vox--2020-10-12--The single biggest lie told in the first day of the Amy Coney Barrett hearing

The first day of Judge Amy Coney Barrett ’ s Supreme Court confirmation hearing was a mind-numbing series of opening statements from senators — traditionally , the nominee doesn ’ t actually face questions until the second day — with Democrats largely focusing on the danger that Barrett would vote to strike down the Affordable Care Act .
Many Republicans , meanwhile , claimed they were outraged by suggestions that the Supreme Court engages in policymaking or even rank politics .
The most explicit of these claims came from Sen. Mike Lee ( R-UT ) .
Unmasked while he spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 diagnosis , the Utah senator spent much of his remarks calling attention to Supreme Court decisions that were not decided by a closely divided 5-4 vote .
“ Most of the Supreme Court ’ s docket doesn ’ t even consist of the hot-button issues , ” Lee said — a fact that is simultaneously true and irrelevant to the millions of Americans who could lose their health coverage due to the Court .
Or who could lose their right to vote .
Or their access to abortions and other reproductive care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the entire day — the judiciary , Lee claimed , is “ the one branch of the federal government that is not political.
” Lee ’ s claim is refuted by his party ’ s behavior over the past half-decade .
While individual justices rarely view themselves as pure partisans , these judges are nominated by a partisan president and confirmed by partisans in the Senate .
Presidents can choose judges who are likely to rule in their party ’ s favor in the kinds of “ hot button ” cases that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a time when Republican Supreme Court nominees were not so reliably conservative .
Justice David Souter , a George H.W .
Bush appointee , famously emerged as a left-leaning centrist after he joined the Supreme Court .
But conservative activists made “ No More Souters ” a rallying cry after Souter ’ s apostasy became apparent , and they ’ ve built a sophisticated network over the past several decades to screen nominees to ensure that they are reliably conservative .
President Trump has relied heavily on the Federalist Society , a kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to identify loyal conservative judicial nominees .
If the Supreme Court were , in fact , above politics , then one would expect Lee ’ s party to be fairly indifferent to who serves on the federal courts , provided that an individual judicial nominee has the experience , talent , and work ethic necessary to perform well as a federal judge .
But , of course , that ’ s not how Lee ’ s Republican Party has behaved .
Republicans blocked Judge Merrick Garland , an exquisitely qualified judge whom President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , because those Republicans correctly realized that a solid conservative like Justice Neil Gorsuch ( who was eventually confirmed to that seat ) was more likely to deliver policy victories to the GOP than a moderate liberal like Garland .
Similarly , in less than one term in office , Trump has filled nearly as many federal appellate judgeships as Obama did in two terms .
The reason is that Republicans controlled the Senate during Obama ’ s final two years in office , and they used that control to block nearly every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trump got to fill all the seats that came open during his term , plus nearly all the seats that Obama should have been able to fill in the closing years of his presidency .
It ’ s unlikely that Republicans stopped Obama from filling these seats because they thought politics is irrelevant in the federal judiciary .
Republicans are also taking a considerable risk by racing to confirm Barrett before the votes are counted in an ongoing presidential election .
A Washington Post-ABC News poll found that a slim majority of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the vacancy on the Supreme Court should be filled by the winner of the presidential election .
Similarly , a recent CNN poll found that a plurality of Americans ( 46 to 42 percent ) oppose confirming Barrett .
According to CNN , “ initial reactions to Barrett are among the worst in CNN and Gallup polling on 12 potential justices dating back to Robert Bork , who was nominated by Ronald Reagan and rejected by the Senate.
” So why are Republicans pushing an unpopular confirmation just weeks before the voters could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
A possible answer is that they hope a 6-3 Republican Supreme Court will help them stay in office .
Trump , for example , has predicted that the presidential election “ will end up at the Supreme Court , ” and he ’ s said that “ it ’ s very important that we have nine justices ” to resolve such a dispute .
But it ’ s at least as likely that Republicans understand that an additional Supreme Court seat would be such a boon to the GOP that it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over it — or even a presidential election .
Contrary to Lee ’ s suggestion that the Court is somehow beyond politics , data shows quite clearly that the best predictor of how a judge will rule in a politically charged case is often their partisan affiliation .
In 2014 , the last time a judicial attack on Obamacare was making its way up to the Supreme Court , the Washington Times examined how judges appointed by either political party handled challenges to the Affordable Care Act .
It found that “ Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 90 percent of the time , while Republican appointees ruled against it nearly 80 percent of the time.
” The courts , simply put , are political .
Lee ’ s own behavior — and that of his fellow Republicans , both in the Senate and on the federal bench — leaves little doubt of that reality .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
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The first day of Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court confirmation hearing was a mind-numbing series of opening statements from senators — traditionally, the nominee doesn’t actually face questions until the second day — with Democrats largely focusing on the danger that Barrett would vote to strike down the Affordable Care Act.
Many Republicans, meanwhile, claimed they were outraged by suggestions that the Supreme Court engages in policymaking or even rank politics. The most explicit of these claims came from Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT).
Unmasked while he spoke, and fresh off a fairly recent Covid-19 diagnosis, the Utah senator spent much of his remarks calling attention to Supreme Court decisions that were not decided by a closely divided 5-4 vote. “Most of the Supreme Court’s docket doesn’t even consist of the hot-button issues,” Lee said — a fact that is simultaneously true and irrelevant to the millions of Americans who could lose their health coverage due to the Court. Or who could lose their right to vote. Or their access to abortions and other reproductive care.
He then delivered the biggest whopper of the entire day — the judiciary, Lee claimed, is “the one branch of the federal government that is not political.”
Lee’s claim is refuted by his party’s behavior over the past half-decade. While individual justices rarely view themselves as pure partisans, these judges are nominated by a partisan president and confirmed by partisans in the Senate. Presidents can choose judges who are likely to rule in their party’s favor in the kinds of “hot button” cases that Lee attempted to downplay.
There was a time when Republican Supreme Court nominees were not so reliably conservative. Justice David Souter, a George H.W. Bush appointee, famously emerged as a left-leaning centrist after he joined the Supreme Court. But conservative activists made “No More Souters” a rallying cry after Souter’s apostasy became apparent, and they’ve built a sophisticated network over the past several decades to screen nominees to ensure that they are reliably conservative.
President Trump has relied heavily on the Federalist Society, a kind of bar association for conservative lawyers, to identify loyal conservative judicial nominees.
If the Supreme Court were, in fact, above politics, then one would expect Lee’s party to be fairly indifferent to who serves on the federal courts, provided that an individual judicial nominee has the experience, talent, and work ethic necessary to perform well as a federal judge. But, of course, that’s not how Lee’s Republican Party has behaved. Republicans blocked Judge Merrick Garland, an exquisitely qualified judge whom President Barack Obama nominated to the Supreme Court, because those Republicans correctly realized that a solid conservative like Justice Neil Gorsuch (who was eventually confirmed to that seat) was more likely to deliver policy victories to the GOP than a moderate liberal like Garland.
Similarly, in less than one term in office, Trump has filled nearly as many federal appellate judgeships as Obama did in two terms. The reason is that Republicans controlled the Senate during Obama’s final two years in office, and they used that control to block nearly every person Obama nominated to an appellate judgeship. Trump got to fill all the seats that came open during his term, plus nearly all the seats that Obama should have been able to fill in the closing years of his presidency.
It’s unlikely that Republicans stopped Obama from filling these seats because they thought politics is irrelevant in the federal judiciary.
Republicans are also taking a considerable risk by racing to confirm Barrett before the votes are counted in an ongoing presidential election. A Washington Post-ABC News poll found that a slim majority of registered voters (52 percent) believe the vacancy on the Supreme Court should be filled by the winner of the presidential election.
Similarly, a recent CNN poll found that a plurality of Americans (46 to 42 percent) oppose confirming Barrett. According to CNN, “initial reactions to Barrett are among the worst in CNN and Gallup polling on 12 potential justices dating back to Robert Bork, who was nominated by Ronald Reagan and rejected by the Senate.”
So why are Republicans pushing an unpopular confirmation just weeks before the voters could throw many of them out of office? A possible answer is that they hope a 6-3 Republican Supreme Court will help them stay in office. Trump, for example, has predicted that the presidential election “will end up at the Supreme Court,” and he’s said that “it’s very important that we have nine justices” to resolve such a dispute.
But it’s at least as likely that Republicans understand that an additional Supreme Court seat would be such a boon to the GOP that it’s worth losing a few Senate seats over it — or even a presidential election. Contrary to Lee’s suggestion that the Court is somehow beyond politics, data shows quite clearly that the best predictor of how a judge will rule in a politically charged case is often their partisan affiliation.
In 2014, the last time a judicial attack on Obamacare was making its way up to the Supreme Court, the Washington Times examined how judges appointed by either political party handled challenges to the Affordable Care Act. It found that “Democratic appointees ruled in favor of Obamacare more than 90 percent of the time, while Republican appointees ruled against it nearly 80 percent of the time.”
The courts, simply put, are political. Lee’s own behavior — and that of his fellow Republicans, both in the Senate and on the federal bench — leaves little doubt of that reality.


vox--2020-10-12--“This is not normal”: Cory Booker calls out Republicans rushing Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court he

“This is not normal”: Cory Booker calls out Republicans rushing Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court hearing

Sen. Cory Booker ( D-NJ ) on Monday plainly explained the problem with Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett ’ s confirmation hearing : “ This is not normal.
” In his opening statement , Booker directly called out Senate Republicans ’ attempts to rush through her confirmation less than 30 days ahead of the general election , after refusing to hold hearings for President Barack Obama ’ s nominee in 2016 .
He noted , too , how the Senate is focusing on a Supreme Court nominee even as millions of Americans are in need of more coronavirus stimulus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chamber have been chief opponents toward .
And he questioned Republicans ’ decision to hold the hearing despite two members of the committee testing positive for the coronavirus about a week and a half ago .
“ Nothing about this is normal , ” said Booker .
“ It is not normal that Senate Republicans are rushing through a confirmation hearing , violating their own statements and betraying the trust of the American people and their colleagues , and failing to take in this hearing even the most basic safety protections for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the fears Americans continue to have about the pandemic are “ not normal ” and the result of the administration ’ s poor handling of its efforts to combat the coronavirus : In America today , people are scared .
...
Many Americans have died , isolated and — and alone , tens of millions of jobs have been lost .
One in three American families with children are not getting enough food to eat .
More than 100,000 small businesses have closed permanently .
Lines of food banks in the wealthiest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ miles .
We should be working in a bipartisan way to try and get the virus under control , to get relief for people who are hurting , struggling , and afraid , to help people who are unemployed , to let doctors and nurses and hospital staff putting their lives on the line right now in state after state when Covid is rising know that we have their back on the pandemic .
Instead of doing anything to help people who are struggling right now , we are here .
Progressive activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats to take a stand on the legitimacy of the nomination and draw attention to how Republicans are using this opportunity to mount yet another power grab .
Although Democrats did not take action in the form of a protest or boycott on Monday , Booker ’ s and other lawmakers ’ statements strove to point out how Republicans are applying a different standard to Barrett ’ s nomination .
Democrats also focused extensively Monday on the threat that Barrett ’ s confirmation could pose to the Affordable Care Act , which is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case — in addition to questioning the timing of the nomination .
“ The American people should decide .
The American people should decide .
The American people should decide , ” Booker said before stating that he would not vote to support Barrett ’ s confirmation .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) on Monday plainly explained the problem with Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett’s confirmation hearing: “This is not normal.”
In his opening statement, Booker directly called out Senate Republicans’ attempts to rush through her confirmation less than 30 days ahead of the general election, after refusing to hold hearings for President Barack Obama’s nominee in 2016. He noted, too, how the Senate is focusing on a Supreme Court nominee even as millions of Americans are in need of more coronavirus stimulus money, which Republicans in the upper chamber have been chief opponents toward. And he questioned Republicans’ decision to hold the hearing despite two members of the committee testing positive for the coronavirus about a week and a half ago.
“Nothing about this is normal,” said Booker. “It is not normal that Senate Republicans are rushing through a confirmation hearing, violating their own statements and betraying the trust of the American people and their colleagues, and failing to take in this hearing even the most basic safety protections for the people around them.”
Booker also emphasized that the fears Americans continue to have about the pandemic are “not normal” and the result of the administration’s poor handling of its efforts to combat the coronavirus:
In America today, people are scared. ... Many Americans have died, isolated and — and alone, tens of millions of jobs have been lost. One in three American families with children are not getting enough food to eat. More than 100,000 small businesses have closed permanently. Lines of food banks in the wealthiest nations on the planet have stretched for miles. We should be working in a bipartisan way to try and get the virus under control, to get relief for people who are hurting, struggling, and afraid, to help people who are unemployed, to let doctors and nurses and hospital staff putting their lives on the line right now in state after state when Covid is rising know that we have their back on the pandemic. Instead of doing anything to help people who are struggling right now, we are here.
Progressive activists are among those who have long pushed Democrats to take a stand on the legitimacy of the nomination and draw attention to how Republicans are using this opportunity to mount yet another power grab. Although Democrats did not take action in the form of a protest or boycott on Monday, Booker’s and other lawmakers’ statements strove to point out how Republicans are applying a different standard to Barrett’s nomination.
Democrats also focused extensively Monday on the threat that Barrett’s confirmation could pose to the Affordable Care Act, which is the focus of an upcoming Supreme Court case — in addition to questioning the timing of the nomination.
“The American people should decide. The American people should decide. The American people should decide,” Booker said before stating that he would not vote to support Barrett’s confirmation.


vox--2020-10-12--A former Republican could win the Kansas Senate race for the Democrats

Share All sharing options for : A former Republican could win the Kansas Senate race for the Democrats A Democrat hasn ’ t won a US Senate seat in Kansas since 1932 .
And yet , for the first time in decades , the ruby-red state is seeing a truly competitive Senate race .
With an open seat after longtime Sen. Pat Roberts ( R ) announced his retirement , polling of Democratic state Sen. Barbara Bollier and Republican Rep. Roger Marshall shows a tight contest .
This summer , political experts in the state assumed the only way Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against controversial Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach , who lost to Marshall in the August primary .
But so far , Bollier ’ s fundraising and polling are defying much of the conventional wisdom about Kansas politics .
Bollier has out-fundraised Marshall by more than $ 5 million , the latest figures from OpenSecrets show .
Most polls over the summer and fall have shown the candidates either tied or Marshall ahead by a few percentage points .
A recent internal GOP poll showed Marshall ahead by 4 points , while Bollier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ahead by 2 points .
In other words , there ’ s currently no clear frontrunner , though the Republican lean of the state favors Marshall .
“ Since the primary , polling has consistently shown at least among voters that are decided , there ’ s no clear leader in the race , ” said Patrick Miller , political science professor at Kansas University .
“ Republicans are insisting very strongly that it ’ s not a competitive race , that it ’ s safe ... but they ’ re definitely acting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few weeks after dumping $ 5.2 million into the Kansas race , Mitch McConnell-aligned Super PAC Senate Leadership Fund is adding another $ 7.2 million to help boost Marshall .
“ It ’ s tight , it ’ s a lot tighter than anyone would have expected and anyone would have wanted , ” a GOP strategist told Vox .
“ I think you ’ ve broadly seen a tightening in margins around the country .
A lot of it can be attributed to Democrats having a lot of money to spend.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beating a polarizing conservative , Marshall himself is adopting more Kobach-like rhetoric rather than moderating his approach .
“ I think his strategy is definitely more focused on the conservative part ” of the electorate , Miller said .
Marshall ’ s campaign did not return a request for comment .
Kansas Democrats have made big strides in 2018 , with the election of Gov .
Laura Kelly and Rep. Sharice Davids , the first openly gay Native American member of Congress elected to the House .
After years of conservative rule in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happening .
Democrats are especially betting that a campaign focused on health care and Kansas Republicans ’ refusal to pass Medicaid expansion will make the seat competitive — especially as neighboring red states like Missouri and Oklahoma have passed expanded Medicaid through ballot initiatives .
This makes 2020 a good test of whether it can help Democrats flip what once seemed like a long-shot Senate seat .
Bollier , a former moderate Republican in the state Senate who switched parties in 2018 , thinks there are plenty of people in Kansas like her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out as Democrats but are fed up with a state and national GOP so consumed by Trumpian conservatives .
“ The majority of people aren ’ t on either extreme , ” Bollier told Vox in a recent interview .
“ They ’ re in that center section.
” Why Kansas really could be competitive for Democrats Let ’ s start with the obvious : Kansas is historically a very Republican state .
It ’ s home to the Koch family , former Senate majority leader and presidential candidate Bob Dole , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helmed the draconian 2012 and 2013 Kansas tax cut experiment .
Still , Kansas Republicans can ’ t be painted with a single brush .
Kansas political experts have long observed that the state is home to three parties : Democrats , moderate Republicans , and conservative Republicans .
“ The reality is , the Democrats are their party , and the Republicans are a divided party , ” Bollier told Vox .
As Bollier tells it , moderates and conservatives in the state are constantly at odds .
Bollier eventually decided she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kelly , whom she endorsed in 2018 — shortly before becoming a Democrat herself .
Kansas conservatives don ’ t just take extreme positions on social issues like abortion and LGBTQ rights .
They are also known for taking extreme fiscal positions , such as when Brownback drastically slashed the state ’ s income tax rate by 30 percent and the tax rate on pass-through income to zero .
Funding for public education and state infrastructure became collateral damage , causing schools to shorten their weeks and years due to staffing shortages .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a failed experiment and overturned by the Republican state legislature , but not until they blew a $ 900 million hole in the state budget .
“ I had tried for all these years to help move the party to a more central position , and it was failing , ” Bollier told Vox recently .
“ Starting with the Brownback tax experiment , I remember voting no and saying ‘ I sure hope I ’ m wrong.
’ But I wasn ’ t. ” Kansas-based progressives say the increasingly extreme positions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state legislature reinvigorated the state ’ s decrepit Democratic Party — making it a more appealing option to people like Bollier , who were being nudged more and more to the center .
At the same time , it was also nudging many everyday voters who hadn ’ t been active in politics to get personally involved .
“ In 2014 , things were bad , ” said Davis Hammet , the founder of Loud Light , a Kansas-based organization focused on increasing young voter turnout .
“ Traditional Republicans were nearly extinct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party dissolving .
There was no power structure to counteract the extreme far-right .
Kansas is a story of everyone being down , then coming together.
” In the span of just four years , Kansas Democrats went from being a party considering dissolving itself to winning the governor ’ s race and a key House seat .
Skip ahead two years and another House seat — the 2nd Congressional District — is in play in addition to the open Senate seat .
As in many other states , the bluing suburbs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are going to be critical areas for Democrats to win in order to do well .
Kansas isn ’ t as Trump-loyal as you might expect Hammet and Bollier alike chalk up this year ’ s competitive race in part to exhaustion with reactionary politics in the state well before Trump became president .
“ We had a little Trump thing going on before Trump , ” Hammet said .
“ We watched far-right ideology destroy our state , but then changed course and started to build back up .
It was at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s at a national level.
” Miller , the Kansas University professor , says that while Kansas reliably votes red , its demographics make it different from other more Trump-friendly conservative states , thus making it more likely its voters would stray from the president in 2020 .
“ The thing about Kansas is we are a more Republican than conservative state if you look at the polling , ” Miller said , pointing to the state ’ s strong public university system producing a lot of college-educated voters .
“ If you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they make us a little less reliably Trump than you might expect .
We are a red state but we are not monolithically red.
” As a member of Congress , Marshall has walked the line between moderate and conservative .
He is a party-line Republican ; at times , he ’ s sounded open to reforms like a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants , but he has also vocally supported Trump ’ s agenda .
Ahead of the Republican Senate primary , Marshall kept a fairly low profile in Kansas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known for the brash , controversial rhetoric of someone like Kobach .
“ He ’ s the kind of Republican that , if Republican leadership has negotiated a compromise spending bill with Democrats , Marshall is going to vote for it because leadership is going to vote for it , ” Miller told Vox this summer .
“ He ’ s not going to vote no on principle.
” Marshall also wasn ’ t initially the ideal candidate of McConnell and Senate Republican leadership , who spent months courting current Secretary of State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress from the state .
Pompeo ultimately did not jump into the race .
Trump won Kansas by 21 points in 2016 , but the FiveThirtyEight polling average of Kansas this year shows him just 7 points ahead of Biden .
Few people doubt Trump will win Kansas in 2020 , but his margins will matter greatly for the Senate race .
The president has a net approval rating ( approval minus disapproval ) of just 4 percentage points , according to Morning Consult — much lower than places like Kentucky or Alabama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Kansa is split about 50-50 in his job approval , ” said Miller .
“ Maybe more so here than in other states , there are people that voted for him but don ’ t necessarily approve of the job he ’ s doing.
” Democrats have seized on health care as a winning issue in Kansas Health care proved to be a winning message for Democrats in the 2018 elections , including in Kansas , where they won the governor ’ s seat and a competitive House race .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost their health insurance along with their jobs , they ’ re betting the issue will be even more salient in 2020 .
Bollier , a doctor , is well positioned to take a health care message to voters .
Marshall , who is an OB-GYN , has focused on abortion ( he is vehemently against it ) .
Marshall came under fire for comments he made about Medicaid expansion in 2017 , seemingly suggesting that low-income people who could benefit from the program “ just don ’ t want health care and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of themselves.
” Bollier , on the other hand , portrays the lack of affordable health care in her state as a moral issue .
“ The social , human ramifications of not having adequate health care are almost incomprehensible to me for the leaders of the world that we are supposed to be .
We can and we must do better , ” she said .
“ Let ’ s get something happening so people have access to that care .
It is morally wrong.
” Kansas is one of a dozen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act .
About 150,000 people living in or near poverty would be eligible for coverage if the state took that step .
It ’ s an idea that is popular with the state ’ s voters ; a fall 2019 survey found that 62 percent of Kansas voters support Medicaid expansion .
Conservative opposition explains the state ’ s failure to expand Medicaid ; Brownback vetoed an expansion bill when he was governor in 2017 , and before that , the Republican legislature passed a bill that blocked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive authority .
That meant when Democrat Laura Kelly won the governor ’ s election in 2018 and entered office having promised to expand Medicaid , she wasn ’ t able to fulfill that promise on her own .
She has been negotiating with Republican legislative leaders on an expansion plan , though their talks this year were scuttled by the Covid-19 pandemic , which ended the state legislative session early .
But despite the struggles to achieve expansion , Democrats have turned Medicaid expansion into a winning political issue , flipping the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , whose campaign promises to defend states ’ abilities to expand Medicaid under the ACA , says it ’ s one of those issues that can win over the moderate voters who are so critical to a winning Democratic coalition in Kansas .
She portrayed her old party ’ s intransigence as an example of the kind of politics that doesn ’ t work for people .
“ We had the votes , they wouldn ’ t let it get on the floor .
Is that democracy as most people envision it ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s exactly it , ” she said .
“ It ’ s our call as elected officials to call out when things are not right and work toward a better and working democracy.
” The pandemic could make health care a more salient issue for voters as well , Medicaid expansion advocates in the state told Vox .
The state ’ s unemployment is still twice as high as it was before the pandemic , and many of the people out of work likely lost health coverage .
In states that expanded Medicaid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to cover people who are newly uninsured .
But many people in Kansas with reduced incomes weren ’ t eligible for those benefits .
“ This has become very real for people and very immediate , ” April Holman , executive director of the Alliance for a Healthy Kansas , said .
“ This is now about making sure you and your family and neighbors have access to affordable health care.
” In a sign of how far health care politics have shifted since Obamacare first passed , Bollier has signaled an openness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In 2010 , the public option was stripped from the Democratic health care bill because moderate , life-long Democrats would not get on board .
Now Bollier , who only recently became a Democrat , is willing to consider such a proposal .
“ We need someone that wants to protect quality and safety while still working on reducing costs , ” Bollier said .
“ You can not leave the patient out of the equation .
If you only are looking at cost , you ’ re going to hurt people.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all ?
The United States is in the middle of one of the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes .
It ’ s essential that all Americans are able to access clear , concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives , and the lives of their families and communities .
That is our mission at Vox .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone understand this presidential election : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Share All sharing options for: A former Republican could win the Kansas Senate race for the Democrats
A Democrat hasn’t won a US Senate seat in Kansas since 1932. And yet, for the first time in decades, the ruby-red state is seeing a truly competitive Senate race.
With an open seat after longtime Sen. Pat Roberts (R) announced his retirement, polling of Democratic state Sen. Barbara Bollier and Republican Rep. Roger Marshall shows a tight contest. This summer, political experts in the state assumed the only way Democrats could make Kansas competitive was by running against controversial Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, who lost to Marshall in the August primary.
But so far, Bollier’s fundraising and polling are defying much of the conventional wisdom about Kansas politics. Bollier has out-fundraised Marshall by more than $5 million, the latest figures from OpenSecrets show.
Most polls over the summer and fall have shown the candidates either tied or Marshall ahead by a few percentage points. A recent internal GOP poll showed Marshall ahead by 4 points, while Bollier’s own internal poll showed her ahead by 2 points. In other words, there’s currently no clear frontrunner, though the Republican lean of the state favors Marshall.
“Since the primary, polling has consistently shown at least among voters that are decided, there’s no clear leader in the race,” said Patrick Miller, political science professor at Kansas University. “Republicans are insisting very strongly that it’s not a competitive race, that it’s safe ... but they’re definitely acting like it’s competitive.”
A few weeks after dumping $5.2 million into the Kansas race, Mitch McConnell-aligned Super PAC Senate Leadership Fund is adding another $7.2 million to help boost Marshall.
“It’s tight, it’s a lot tighter than anyone would have expected and anyone would have wanted,” a GOP strategist told Vox. “I think you’ve broadly seen a tightening in margins around the country. A lot of it can be attributed to Democrats having a lot of money to spend.”
Political observers in the state say after beating a polarizing conservative, Marshall himself is adopting more Kobach-like rhetoric rather than moderating his approach.
“I think his strategy is definitely more focused on the conservative part” of the electorate, Miller said. Marshall’s campaign did not return a request for comment.
Kansas Democrats have made big strides in 2018, with the election of Gov. Laura Kelly and Rep. Sharice Davids, the first openly gay Native American member of Congress elected to the House. After years of conservative rule in Kansas politics, a Democratic resurgence is happening. Democrats are especially betting that a campaign focused on health care and Kansas Republicans’ refusal to pass Medicaid expansion will make the seat competitive — especially as neighboring red states like Missouri and Oklahoma have passed expanded Medicaid through ballot initiatives.
This makes 2020 a good test of whether it can help Democrats flip what once seemed like a long-shot Senate seat. Bollier, a former moderate Republican in the state Senate who switched parties in 2018, thinks there are plenty of people in Kansas like her — people who didn’t start out as Democrats but are fed up with a state and national GOP so consumed by Trumpian conservatives.
“The majority of people aren’t on either extreme,” Bollier told Vox in a recent interview. “They’re in that center section.”
Why Kansas really could be competitive for Democrats
Let’s start with the obvious: Kansas is historically a very Republican state. It’s home to the Koch family, former Senate majority leader and presidential candidate Bob Dole, and former Gov. Sam Brownback — who helmed the draconian 2012 and 2013 Kansas tax cut experiment.
Still, Kansas Republicans can’t be painted with a single brush. Kansas political experts have long observed that the state is home to three parties: Democrats, moderate Republicans, and conservative Republicans.
“The reality is, the Democrats are their party, and the Republicans are a divided party,” Bollier told Vox. As Bollier tells it, moderates and conservatives in the state are constantly at odds. Bollier eventually decided she had more in common with Democrats like Kelly, whom she endorsed in 2018 — shortly before becoming a Democrat herself.
Kansas conservatives don’t just take extreme positions on social issues like abortion and LGBTQ rights. They are also known for taking extreme fiscal positions, such as when Brownback drastically slashed the state’s income tax rate by 30 percent and the tax rate on pass-through income to zero. Funding for public education and state infrastructure became collateral damage, causing schools to shorten their weeks and years due to staffing shortages. The Brownback tax cuts were later deemed a failed experiment and overturned by the Republican state legislature, but not until they blew a $900 million hole in the state budget.
“I had tried for all these years to help move the party to a more central position, and it was failing,” Bollier told Vox recently. “Starting with the Brownback tax experiment, I remember voting no and saying ‘I sure hope I’m wrong.’ But I wasn’t.”
Kansas-based progressives say the increasingly extreme positions of the Brownback administration and conservatives in the state legislature reinvigorated the state’s decrepit Democratic Party — making it a more appealing option to people like Bollier, who were being nudged more and more to the center. At the same time, it was also nudging many everyday voters who hadn’t been active in politics to get personally involved.
“In 2014, things were bad,” said Davis Hammet, the founder of Loud Light, a Kansas-based organization focused on increasing young voter turnout. “Traditional Republicans were nearly extinct and there was talk of the state Democratic Party dissolving. There was no power structure to counteract the extreme far-right. Kansas is a story of everyone being down, then coming together.”
In the span of just four years, Kansas Democrats went from being a party considering dissolving itself to winning the governor’s race and a key House seat. Skip ahead two years and another House seat — the 2nd Congressional District — is in play in addition to the open Senate seat. As in many other states, the bluing suburbs around cities like Kansas City and Topeka are going to be critical areas for Democrats to win in order to do well.
Kansas isn’t as Trump-loyal as you might expect
Hammet and Bollier alike chalk up this year’s competitive race in part to exhaustion with reactionary politics in the state well before Trump became president.
“We had a little Trump thing going on before Trump,” Hammet said. “We watched far-right ideology destroy our state, but then changed course and started to build back up. It was at a state level, now it’s at a national level.”
Miller, the Kansas University professor, says that while Kansas reliably votes red, its demographics make it different from other more Trump-friendly conservative states, thus making it more likely its voters would stray from the president in 2020.
“The thing about Kansas is we are a more Republican than conservative state if you look at the polling,” Miller said, pointing to the state’s strong public university system producing a lot of college-educated voters. “If you look at the politics of right now, they make us a little less reliably Trump than you might expect. We are a red state but we are not monolithically red.”
As a member of Congress, Marshall has walked the line between moderate and conservative. He is a party-line Republican; at times, he’s sounded open to reforms like a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants, but he has also vocally supported Trump’s agenda. Ahead of the Republican Senate primary, Marshall kept a fairly low profile in Kansas politics; he certainly wasn’t known for the brash, controversial rhetoric of someone like Kobach.
“He’s the kind of Republican that, if Republican leadership has negotiated a compromise spending bill with Democrats, Marshall is going to vote for it because leadership is going to vote for it,” Miller told Vox this summer. “He’s not going to vote no on principle.”
Marshall also wasn’t initially the ideal candidate of McConnell and Senate Republican leadership, who spent months courting current Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, a former member of Congress from the state. Pompeo ultimately did not jump into the race.
“To be clear, the Republican’s preferred candidate didn’t run,” Bollier told Vox.
Trump won Kansas by 21 points in 2016, but the FiveThirtyEight polling average of Kansas this year shows him just 7 points ahead of Biden. Few people doubt Trump will win Kansas in 2020, but his margins will matter greatly for the Senate race. The president has a net approval rating (approval minus disapproval) of just 4 percentage points, according to Morning Consult — much lower than places like Kentucky or Alabama.
“Ever since Trump was inaugurated, Kansas is split about 50-50 in his job approval,” said Miller. “Maybe more so here than in other states, there are people that voted for him but don’t necessarily approve of the job he’s doing.”
Democrats have seized on health care as a winning issue in Kansas
Health care proved to be a winning message for Democrats in the 2018 elections, including in Kansas, where they won the governor’s seat and a competitive House race. In the middle of a pandemic where millions have lost their health insurance along with their jobs, they’re betting the issue will be even more salient in 2020.
Bollier, a doctor, is well positioned to take a health care message to voters. Marshall, who is an OB-GYN, has focused on abortion (he is vehemently against it). Marshall came under fire for comments he made about Medicaid expansion in 2017, seemingly suggesting that low-income people who could benefit from the program “just don’t want health care and aren’t going to take care of themselves.”
Bollier, on the other hand, portrays the lack of affordable health care in her state as a moral issue.
“The social, human ramifications of not having adequate health care are almost incomprehensible to me for the leaders of the world that we are supposed to be. We can and we must do better,” she said. “Let’s get something happening so people have access to that care. It is morally wrong.”
Kansas is one of a dozen states that still hasn’t expanded Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act. About 150,000 people living in or near poverty would be eligible for coverage if the state took that step. It’s an idea that is popular with the state’s voters; a fall 2019 survey found that 62 percent of Kansas voters support Medicaid expansion.
Conservative opposition explains the state’s failure to expand Medicaid; Brownback vetoed an expansion bill when he was governor in 2017, and before that, the Republican legislature passed a bill that blocked any governor from expanding Medicaid through their executive authority. That meant when Democrat Laura Kelly won the governor’s election in 2018 and entered office having promised to expand Medicaid, she wasn’t able to fulfill that promise on her own. She has been negotiating with Republican legislative leaders on an expansion plan, though their talks this year were scuttled by the Covid-19 pandemic, which ended the state legislative session early.
But despite the struggles to achieve expansion, Democrats have turned Medicaid expansion into a winning political issue, flipping the script on that Republican obstruction.
Bollier, whose campaign promises to defend states’ abilities to expand Medicaid under the ACA, says it’s one of those issues that can win over the moderate voters who are so critical to a winning Democratic coalition in Kansas. She portrayed her old party’s intransigence as an example of the kind of politics that doesn’t work for people.
“We had the votes, they wouldn’t let it get on the floor. Is that democracy as most people envision it? I’m not thinking that’s exactly it,” she said. “It’s our call as elected officials to call out when things are not right and work toward a better and working democracy.”
The pandemic could make health care a more salient issue for voters as well, Medicaid expansion advocates in the state told Vox. The state’s unemployment is still twice as high as it was before the pandemic, and many of the people out of work likely lost health coverage.
In states that expanded Medicaid, the program’s enrollment swelled to cover people who are newly uninsured. But many people in Kansas with reduced incomes weren’t eligible for those benefits.
“This has become very real for people and very immediate,” April Holman, executive director of the Alliance for a Healthy Kansas, said. “This is now about making sure you and your family and neighbors have access to affordable health care.”
In a sign of how far health care politics have shifted since Obamacare first passed, Bollier has signaled an openness to a public option insurance plan. In 2010, the public option was stripped from the Democratic health care bill because moderate, life-long Democrats would not get on board.
Now Bollier, who only recently became a Democrat, is willing to consider such a proposal.
“We need someone that wants to protect quality and safety while still working on reducing costs,” Bollier said. “You cannot leave the patient out of the equation. If you only are looking at cost, you’re going to hurt people.”


vox--2020-10-13--Restaurants have turned to GoFundMe during the pandemic. They shouldn’t have to.

There ’ s a three-block stretch in Crown Heights , Brooklyn , that contains , by my count , 19 restaurants .
It ’ s the best : If you want margaritas and Mexican food , you can order a pitcher at a colorfully tiled table outside at Chavela ’ s .
95 South has the best to-go rum punch in the neighborhood .
For plant-based Ethiopian , there ’ s Ras , which is a few doors down from Suya , a Nigerian counter joint that makes super spicy steak bowls .
No weekend morning is complete without a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Brooklyn , no offense ) .
If I sound biased it ’ s because I live there , on the residential street one block away .
I moved in on the first of March , thrilled to be surrounded by so many places I couldn ’ t wait to try .
It was horrible timing , of course .
Two weeks later , every single one of them was closed .
Like so many small businesses all over the country , the restaurants of Franklin Avenue were left mostly helpless .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ordered nonessential businesses to reduce their in-person staff by 50 percent .
Owners faced an impossible choice : Attempt to stay open and risk the health and safety of their employees and customers , or close down , leaving everyone unemployed .
By March 20 , they wouldn ’ t have to make that choice , as all nonessential businesses were shuttered .
With no way to pay staff or rent , almost all of them turned to the internet .
“ I work in the service industry , and so many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sharing [ links ] to please donate to staff , ” recalls Zhenya Kampanets , co-owner of Crown Inn , a cozy bar on the strip .
“ It must be a pretty overwhelming experience , seeing so many places being like , ‘ Please help us , please help us ’ ” — especially , she acknowledges , when customers might be facing financial issues as well .
The pandemic fundraising platform of choice , it seemed , was GoFundMe , which like Kickstarter and IndieGoGo is often marketed as a launching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But it often ends up as a depressing reminder of where the American social safety net fails — fundraisers for insurmountable health care bills , for example , are incredibly common .
“ The GoFundMe homepage features fundraising pitches that hit virtually every bullet point in the United Nation ’ s list of basic human rights , ” notes a scathing appraisal of the crowdfunding economy in Jacobin magazine .
The coronavirus , naturally , was a boon for the platform , which saw its greatest demand since it launched in 2010 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ on March 20 , with a $ 10,000 goal in which all donations would go to bartenders , barbacks , and porters .
“ I did feel a little conflicted about it , because I kept hearing stories about people losing their jobs and it felt a bit strange asking people for money , ” Kampanets says .
“ You don ’ t know people ’ s situations .
But I felt that if there ’ s anything we can do to help the people who work behind the bar , we should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most fundraiser-friendly of the crowdfunding platforms , not only because of its high name recognition .
In 2017 , it removed the platform fee , which previously allowed the company to pocket five percent of every donation .
There still remains a fee of 2.9 percent plus 30 cents per donation to cover payment processing , and donors are given an option to “ tip ” the company when they contribute to a cause .
The users I spoke with had only positive experiences on the platform , though other owners have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system .
Like almost all of its neighbors , Crown Inn only reached about one-third of its goal ( crowdfunders can still access their money whether its goal is reached or not ) .
This is common : In normal times , about 27 percent of GoFundMe campaigns hit their goal , according to researchers at the University of Rochester , but that number is likely worse now .
GoFundMe campaigns typically fare better when they ’ ve built a community of local or online fans .
On Franklin Ave , owners told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around their favorite spots .
“ We had regulars who were so incredibly generous with us that it almost felt like an , ‘ Oh my god , this is too much , ’ type of thing , ” says Kampanets .
“ Honestly , I was so grateful for people who were donating five or ten bucks , because that ’ s what they could do .
We had several people who , when we reopened , came back and they said , ‘ I ’ m sorry , I couldn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ but then they tipped extra once we came back .
That was a really sweet thing.
” The kind gestures from regular customers were in stark contrast to how the federal and state governments were handling the crisis .
“ So much political infighting stalled any progress for relief , which is still frustrating , ” explains Claire Sprouse , owner of the nearby all-day cocktail bar and restaurant Hunky Dory .
“ At the federal level , we should have had the infrastructure to handle unemployment claims .
I have employees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funds for two months .
It ’ s a major clusterfuck.
” Sprouse and Kampanets were both ultimately able to receive Paycheck Protection Program ( PPP ) loans , though hundreds of thousands of other small businesses haven ’ t been so lucky .
“ In the early days , it was difficult to understand whether we ’ re going to be able to get [ the loan ] , how much it was going to be , or how it was going to work , ” says Kampanets .
“ The website @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were applying.
” “ It quickly became clear to us that businesses didn ’ t know where to turn , ” says Samara Karasyk , the chief policy officer at the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce .
“ The first round of PPP loans missed all of our small businesses , and these programs weren ’ t working .
If you didn ’ t have a pre-existing relationship with the bank , they weren ’ t talking to you.
” The Chamber of Commerce ultimately launched its own crowdfunding campaign to raise money for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gives microloans to mostly minority- and women-owned businesses .
Restaurants and their employees are uniquely affected by economic slowdowns .
“ In an industry where a lot of the workers are from our most vulnerable communities and are living on a cash economy , that income is based on everything from the weather to the subjective experience that a person has when you serve them , ” Sprouse says .
“ That in itself doesn ’ t make a great foundation for people to be able to plan for their own safety and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you have businesses that are running on razor thin margins and dealing with expensive rent that far outweighs the cost of doing business a lot of the time.
” Workers , many of whom may be undocumented or living in small spaces with others , are also often the people more likely to contract Covid-19 on the job , and be more at risk once they get it .
By April , Hunky Dory was able to give $ 400 to every employee who was able to receive unemployment and $ 1,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t from the proceeds of its GoFundMe page , even though it only reached about a quarter of its goal .
Now , Sprouse is concentrating her efforts on connecting with local restaurants .
“ You have the airline industry and the cruise ship industry who are getting all this assistance , because these are industries that have a history of organizing to advocate for themselves , ” she explains .
“ We ’ ve been two steps behind.
” At least one of the Franklin Avenue restaurants has closed : Gladys ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ William Garfield told Eater that it was a combination of the coronavirus and failed negotiations with landlords that forced the closure in late June .
In the early days of the pandemic , it too had set up a GoFundMe page for staff .
That businesses have to resort to GoFundMe at all is itself evidence of a larger systemic failure .
Restaurants , of course , were not the only businesses turning to crowdfunding : hair salons , movie theaters , record shops , and bookstores have all launched their own campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ precarious industry before the pandemic , and as Priya Krishna argues in the New York Times , “ Every restaurant should be able to find a model narrowly tailored to its workers and community , so long as there is also a broader public safety net .
For an industry-wide shift to take place , some government assistance will be essential.
” One food industry consulting firm estimated that between 20 and 25 percent of independent restaurants will never reopen .
For now , many of the restaurants on Franklin Ave have ample @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , albeit socially distanced .
By raising its prices and incorporating gratuity and sales tax into the cost , Hunky Dory has been able to avoid losing money .
But in a business where margins are already thin , no amount of customers can make up for months of closed doors and the uncertainty of winter , where in New York it ’ s frequently too cold to sit outside .
If PPP loans aren ’ t made more widely available , more businesses may have to resort to crowdfunding on platforms like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ I ’ m hoping we don ’ t have to do it again.
” Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
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There’s a three-block stretch in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, that contains, by my count, 19 restaurants. It’s the best: If you want margaritas and Mexican food, you can order a pitcher at a colorfully tiled table outside at Chavela’s. 95 South has the best to-go rum punch in the neighborhood. For plant-based Ethiopian, there’s Ras, which is a few doors down from Suya, a Nigerian counter joint that makes super spicy steak bowls. No weekend morning is complete without a bacon-egg-and-cheese from Bagel Pub (the best in Brooklyn, no offense).
If I sound biased it’s because I live there, on the residential street one block away. I moved in on the first of March, thrilled to be surrounded by so many places I couldn’t wait to try. It was horrible timing, of course. Two weeks later, every single one of them was closed.
Like so many small businesses all over the country, the restaurants of Franklin Avenue were left mostly helpless. On March 18, Gov. Andrew Cuomo ordered nonessential businesses to reduce their in-person staff by 50 percent. Owners faced an impossible choice: Attempt to stay open and risk the health and safety of their employees and customers, or close down, leaving everyone unemployed. By March 20, they wouldn’t have to make that choice, as all nonessential businesses were shuttered.
With no way to pay staff or rent, almost all of them turned to the internet. “I work in the service industry, and so many of my friends on my Facebook wall were sharing [links] to please donate to staff,” recalls Zhenya Kampanets, co-owner of Crown Inn, a cozy bar on the strip. “It must be a pretty overwhelming experience, seeing so many places being like, ‘Please help us, please help us’” — especially, she acknowledges, when customers might be facing financial issues as well.
The pandemic fundraising platform of choice, it seemed, was GoFundMe, which like Kickstarter and IndieGoGo is often marketed as a launching pad for startup businesses or charities. But it often ends up as a depressing reminder of where the American social safety net fails — fundraisers for insurmountable health care bills, for example, are incredibly common. “The GoFundMe homepage features fundraising pitches that hit virtually every bullet point in the United Nation’s list of basic human rights,” notes a scathing appraisal of the crowdfunding economy in Jacobin magazine. The coronavirus, naturally, was a boon for the platform, which saw its greatest demand since it launched in 2010.
Crown Inn launched its own GoFundMe page on March 20, with a $10,000 goal in which all donations would go to bartenders, barbacks, and porters. “I did feel a little conflicted about it, because I kept hearing stories about people losing their jobs and it felt a bit strange asking people for money,” Kampanets says. “You don’t know people’s situations. But I felt that if there’s anything we can do to help the people who work behind the bar, we should do that.”
GoFundMe may also be the most fundraiser-friendly of the crowdfunding platforms, not only because of its high name recognition. In 2017, it removed the platform fee, which previously allowed the company to pocket five percent of every donation. There still remains a fee of 2.9 percent plus 30 cents per donation to cover payment processing, and donors are given an option to “tip” the company when they contribute to a cause. The users I spoke with had only positive experiences on the platform, though other owners have reported difficulties with its strict identity verification system. Like almost all of its neighbors, Crown Inn only reached about one-third of its goal (crowdfunders can still access their money whether its goal is reached or not). This is common: In normal times, about 27 percent of GoFundMe campaigns hit their goal, according to researchers at the University of Rochester, but that number is likely worse now.
GoFundMe campaigns typically fare better when they’ve built a community of local or online fans. On Franklin Ave, owners told me, people are quick to rally around their favorite spots. “We had regulars who were so incredibly generous with us that it almost felt like an, ‘Oh my god, this is too much,’ type of thing,” says Kampanets. “Honestly, I was so grateful for people who were donating five or ten bucks, because that’s what they could do. We had several people who, when we reopened, came back and they said, ‘I’m sorry, I couldn’t donate, I lost my job’ but then they tipped extra once we came back. That was a really sweet thing.”
The kind gestures from regular customers were in stark contrast to how the federal and state governments were handling the crisis. “So much political infighting stalled any progress for relief, which is still frustrating,” explains Claire Sprouse, owner of the nearby all-day cocktail bar and restaurant Hunky Dory. “At the federal level, we should have had the infrastructure to handle unemployment claims. I have employees who weren’t able to collect funds for two months. It’s a major clusterfuck.” Sprouse and Kampanets were both ultimately able to receive Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans, though hundreds of thousands of other small businesses haven’t been so lucky.
“In the early days, it was difficult to understand whether we’re going to be able to get [the loan], how much it was going to be, or how it was going to work,” says Kampanets. “The website kept crashing, because so many businesses were applying.”
“It quickly became clear to us that businesses didn’t know where to turn,” says Samara Karasyk, the chief policy officer at the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce. “The first round of PPP loans missed all of our small businesses, and these programs weren’t working. If you didn’t have a pre-existing relationship with the bank, they weren’t talking to you.” The Chamber of Commerce ultimately launched its own crowdfunding campaign to raise money for the Bring Back Brooklyn fund, which gives microloans to mostly minority- and women-owned businesses.
Restaurants and their employees are uniquely affected by economic slowdowns. “In an industry where a lot of the workers are from our most vulnerable communities and are living on a cash economy, that income is based on everything from the weather to the subjective experience that a person has when you serve them,” Sprouse says. “That in itself doesn’t make a great foundation for people to be able to plan for their own safety and long-term future. On top of that, you have businesses that are running on razor thin margins and dealing with expensive rent that far outweighs the cost of doing business a lot of the time.” Workers, many of whom may be undocumented or living in small spaces with others, are also often the people more likely to contract Covid-19 on the job, and be more at risk once they get it.
By April, Hunky Dory was able to give $400 to every employee who was able to receive unemployment and $1,000 to its undocumented workers who weren’t from the proceeds of its GoFundMe page, even though it only reached about a quarter of its goal. Now, Sprouse is concentrating her efforts on connecting with local restaurants. “You have the airline industry and the cruise ship industry who are getting all this assistance, because these are industries that have a history of organizing to advocate for themselves,” she explains. “We’ve been two steps behind.”
At least one of the Franklin Avenue restaurants has closed: Gladys’, a beloved Caribbean spot. Owner William Garfield told Eater that it was a combination of the coronavirus and failed negotiations with landlords that forced the closure in late June. In the early days of the pandemic, it too had set up a GoFundMe page for staff.
That businesses have to resort to GoFundMe at all is itself evidence of a larger systemic failure. Restaurants, of course, were not the only businesses turning to crowdfunding: hair salons, movie theaters, record shops, and bookstores have all launched their own campaigns. But restaurants were already in a precarious industry before the pandemic, and as Priya Krishna argues in the New York Times, “Every restaurant should be able to find a model narrowly tailored to its workers and community, so long as there is also a broader public safety net. For an industry-wide shift to take place, some government assistance will be essential.” One food industry consulting firm estimated that between 20 and 25 percent of independent restaurants will never reopen.
For now, many of the restaurants on Franklin Ave have ample outdoor seating and appear bustling and busy, albeit socially distanced. By raising its prices and incorporating gratuity and sales tax into the cost, Hunky Dory has been able to avoid losing money. But in a business where margins are already thin, no amount of customers can make up for months of closed doors and the uncertainty of winter, where in New York it’s frequently too cold to sit outside. If PPP loans aren’t made more widely available, more businesses may have to resort to crowdfunding on platforms like GoFundMe. But, as Kampanets says, “I’m hoping we don’t have to do it again.”


vox--2020-10-13--Morning Brew, the business newsletter publisher for millennials, is in talks to sell itself to Busin

Morning Brew, the business newsletter publisher for millennials, is in talks to sell itself to Business Insider

Two college students started Morning Brew five years ago .
Now they ’ re in talks to sell their business newsletter company to Business Insider , according to sources familiar with the two companies .
It ’ s unclear how much Business Insider intends to pay for Morning Brew , which says it will turn a profit on revenues of $ 20 million this year .
But people who have talked to the company ’ s founders believe they expect to sell it for more than $ 50 million , and possibly much more ; the Wall Street Journal reports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than $ 75 milllion .
This is an interesting deal , if it gets completed .
Business Insider is a digital publisher that got its start with a mix of high-volume clickbait and the occasional scoop , but has recently made a push into more sober journalism it wants to sell via subscriptions .
Morning Brew is a business-focused publisher that reassembles news into bite-sized chunks for its millennial audience You can imagine the logic behind this one : Business Insider gets a company with 2 million subscribers to its free newsletter , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paying subscribers .
And Morning Brews ’ team of 50 people gets more resources to help it build out more iterations of its newsletter and other products , like a podcast arm .
I ’ ve asked executives at both companies for comment .
A deal could be a huge windfall for Austin Rief and Alex Lieberman , Morning Brew ’ s co-founders , who started the company as undergrads at the University of Michigan .
The two men said they ’ ve only raised $ 750,000 from friends and family over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which likely means they would keep the majority of the proceeds for themselves .
It would also underscores the media industry ’ s current fascination with email newsletters , which are a very old distribution model that ’ s in favor once again .
For instance : Axios , the politics-focused startup that launched in 2017 , is reportedly on track to do $ 58 million in revenue this year , largely on the backs of its popular newsletters .
And Substack , a venture-backed company that helps individual writers launch and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of media buzz , and has brought several high-profile writers into its stable .
Two of them — Andrew Sullivan and Casey Newtown — used to work for Vox Media , which owns Recode .
Business Insider was founded in 2007 by Henry Blodget , who had previously made a name for himself as Wall Street analyst during the dot com boom , but was later charged with securities fraud ( Blodget settled with financial regulators without admitting or denying the charges ) .
In 2015 , he sold the company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal that valued his company at more than $ 440 million .
( Disclosure : I worked for Blodget at Silicon Alley Insider , a predecessor to Business Insider , and made money when he sold the company . )
In February , Axel Springer told investors that that Business Insider “ expects significant growth in revenues , ” and that in addition to ad revenues , its three-year-old subscription business would be a “ key driver of revenue growth.
” The company also said it would make make “ extensive investments…especially in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ technology .
”

Two college students started Morning Brew five years ago. Now they’re in talks to sell their business newsletter company to Business Insider, according to sources familiar with the two companies.
It’s unclear how much Business Insider intends to pay for Morning Brew, which says it will turn a profit on revenue of $20 million this year. But people who have talked to the company’s founders believe they expect to sell it for more than $50 million, and possibly much more; the Wall Street Journal reports that the deal could be worth more than $75 million.
This is an interesting deal, if it gets completed. Business Insider is a digital publisher that got its start with a mix of high-volume clickbait and the occasional scoop, but has recently made a push into more sober journalism it wants to sell via subscriptions. Morning Brew is a business-focused publisher that reassembles news into bite-sized chunks for its millennial audience
You can imagine the logic behind this one: Business Insider gets a company with 2 million subscribers to its free newsletter, which it can try to convert into paying subscribers. And Morning Brew’s team of 50 people gets more resources to help it build out more iterations of its newsletter and other products, like a podcast arm.
A deal could be a huge windfall for Austin Rief and Alex Lieberman, Morning Brew’s co-founders, who started the company as undergrads at the University of Michigan. The two men said they’ve only raised $750,000 from friends and family over the course of the company’s history, which likely means they would keep the majority of the proceeds for themselves.
“I can’t confirm anything, but speaking hypothetically, we’d be happy to be in talks with them,” said Business Insider CEO Henry Blodget, via text message. “Alex and Austin are amazing entrepreneurs, and it’s a terrific company.”
The deal would also underscore the media industry’s current fascination with email newsletters, which are a very old distribution model that’s once again in favor.
For instance: Axios, the politics-focused startup that launched in 2017, is reportedly on track to do $58 million in revenue this year, largely on the backs of its popular newsletters. And Substack, a venture-backed company that helps individual writers launch and run their own newsletters, has generated a lot of media buzz and has brought several high-profile writers into its stable. Two of them — Andrew Sullivan and Casey Newton — used to work for Vox Media, which owns Recode.
Business Insider was founded in 2007 by Henry Blodget, who had previously made a name for himself as a Wall Street analyst during the dot-com boom but was later charged with securities fraud (Blodget settled with financial regulators without admitting or denying the charges). In 2015, he sold the company to German publisher Axel Springer in a deal that valued his company at more than $440 million. (Disclosure: I worked for Blodget at Silicon Alley Insider, a predecessor to Business Insider, and made money when he sold the company.)
In February, Axel Springer told investors that Business Insider “expects significant growth in revenues,” and that in addition to ad revenues, its three-year-old subscription business would be a “key driver of revenue growth.” The company also said it would make make “extensive investments ... especially in the areas of journalism and product & technology.”


vox--2020-10-13--5 winners and 2 losers from The Bachelorette’s “bubble” season premiere

This season of The Bachelorette was always going to be unconventional : Production was delayed for months because of the coronavirus ; and some contestants were even recast in the interim .
But all of those changes didn ’ t end up being the half of it .
After filming began in July following weeks of quarantine , there was another reported twist ( spoilers ahead ! )
.
Just 12 days into filming , the Bachelorette , 39-year-old hairstylist Clare Crawley , had apparently fallen for one of the contestants .
Because Crawley — who also happens to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — was interested in pursuing a relationship with 32-year-old former professional football player Dale Moss , she didn ’ t want to continue with the rest of the season .
Crawley ’ s choice to leave the show left Bachelorette producers with a slew of single men looking for love and no Bachelorette to love them .
Enter Tayshia Adams , a popular contestant from the 2019 season of The Bachelor ( starring Colton Underwood ) , who the show is rumored to have cast as its new leading woman .
As such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be the first ever to feature two different starring Bachelorettes .
( A previous season included a competition between two women for the title , though only one went on to star on the show . )
And Tuesday ’ s premiere certainly set viewers up for the drama that is yet to come .
Warning : There are some spoilers ahead .
If the pre-season reports are to be believed , Crawley appeared to do what many past cast members haven ’ t been able to : She not only genuinely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it on her own terms .
“ I know what I want , ” she emphasized on Tuesday ’ s episode .
In the premiere , we see Crawley ’ s first meeting with all of her bachelor options , including Moss , which clearly indicated that the two hit it off .
“ Oh , man .
I definitely feel like I just met my husband .
I ’ m shaking !
” Crawley said after their first encounter .
As the leaks suggest , Crawley and Moss ended up feeling so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to leave the show to be with him , and only him — an unprecedented move in the history of the franchise .
While Crawley and Moss haven ’ t publicly commented on their relationship status , a Reality Steve report indicated that the two are now engaged , which seems to suggest that her willingness to take a risk ended well .
“ Congratulations , you just blew up The Bachelorette , ” host Chris Harrison says to Crawley in one preview .
Because of the , you know , global pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together a little differently this year .
Before filming began , the contestants and crew were required to quarantine for two weeks and take multiple Covid-19 tests , a process that was featured prominently in the opening of the premiere .
Instead of the cast starting out at the familiar Bachelor mansion and then setting out to various destinations around the United States and the world , contestants spent the entire season holed up at a resort in La Quinta , California .
Nobody was allowed in , nobody was allowed out .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The all-in-one-place setup isn ’ t entirely ideal .
The Bachelorette compound recalls the “ NBA “ bubble ” at the ESPN Wide World of Sports Complex at Walt Disney World , where fans appeared virtually in the stands of the game to create an artificial sense of a crowd .
That conceit felt a little awkward , and the dates this season with everyone in close proximity will be , too .
But also like the NBA ’ s bubble , The Bachelorette ’ s bubble seems to have been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least .
Thus far , there haven ’ t been any reports of cast members this season contracting Covid-19 .
That ’ s a big win for health and safety .
The next season of The Bachelor , starring the show ’ s first Black Bachelor , Matt James , has already begun filming with a similar bubble approach .
In a world where the White House hasn ’ t been able to keep the novel coronavirus at bay , The Bachelorette ’ s ability to do so is impressive , especially given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is people making out .
The producers have demonstrated a level of organization and discipline that much of the highest tiers of government in America have not been able to muster .
If any show were ever poised to be a superspreader , it might be the Bachelor franchise .
And it managed to be not that .
While the show has had its rough patches this year , the anticipated switch-up in Bachelorettes is , in fact , the very type of drama this franchise thrives on .
After rumors about Crawley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began to circulate earlier this summer , fans seemed to come up with a new theory daily about how the franchise would replace her .
While one of fans ’ main guesses was that Tayshia Adams would be cast as the new leading woman , another idea was that multiple Bachelor alumni would come back to find love .
And some of Bachelor Nation even thought that Bachelor in Paradise was filming at the same time after more familiar faces were spotted on set .
All of these theories only served to build @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anticipation for a new season .
With little still known about how The Bachelorette is going to handle some of its big surprises this cycle , the ongoing mystery and messiness around how the expected Bachelorette switcheroo will all play out only adds more novelty to the drama .
By the time the season premiere aired on Tuesday , you knew something weird was going down .
The teasers made that clear way ahead of time , thanks to Chris Harrison congratulating Clare on “ blow [ ing ] up The Bachelorette.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Harrison promised viewers would “ find out the truth about the rumors Bachelor Nation has been buzzing about.
” In ordinary times , I avoid reality show spoilers like , well , the plague .
I ’ ve never been persuaded by the argument that knowing what ’ s going to happen helps you appreciate how the show manipulates viewers in order to present them with a coherent narrative .
I want to be surprised by the twists and turns .
But these are not ordinary times .
In March , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been postponed .
I wondered if The Bachelorette would be canceled , too , like everything else .
The future looked grim .
So I found myself reading the hugely popular Reality Steve blog in early August , enthralled as Steve tried to make sense of the confusing , borderline-nonsensical rumors that had leaked out of the bubble .
I became obsessed with Clare ’ s defection and the possibility of a second ( and even third ? )
Bachelorette emerging on this upcoming season .
There was something bracingly , wonderfully normal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of days .
Rather than ruin the fun , the spoilers bore a promise : No matter what else is going on in the world , The Bachelor franchise will always be itself .
The only constant is drama , with every season beginning with the potential to be the most dramatic ever .
2020 was the year that I , at long last , learned to stop worrying and love spoilers .
Loser : The guys who are not Dale Obviously , almost every contestant on The Bachelorette winds up a loser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can get that final rose .
But usually , most contestants get a chance to at least compete .
Not this season .
Halfway through Tuesday ’ s premiere , Clare declared she believed she had found her husband before all the men had even exited their limos to meet her .
When she met Moss , a former pro football wide receiver , Clare was clearly rattled .
“ I think I just met my husband , ” she said , exclaiming that she was shaking .
Host Chris Harrison approached her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Every other guy I felt confident with , but with Dale , everything else went dark around me , ” she said .
Harrison reminded Clare that there was at least supposedly a long road ahead of her , but Clare … seemed to not be super interested in the prospect .
After some time alone with Dale in the mansion , she said in a voiceover , “ I know what I ’ m looking for , and I ’ m big on energy and vibes.
” For the 30 non-Dales cast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is probably not what they envisioned .
It ’ s true that many past Bachelorettes have wound up choosing the men they gave their “ first impression ” roses to at the very end , but none have demonstrated this kind of tunnel vision .
( Clare , obviously , gave her first rose to Dale . )
On the one hand , you like what you like , and Clare clearly likes Dale .
On the other hand , first impressions are not always right .
These guys have put their lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multiple Covid-19 tests ( about which they whined very much ) .
Think of poor Bennett , the New York City wealth investment manager who obnoxiously rolled up in a Rolls Royce , or Yosef , who was allegedly messaging women on social media in the lead-up to filming .
Both were on a potential path to be the season ’ s villain — a path that might not be taken .
Tuesday ’ s season premiere was pretty standard , ending in the first rose ceremony , so technically we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But we probably know : Clare and Dale exit the show early together , and the other contestants are just out of luck .
Maybe some stick around for Tayshia , but it ’ s not really clear if that ’ s the case .
While nabbing the first kiss with the Bachelorette or Bachelor is often one of the most coveted moments of the season , the simple act of the hug also got the love it deserved on Tuesday .
Available in much shorter supply these days because of social distancing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roundly celebrated in the premiere for how rare they are now .
“ It ’ s hard coming out of quarantine when I haven ’ t even hugged anybody for months , ” Crawley said , tearing up .
In the Bachelor universe , there is no more potent attack against one of your competitors than accusing them of not being there for the right reasons .
But it ’ s a card that must be played wisely .
Tyler C. , a West Virginia lawyer , thought he would get the upper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ salesman from Alabama .
He told some of the other guys that he had heard from women who live in his hometown that Yosef had messaged them over Instagram during the Covid-19 quarantine .
He confronted Yosef about it , all but promising to take that information to Clare .
But Tyler C. got outmaneuvered .
Yosef went straight to Clare and told her he wanted to clear the air .
With a veteran like Clare , familiar with all the Bachelor tropes and none more than “ being there for the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better to look like you ’ re trying to dispel drama rather than introduce it .
Tyler C. seemed to realize during their three-person sitdown that somehow the tables had been turned .
He looked like the bad guy , whatever the truth was about Yosef ’ s DMing habits .
He also got burned , with Yosef unforgettably calling Tyler C. a “ mini-McConaughey.
” It was a rapid fall from grace for a guy who seemed promising during his first interaction with Clare .
And that proved out in the rose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last rose and Tyler was sent home .
Nothing may be normal during this pandemic-tinged season .
But some of the old rules still apply .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
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This season of The Bachelorette was always going to be unconventional: Production was delayed for months because of the coronavirus, and some contestants were even recast in the interim. But all of those changes didn’t end up being the half of it.
After filming began in July following weeks of quarantine, there was another reported twist (spoilers ahead!). Just 12 days into filming, the Bachelorette, 39-year-old hairstylist Clare Crawley, had apparently fallen for one of the contestants. Because Crawley — who also happens to be the franchise’s oldest Bachelorette ever — was interested in pursuing a relationship with 32-year-old former professional football player Dale Moss, she didn’t want to continue with the rest of the season.
Crawley’s choice to leave the show left Bachelorette producers with a slew of single men looking for love and no Bachelorette to love them. Enter Tayshia Adams, a popular contestant from the 2019 season of The Bachelor (starring Colton Underwood), whom the show is rumored to have cast as its new leading woman.
As such, the program’s 16th season will be the first ever to feature two different starring Bachelorettes. (A previous season included a competition between two women for the title, though only one went on to star on the show.) And Tuesday’s premiere certainly set viewers up for the drama that is yet to come.
Warning: There are some spoilers ahead.
Winner: Clare
If the pre-season reports are to be believed, Crawley appeared to do what many past cast members haven’t been able to: She not only genuinely found love, but she also did it on her own terms. “I know what I want,” she emphasized on Tuesday’s episode.
In the premiere, we see Crawley’s first meeting with all of her bachelor options, including Moss, which clearly indicated that the two hit it off. “Oh, man. I definitely feel like I just met my husband. I’m shaking!” Crawley said after their first encounter. As the leaks suggest, Crawley and Moss ended up feeling so strongly about one another that she decided to leave the show to be with him, and only him — an unprecedented move in the history of the franchise.
While Crawley and Moss haven’t publicly commented on their relationship status, a Reality Steve report indicated that the two are now engaged, which seems to suggest that her willingness to take a risk ended well. “Congratulations, you just blew up The Bachelorette,” host Chris Harrison says to Crawley in one preview.
—Li Zhou
Winner: The Bachelorette bubble
Because of the, you know, pandemic, The Bachelorette had to be put together a little differently this year.
Before filming began, the contestants and crew were required to quarantine for two weeks and take multiple Covid-19 tests, a process that was featured prominently in the opening of the premiere. Instead of the cast starting out at the familiar Bachelor mansion and then setting out to various destinations around the United States and the world, contestants spent the entire season holed up at a resort in La Quinta, California. Nobody was allowed in, nobody was allowed out. Filming of the season wrapped in September.
The all-in-one-place setup isn’t entirely ideal. The Bachelorette compound recalls the NBA “bubble” at the ESPN Wide World of Sports Complex at Walt Disney World, where fans appeared virtually in the stands of the game to create an artificial sense of a crowd. That conceit felt a little awkward, and the dates this season with everyone in close proximity will be, too.
But also like the NBA’s bubble, The Bachelorette’s bubble seems to have been a success from a precautionary perspective, at least. Thus far, there haven’t been any reports of cast members this season contracting Covid-19. That’s a big win for health and safety. The next season of The Bachelor, starring the show’s first Black Bachelor, Matt James, has already begun filming with a similar bubble approach.
In a world where the White House hasn’t been able to keep the novel coronavirus at bay, The Bachelorette’s ability to do so is impressive, especially given that a good portion of the show is people making out. The producers have demonstrated a level of organization and discipline that much of the highest tiers of government in America have not been able to muster.
If any show were ever poised to be a superspreader, it might be the Bachelor franchise. And it managed to be not that.
—Emily Stewart
Winner: Drama
While the show has had its rough patches this year, the anticipated switch-up in Bachelorettes is, in fact, the very type of drama this franchise thrives on.
After rumors about Crawley’s decision to quit the show began to circulate earlier this summer, fans seemed to come up with a new theory daily about how the franchise would replace her. While one of fans’ main guesses was that Tayshia Adams would be cast as the new leading woman, another idea was that multiple Bachelor alumni would come back to find love. And some of Bachelor Nation even thought that Bachelor in Paradise was filming at the same time after more familiar faces were spotted on set.
All these theories only served to build the very kind of buzz that heightened anticipation for a new season. With little still known about how The Bachelorette is going to handle some of its big surprises this cycle, the ongoing mystery and messiness around how the expected Bachelorette switcheroo will all play out only adds more novelty to the drama.
—LZ
Winner: Spoilers
By the time the season premiere aired on Tuesday, you knew something weird was going down. The teasers made that clear way ahead of time, thanks to Chris Harrison congratulating Clare on “blow[ing] up The Bachelorette.” When the season kicked off on Tuesday, Harrison promised viewers would “find out the truth about the rumors Bachelor Nation has been buzzing about.”
In ordinary times, I avoid reality show spoilers like, well, the plague. I’ve never been persuaded by the argument that knowing what’s going to happen helps you appreciate how the show manipulates viewers in order to present them with a coherent narrative. I want to be surprised by the twists and turns.
But these are not ordinary times. In March, the real world had stopped. Sports had been postponed. I wondered if The Bachelorette would be canceled, too, like everything else. The future looked grim.
So I found myself reading the hugely popular Reality Steve blog in early August, enthralled as Steve tried to make sense of the confusing, borderline-nonsensical rumors that had leaked out of the bubble. I became obsessed with Clare’s defection and the possibility of a second (and even third?) Bachelorette emerging on this upcoming season.
There was something bracingly, wonderfully normal about this gossip in those most abnormal of days. Rather than ruin the fun, the spoilers bore a promise: No matter what else is going on in the world, The Bachelor franchise will always be itself. The only constant is drama, with every season beginning with the potential to be the most dramatic ever.
2020 was the year that I, at long last, learned to stop worrying and love spoilers.
—Dylan Scott
Loser: The guys who are not Dale
Obviously, almost every contestant on The Bachelorette winds up a loser — after all, only one person can get that final rose. But usually, most contestants get a chance to at least compete. Not this season. Halfway through Tuesday’s premiere, Clare declared she believed she had found her husband before all the men had even exited their limos to meet her.
When she met Moss, a former pro football wide receiver, Clare was clearly rattled. “I think I just met my husband,” she said, exclaiming that she was shaking. Host Chris Harrison approached her to ask what was up. “Every other guy I felt confident with, but with Dale, everything else went dark around me,” she said.
Harrison reminded Clare that there was at least supposedly a long road ahead of her, but Clare … seemed to not be super interested in the prospect. After some time alone with Dale in the mansion, she said in a voiceover, “I know what I’m looking for, and I’m big on energy and vibes.”
For the 30 non-Dales cast on Clare’s season, this is probably not what they envisioned. It’s true that many past Bachelorettes have wound up choosing the men they gave their “first impression” roses to at the very end, but none have demonstrated this kind of tunnel vision. (Clare, obviously, gave her first rose to Dale.)
On the one hand, you like what you like, and Clare clearly likes Dale. On the other hand, first impressions are not always right.
These guys have put their lives on pause, quarantined, and undergone multiple Covid-19 tests (about which they whined very much). Think of poor Bennett, the New York City wealth investment manager who obnoxiously rolled up in a Rolls Royce, or Yosef, who was allegedly messaging women on social media in the lead-up to filming. Both were on a potential path to be the season’s villain — a path that might not be taken.
Tuesday’s season premiere was pretty standard, ending in the first rose ceremony, so technically we’re not supposed to know what happens. But we probably know: Clare and Dale exit the show early together, and the other contestants are just out of luck. Maybe some stick around for Tayshia, but it’s not really clear if that’s the case.
—ES
Winner: Hugs
While nabbing the first kiss with the Bachelorette or Bachelor is often one of the most coveted moments of the season, the simple act of the hug also got the love it deserved on Tuesday.
Available in much shorter supply these days because of social distancing and the ongoing pandemic, hugs were roundly celebrated in the premiere for how rare they are now. “It’s hard coming out of quarantine when I haven’t even hugged anybody for months,” Crawley said, tearing up.
—LZ
Loser: Tyler C.
In the Bachelor universe, there is no more potent attack against one of your competitors than accusing them of not being there for the right reasons. But it’s a card that must be played wisely.
Tyler C., a West Virginia lawyer, thought he would get the upper hand against Yosef, a medical device salesperson from Alabama. He told some of the other guys that he had heard from women who live in his hometown that Yosef had messaged them over Instagram during the Covid-19 quarantine. He confronted Yosef about it, all but promising to take that information to Clare.
But Tyler C. got outmaneuvered.
Yosef went straight to Clare and told her he wanted to clear the air. With a veteran like Clare, familiar with all the Bachelor tropes and none more than “being there for the right reasons,” it’s always better to look like you’re trying to dispel drama rather than introduce it.
Tyler C. seemed to realize during their three-person sit-down that somehow the tables had been turned. He looked like the bad guy, whatever the truth was about Yosef’s DMing habits. He also got burned, with Yosef unforgettably calling Tyler C. a “mini-McConaughey.” It was a rapid fall from grace for a guy who seemed promising during his first interaction with Clare.
And that proved out in the rose ceremony, when Yosef was granted the last rose and Tyler was sent home. Nothing may be normal during this pandemic-tinged season. But some of the old rules still apply.
—DS