vox--2020-08-28--7 daring movie adaptations of literary classics

These are strange times at the movies .
For the first time since pandemic lockdowns began in the US in March , a handful of films are coming out in theaters — but not digitally at the same time .
Theaters are tentatively reopening in some parts of the US but remain closed in others .
Meanwhile , they ’ re cranking into gear internationally ; Christopher Nolan ’ s Tenet is already playing in several countries , even though it won ’ t hit most US theaters until Labor Day weekend at the earliest .
One movie that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a digital rental or purchase is Bill & Ted Face the Music , which concludes the trilogy that began with an excellent adventure in 1989 and continued with a bogus journey in 1991 .
The new film — which is utterly delightful — follows Bill and Ted ( Alex Winter and Keanu Reeves ) , now fathers of teen girls ( Samara Weaving and Brigette Lundy-Paine ) , as they try to write the song that will unite all humanity .
( In case you don ’ t remember , we found out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s why they ’ re revered in the distant future . )
Nearly all of the original cast reunites for the film , with the addition of some fun new members , like Jillian Bell , Holland Taylor , and Kristen Schaal .
It ’ s a sweet , funny , heartwarming romp , and a worthy conclusion to a most excellent trilogy .
( You can rent it from FandangoNow , buy from several different services , or see in your local theater , if you wish . )
When adaptations of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great movie out this weekend — but only in theaters , for now — is The Personal History of David Copperfield , an adaptation of Charles Dickens ’ s 1850 novel , directed by Armando Iannucci ( Veep , In the Loop ) and starring Dev Patel .
It ’ s Iannucci ’ s specialty to craft satirical takes on the absurd ways power functions in politics .
The Personal History of David Copperfield is satirical as well , though it ’ s a gentler , less biting period piece than Iannucci ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Stalin .
The Dickens adaptation features Patel as Copperfield , surrounded by a stacked cast that includes Tilda Swinton , Hugh Laurie , Ben Whishaw , Gwendoline Christie , Benedict Wong , and Peter Capaldi ( as a pitch-perfect Mr. Micawber , the role he seems born to play ) .
It retains a plentiful sense of the ludicrous in its exploration of class and social norms , though the film is affectionate in the end .
Like the character he plays — a young man with literary aspirations who bounces from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sadistic Mr. Murdstone and endures all kinds of indignities on the way to success — Patel is British , born and raised in England .
But unlike Copperfield , Patel was born to parents who emigrated from India .
That casting choice holds significance given the story ’ s exploration of social strictures and the long history of anti-Indian sentiment in England .
And it means the white characters who fancy themselves upper-crusty and respectable , in comparison to the earnest and put-upon Copperfield , look even more ludicrous by comparison .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Personal History of David Copperfield is hardly the first adaptation of a classic novel to fiddle with its source material in surprising ways — sometimes just for fun , and sometimes to make a point .
So if you can ’ t — or simply prefer not to — go to the theater this weekend , you can still indulge in a deliciously original retelling of an old story .
Here are a few of our favorites .
In the rare case of species-bending casting , The Lion King transports a tale that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the African savannah , setting it among a pride of lions whose royal family is working through a few issues with jealousy and claims to the throne .
Simba , the young prince , is Hamlet ; his uncle , Scar , murdered Simba ’ s father , the king Mufasa , and usurped the throne .
Mufasa shows up as a ghost to offer advice to his son .
Nala is Ophelia , Simba ’ s love , though thankfully she doesn ’ t go mad from being ignored by him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Timon and Pumbaa , who are just kind of always around .
William S. would be proud .
—Alissa Wilkinson How to watch it : The Lion King is streaming for Disney+ subscribers .
It is also available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes , Amazon , YouTube , Google Play , and Vudu .
Baz Luhrmann can always be counted on to think outside the box , and in the case of Romeo + Juliet — which Shakespeare adapted from an older tale , as he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The film draws directly from the Bard ’ s text , but now the Montagues and Capulets are opposing mafia families in 1990s America .
They don ’ t duel with swords ; they have guns .
A few characters ’ names have been updated , and a few details rearranged .
But the mid-90s spin , which is marvelously effective and helped accelerate the then-rising stars of Claire Danes and Leonardo DiCaprio , is both familiar and fresh .
The original play was written for a circa-1600 audience , but old grudges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the waning years of the 20th century as they were in Shakespeare ’ s day .
—AW How to watch it : Romeo + Juliet is streaming for Starz subscribers .
It ’ s also available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes , Amazon , YouTube , Google Play , or Vudu .
An Education , a simultaneously effervescent and melancholy film directed by Lone Scherfig and starring Carey Mulligan , is based on a memoir of the same title by the British journalist Lynn Barber .
( The chapters that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Granta . )
But it has the bones of another , older story , which is why Mulligan ’ s character , 16-year-old Jenny , is reading Jane Eyre in her English class , and why her English teacher asks forebodingly if Jenny ’ s older new boyfriend is a “ Mr .
Rochester figure.
” He is , in the worst possible way .
What ensues explains why An Education is the only effective Jane Eyre modernization I have ever come across : because it understands that if you move Jane @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you have to reckon with the fact that Mr. Rochester will become a villain .
—Constance Grady How to watch it : An Education is streaming on Netflix .
Andrea Arnold is hardly the first filmmaker to adapt Emily Brontë ’ s classic novel , but she ’ s the first to envision Heathcliff as Black , which casts the whole story in a different light .
As with David Copperfield , the social divisions of Wuthering Heights spring into even bolder relief onscreen once race enters the picture .
( This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a male protagonist . )
The movie is a wild , cold , blistering retelling of the tale , in which orphaned Heathcliff ( Solomon Glave ) is treated poorly by Hindley , the son of the family that took Heathcliff in , while sustaining a difficult passion for the daughter , Cathy ( Shannon Beer ) .
Years after being thrown out , Heathcliff returns ( now played by James Howson ) to the manor to find Cathy ( Kaya Scodelario ) married .
And revenge is not sweet .
—AW How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ streaming for Topic.com subscribers .
It is available to stream for free ( with ads ) on Vudu and Crackle .
And it ’ s available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes , YouTube , Google Play , and Vudu .
The Tale of the Princess Kaguya ( 2013 ) Studio Ghibli ’ s The Tale of the Princess Kaguya is based on a 10th-century Japanese folk tale , The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter .
So it ’ s not exactly an adaptation of a book you ’ ve seen at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s an imagining of one of Japan ’ s most famous stories .
A poor bamboo cutter finds a baby sleeping in a bamboo shoot one day , and takes her home .
He and his wife immediately start to think of this peculiar child as not just otherworldly , but godly .
She must be a princess , they decide , and that is how they choose to raise her .
Princess Kaguya grows up loving her rural , simple lifestyle , but when she comes of age , she is whisked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the city — with servants attending to her and suitors pursuing her — all to her chagrin .
Kaguya knows her elevated status is what her parents dreamed of for her , so that she could live the privileged life they never had .
But Kaguya has other ideas for herself .
Director Isao Takahata , in his final film before his death in 2018 , transforms this classic story into a stunning , magical journey .
Every frame looks like an ukiyo-e print in motion , kinetic and untethered to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delightful to look at as it is heartbreaking ; the animation style conveys both awe and the deep sadness of the source story .
I doubt the film will convince many viewers to seek out the original folk tale , but they ’ ll certainly come away knowing all of its wonder and grief .
—Allegra Frank How to watch it : The Tale of the Princess Kaguya is streaming on HBO Max .
Lady Macbeth is based on a Russian novella , Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District , published by Nikolai @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in Dostoevsky ’ s magazine called Epoch ) .
But , in the hands of two Brits , playwright Alice Birch and director William Oldroyd , the story migrates to the UK as well as deviating from the novella ’ s ending .
It ’ s a story of a woman who decides she has , at last , had enough of the abusive , stifling , cruel men she must live with — her domineering father-in-law and dissipated husband — and takes her revenge .
Starring Florence Pugh before she became @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Little Women , it is cold , gorgeous , shocking , and just a little delicious .
—AW How to watch it : Lady Macbeth is available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes , Amazon , YouTube , Google Play , and Vudu .
Also new and noteworthy this week • Epicentro , a nonfiction portrait of post-colonial Cuba , begins playing in virtual theaters on August 28 .
( You buy a virtual ticket through one of the theaters listed on the film ’ s website and receive a rental link @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the theater and the distributor . )
• All Together Now lands on Netflix on August 28 .
Directed by Brett Haley ( Hearts Beat Loud , The Hero ) and starring Moana ’ s Auliʻi Cravalho , it ’ s an adaptation of Matthew Quick ’ s YA novel Sorta Like a Rockstar , about a talented teenager who is trying to keep her homelessness a secret .
• Lingua Franca was released August 26 on Netflix through Ava DuVernay ’ s distribution company .
A love story about a trans Filipina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get a green card , the film made history at the Venice Film Festival in 2019 for being the first movie directed by and starring an openly trans woman of color to screen in competition .
In the spring , we launched a program asking readers for financial contributions to help keep Vox free for everyone , and last week , we set a goal of reaching 20,000 contributors .
Well , you helped us blow past that .
Today , we are extending that goal to 25,000 .
Millions turn to Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world — from what is happening with the USPS to the coronavirus crisis to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work — and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

These are strange times at the movies. For the first time since pandemic lockdowns began in the US in March, a handful of films are coming out in theaters — but not digitally at the same time. Theaters are tentatively reopening in some parts of the US but remain closed in others. Meanwhile, they’re cranking into gear internationally; Christopher Nolan’s Tenet is already playing in several countries, even though it won’t hit most US theaters until Labor Day weekend at the earliest.
One movie that’s coming out in theaters and as a digital rental or purchase is Bill & Ted Face the Music, which concludes the trilogy that began with an excellent adventure in 1989 and continued with a bogus journey in 1991. The new film — which is utterly delightful — follows Bill and Ted (Alex Winter and Keanu Reeves), now fathers of teen girls (Samara Weaving and Brigette Lundy-Paine), as they try to write the song that will unite all humanity. (In case you don’t remember, we found out in the first movie that that’s why they’re revered in the distant future.)
Nearly all of the original cast reunites for the film, with the addition of some fun new members, like Jillian Bell, Holland Taylor, and Kristen Schaal. It’s a sweet, funny, heartwarming romp, and a worthy conclusion to a most excellent trilogy. (You can rent it from FandangoNow, buy from several different services, or see in your local theater, if you wish.)
When adaptations of classic literature get a little creative
Another great movie out this weekend — but only in theaters, for now — is The Personal History of David Copperfield, an adaptation of Charles Dickens’s 1850 novel, directed by Armando Iannucci (Veep, In the Loop) and starring Dev Patel.
It’s Iannucci’s specialty to craft satirical takes on the absurd ways power functions in politics. The Personal History of David Copperfield is satirical as well, though it’s a gentler, less biting period piece than Iannucci’s phenomenally sharp 2018 film The Death of Stalin.
The Dickens adaptation features Patel as Copperfield, surrounded by a stacked cast that includes Tilda Swinton, Hugh Laurie, Ben Whishaw, Gwendoline Christie, Benedict Wong, and Peter Capaldi (as a pitch-perfect Mr. Micawber, the role he seems born to play). It retains a plentiful sense of the ludicrous in its exploration of class and social norms, though the film is affectionate in the end.
Like the character he plays — a young man with literary aspirations who bounces from relative to relative after his mother marries the sadistic Mr. Murdstone and endures all kinds of indignities on the way to success — Patel is British, born and raised in England. But unlike Copperfield, Patel was born to parents who emigrated from India. That casting choice holds significance given the story’s exploration of social strictures and the long history of anti-Indian sentiment in England. And it means the white characters who fancy themselves upper-crusty and respectable, in comparison to the earnest and put-upon Copperfield, look even more ludicrous by comparison. Iannucci makes his point.
But The Personal History of David Copperfield is hardly the first adaptation of a classic novel to fiddle with its source material in surprising ways — sometimes just for fun, and sometimes to make a point.
So if you can’t — or simply prefer not to — go to the theater this weekend, you can still indulge in a deliciously original retelling of an old story. Here are a few of our favorites.
The Lion King (1994)
In the rare case of species-bending casting, The Lion King transports a tale that seems suspiciously like Shakespeare’s Hamlet to the African savannah, setting it among a pride of lions whose royal family is working through a few issues with jealousy and claims to the throne. Simba, the young prince, is Hamlet; his uncle, Scar, murdered Simba’s father, the king Mufasa, and usurped the throne. Mufasa shows up as a ghost to offer advice to his son. Nala is Ophelia, Simba’s love, though thankfully she doesn’t go mad from being ignored by him and drown. And this savannah’s Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Timon and Pumbaa, who are just kind of always around. William S. would be proud. —Alissa Wilkinson
How to watch it: The Lion King is streaming for Disney+ subscribers. It is also available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes, Amazon, YouTube, Google Play, and Vudu.
Romeo + Juliet (1996)
Baz Luhrmann can always be counted on to think outside the box, and in the case of Romeo + Juliet — which Shakespeare adapted from an older tale, as he often did — Luhrmann swings big. The film draws directly from the Bard’s text, but now the Montagues and Capulets are opposing mafia families in 1990s America. They don’t duel with swords; they have guns. A few characters’ names have been updated, and a few details rearranged. But the mid-90s spin, which is marvelously effective and helped accelerate the then-rising stars of Claire Danes and Leonardo DiCaprio, is both familiar and fresh. The original play was written for a circa-1600 audience, but old grudges and star-crossed lovers were just as common in the waning years of the 20th century as they were in Shakespeare’s day. —AW
How to watch it: Romeo + Juliet is streaming for Starz subscribers. It’s also available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes, Amazon, YouTube, Google Play, or Vudu.
An Education (2009)
An Education, a simultaneously effervescent and melancholy film directed by Lone Scherfig and starring Carey Mulligan, is based on a memoir of the same title by the British journalist Lynn Barber. (The chapters that inspired the movie specifically were also published in Granta.) But it has the bones of another, older story, which is why Mulligan’s character, 16-year-old Jenny, is reading Jane Eyre in her English class, and why her English teacher asks forebodingly if Jenny’s older new boyfriend is a “Mr. Rochester figure.” He is, in the worst possible way. What ensues explains why An Education is the only effective Jane Eyre modernization I have ever come across: because it understands that if you move Jane Eyre out of the 19th century, you have to reckon with the fact that Mr. Rochester will become a villain. —Constance Grady
How to watch it: An Education is streaming on Netflix.
Wuthering Heights (2012)
Andrea Arnold is hardly the first filmmaker to adapt Emily Brontë’s classic novel, but she’s the first to envision Heathcliff as Black, which casts the whole story in a different light. As with David Copperfield, the social divisions of Wuthering Heights spring into even bolder relief onscreen once race enters the picture. (This is also Arnold’s only film with a male protagonist.) The movie is a wild, cold, blistering retelling of the tale, in which orphaned Heathcliff (Solomon Glave) is treated poorly by Hindley, the son of the family that took Heathcliff in, while sustaining a difficult passion for the daughter, Cathy (Shannon Beer). Years after being thrown out, Heathcliff returns (now played by James Howson) to the manor to find Cathy (Kaya Scodelario) married. And revenge is not sweet. —AW
How to watch it: Wuthering Heights is streaming for Topic.com subscribers. It is available to stream for free (with ads) on Vudu and Crackle. And it’s available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes, YouTube, Google Play, and Vudu.
The Tale of the Princess Kaguya (2013)
Studio Ghibli’s The Tale of the Princess Kaguya is based on a 10th-century Japanese folk tale, The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter. So it’s not exactly an adaptation of a book you’ve seen at the library — instead, it’s an imagining of one of Japan’s most famous stories. A poor bamboo cutter finds a baby sleeping in a bamboo shoot one day, and takes her home. He and his wife immediately start to think of this peculiar child as not just otherworldly, but godly. She must be a princess, they decide, and that is how they choose to raise her.
Princess Kaguya grows up loving her rural, simple lifestyle, but when she comes of age, she is whisked away to live a fancy royal life in the city — with servants attending to her and suitors pursuing her — all to her chagrin. Kaguya knows her elevated status is what her parents dreamed of for her, so that she could live the privileged life they never had. But Kaguya has other ideas for herself.
Director Isao Takahata, in his final film before his death in 2018, transforms this classic story into a stunning, magical journey. Every frame looks like an ukiyo-e print in motion, kinetic and untethered to the physical world. It’s as delightful to look at as it is heartbreaking; the animation style conveys both awe and the deep sadness of the source story. I doubt the film will convince many viewers to seek out the original folk tale, but they’ll certainly come away knowing all of its wonder and grief. —Allegra Frank
How to watch it: The Tale of the Princess Kaguya is streaming on HBO Max.
Lady Macbeth is based on a Russian novella, Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District, published by Nikolai Leskov in 1865 (and, interestingly, in Dostoevsky’s magazine called Epoch). But, in the hands of two Brits, playwright Alice Birch and director William Oldroyd, the story migrates to the UK as well as deviating from the novella’s ending. It’s a story of a woman who decides she has, at last, had enough of the abusive, stifling, cruel men she must live with — her domineering father-in-law and dissipated husband — and takes her revenge. Starring Florence Pugh before she became a sensation for movies like Midsommar and Little Women, it is cold, gorgeous, shocking, and just a little delicious. —AW
How to watch it: Lady Macbeth is available to digitally rent or purchase on iTunes, Amazon, YouTube, Google Play, and Vudu.
Also new and noteworthy this week
Epicentro, a nonfiction portrait of post-colonial Cuba, begins playing in virtual theaters on August 28. (You buy a virtual ticket through one of the theaters listed on the film’s website and receive a rental link; the proceeds will be divided between the theater and the distributor.)
All Together Now lands on Netflix on August 28. Directed by Brett Haley (Hearts Beat Loud, The Hero) and starring Moana’s Auliʻi Cravalho, it’s an adaptation of Matthew Quick’s YA novel Sorta Like a Rockstar, about a talented teenager who is trying to keep her homelessness a secret.
Lingua Franca was released August 26 on Netflix through Ava DuVernay’s distribution company. A love story about a trans Filipina caregiver who is undocumented and trying to get a green card, the film made history at the Venice Film Festival in 2019 for being the first movie directed by and starring an openly trans woman of color to screen in competition.
New goal: 25,000
In the spring, we launched a program asking readers for financial contributions to help keep Vox free for everyone, and last week, we set a goal of reaching 20,000 contributors. Well, you helped us blow past that. Today, we are extending that goal to 25,000. Millions turn to Vox each month to understand an increasingly chaotic world — from what is happening with the USPS to the coronavirus crisis to what is, quite possibly, the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work — and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-28--Violent protests against police brutality in the ’60s and ’90s changed public opinion

As violent protests against police brutality have roiled the country , so has a debate over the looting and property damage they have left in their wake .
The police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha , Wisconsin , just months after the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd , is the latest tragic demonstration that there ’ s something wrong with how police operate in the US : massive racial disparities in police killings , use of force , arrests , imprisonment , and more .
The police reactions to this year ’ s protests have in many ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often operates with impunity , with viral videos showing police around the country abusing their authority by attacking demonstrators at random , pepper-spraying activists without cause , and in one instance , ramming their vehicle into protesters .
It ’ s all led to genuine rage against the system , which in several cases over the past year has culminated in a minority of protesters burning down buildings and looting businesses .
That ’ s led to a debate about whether breaking windows and setting fires actually advances protesters ’ goals or if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public against the protests .
A popular sentiment on social media suggests you ’ re either willing to forgive or overlook the rioting or you ’ re not really with the protesters .
March for Our Lives co-founder Emma González captured the argument in a sarcastic meme earlier this year stating , “ I can excuse systematic murder but I draw the line at property damage.
” A related argument positions riots as a natural , necessary part of creating social change .
In this view , civil rights and police reforms in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible without the unrest of the ’ 60s — some of which was violent .
I made a version of this argument in 2015 , arguing that riots in the ’ 60s and ’ 90s ultimately led to necessary changes in policing , even if the changes didn ’ t go far enough .
But since then , empirical research has come out persuasively showing that riots in the past have not generally swung public opinion toward the causes they ’ re rooted in .
Particularly with the 1960s riots , the evidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these uprisings in Black communities fueled the rise of “ tough-on-crime ” politicians whose policies perpetuated some of the problems that protesters in the ’ 60s stood against and that demonstrators today are now protesting .
We don ’ t know if this research on the 1960s uprisings can be perfectly generalized to protests today , when the circumstances , political climate , and population are different .
There are other studies suggesting that , at least in limited circumstances , riots have helped some causes .
But there are concerning signs about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going .
With violence becoming a bigger and bigger part of the news , figures like President Donald Trump can ignore the overall message and cause of the protests and instead focus on calling for “ law and order ” and the deployment of the National Guard .
Some , like Sen. Tom Cotton ( R-AR ) , have called for military deployment in cities hit by riots .
Unrest at protests is producing the very attitudes and positions — from “ tough on crime ” to the literal militarization of policing — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this was on full display at the 2020 Republican National Convention , which brought up the riots again and again as an example of disorder caused by a Democrat-backed movement .
Perhaps in anticipation of this turn , some activists have warned against violence .
Julia Jackson , Jacob Blake ’ s mother , said the “ violence doesn ’ t reflect my son.
” Floyd ’ s brother , Terrence , in June voiced a similar message to violent protesters : “ If I ’ m not over here messing up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all doing ?
You all are doing nothing .
Because that ’ s not going to bring my brother back at all.
” Rep. Ilhan Omar ( D-MN ) , who ’ s sympathetic to the protests , argued that the rioters “ are not the people who are interested in helping get justice for George Floyd.
” Former Vice President Joe Biden , the Democratic nominee for president , called the violence “ needless.
” The anger behind the protests and riots is real .
But research from the past suggests the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racial justice , is typically more successful through peaceful means .
The anger behind the protests is real and justified The video of George Floyd ’ s death is enraging .
There ’ s no context that can adequately explain a police officer putting his knee on a man ’ s neck until that man — who repeatedly shouts , “ I can ’ t breathe !
” — dies .
Even other police departments and unions around the US have , in an unusual move , condemned the way Minneapolis police handled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Blake ’ s shooting feels like a repeat of the same kind of tragedy , showing an officer repeatedly shooting Blake in the back .
Blake is now reportedly paralyzed from the waist down .
Floyd ’ s death was the catalyst for this year ’ s earlier protests , and Blake ’ s shooting reignited the demonstrations .
Both speak to a deeper problem : Police abuse of Black communities is routine in the US .
According to the Guardian ’ s “ The Counted ” project , as of 2016 Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be killed by police than white people , at a respective rate of 6.66 per 1 million people versus 2.9 per 1 million people .
The research indicates that this isn ’ t driven solely by more crime in minority communities , but something else — potentially , racial bias .
One 2015 study by researcher Cody Ross found , “ There is no relationship between county-level racial bias in police shootings and crime rates ( even race-specific crime rates ) , meaning that the racial bias observed in police shootings in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a response to local-level crime rates.
” This has been apparent again and again in federal investigation after federal investigation of police departments .
The Justice Department ’ s report on the Baltimore Police Department in 2016 noted when a police shift commander created an arrest form for loitering on public housing ; he didn ’ t even try to hide his racist expectations .
In the template , there was no space to fill in gender or race .
Instead , that information was automatically filled out : “ Black male.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Baltimore were much more likely to be stopped than their white counterparts even after controlling for population .
One Black man in his mid-50s was stopped 30 times in less than four years — nearly one stop a month — despite never receiving a citation or criminal charge .
“ Racially disparate impact is present at every stage of BPD ’ s enforcement actions , from the initial decision to stop individuals on Baltimore streets to searches , arrests , and uses of force , ” the report concluded .
“ These racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discrimination , erode the community trust that is critical to effective policing.
” This is not something the Justice Department found solely in Baltimore .
It appeared again and again : Whether it ’ s Baltimore , Cleveland , New Orleans , Ferguson , Missouri , or Chicago , the Justice Department has found horrific constitutional violations in how police use force , how they target minority residents , how they stop and ticket people , and just about every other aspect of policing .
At the same time , police are rarely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Police Misconduct Reporting Project analyzed 3,238 legal actions against police officers accused of misconduct from April 2009 to December 2010 .
Researcher David Packman , who established the project , found that only 33 percent were convicted , with 36 percent of convicted officers going on to serve prison sentences .
Both of those are about half the rate at which members of the public are convicted or incarcerated .
This is what ’ s fueled the demonstrations , from the peaceful to the violent .
These protests are focused on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neglected in the US , even after the rise of Black Lives Matter in 2014 .
Given this context , it should be no surprise that some are turning to violence to express their fury ; as Martin Luther King Jr. often said , “ A riot is the language of the unheard.
” Rioting has historically been counterproductive to racial justice causes The best study I ’ ve seen on the broader national reaction to protests demonstrates that riots in the past backfired .
The research isn ’ t unanimous on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Enos , Aaron Kaufman , and Melissa Sands found that the 1992 Los Angeles riot “ caused a marked liberal shift in policy support at the polls.
” Specifically , the riot appeared to mobilize some voters — particularly Black voters — who went on to register Democrat and vote the more liberal position on a slew of local school ballot issues .
That indicated , the researchers argued , that the riots led to a progressive electoral turn .
But this study was narrow in scope .
It focused on the local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at education ballot initiatives .
The researchers acknowledged that the reaction may be different for a series of riots : “ perhaps , while a single riot invokes sympathy , a series of riots provokes backlash.
” They also noted the overall national response could differ from the local , which “ could affect the overall efficacy of violent protest.
” That ’ s what other research suggests .
A study from Omar Wasow , recently published in the American Political Science Review , found the national backlash to 1960s riots was fierce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the protests .
According to the study , peaceful protests for civil rights and against police abuses in the 1960s tended to build support for Democrats , who in turn backed the civil rights causes of the time .
But support for Democrats decreased after violent protests — and subsequently led to a focus on “ law-and-order ” style politics .
( A note on methodology : For the purposes of this article , “ violent protest ” and “ riots ” means when protesters became violent .
Wasow categorized protests in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state actors were not as separate . )
We don ’ t know how riots may have mobilized certain voters .
Maybe the violence swayed some genuine swing voters .
Maybe riots made it easier for politicians like Nixon to tap into existing racial resentment that enables punitive policies against minority communities .
Maybe people who already harbored racist views were more motivated to vote by riots involving Black and brown Americans .
There could be something else going on .
But the research does suggest an effect .
To gauge the political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wasow simulated what the 1968 election would have been like if there hadn ’ t been nearly 140 violent protests immediately following Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s assassination — calculating the shift in voting that would have occurred if there weren ’ t violent protests in the counties exposed to violence .
In more than 7,500 of 10,000 simulations , Democrat Hubert Humphrey , a lead author of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 , defeated Republican Richard Nixon , one of the architects of the modern war on drugs and national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s impossible to say for certain , but that could have prevented some of the exact policing abuses that protesters are now demonstrating against .
The 1960s riots did lead to some positive change .
The Kerner Commission in 1968 , for example , reviewed the cause of the uprisings and pushed local police reforms , including more active hiring of minority police officers , civilian review boards of cases in which police use force , and residency requirements forcing police to live in the communities they monitor .
“ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened a lot more slowly had there not been disruptive protests , ” Thomas Sugrue , a historian at New York University who ’ s also studied the 1960s riots , told me back in 2015 .
But Sugrue warned : “ Riots cut both ways .
They do give a voice to the voiceless , but they can also lead to consequences that those who are challenging the system don ’ t intend.
” Indeed , many of the Kerner Commission ’ s reforms were ultimately undone or outweighed by the national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , followed by President Ronald Reagan , and over time doubled down on by other politicians — including some Democrats — who seized on the circumstances and popular sentiment to trumpet the message of “ law and order.
” The irony today is that the “ law-and-order ” and “ tough-on-crime ” politics from back then helped fuel the police abuses leading to the current demonstrations .
History might not repeat itself , but there ’ s a big risk We simply don ’ t know if Wasow ’ s findings — which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one study — apply to all riots or the past week ’ s events .
As the Los Angeles riot study suggests , the effects of riots may vary at the local level .
Maybe a series of riots has a different effect than a single uprising .
Perhaps the public will be more sympathetic if there ’ s , for example , video evidence of police abuse — as there was in 1992 and there is today .
A rapidly diversifying country could also be less sympathetic to police abuses , regardless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maybe Americans will treat Trump , as the incumbent , differently than Nixon in an open contest .
But one of Wasow ’ s findings seems increasingly relevant to today ’ s circumstances .
Wasow found that “ events in which protester-initiated violence occurred , irrespective of police response , were much more likely to construct frames that played to dominant group biases and invoke language associated with disorder and social control.
” To put it another way , violence at protests tends to take over the public discussion , above the actual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is reflected in the media coverage of the current protests .
While much of the attention on social media has gone to police abuses at the demonstrations , the media has focused a lot on on protesters ’ vandalism and arson — with photos of protesters standing in front of burning wreckage all over TV news , after Floyd ’ s death and now Blake ’ s shooting .
Wasow ’ s core insight — that faced with at times violent civil rights protests , Nixon managed to ride a focus on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has eerie relevance today .
Under Trump , the Justice Department has already abandoned its oversight of police — halting investigations of local departments and reversing reforms implemented by former President Barack Obama ’ s administration , which Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ( who previously took “ tough-on-crime ” positions ) has promised to bring back should he defeat Trump .
During the current protests , Trump has ignored the overall message of the demonstrations and instead emphasized the need for public safety .
In one of many tweets , Trump simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The bulk of his comments have focused on ending protesters ’ violence rather than addressing the cause behind the demonstrations , with invocations of the upcoming presidential election .
If that works to get Trump reelected , the protests almost certainly won ’ t accomplish the policy changes that many movement leaders want .
We don ’ t know if history will repeat itself , but there are signs that it could .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vox today .

As violent protests against police brutality have roiled the country, so has a debate over the looting and property damage they have left in their wake.
The police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wisconsin, just months after the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd, is the latest tragic demonstration that there’s something wrong with how police operate in the US: massive racial disparities in police killings, use of force, arrests, imprisonment, and more.
The police reactions to this year’s protests have in many ways validated the message that law enforcement too often operates with impunity, with viral videos showing police around the country abusing their authority by attacking demonstrators at random, pepper-spraying activists without cause, and in one instance, ramming their vehicle into protesters.
It’s all led to genuine rage against the system, which in several cases over the past year has culminated in a minority of protesters burning down buildings and looting businesses. That’s led to a debate about whether breaking windows and setting fires actually advances protesters’ goals or if the violence could backfire, moving the public against the protests.
A popular sentiment on social media suggests you’re either willing to forgive or overlook the rioting or you’re not really with the protesters. March for Our Lives co-founder Emma González captured the argument in a sarcastic meme earlier this year stating, “I can excuse systematic murder but I draw the line at property damage.”
A related argument positions riots as a natural, necessary part of creating social change. In this view, civil rights and police reforms in the 1960s wouldn’t have been possible without the unrest of the ’60s — some of which was violent. I made a version of this argument in 2015, arguing that riots in the ’60s and ’90s ultimately led to necessary changes in policing, even if the changes didn’t go far enough.
But since then, empirical research has come out persuasively showing that riots in the past have not generally swung public opinion toward the causes they’re rooted in. Particularly with the 1960s riots, the evidence suggests white voters’ negative reactions to these uprisings in Black communities fueled the rise of “tough-on-crime” politicians whose policies perpetuated some of the problems that protesters in the ’60s stood against and that demonstrators today are now protesting.
We don’t know if this research on the 1960s uprisings can be perfectly generalized to protests today, when the circumstances, political climate, and population are different. There are other studies suggesting that, at least in limited circumstances, riots have helped some causes.
But there are concerning signs about the way today’s protests are going. With violence becoming a bigger and bigger part of the news, figures like President Donald Trump can ignore the overall message and cause of the protests and instead focus on calling for “law and order” and the deployment of the National Guard. Some, like Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR), have called for military deployment in cities hit by riots. Unrest at protests is producing the very attitudes and positions — from “tough on crime” to the literal militarization of policing — that protesters are standing against. All of this was on full display at the 2020 Republican National Convention, which brought up the riots again and again as an example of disorder caused by a Democrat-backed movement.
Perhaps in anticipation of this turn, some activists have warned against violence. Julia Jackson, Jacob Blake’s mother, said the “violence doesn’t reflect my son.” Floyd’s brother, Terrence, in June voiced a similar message to violent protesters: “If I’m not over here messing up my community, then what are you all doing? You all are doing nothing. Because that’s not going to bring my brother back at all.” Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN), who’s sympathetic to the protests, argued that the rioters “are not the people who are interested in helping get justice for George Floyd.” Former Vice President Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee for president, called the violence “needless.”
The anger behind the protests and riots is real. But research from the past suggests the path to meaningful change, particularly for racial justice, is typically more successful through peaceful means.
The anger behind the protests is real and justified
The video of George Floyd’s death is enraging. There’s no context that can adequately explain a police officer putting his knee on a man’s neck until that man — who repeatedly shouts, “I can’t breathe!” — dies. Even other police departments and unions around the US have, in an unusual move, condemned the way Minneapolis police handled the situation.
The video of Jacob Blake’s shooting feels like a repeat of the same kind of tragedy, showing an officer repeatedly shooting Blake in the back. Blake is now reportedly paralyzed from the waist down.
Floyd’s death was the catalyst for this year’s earlier protests, and Blake’s shooting reignited the demonstrations. Both speak to a deeper problem: Police abuse of Black communities is routine in the US. According to the Guardian’s “The Counted” project, as of 2016 Black people were more than twice as likely to be killed by police than white people, at a respective rate of 6.66 per 1 million people versus 2.9 per 1 million people.
The research indicates that this isn’t driven solely by more crime in minority communities, but something else — potentially, racial bias. One 2015 study by researcher Cody Ross found, “There is no relationship between county-level racial bias in police shootings and crime rates (even race-specific crime rates), meaning that the racial bias observed in police shootings in this data set is not explainable as a response to local-level crime rates.”
What a moment on CNN. pic.twitter.com/T9XMzXmlVb — Oliver Darcy (@oliverdarcy) May 31, 2020
This has been apparent again and again in federal investigation after federal investigation of police departments. The Justice Department’s report on the Baltimore Police Department in 2016 noted when a police shift commander created an arrest form for loitering on public housing, he didn’t even try to hide his racist expectations. In the template, there was no space to fill in gender or race. Instead, that information was automatically filled out: “black male.”
The report found that Black people in Baltimore were much more likely to be stopped than their white counterparts even after controlling for population. One Black man in his mid-50s was stopped 30 times in less than four years — nearly one stop a month — despite never receiving a citation or criminal charge.
“Racially disparate impact is present at every stage of BPD’s enforcement actions, from the initial decision to stop individuals on Baltimore streets to searches, arrests, and uses of force,” the report concluded. “These racial disparities, along with evidence suggesting intentional discrimination, erode the community trust that is critical to effective policing.”
This is not something the Justice Department found solely in Baltimore. It appeared again and again: Whether it’s Baltimore, Cleveland, New Orleans, Ferguson, Missouri, or Chicago, the Justice Department has found horrific constitutional violations in how police use force, how they target minority residents, how they stop and ticket people, and just about every other aspect of policing.
At the same time, police are rarely held accountable for their actions. The National Police Misconduct Reporting Project analyzed 3,238 legal actions against police officers accused of misconduct from April 2009 to December 2010. Researcher David Packman, who established the project, found that only 33 percent were convicted, with 36 percent of convicted officers going on to serve prison sentences. Both of those are about half the rate at which members of the public are convicted or incarcerated.
This is what’s fueled the demonstrations, from the peaceful to the violent. These protests are focused on a real issue — one that has gone neglected in the US, even after the rise of Black Lives Matter in 2014. Given this context, it should be no surprise that some are turning to violence to express their fury; as Martin Luther King Jr. often said, “A riot is the language of the unheard.”
Rioting has historically been counterproductive to racial justice causes
The best study I’ve seen on the broader national reaction to protests demonstrates that riots in the past backfired.
The research isn’t unanimous on this point. A 2019 study by Ryan Enos, Aaron Kaufman, and Melissa Sands found that the 1992 Los Angeles riot “caused a marked liberal shift in policy support at the polls.” Specifically, the riot appeared to mobilize some voters — particularly Black voters — who went on to register Democrat and vote the more liberal position on a slew of local school ballot issues. That indicated, the researchers argued, that the riots led to a progressive electoral turn.
But this study was narrow in scope. It focused on the local effects of one riot and looked specifically at education ballot initiatives. The researchers acknowledged that the reaction may be different for a series of riots: “perhaps, while a single riot invokes sympathy, a series of riots provokes backlash.” They also noted the overall national response could differ from the local, which “could affect the overall efficacy of violent protest.”
That’s what other research suggests. A study from Omar Wasow, recently published in the American Political Science Review, found the national backlash to 1960s riots was fierce — overwhelming support for the cause behind the protests.
According to the study, peaceful protests for civil rights and against police abuses in the 1960s tended to build support for Democrats, who in turn backed the civil rights causes of the time. But support for Democrats decreased after violent protests — and subsequently led to a focus on “law-and-order” style politics. (A note on methodology: For the purposes of this article, “violent protest” and “riots” means when protesters became violent. Wasow categorized protests in which demonstrators were peaceful but police or other state actors were not as separate.)
We don’t know how riots may have mobilized certain voters. Maybe the violence swayed some genuine swing voters. Maybe riots made it easier for politicians like Nixon to tap into existing racial resentment that enables punitive policies against minority communities. Maybe people who already harbored racist views were more motivated to vote by riots involving Black and brown Americans. There could be something else going on. But the research does suggest an effect.
To gauge the political impact of violence in the 1960s, Wasow simulated what the 1968 election would have been like if there hadn’t been nearly 140 violent protests immediately following Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination — calculating the shift in voting that would have occurred if there weren’t violent protests in the counties exposed to violence.
In more than 7,500 of 10,000 simulations, Democrat Hubert Humphrey, a lead author of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, defeated Republican Richard Nixon, one of the architects of the modern war on drugs and national “tough-on-crime” politics. It’s impossible to say for certain, but that could have prevented some of the exact policing abuses that protesters are now demonstrating against.
The 1960s riots did lead to some positive change. The Kerner Commission in 1968, for example, reviewed the cause of the uprisings and pushed local police reforms, including more active hiring of minority police officers, civilian review boards of cases in which police use force, and residency requirements forcing police to live in the communities they monitor.
“It’s safe to say some changes would have happened a lot more slowly had there not been disruptive protests,” Thomas Sugrue, a historian at New York University who’s also studied the 1960s riots, told me back in 2015.
But Sugrue warned: “Riots cut both ways. They do give a voice to the voiceless, but they can also lead to consequences that those who are challenging the system don’t intend.”
Indeed, many of the Kerner Commission’s reforms were ultimately undone or outweighed by the national “tough-on-crime” politics embraced by Nixon, followed by President Ronald Reagan, and over time doubled down on by other politicians — including some Democrats — who seized on the circumstances and popular sentiment to trumpet the message of “law and order.”
The irony today is that the “law-and-order” and “tough-on-crime” politics from back then helped fuel the police abuses leading to the current demonstrations.
History might not repeat itself, but there’s a big risk
We simply don’t know if Wasow’s findings — which come from, after all, just one study — apply to all riots or the past week’s events. As the Los Angeles riot study suggests, the effects of riots may vary at the local level. Maybe a series of riots has a different effect than a single uprising. Perhaps the public will be more sympathetic if there’s, for example, video evidence of police abuse — as there was in 1992 and there is today. A rapidly diversifying country could also be less sympathetic to police abuses, regardless of how such abuses are protested. Maybe Americans will treat Trump, as the incumbent, differently than Nixon in an open contest.
But one of Wasow’s findings seems increasingly relevant to today’s circumstances.
Wasow found that “events in which protester-initiated violence occurred, irrespective of police response, were much more likely to construct frames that played to dominant group biases and invoke language associated with disorder and social control.” To put it another way, violence at protests tends to take over the public discussion, above the actual cause and message of the demonstrations.
This is reflected in the media coverage of the current protests. While much of the attention on social media has gone to police abuses at the demonstrations, the media has focused a lot on on protesters’ vandalism and arson — with photos of protesters standing in front of burning wreckage all over TV news, after Floyd’s death and now Blake’s shooting.
Wasow’s core insight — that faced with at times violent civil rights protests, Nixon managed to ride a focus on “law-and-order” to victory — also has eerie relevance today.
Under Trump, the Justice Department has already abandoned its oversight of police — halting investigations of local departments and reversing reforms implemented by former President Barack Obama’s administration, which Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden (who previously took “tough-on-crime” positions) has promised to bring back should he defeat Trump.
During the current protests, Trump has ignored the overall message of the demonstrations and instead emphasized the need for public safety. In one of many tweets, Trump simply wrote, “LAW & ORDER!” The bulk of his comments have focused on ending protesters’ violence rather than addressing the cause behind the demonstrations, with invocations of the upcoming presidential election.
If that works to get Trump reelected, the protests almost certainly won’t accomplish the policy changes that many movement leaders want. We don’t know if history will repeat itself, but there are signs that it could.


vox--2020-08-29--The bigger stakes of the TikTok debate

The bigger stakes of the TikTok debate

On August 6 , President Trump issued an executive order prohibiting transactions with the video-sharing app TikTok .
Since the app is owned by the Beijing-based ByteDance , it could pose national security and privacy risks to users in the US , the order states .
But the Trump administration ’ s actions targeting TikTok mark a departure from the traditional American techno-libertarian position on internet governance and free speech online .
And it comes at a time when the concept of a global internet is under threat .
Nations are increasingly pursuing various forms of internet sovereignty , from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regularly shutting down the internet in areas of social unrest to some European nations introducing a right to be forgotten from search engines .
All these trends point in the direction of a “ splinternet , ” where your experience of the internet increasingly depends on where you live and the whims of the ruling parties there .
As we explain in the video above , that ’ s a tough environment for an app like TikTok , which became globally successful almost immediately , and which connects people from around the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With the excesses of the open internet visible daily ( see : foreign election interference , data breaches , misinformation and hate speech , and domestic and corporate surveillance ) , countries supporting a free internet will need to establish a set of principles that ensures its future .
But they may have to do it without the United States .
You can find this video and all of Vox ’ s videos on YouTube .
And join the Open Sourced Reporting Network to help us report on the real consequences of data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network .
All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists .
In the spring , we launched a program asking readers for financial contributions to help keep Vox free for everyone , and last week , we set a goal of reaching 20,000 contributors .
Well , you helped us blow past that .
Today , we are extending that goal to 25,000 .
Millions turn to Vox each month to understand an increasingly chaotic world — from what is happening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work — and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

On August 6, President Trump issued an executive order prohibiting transactions with the video-sharing app TikTok. Since the app is owned by the Beijing-based ByteDance, it could pose national security and privacy risks to users in the US, the order states.
But the Trump administration’s actions targeting TikTok mark a departure from the traditional American techno-libertarian position on internet governance and free speech online. And it comes at a time when the concept of a global internet is under threat.
Nations are increasingly pursuing various forms of internet sovereignty, from Russia building a walled-off intranet to India regularly shutting down the internet in areas of social unrest to some European nations introducing a right to be forgotten from search engines.
All these trends point in the direction of a “splinternet,” where your experience of the internet increasingly depends on where you live and the whims of the ruling parties there. As we explain in the video above, that’s a tough environment for an app like TikTok, which became globally successful almost immediately, and which connects people from around the world in hyper-personalized but often international subcultures.
With the excesses of the open internet visible daily (see: foreign election interference, data breaches, misinformation and hate speech, and domestic and corporate surveillance), countries supporting a free internet will need to establish a set of principles that ensures its future. But they may have to do it without the United States.
You can find this video and all of Vox’s videos on YouTube. And join the Open Sourced Reporting Network to help us report on the real consequences of data, privacy, algorithms, and AI.
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network. All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.
New goal: 25,000
In the spring, we launched a program asking readers for financial contributions to help keep Vox free for everyone, and last week, we set a goal of reaching 20,000 contributors. Well, you helped us blow past that. Today, we are extending that goal to 25,000. Millions turn to Vox each month to understand an increasingly chaotic world — from what is happening with the USPS to the coronavirus crisis to what is, quite possibly, the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work — and helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-28--Black Panther star Chadwick Boseman is dead at 43

Black Panther star Chadwick Boseman has died at age 43 of colon cancer , according to his family , in a announcement made Friday night .
“ Chadwick was diagnosed with stage III colon cancer in 2016 , and battled with it these last four years as it progressed to stage IV , ” Boseman ’ s family said in a statement posted to his Twitter account .
“ From Marshall to Da 5 Bloods , August Wilson ’ s Ma Rainey ’ s Black Bottom and several more , all were filmed during and between countless surgeries and chemotherapy.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t public knowledge prior to his death .
Back in April , fans voiced concerns over his apparent weight loss , but there was no confirmation of his illness .
Boseman had a 17-year career in TV and film , including starring turns in 42 , Get On Up , and 21 Bridges .
But his most visible and iconic role was that of T ’ Challa , the Marvel superhero also known as Black Panther .
In Boseman ’ s hands , T ’ Challa became a household name after first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Civil War .
The character ’ s own movie , featuring Marvel ’ s first predominantly Black cast , made $ 1.3 billion over the course of its wildly successful theatrical run in 2018 .
Black Panther imagined the world of Wakanda , the most advanced city in the world , and created a fantasy that privileged the lives , experience , intelligence , and strength of Black men and women .
It ’ s considered one of the best Marvel superhero movies , and it was the first to become a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s massive financial success was just as important as its cultural impact , showing that there ’ s an un-ignorable space in movies for stories about the Black experience .
Boseman and the rest of the Black Panther cast were considered the future faces of Marvel .
He appeared in the most recent Avengers movies : 2018 ’ s Infinity War and 2019 ’ s Endgame .
A sequel to Black Panther was announced for a May 2022 release , to again star Boseman .
“ It was an honor of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to life in Black Panther , ” his family ’ s statement said .

Black Panther star Chadwick Boseman has died at age 43 of colon cancer, according to his family, in a announcement made Friday night.
“Chadwick was diagnosed with stage III colon cancer in 2016, and battled with it these last four years as it progressed to stage IV,” Boseman’s family said in a statement posted to his Twitter account. “From Marshall to Da 5 Bloods, August Wilson’s Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom and several more, all were filmed during and between countless surgeries and chemotherapy.”
Boseman’s cancer diagnosis wasn’t public knowledge prior to his death. Back in April, fans voiced concerns over his apparent weight loss, but there was no confirmation of his illness.
Boseman had a 17-year career in TV and film, including starring turns in 42, Get On Up, and 21 Bridges. But his most visible and iconic role was that of T’Challa, the Marvel superhero also known as Black Panther. In Boseman’s hands, T’Challa became a household name after first appearing in 2016’s Captain America: Civil War. The character’s own movie, featuring Marvel’s first predominantly Black cast, made $1.3 billion over the course of its wildly successful theatrical run in 2018.
A warrior of light til the very end. A true king. I am without words. May he rise in power. https://t.co/50nfbvZpAq — kerry washington (@kerrywashington) August 29, 2020
Black Panther imagined the world of Wakanda, the most advanced city in the world, and created a fantasy that privileged the lives, experience, intelligence, and strength of Black men and women. It’s considered one of the best Marvel superhero movies, and it was the first to become a Best Picture nominee. But Black Panther’s massive financial success was just as important as its cultural impact, showing that there’s an un-ignorable space in movies for stories about the Black experience.
Boseman and the rest of the Black Panther cast were considered the future faces of Marvel. He appeared in the most recent Avengers movies: 2018’s Infinity War and 2019’s Endgame. A sequel to Black Panther was announced for a May 2022 release, to again star Boseman.
i will miss you, birthday brother. you were always light and love to me. my god ... ✌ ♥✊ ♂ forever and ever ... https://t.co/9pORaKZuQN pic.twitter.com/awX3DiTVwn — Don Cheadle (@DonCheadle) August 29, 2020
“It was an honor of his career to bring King T’Challa to life in Black Panther,” his family’s statement said.