes ; they mooch on welfare .
Black people don ’ t add to universities ; they take affirmative action slots .
Black people don ’ t add to productivity ; they take good jobs .
Black people don ’ t improve neighborhoods ; they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black people don ’ t protest ; they loot .
This last trope was espoused by the president of the United States last week .
Following demonstrations for George Floyd , Trump , the commander in chief , threatened to use the military against “ thug ” protestors , tweeting that “ when the looting starts , the shooting starts.
” The irony is painfully self-evident .
Trump threatened to kill protesters for damaging property during a protest honoring George Floyd who was killed for allegedly stealing property : a pack of cigarettes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D-SC ) rebuffed Trump on CNN after he tried to water down the threat .
“ When you start taking lives because of a property crime , you take us back to a place in our history that gave rise to all of this , ” Clyburn insisted .
“ We all know what happened to people of color when they were accused of property crimes , ” he said .
“ That ’ s what ’ s going on here.
” This notion that black lives are liabilities , not assets , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is uniquely dangerous .
When a human life is reduced to a loss of or a threat to property , it is not viewed as a life at all , but rather a wasteful expense that needs to be cut .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Ahmaud Arbery’s lynching raises the specter of slavery like the hoisting of a rebel flag.
This crime’s imagery — the white men racing, the rifles brandishing, the black man fleeing — looks ripped from Birth of a Nation. Georgia, where Arbery was killed, still houses Stone Mountain, the world’s largest Confederate monument. It rivals Mount Rushmore in size.
For Ahmaud’s killers, his life was worth less than whatever they assumed he stole. For Ahmaud’s killers, protecting neighborhood property was paramount. In the months leading up to Arbery’s death, Greg McMichael, who along his son was arrested and charged in Arbery’s death, offered help to the local police to keep anyone out of a community construction site near where the events unfolded. He said residents should call him if they spotted anyone suspicious. We know many casually visited this property — black people, white people, men, women, and children. But it was a black person whom the McMichaels are accused of hunting down and killing.
It’s a familiar pattern. In the shocking video of George Floyd’s death, the nation watched a white police officer kill a black man for allegedly spending a counterfeit $20 bill at a grocery store. It’s reminiscent of Mike Brown, who was killed over cigarillos, or Breonna Taylor, who was killed over nonexistent drugs, or Shelly Frey, who was killed over Walmart shoplifting, or William Chapman, who was killed over Walmart shoplifting, or Eric Garner, who was killed over loose cigarettes, or Shantel Davis, who was killed over a stolen Toyota, or Jessica Williams, who was killed over a stolen Honda, or Ahmaud Arbery, who was killed over someone else stealing a gun weeks before he went out for a run on February 23.
In the gun barrels of vigilante citizens, under the knees of police officers, and now in the hasty reopening of states, we have received an answer to what has been one of the essential questions of the coronavirus era: What is the value of a human life?
Some politicians have said it’s priceless. Other public policy experts argued it’s in the tens of millions. Whatever the going rate is supposed to be, it’s clear it’s less for black people. This deficit was anticipated by the Black Lives Matter movement, which years ago articulated the markdown on black lives and now seems prophetic amid news of senseless death and disease disproportionately affecting black people.
America’s racial hierarchy stratifies such that black lives regularly rank below the value of their white counterparts, under that of private property and, as witnessed in the mad dash to reopen stores, beneath that of corporate profits.
This devaluing of black people and the sacrificing of them to make money goes back to slavery. At the country’s founding, the Constitution enumerated black life as three-fifths of a white life, and the discount did not end there. Crossing over a bridge built by inequities like Jim Crow, “separate but equal,” and mass incarceration, America continues to operate under the antebellum accounting that appraises black folks as worth less. Today, whether weighed against the worth of “stolen” goods from a neighbor’s house or compared to new revenue from reopening retailers, profit margins outweigh black people’s mortality.
“Reopening” showed us how little black lives mattered
American real estate culture has long treated black people as a dangerous contagion.
Historically, white homeowners react to black passersby the way Sen. Richard Burr allegedly reacts to coronavirus briefings — by selling. Through the 1970s, real estate agents paid black people to stroll down the sidewalks in white neighborhoods to panic owners. Spooked, white homeowners parted with their property for fear of plummeting prices.
Today, appraisers still mark down home values in black areas, and too many black residents continue to correlate with lower demand. Many white homeowners view black bodies as a threat to their property — even without a crime being committed. That notion, combined with stereotypes about innate black criminality, can form a deadly cocktail for a black man like Arbery jogging through the wrong neighborhood.
Far from fringe, Georgia’s governor bragged about conducting racist patrols in his own community. In a 2018 election ad, Brian Kemp cocks his shotgun, hops into his Ford F-350, slams his door, and drawls, “I’ve got a big truck, just in case I need to round up criminal illegals and take them home myself.” The ad could seem to serve as a dry run for two years later, when the McMichaels grabbed their guns, hopped in their truck, and went to round up their own “criminal” in the southeastern region of the state.
Kemp was also one of the last governors to close his state and the first to reopen it during the pandemic for the sake of preserving the economy. Vice President Mike Pence praised the move. Last month, in a press conference with restaurateurs, Pence commended Georgia for being a freedom fighter on the front lines of reopening the economy. Waffle House CEO Walt Ehmer beamed, noting the company had recovered 70 percent of its revenue since the state opened.
Across the country, 80 percent of black workers do not have the ability to work from home. They’ve borne the brunt of this essential work.
Thus, while delaying closing and then fast-tracking reopening has been fantastic for short-term profits and the illusion of economic rebound, reopening has loomed ominously for many black essential workers.
Public health experts have noted an uptick in cases and hospitalizations since the reopening in the state. Last month, a study from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that 80 percent of Georgia’s hospitalizations were black people. The study cited concerns about infections contracted during the unique occupational hazards black folks face.
“For black people, I have to say that message is one that [for] our ancestors, that’s been the story of America for us,” former Demos president Heather McGhee said in a recent interview, explaining how many business leaders have eagerly pushed their minority workforces back into the Covid-19 economy. “Where does this belief [come from], particularly among people who have a lot of money, that other people’s lives are easy fodder to make more money? That does come back to the ideology of racial slavery. It does.”
President of the Appeal Josie Duffy Rice also shared this concern after conservative politicians urged the rapid reopening of the country, tweeting “today has made it very clear how many people would have absolutely justified slavery because ‘the economy.’”
The point is simple. Many of today’s top executives and politicians manage the economy as the intellectual progeny of yesterday’s slave owners. The demographics of corporate power reflect this fact. According to a 2015 Demos report, 91 percent of American CEOs are white. Meanwhile, “across the economy, Black and Latino workers are less likely to work in professional, management, and related occupations — the highest paid occupational category in the labor force.”
In Accounting for Slavery, University of California Berkeley historian Caitlin Rosenthal traces how plantation economics influence modern management. “It was remarkably easy for slaveholders to overlook the human costs of their profits, and it can be similarly convenient for modern managers (and consumers) to forget the conditions under which goods are made,” she wrote.
This all goes back to the legacy of slavery
The United States did not truly end slavery until the year before the birth of Donald Trump — as late as the 1940s. According to the reporting of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Douglas Blackmon, in the American South, enslaved black people worked in forced-labor camps. Many were chained. They toiled under the lash. Overseers worked them to death on farms, on railroads, and in coal mines. The revenue generated fueled the fortunes of titans like Coca-Cola, the Woodruff family, and Wachovia Bank. The same disregard for black lives that grew these major corporate giants back then is being summoned for the sustenance of today’s restaurants, warehouses, and retailers.
“Every day, black people confront the damning reality that we are less valued”
In his book Democracy in Black, Princeton professor Eddie Glaude Jr. describes how Americans — pedestrians and politicians alike — discount black people’s lives the way grocers do expiring meat. “No matter our stated principles, or how much progress we think we’ve made, white people are valued more than others in this country, and that fact continues to shape the life chances of millions of Americans,” Glaude wrote, adding, “Every day, black people confront the damning reality that we are less valued.”
We know how much less.
Calculating their smaller life insurance payouts, deflated wage rates, marked-down housing values, diminutive public education expenditures, and several other empirical measures, Duke University economist William Darity estimates black lives are worth less than one-third of white lives.
“The discount rate on black humanity has been enormous,” he writes. “A variety of metrics indicate that, even after the end of Jim Crow, black lives are routinely assigned a worth approximately 30 percent that of white lives.”
Now, refracted through the urgent lens of the coronavirus, we are witnessing the logical ends of political rhetoric, swirling for years, which has not merely measured black life as a fraction of other lives but assessed it as a negative value.
Trump calls Mexicans murderers and rapists before implementing draconian immigration policies against them. One is a precursor to the other. The devaluing of black life is a precursor to the policies that put black folks in harm’s way during the pandemic.
This idea is visible in popular stereotypes: Black people don’t pay taxes; they mooch on welfare. Black people don’t add to universities; they take affirmative action slots. Black people don’t add to productivity; they take good jobs. Black people don’t improve neighborhoods; they invite crime and lower property values. Black people don’t protest; they loot. This last trope was espoused by the president of the United States last week.
Following demonstrations for George Floyd, Trump threatened to use the military against “thug” protesters, tweeting that “when the looting starts, the shooting starts.” The irony is painfully self-evident. Trump threatened to kill protesters for damaging property during a protest honoring George Floyd, who was killed for allegedly stealing property: a pack of cigarettes.
Later, Rep. James Clyburn (D-SC) rebuffed Trump on CNN after he tried to water down the threat. “When you start taking lives because of a property crime, you take us back to a place in our history that gave rise to all of this,” Clyburn insisted.
“We all know what happened to people of color when they were accused of property crimes,” he said. “That’s what’s going on here.”
This notion that black lives are liabilities, not assets, remains pervasive in American political life. It is uniquely dangerous. When a human life is reduced to a loss of or a threat to property, it is not viewed as a life at all, but rather a wasteful expense that needs to be cut.


What day is it today?

Today is Friday , June 5 , 2020 , at least in the continental United States .
It is already Saturday , June 6 , 2020 , in some parts of the world .
To some degree , time is an illusion .
We are bound by its forward passage , being the third-dimensional creatures we are , but the perceptions we have placed upon time have been invented .
Humans invented the year .
Humans invented the month .
Humans invented the day , the hour , the minute , the second .
These distinctions are not arbitrary — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Earth to orbit the sun — but their creation was not inevitable .
Our numerical system is likely base-10 because we have 10 fingers ; the way we understand time is almost entirely dependent on the fact that we evolved on this planet , circling this sun .
Time , at least as we understand it , is also a byproduct of capitalism .
In his seminal 1967 economic paper “ Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism , ” E. P. Thompson notes that in early human cultures , delineations of time were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up and went down , when the seasons changed .
But as industrialization became the norm , time became a mechanized system that no longer served those who ’ d invented it .
We increasingly served at the beck and call of time , for that is how those who possessed capital could best regulate those who performed the labor .
For we are now at a point where sociologists are discussing the “ problem ” of leisure .
And a part of the problem is : how did it come to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marriage of convenience with industrial capitalism , was the agent which converted men to new valuations of time ; which taught children even in their infancy to improve each shining hour ; and which saturated men ’ s minds with the equation , time is money .
One recurrent form of revolt within Western industrial capitalism , whether bohemian or beatnik , has often taken the form of flouting the urgency of respectable timevalues .
And the interesting question arises : if Puritanism was a necessary part of the work-ethos which enabled the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poverty-stricken economies of the past , will the Puritan valuation of time begin to decompose as the pressures of poverty relax ?
Is it decomposing already ?
Will men begin to lose that restless urgency , that desire to consume time purposively , which most people carry just as they carry a watch on their wrists ?
But it remains that on some base level , we will always understand time .
The sun comes up , the sun goes down .
Though we might be inside , where that process is more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our insideness does not obscure the day and night cycle .
What is lost , as each day blends into the next , in vaguely similar ways , is the mechanistic definition of time , the capitalist definition of time , the industrial definition of time .
We do not know what day it is , but we do know when there is a new day .
To live inside is to lose distinction .
There is a numbing effect that occurs when each day is the same , when our schedules are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gulf of undifferentiated time .
And yet isn ’ t this how so many of the less privileged around the world , forced to work jobs involving menial labor , day after day after day , already live ?
Isn ’ t this why we invented the weekend ?
Has this quarantine simply shown to those of us with more economic privilege that our “ free time ” was always a mirage , which could disappear before our eyes , by giving us so much “ free ” time ?
I have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and when I need to orient myself in time , I look at it .
But even the usefulness of my calendar has started to fray around the edges .
I began writing this story because I couldn ’ t quite believe it was a Thursday , even as I knew it had to be a Thursday .
But it might as well not be .
A cycle that bears the sun across our sky until it sets in the west is a reality ; “ Thursday ” is an invention .
Is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t know .
I will update this article daily until we don ’ t need it anymore .
I hope there is a time when we know it is Thursday or Tuesday or June 17 without having to look at a calendar or ask each other or Google .
I hope there is a time when going outside to see the sun doesn ’ t feel like exposing yourself to toxic levels of radiation .
( I know I should be taking walks ; every time , I feel like I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a time in which all this “ free ” time no longer feels like a period we must exploit for maximum value .
I hope there is a time when I remember what it ’ s like to grab lunch with a friend , to watch dogs play in the surf , to breathe in the air and just be .
Until then , find a way to make time have meaning for you .
Read a long book .
Cook an elaborate meal .
Take up knitting .
Write an epic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve always meant to get to .
Sleep .
Remember that time doesn ’ t own you , and that you own time .
This will be over someday , a part of the past .
It will someday be a memory .
Hang on to that .
I ’ ll see you outside again .
For now , it is Friday , June 5 , 2020 .
In some parts of the world , it is Saturday , June 6 , 2020 .
Are you a “ What day is it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our official theme song .
It ’ s written by composer Laura Stratford , and it is wonderful .

Today is Wednesday, July 1, 2020, at least in the continental United States. It is already Thursday, July 2, 2020, in some parts of the world. Life isn’t resuming gracefully, but the herky jerky train wreck of America’s reopening certainly speaks to some desire to exit this quarantine period. And so “What Day Is It Today” will exit the stage, too. For now, at least.
To some degree, time is an illusion. We are bound by its forward passage, being the third-dimensional creatures we are, but the perceptions we have placed upon time have been invented. Humans invented the year. Humans invented the month. Humans invented the day, the hour, the minute, the second.
These distinctions are not arbitrary — it really does take about 365 days for the Earth to orbit the sun — but their creation was not inevitable. Our numerical system is likely base-10 because we have 10 fingers; the way we understand time is almost entirely dependent on the fact that we evolved on this planet, circling this sun.
Time, at least as we understand it, is also a byproduct of capitalism. In his seminal 1967 economic paper “Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” E. P. Thompson notes that in early human cultures, delineations of time were broad understandings of when the sun came up and went down, when the seasons changed. But as industrialization became the norm, time became a mechanized system that no longer served those who’d invented it. We increasingly served at the beck and call of time, for that is how those who possessed capital could best regulate those who performed the labor.
Thompson writes:
For we are now at a point where sociologists are discussing the “problem” of leisure. And a part of the problem is: how did it come to be a problem ? Puritanism, in its marriage of convenience with industrial capitalism, was the agent which converted men to new valuations of time; which taught children even in their infancy to improve each shining hour; and which saturated men’s minds with the equation, time is money. One recurrent form of revolt within Western industrial capitalism, whether bohemian or beatnik, has often taken the form of flouting the urgency of respectable timevalues. And the interesting question arises: if Puritanism was a necessary part of the work-ethos which enabled the industrialized world to break out of the poverty-stricken economies of the past, will the Puritan valuation of time begin to decompose as the pressures of poverty relax? Is it decomposing already? Will men begin to lose that restless urgency, that desire to consume time purposively, which most people carry just as they carry a watch on their wrists?
But it remains that on some base level, we will always understand time. The sun comes up, the sun goes down. Though we might be inside, where that process is more difficult to witness, the fact of our insideness does not obscure the day and night cycle. What is lost, as each day blends into the next, in vaguely similar ways, is the mechanistic definition of time, the capitalist definition of time, the industrial definition of time. We do not know what day it is, but we do know when there is a new day.
To live inside is to lose distinction. There is a numbing effect that occurs when each day is the same, when our schedules are subsumed by what feels like an endless gulf of undifferentiated time. And yet isn’t this how so many of the less privileged around the world, forced to work jobs involving menial labor, day after day after day, already live? Isn’t this why we invented the weekend? Has this quarantine simply shown to those of us with more economic privilege that our “free time” was always a mirage, which could disappear before our eyes, by giving us so much “free” time?
I have a wall calendar hanging above my desk, and when I need to orient myself in time, I look at it. But even the usefulness of my calendar has started to fray around the edges. I began writing this story because I couldn’t quite believe it was a Thursday, even as I knew it had to be a Thursday. But it might as well not be. A cycle that bears the sun across our sky until it sets in the west is a reality; “Thursday” is an invention. Is it still necessary? I don’t know.
What’s important to remember is that time doesn’t own you. You own time. This will be over someday, a part of the past. It will someday be a memory. Hang on to that. I’ll see you outside again.
This story was originally published Friday, March 27, 2020.
Are you a “What day is it today?” superfan? Check out our official theme song. It’s written by composer Laura Stratford, and it is wonderful.


vox--2020-06-05--The NFL has a message for players who knelt: “We were wrong”

We , the NFL , condemn racism and the systematic oppression of Black People .
We , the NFL , admit we were wrong for not listening to NFL players earlier and encourage all to speak out and peacefully protest .
We , the NFL , believe Black Lives Matter .
# InspireChange pic.twitter.com/ENWQP8A0sv NFL players have protested police brutality and racism — the same problems now being demonstrated against across the country — for seasons beginning in 2014 , and the NFL pushed back against these players , saying that they “ created a false perception among many that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now that has changed , with the league advocating for anti-racism activism in a Friday statement .
“ We , the NFL , admit we were wrong.
” That ’ s what the NFL tweeted in an official statement on Friday night , in which the organization apologized for not listening earlier to the black NFL players who have protested against the police shootings of unarmed black people by kneeling during the national anthem at football games .
The statement goes on to add that the NFL “ encourage [ s ] all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” and concludes , “ We , the NFL , believe Black Lives Matter.
” The tweet was accompanied by a video from NFL commissioner Roger Goodell .
In the video , Goodell reiterates the statement in the tweet .
“ Without black players , there would be no National Football League , ” he adds .
“ And the protests around the country are emblematic of the centuries of silence , inequality and oppression of black players , coaches , fans and staff.
” The NFL ’ s statement is an explicit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ players released on Thursday .
In the video , a group of players that included Patrick Mahomes and Tyrann Mathieu of the Kansas City Chiefs and Michael Thomas of the New Orleans Saints demanded accountability from the NFL .
“ We will not be silenced .
We assert our right to peacefully protest , ” the players said .
“ It shouldn ’ t take this long to admit.
” They asked that the NFL deliver the very message that it tweeted out , verbatim , on Friday night .
The NFL ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ condemning players who knelt during the national anthem .
When that movement was at its height in 2018 , league officials threatened to fine players who “ disrespected ” the flag or the national anthem by kneeling .
Players who wanted to kneel could do so only behind the closed doors of changing rooms .
Colin Kaepernick , who began the movement in 2014 , has not played football since 2016 .
There is no word on whether this change in course means he will be rehired by an NFL team .
Every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

We, the NFL, condemn racism and the systematic oppression of Black People. We, the NFL, admit we were wrong for not listening to NFL players earlier and encourage all to speak out and peacefully protest. We, the NFL, believe Black Lives Matter. #InspireChange pic.twitter.com/ENWQP8A0sv
NFL players have protested police brutality and racism — the same problems now being demonstrated against across the country — for seasons, beginning in 2014, and the NFL has pushed back against these players, saying that they “created a false perception among many that thousands of NFL players were unpatriotic.” Now that has changed, with the league advocating for anti-racism activism in a Friday statement.
“We, the NFL, admit we were wrong.” That’s what the NFL tweeted in an official statement on Friday night, in which the organization apologized for not listening earlier to the black NFL players who have protested against police shootings of unarmed black people by kneeling during the national anthem at football games. The statement adds that the NFL “encourage[s] all to speak out and peacefully protest,” and concludes, “We, the NFL, believe Black Lives Matter.”
The tweet was accompanied by a video from NFL commissioner Roger Goodell. In the video, Goodell reiterates the statement in the tweet. “Without black players, there would be no National Football League,” he adds. “And the protests around the country are emblematic of the centuries of silence, inequality and oppression of black players, coaches, fans and staff.”
We, the NFL, condemn racism and the systematic oppression of Black People. We, the NFL, admit we were wrong for not listening to NFL players earlier and encourage all to speak out and peacefully protest. We, the NFL, believe Black Lives Matter. #InspireChange pic.twitter.com/ENWQP8A0sv — NFL (@NFL) June 5, 2020
The NFL’s statement is an explicit response to a video multiple prominent NFL players released on Thursday. In the video, a group of players that included Patrick Mahomes and Tyrann Mathieu of the Kansas City Chiefs and Michael Thomas of the New Orleans Saints demanded accountability from the NFL.
“We will not be silenced. We assert our right to peacefully protest,” the players said. “It shouldn’t take this long to admit.” They asked that the NFL deliver the very message that it tweeted out, verbatim, on Friday night.
The NFL’s new statement comes after years spent condemning players who knelt during the national anthem. When that movement was at its height in 2018, league officials threatened to fine players who “disrespected” the flag or the national anthem by kneeling. Players who wanted to kneel could do so only behind the closed doors of changing rooms.
Colin Kaepernick, who began the movement in 2014, has not played football since 2016. There is no word on whether this change in course means he will be rehired by an NFL team.


vox--2020-06-05--US Park Police said using “tear gas” in a statement was a “mistake.” It just used the term again.

A US Park Police spokesperson said Friday in an interview it was a “ mistake ” to insist in a statement on Tuesday that it didn ’ t use tear gas the day before in a Washington , DC , park to disperse a crowd ahead of President Trump ’ s photo op , explicitly noting that pepper balls shot by officials irritate the eyes and cause tears .
“ The point is we admitted to using what we used , ” Sgt .
Eduardo Delgado said .
“ I think the term ‘ tear gas ’ doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mistake on our part for using ‘ tear gas ’ because we just assumed people would think CS or CN , ” two common forms of tear gas .
But then , shortly before 4 pm , Park Police acting Chief Gregory Monahan walked back from the spokesperson ’ s comments and used the “ tear gas ” phrase again .
“ United States Park Police officers and other assisting law enforcement partners did not use tear gas or OC Skat Shells to close the area at Lafayette Park in response to violent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a type of canister found on the scene .
It ’ s yet another firm statement by the agency that it didn ’ t use any weapons banned in war on American citizens outside the White House .
Still , Delgado ’ s call to me Friday was an attempt to clear up the statement the Park Police released Tuesday , the day after reporters on the scene outside the White House said officers used tear gas on peaceful protesters .
That statement , also from Monahan , said that no tear gas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but that the Park Police itself “ employed smoke canisters and pepper balls.
” “ I ’ m not going to say that pepper balls don ’ t irritate you , ” Delgado said about the Tuesday statement , noting they contain capsicum , an irritant derived from pepper plants .
“ I ’ m not saying it ’ s not a tear gas , but I ’ m just saying we use a pepper ball that shoots a powder.
” The response became a national controversy in itself , with experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Tear gas ” is a broad term , often defined as a synthetic chemical irritant .
Pepper spray is a naturally derived chemical irritant that causes many effects similar to that of common types of tear gas , including temporary blindness and a burning sensation in the nose .
On Friday , Delgado maintained their original statement was accurate as it relates to the Park Police : “ No tear gas was used by USPP officers.
” US Park Police used only those nonlethal weapons as law enforcement forcibly pushed peaceful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In fact , he said — as he has before — that his agency doesn ’ t carry tear gases known as CN , even though canisters of all of them were found on the scene .
As for CS , the agency doesn ’ t carry the specific type found on the Square , but it does carry CS in general .
Delgado couldn ’ t comment on whether or not other federal agencies , like the Secret Service , used tear gas at the protest .
All law enforcement agencies involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have denied launching tear gas .
One reason the Park Police felt it was right to say tear gas wasn ’ t used in its Tuesday statement , per Delgado , is because they were referring solely to the employment of CN and CS gases , which the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention labels the “ most common ” forms of tear gases .
The CDC , which also uses the term “ riot control agent ” for tear gases , does say that “ pepper spray ” is considered a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ author of the book Tear Gas : From the Battlefields of World War I to the Streets of Today , told Vox ’ s Jen Kirby on Wednesday that “ You can have ‘ gases ’ in different forms .
It can be liquid , it can be powder.
” “ It was kind of a fault on our part just not saying in the first place ‘ we did not use CN or CS , we used smoke and pepper balls , ’ and that would ’ ve made it a moot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some people claim we purposefully tried to mislead by saying ‘ we didn ’ t use tear gas , we used pepper balls.
’ ... That was not our intention.
” The goal was to be “ transparent ” about what the Park Police used , he continued .
“ Everybody went on a tangent saying ‘ Well , isn ’ t a pepper ball tear gas ?
’ And it ’ s like , ‘ I don ’ t know.
’ I ’ m just telling you what we used and what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in a separate interview with Business Insider on Friday , made the same kind of comments : “ It was just an incorrect term that we used , we should have said we did not use CS or CN , ” he said .
But he was adamant that events make clear CS and CN weren ’ t used .
“ If we had shot CS or CN , every [ Park Police ] officer there would ’ ve had a gas mask on , ” said Delgado , who was present @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ But what you saw were very few officers with gas masks walking through the quote-unquote tear gas with no effects .
Now that would be impossible if that was CS or CN and you had no protection.
” “ I ’ ve been through the stuff .
You would see officers and civilians crawling , everything out of their sinuses pouring out onto their shirts and onto the ground , people helping each other walk because you can ’ t see , ” Delgado noted .
Still , Delgado ’ s acknowledgment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” in the Tuesday statement was a “ mistake ” prompted backlash , including from federal lawmakers .
Under that kind of pressure , then , it ’ s a bit surprising that Monahan would use that language once more .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
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A US Park Police spokesperson said Friday in an interview it was a “mistake” to insist in a statement on Tuesday that the agency didn’t use tear gas the day before in a Washington, DC, park to disperse a crowd ahead of President Donald Trump’s photo op, explicitly noting that pepper balls shot by officials irritate the eyes and cause tears.
“The point is we admitted to using what we used,” Sgt. Eduardo Delgado said. “I think the term ‘tear gas’ doesn’t even matter anymore. It was a mistake on our part for using ‘tear gas’ because we just assumed people would think CS or CN,” two common forms of tear gas.
But then, shortly before 4 pm, Park Police acting Chief Gregory Monahan walked back from the spokesperson’s comments and used the “tear gas” phrase again. “United States Park Police officers and other assisting law enforcement partners did not use tear gas or OC Skat Shells to close the area at Lafayette Park in response to violent protestors,” he said, referencing a type of canister found on the scene.
It’s yet another firm statement by the agency that it didn’t use any weapons banned in war on American citizens outside the White House.
Still, Delgado’s call to me Friday was an attempt to clear up the statement the Park Police released Tuesday, the day after reporters on the scene outside the White House said officers used tear gas on peaceful protesters. That statement, also from Monahan, said no tear gas was used by any federal force present, but that the Park Police itself “employed smoke canisters and pepper balls.”
“I’m not going to say that pepper balls don’t irritate you,” Delgado said about the Tuesday statement, noting they contain capsicum, an irritant derived from pepper plants. “I’m not saying it’s not a tear gas, but I’m just saying we use a pepper ball that shoots a powder.”
The response became a national controversy in itself, with experts in policing tactics calling the distinction semantic. “Tear gas” is a broad term, often defined as a synthetic chemical irritant. Pepper spray is a naturally derived chemical irritant that causes many effects similar to that of common types of tear gas, including temporary blindness and a burning sensation in the nose.
On Friday, Delgado maintained their original statement was accurate as it relates to the Park Police: “No tear gas was used by USPP officers.” US Park Police used only those nonlethal weapons as law enforcement forcibly pushed peaceful protesters away from the White House. In fact, he said — as he has before — that his agency doesn’t carry tear gases known as CN, even though canisters of all of them were found on the scene. As for CS, the agency doesn’t carry the specific type found on the Square, but it does carry CS in general.
Delgado couldn’t comment on whether or not other federal agencies, like the Secret Service, used tear gas at the protest. All law enforcement agencies involved in the violent dispersal, though, have denied launching tear gas.
One reason the Park Police felt it was right to say tear gas wasn’t used in its Tuesday statement, per Delgado, is because they were referring solely to the employment of CN and CS gases, which the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention labels the “most common” forms of tear gases. The CDC, which also uses the term “riot control agent” for tear gases, does say that “pepper spray” is considered a “riot control agent.”
Anna Feigenbaum, author of the book Tear Gas: From the Battlefields of World War I to the Streets of Today, told Vox’s Jen Kirby on Wednesday that “You can have ‘gases’ in different forms. It can be liquid, it can be powder.”
“It was kind of a fault on our part just not saying in the first place ‘we did not use CN or CS, we used smoke and pepper balls,’ and that would’ve made it a moot point,” Delgado said. “Some people claim we purposefully tried to mislead by saying ‘we didn’t use tear gas, we used pepper balls.’ ... That was not our intention.”
The goal was to be “transparent” about what the Park Police used, he continued. “Everybody went on a tangent saying ‘Well, isn’t a pepper ball tear gas?’ And it’s like, ‘I don’t know.’ I’m just telling you what we used and what we didn’t use.”
Delgado, in a separate interview with Business Insider on Friday, made the same kind of comments: “It was just an incorrect term that we used, we should have said we did not use CS or CN,” he said.
But he was adamant that events make clear CS and CN weren’t used.
“If we had shot CS or CN, every [Park Police] officer there would’ve had a gas mask on,” said Delgado, who was present at the forced dispersal on Monday. “But what you saw were very few officers with gas masks walking through the quote-unquote tear gas with no effects. Now that would be impossible if that was CS or CN and you had no protection.”
“I’ve been through the stuff. You would see officers and civilians crawling, everything out of their sinuses pouring out onto their shirts and onto the ground, people helping each other walk because you can’t see,” Delgado noted.
Still, Delgado’s acknowledgment that using the term “tear gas” in the Tuesday statement was a “mistake” prompted backlash, including from federal lawmakers.
Oh, what an interesting “mistake.” https://t.co/nHJErlMb74 — Justin Amash (@justinamash) June 5, 2020
Under that kind of pressure, then, it’s a bit surprising that Monahan would use that language once more.


vox--2020-06-05--The 2 different Covid-19 scenarios that worry experts

No two coronavirus outbreaks are the same .
While the country waits to see what effect the combination of economic reopenings , anti-police violence protests , and warmer weather will have , different places are facing different kinds of danger as the pandemic progresses .
In some places , new cases might have started to level off , but because those areas have already been hit hard by Covid-19 , infections are still widespread .
Their health systems could still be at risk of exceeding their capacity , even if cases are plateauing or starting to decline .
In other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lower baseline in case numbers , but worryingly , their rate of positive coronavirus tests has increased in parallel to their increase in testing capacity .
That suggests the outbreak is still growing .
Either situation should be a warning against reopening too fast , too soon , experts told me .
“ Reopening with an already increasing epidemic ( estimated by new positives , new hospital admissions , % positive , all imperfect ) means that the trend will only accelerate , ” Marc Lipsitch , a Harvard epidemiologist , told me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case numbers means that even if we plateau and don ’ t have increasing cases per day , the amount of damage is proportional to the number of cases per day , as is the difficulty of controlling transmission by test and trace.
” Some examples would be illustrative , right ?
The best example of the first scenario — a high baseline , with hospital capacity threatened even though new cases are relatively flat — would be Maryland .
Maryland ( where I live ) has endured a rough coronavirus outbreak .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ DC , it ranks ninth in Covid-19 cases per 100,000 people and 11th in deaths .
If you look at raw numbers , its outbreak does appear to be plateauing : Cases have dropped by 17 percent over the past 14 days .
But such a small decline in new cases still means there are a lot of new cases happening in Maryland every day , because the coronavirus was already widespread .
If you look at the number of new Covid-19 cases per million people , Maryland ranks second among states , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases are popping up in a state where hospitals are already stretched .
Just 4 percent of Maryland ’ s ICU beds are currently available and just 14 percent of all hospital beds are free , according to the folks running the Covid Exit Strategy dashboard .
The goal has been to lower the reproductive rate of Covid-19 , to get it below 1 ( meaning one person only infects one other person or preferably less , on average ) .
But it will take a long time for the outbreak to peter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been infected and are still spreading the virus , just more slowly .
“ A reproductive number slightly above 1 isn ’ t going to translate to an immediate surge because of the doubling time .
But if the number you are doubling is quite large , that will only help you so much , ” William Hanage , who studies communicable diseases at Harvard , told me .
And now new risks have been introduced as social distancing starts to relax and people gather both informally and for the protests happening in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public health experts like Hanage continue to worry about “ superspreader events.
” Other states don ’ t look quite as bad as Maryland , especially in terms of hospital and ICU capacity , but some face the same set of problems .
Rhode Island and Massachusetts , for example , have high rates of new cases per million people ( 112 and 147 , respectively ) , and their health system capacity is not particularly strong ( their ICU and general hospital bed availability rank as low or extremely low ) .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ danger : persistent if plateauing spread and low health system capacity .
The other is best represented by Alabama : a parallel increase in both testing capacity and positive test rate , which would indicate an outbreak that is continuing to grow .
To date , Alabama has experienced a relatively mild coronavirus outbreak .
It ranks 23rd among states in cases per 100,000 residents and 26th in deaths .
But Alabama has its own set of problematic trends , which might be different from Maryland ’ s but still give experts cause @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks , Alabama ’ s testing rate has increased , from an average of 4,100 tests per day to 5,000 .
That ’ s good ; everybody agrees on the need for more testing to better track the disease .
But what ’ s worrying is the percentage of those tests that are coming back positive has also started to increase .
The hope would be that as testing increases , the positive rate goes down ; that would suggest that public health officials have a fuller picture of what the outbreak looks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the positive test rate is going up , that indicates that testing still has not been ramped up sufficiently to totally capture the pandemic ’ s spread but also that the virus is continuing to spread undetected .
“ If the more you test , the more you find , you ’ re incubating yourself a problem , ” Hanage said .
Much like the Maryland scenario , other places have the same problems as Alabama .
Arizona , for example , increased its testing from 5,300 per day to 6,700 per day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the positive test rate has also jumped from 7.2 percent to 10.7 percent .
Mississippi , North Carolina , and Pennsylvania are experiencing the same trends , even if they are not quite as stark .
What are we to do with all this information ?
First , it is simply a reminder that just because two places are experiencing very different kinds of coronavirus outbreaks does not mean one is necessarily doing “ better ” than the other .
But maybe most fundamentally , it is a reminder that the coronavirus is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long time .
Whether your state has already peaked and now must contend with a long , slow decline or your state is seeing its Covid-19 cases increase , the end to the pandemic is still a long way off — especially as social distancing relaxes , whatever the reason .
“ My big thing is that we should accept we are in a pandemic which isn ’ t going away , ” Hanage said .
“ And it would be a good idea to decide what we are going to do , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , now ( as if it ’ s not already bad enough ) .
” This story appears in VoxCare , a newsletter from Vox on the latest twists and turns in America ’ s health care debate .
Sign up to get VoxCare in your inbox along with more health care stats and news .
Are you interested in more discussions around health care policy ?
Join our Facebook community for conversation and updates .

No two coronavirus outbreaks are the same. While the country waits to see what effect the combination of economic reopenings, anti-police violence protests, and warmer weather will have, different places are facing different kinds of danger as the pandemic progresses.
In some places, new cases might have started to level off, but because those areas have already been hit hard by Covid-19, infections are still widespread. Their health systems could still be at risk of exceeding their capacity, even if cases are plateauing or starting to decline.
In other places, they are starting from a lower baseline in case numbers, but worryingly, their rate of positive coronavirus tests has increased in parallel to their increase in testing capacity. That suggests the outbreak is still growing.
Either situation should be a warning against reopening too fast, too soon, experts told me.
“Reopening with an already increasing epidemic (estimated by new positives, new hospital admissions, % positive, all imperfect) means that the trend will only accelerate,” Marc Lipsitch, a Harvard epidemiologist, told me over email. “Reopening with high case numbers means that even if we plateau and don’t have increasing cases per day, the amount of damage is proportional to the number of cases per day, as is the difficulty of controlling transmission by test and trace.”
Some examples would be illustrative, right? The best example of the first scenario — a high baseline, with hospital capacity threatened even though new cases are relatively flat — would be Maryland.
Maryland (where I live) has endured a rough coronavirus outbreak. Among the 50 states plus Washington, DC, it ranks ninth in Covid-19 cases per 100,000 people and 11th in deaths. If you look at raw numbers, its outbreak does appear to be plateauing: Cases have dropped by 17 percent over the past 14 days.
But such a small decline in new cases still means there are a lot of new cases happening in Maryland every day, because the coronavirus was already widespread. If you look at the number of new Covid-19 cases per million people, Maryland ranks second among states, behind only Massachusetts, according to the folks running the Covid Exit Strategy dashboard.
And those new cases are popping up in a state where hospitals are already stretched. About 20 percent of Maryland’s ICU beds are currently available and just 14 percent of all hospital beds are free.
The goal has been to lower the reproductive rate of Covid-19, to get it below 1 (meaning one person only infects one other person or preferably less, on average). But it will take a long time for the outbreak to peter out if so many people have already been infected and are still spreading the virus, just more slowly.
“A reproductive number slightly above 1 isn’t going to translate to an immediate surge because of the doubling time. But if the number you are doubling is quite large, that will only help you so much,” William Hanage, who studies communicable diseases at Harvard, told me.
And now new risks have been introduced as social distancing starts to relax and people gather both informally and for the protests happening in Maryland and elsewhere across the country. Public health experts like Hanage continue to worry about “superspreader events.”
Other states face the same set of problems as Maryland. Rhode Island and Massachusetts, for example, have high rates of new cases per million people (112 and 147, respectively), and their health system capacity is not particularly strong (their ICU and general hospital bed availability rank as low or extremely low).
So that is one type of Covid-19 danger: persistent if plateauing spread and low health system capacity. The other is best represented by Alabama: a parallel increase in both testing capacity and positive test rate, which would indicate an outbreak that is continuing to grow.
To date, Alabama has experienced a relatively mild coronavirus outbreak. It ranks 23rd among states in cases per 100,000 residents and 26th in deaths. But Alabama has its own set of problematic trends, which might be different from Maryland’s but still give experts cause for concern.
Over the past two weeks, Alabama’s testing rate has increased, from an average of 4,100 tests per day to 5,000. That’s good; everybody agrees on the need for more testing to better track the disease. But what’s worrying is the percentage of those tests that are coming back positive has also started to increase.
The hope would be that as testing increases, the positive rate goes down; that would suggest that public health officials have a fuller picture of what the outbreak looks like in their state. But if the positive test rate is going up, that indicates that testing still has not been ramped up sufficiently to totally capture the pandemic’s spread but also that the virus is continuing to spread undetected.
“If the more you test, the more you find, you’re incubating yourself a problem,” Hanage said.
Much like the Maryland scenario, other places have the same problems as Alabama. Arizona, for example, increased its testing from 5,300 per day to 6,700 per day over the past 14 days, but the positive test rate has also jumped from 7.2 percent to 10.7 percent. Mississippi, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania are experiencing the same trends, even if they are not quite as stark.
What are we to do with all this information? First, it is simply a reminder that just because two places are experiencing very different kinds of coronavirus outbreaks does not mean one is necessarily doing “better” than the other.
But maybe most fundamentally, it is a reminder that the coronavirus is going to be with us for a long time. Whether your state has already peaked and now must contend with a long, slow decline or your state is seeing its Covid-19 cases increase, the end to the pandemic is still a long way off — especially as social distancing relaxes, whatever the reason.
“My big thing is that we should accept we are in a pandemic which isn’t going away,” Hanage said. “And it would be a good idea to decide what we are going to do, if and when it gets bad again, now (as if it’s not already bad enough).”
Update: The Maryland Hospital Association reached out after this story was published and said the ICU capacity figures from the Covid Exit Strategy, based on data from the CDC and the state, were wrong. About 20 percent of Maryland’s ICU beds are available, not 4 percent. The hospital association said it was in communication with government agencies to update the statistics. The story has been updated to reflect the hospital association’s data.
This story appears in VoxCare, a newsletter from Vox on the latest twists and turns in America’s health care debate. Sign up to get VoxCare in your inbox along with more health care stats and news.
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vox--2020-06-05--8 Can’t Wait, explained

8 Can’t Wait, explained

Officials across the country are desperate to take swift , concrete steps to respond to protests against police brutality .
Campaign Zero , which emerged from the police protests in Ferguson , Missouri , has come up with ideas that could fit the bill : They don ’ t cost any money and could be implemented very fast .
The hashtag for the campaign , # 8CantWait , is trending on social media .
It ’ s been endorsed by Oprah and Ariana Grande , and DeRay Mckesson is talking about it everywhere from GQ to Fast Company to The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conduct remedies like banning chokeholds , changing reporting systems for use of force incidents , requiring officers to intervene when they witness misconduct , and more .
It ’ s not entirely clear how big of a bite these measures would take out of police violence against civilians .
But at the very least , they would respond to the public desire for police to make tough concessions while remaining more politically palatable to cautious politicians faced with the alternative rallying cry of “ defund the police.
” The idea of cutting police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that already adopted reforms have made a difference in terms of falling numbers of police killings of African Americans and unarmed people , especially in big cities .
In that context , the 8 Can ’ t Wait menu of further reforms is a concrete agenda for fast action .
Police organizations themselves , of course , tend to portray any move toward any restriction of police autonomy as a mortal threat to officers and public safety .
But as the country continues to reel from multiple intersecting crises , a set of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appealing .
The eight that can ’ t wait Police departments have guidelines for the use of force .
An officer whose use of force is within the guidelines is operating “ by the book ” and wo n't get in trouble even if he seriously injures a suspect or a bystander .
But an officer who violates the guidelines is putting his career at risk .
Public attention tends to focus on the most egregious incidents of breaking with these policies — scenarios in which a civilian ends up dead and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form the basis for a criminal charge .
But there are lots of encounters between officials and civilians that are violent without being fatal , and also plenty of things that are not illegal that nonetheless shouldn ’ t happen .
The essence of the campaign is eight procedural rules that Campaign Zero claims “ data proves ” can conjointly decrease police violence by 72 percent .
Some of these are fairly simple to understand .
When you place a person in a chokehold or a stranglehold , there is always a chance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Instructing officers not to use these holds and training them in other modes of restraint will likely reduce deaths .
Shooting at moving vehicles is inherently dangerous , and most departmental guidelines restrict it to some extent , but 8 Can ’ t Wait calls for banning it altogether .
Others are a bit less transparent to those unfamiliar with policing jargon .
A comprehensive reporting requirement means that officers need to report each time they use force or threaten to use force against a civilian .
A duty to intervene rule requires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fellow officer is using excessive force and formally requires police officers to break the blue wall of silence and report such incidents to supervisors .
The use of force continuum is a specific set of requirements governing what kinds of weapons can be used versus what levels of resistance .
And a deescalation requirement mandates that officers try to secure their personal safety through distance and communication before resorting to force .
These ideas all cut against officers ’ typical demands for maximum autonomy and minimal accountability while also remaining comfortably within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a radical transformation of policing .
Samuel Sinyangwe , a data scientist with Campaign Zero , tells me that ’ s no coincidence .
The point of the list , he says , was to assemble “ policies that can make a big difference and that can be implemented most quickly by cities across the country.
” Implementing new training regimes at scale across the country would take time .
Creating a new corps of unarmed mediators and mental health professionals who could serve as crisis responders would likely take longer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy changes that could be made in a very rapid time frame .
But do they work ?
Sinyangwe pointed me to the group ’ s research basis document laying out their case .
One study shows a fall in police shootings in New York after a policy change in the 1970s .
A similar study looks at policy changes in Philadelphia .
A study of the impact of the Tennessee v. Gardner Supreme Court decision finds that a change in legal doctrines around use of force led to a nationwide fall in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experimental designs , but they meet a normal person ’ s standard for being evidence on which to base a policy proposal .
The fundamental basis for 8 Can ’ t Wait is a big correlational study of the relationship between cities ’ demographic characteristics , their use of force policies , and their level of police killings of civilians .
And the results here are very clear : Adopting these policies is statistically associated with a lower level of police killings , whether judged per person or per arrest .
I asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A & M and the director of the Justice Tech Lab , what she thinks about the study .
She pointed out that it doesn ’ t really tell us why the statistical relationship exists .
“ Maybe there are other factors that explain differences between , say , San Francisco and Birmingham , AL ” she tweets .
“ Or maybe these policies make a difference !
Right now we can ’ t tell.
” Doleac ’ s research specialties are in crime and racial discrimination , and she hosts a podcast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she ’ s a stickler for causal inference .
“ I can ’ t think of rigorous evidence related to any of their 8 recs , ” she says .
On Twitter later in the day , she called it a “ brilliant marketing strategy ” that “ is not evidence-based.
” As a journalist , I would not be comfortable making the kind of definitive proclamations Campaign Zero has about its ideas .
Cataloging use of force policies and characterizing the relationship between their use and outcomes of interest is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of questions about how rigorously enforced departments ’ stated policies are , so there is room for doubt as to whether we could really expect the kind of enormous effect sizes they claim .
At the same time , there ’ s a case that Doleac is being too fussy and academic about this .
Sinyangwe isn ’ t pulling random statistical correlations here .
The theoretical basis for believing that instructing officers to be more cautious about the use of deadly force will lead to fewer deaths is pretty clear .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States there are thousands of people protesting daily in cities across the country .
There are police officers staging often-violent counterprotests , beating demonstrators and journalists , and even causing a diplomatic incident with Australia .
There are people looting and vandalizing in the shadows of the protest .
And all the while , a deadly pandemic is raging .
Under the circumstances , it would be extremely useful for political leaders to be able to offer protesters some fast-acting concessions .
The country would probably benefit from something like a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to identify best practices and rigorous evidence over an extended period , but promising angry people a study isn ’ t going to cut it .
The 8 Can ’ t Wait agenda is extremely well-constructed for speed — it ’ s right in the name — in a way that is deeper than branding .
Since any given recommendation on the list is in effect in at least some American cities , all a place needs to do to become an eight-for-eight city is copy some stuff out of other cities ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the logical relationship between these measures and reduced violence is clear and obvious .
Will universal adoption of all eight really generate the kind of massive fall in police violence this study indicates ?
There ’ s plenty of reason for skepticism .
But the ideas are genuinely promising , they are based on some evidence , and they fit the political needs of the moment very well .
Mayors and governors looking to show a good-faith desire to tackle the problem of excessive police violence without lapsing into radicalism could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up this message .
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Officials across the country are desperate to take swift, concrete steps to respond to protests against police brutality. Campaign Zero, which emerged from the police protests in Ferguson, Missouri, has come up with ideas that could fit the bill: They don’t cost any money and could be implemented very fast.
The hashtag for the campaign, #8CantWait, is trending on social media. It’s been endorsed by Oprah and Ariana Grande, and DeRay Mckesson is talking about it everywhere from GQ to Fast Company to The Bill Simmons Podcast.
The ideas include conduct remedies like banning chokeholds, changing reporting systems for use of force incidents, requiring officers to intervene when they witness misconduct, and more.
It’s not entirely clear how big of a bite these measures would take out of police violence against civilians. But at the very least, they would respond to the public desire for police to make tough concessions while remaining more politically palatable to cautious politicians faced with the alternative rallying cry of “defund the police.” The idea of cutting police budgets polls poorly, and numbers indicate that already adopted reforms have made a difference in terms of falling numbers of police killings of African Americans and unarmed people, especially in big cities. In that context, the 8 Can’t Wait menu of further reforms is a concrete agenda for fast action.
Police organizations themselves, of course, tend to portray any move toward any restriction of police autonomy as a mortal threat to officers and public safety. But as the country continues to reel from multiple intersecting crises, a set of fast-moving, logistically tractable reforms is very appealing.
The eight that can’t wait
Police departments have guidelines for the use of force. An officer whose use of force is within the guidelines is operating “by the book” and won't get in trouble even if he seriously injures a suspect or a bystander. But an officer who violates the guidelines is putting his career at risk.
Public attention tends to focus on the most egregious incidents of breaking with these policies — scenarios in which a civilian ends up dead and the misconduct is so flagrant as to potentially form the basis for a criminal charge. But there are lots of encounters between officials and civilians that are violent without being fatal, and also plenty of things that are not illegal that nonetheless shouldn’t happen.
The essence of the campaign is eight procedural rules that Campaign Zero claims “data proves” can conjointly decrease police violence by 72 percent.
Some of these are fairly simple to understand.
When you place a person in a chokehold or a stranglehold, there is always a chance that things will go badly wrong. Instructing officers not to use these holds and training them in other modes of restraint will likely reduce deaths. Shooting at moving vehicles is inherently dangerous, and most departmental guidelines restrict it to some extent, but 8 Can’t Wait calls for banning it altogether.
Others are a bit less transparent to those unfamiliar with policing jargon. A comprehensive reporting requirement means that officers need to report each time they use force or threaten to use force against a civilian. A duty to intervene rule requires bystander officers to step in if a fellow officer is using excessive force and formally requires police officers to break the blue wall of silence and report such incidents to supervisors. The use of force continuum is a specific set of requirements governing what kinds of weapons can be used versus what levels of resistance. And a deescalation requirement mandates that officers try to secure their personal safety through distance and communication before resorting to force.
These ideas all cut against officers’ typical demands for maximum autonomy and minimal accountability while also remaining comfortably within the technocratic, meliorist domain rather than amounting to a radical transformation of policing.
Samuel Sinyangwe, a data scientist with Campaign Zero, tells me that’s no coincidence. The point of the list, he says, was to assemble “policies that can make a big difference and that can be implemented most quickly by cities across the country.”
Implementing new training regimes at scale across the country would take time. Creating a new corps of unarmed mediators and mental health professionals who could serve as crisis responders would likely take longer. 8 Can’t Wait is about policy changes that could be made in a very rapid time frame. But do they work?
The evidence for 8 Can’t Wait
Sinyangwe pointed me to the group’s research basis document laying out their case.
One study shows a fall in police shootings in New York after a policy change in the 1970s. A similar study looks at policy changes in Philadelphia. A study of the impact of the Tennessee v. Gardner Supreme Court decision finds that a change in legal doctrines around use of force led to a nationwide fall in police shootings. These are not gold-standard experimental designs, but they meet a normal person’s standard for being evidence on which to base a policy proposal.
The fundamental basis for 8 Can’t Wait is a big correlational study of the relationship between cities’ demographic characteristics, their use of force policies, and their level of police killings of civilians. And the results here are very clear: Adopting these policies is statistically associated with a lower level of police killings, whether judged per person or per arrest.
I asked Jennifer Doleac, an economist at Texas A&M and the director of the Justice Tech Lab, what she thinks about the study. She pointed out that it doesn’t really tell us why the statistical relationship exists.
“Maybe there are other factors that explain differences between, say, San Francisco and Birmingham, AL” she tweets. “Or maybe these policies make a difference! Right now we can’t tell.”
Doleac’s research specialties are in crime and racial discrimination, and she hosts a podcast called Probable Causation, a good sign that she’s a stickler for causal inference.
“I can’t think of rigorous evidence related to any of their 8 recs,” she says.
On Twitter later in the day, she called it a “brilliant marketing strategy” that “is not evidence-based.”
Ok this is going to make me crazy: #8cantwait is not evidence-based. Their recs might be good steps, but please don't pretend that the "data proves" they work. We do not know if they work yet.
Brilliant marketing strategy though, I'll give them that. — Jennifer Doleac (@jenniferdoleac) June 4, 2020
America needs quick fixes
As a journalist, I would not be comfortable making the kind of definitive proclamations Campaign Zero has about its ideas. Cataloging use of force policies and characterizing the relationship between their use and outcomes of interest is a valuable contribution, but there are a lot of questions about how rigorously enforced departments’ stated policies are, so there is room for doubt as to whether we could really expect the kind of enormous effect sizes they claim.
At the same time, there’s a case that Doleac is being too fussy and academic about this. Sinyangwe isn’t pulling random statistical correlations here. The theoretical basis for believing that instructing officers to be more cautious about the use of deadly force will lead to fewer deaths is pretty clear.
Most of all, right now in the United States there are thousands of people protesting daily in cities across the country. There are police officers staging often-violent counterprotests, beating demonstrators and journalists, and even causing a diplomatic incident with Australia. There are people looting and vandalizing in the shadows of the protest. And all the while, a deadly pandemic is raging.
Under the circumstances, it would be extremely useful for political leaders to be able to offer protesters some fast-acting concessions. The country would probably benefit from something like a blue-ribbon commission or a National Academies study to identify best practices and rigorous evidence over an extended period, but promising angry people a study isn’t going to cut it.
The 8 Can’t Wait agenda is extremely well-constructed for speed — it’s right in the name — in a way that is deeper than branding. Since any given recommendation on the list is in effect in at least some American cities, all a place needs to do to become an eight-for-eight city is copy some stuff out of other cities’ police regulations. The process moves quickly, and the logical relationship between these measures and reduced violence is clear and obvious.
Will universal adoption of all eight really generate the kind of massive fall in police violence this study indicates? There’s plenty of reason for skepticism. But the ideas are genuinely promising, they are based on some evidence, and they fit the political needs of the moment very well. Mayors and governors looking to show a good-faith desire to tackle the problem of excessive police violence without lapsing into radicalism could do a lot worse than to pick up this message.