vox--2020-08-20--Joe Biden has a chance to finish the work of Obamacare

America has been better off because Obamacare was the law of the land when Covid-19 struck .
When millions of people lost their jobs this spring , many of them could turn to the law ’ s insurance marketplaces , where they could purchase coverage with the help of premium tax subsidies created by the law .
Others qualified for Medicaid in the states that have chosen to expand the program through the law .
The Affordable Care Act created a new safety net , and it was there for people in a crisis .
But not for everybody .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been weakened by Republican obstruction .
More than 2 million people remain uninsured because the state they live in has refused Medicaid expansion .
Some people who lost their jobs in the coronavirus crisis won ’ t be eligible for health benefits because of it .
The Trump administration refused to reopen Obamacare enrollment in the spring , leaving the uninsured with no options in the middle of the worst infectious disease outbreak in a century .
The ACA had brought the uninsured rate to historic lows by the end of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a much higher share of people without basic medical coverage than any other developed economy .
Then Donald Trump entered the White House , tried to repeal the law completely , and , when he failed , weakened it through administrative action .
Then the coronavirus pandemic hit , with a damaged safety net capable of partially , but not totally , protecting Americans from the worst economic crisis since the 1930s .
US health care has demonstrably improved since Joe Biden last co-headlined a Democratic National Convention in 2012 .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make health care coverage a right — have not been fully realized .
There is still work to be done .
If Biden beats Trump in the November election and becomes president in January 2021 , he will be charged with finishing the project of universal health care started under President Obama .
He will likely assume office in the right moment to make big changes — not unlike when he was sworn in as vice president in 2009 .
The question will be whether he has the will and opportunity to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ self-evident .
The US cut its uninsured rate roughly in half , from about 16 percent in 2010 when the law was passed to about 8 percent when Obama and Biden left office , according to Census Bureau data .
About 11.4 million people enrolled in coverage through the law ’ s marketplaces for 2020 , the vast majority of them eligible for the tax subsidies created by the law , and 12.5 million people qualified for Medicaid expansion in the nearly 40 states that extended eligibility to childless adults with incomes near @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Several million more young people under age 26 have been able to stay on their parents ’ health insurance under the law .
Research has shown that Medicaid expansion literally saved lives .
Medical bankruptcies have dropped since the law passed .
The ACA ’ s political resilience is best attested by the failures of Trump and congressional Republicans to repeal it in 2017 .
The rules that banned insurers from discriminating against people with preexisting conditions and required plans to cover certain essential health benefits like prescription drugs , maternity care , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too popular to undo .
So was the requirement that insurers cover preventive services , including birth control , at no cost .
Cutting Medicaid was indefensible with millions more Americans relying on its benefits .
But Obamacare has not delivered universal health care in America .
Medicaid remains only partially expanded ; 12 states are still holding out because of Republican opposition to the law .
Many people signing up for ACA marketplace plans still have significant deductibles , which means they could end up paying thousands of dollars out of pocket @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many of the Americans who make too much money to qualify for the ACA ’ s tax credits , premiums are unaffordable .
The US uninsured rate ticked up to 8.5 percent in 2017 , the last year for which census data is available , meaning 27.5 million people still don ’ t have coverage .
Biden ’ s health care agenda is very intentionally designed to patch up those holes .
The law ’ s underlying structure is sound , he argues , and it established the foundation for more reform .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ do it is build on Obamacare , ” Biden said at the first debate of the Democratic Party , back in June 2019 .
“ To build on what we did.
” He would create a new government insurance plan to be sold on the ACA markets .
The 2 million or so people currently stuck in the Medicaid expansion gap would be automatically enrolled , for free .
Obamacare ’ s tax credits would be enhanced , pegged to more generous insurance , and eligibility for government assistance would be available to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 8.5 percent of their income on insurance premiums .
Obamacare was supposed to help sever the link between health insurance and work , making it easier for people to change jobs or start their own business because they could buy insurance on the marketplace .
There are anecdotes of people taking advantage of that opportunity , but restrictions written into the law on who qualified for coverage and financial assistance slowed down any large-scale shift .
Biden ’ s public option would be available to the 150 million people who get insurance from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for millions of Americans to join a government health program of their own volition , another step toward realizing the law ’ s vision .
“ Extending a public option and premium subsidies to people with employer coverage is possibly the most powerful and underappreciated part of Biden ’ s plan , ” Larry Levitt , executive vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation , told me .
“ The largest number of Americans get their health insurance through an employer , and this starts to address their affordability concerns in a way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also reverse the administrative actions taken by Trump — cutting outreach programs , loosening regulations where possible — that have undermined the ACA and likely contributed to the recent uptick in the uninsured rate .
His plan still wouldn ’ t quite achieve universal coverage , by the Biden campaign ’ s own admission .
Undocumented people living in the US would be left out , for starters and some people who likely find health insurance to still be unaffordable , But the campaign estimates 97 percent of Americans would have health insurance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign , that would have been an opening for attack ; Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I-VT ) repeated over and over again during the campaign that his single-payer Medicare-for-all plan would cover every single person and almost completely eliminate out-of-pocket costs .
Biden ’ s plan fell short of those maximalist ambitions .
But now we ’ re heading into the general election , where the alternative is Donald Trump , whose Justice Department is suing to overturn Obamacare entirely .
It felt like an important moment for party unity when Sanders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Convention ’ s opening night , extended some warm words for Biden ’ s health care plan .
“ As you know , we are the only industrialized nation not to guarantee health care for all people , ” Sanders said .
“ While Joe and I disagree on the best path to get universal coverage , he has a plan that will greatly expand health care and cut the cost of prescription drugs.
” Democrats want to run on health care in 2020 .
Midway through the second hour of the party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jeff Bridges narrated an extended video on Biden ’ s commitment to health care .
The nominee himself spoke via video call with several patients about their medical experiences .
ALS activist Ady Barkan , an outspoken advocate for single-payer health care , punctuated the primetime package , a living portrait of the issue ’ s importance .
“ We must elect Joe Biden , ” Barkan said , through a computer because the disease has taken his natural voice .
“ Each of us must be a hero for the community .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the compassionate and intelligent president , we must act together and put on his desk a bill that guarantees us all the health care we deserve.
” Biden will have to prioritize health care — and he ’ ll need Democratic majorities in Congress Biden ’ s promise , the contrast he drew with Sanders in the final days of the Democratic primary campaign , was he could get a health care reform bill passed through Congress .
“ We can do that now .
I can get that passed .
I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m president of the United States of America , ” he said at the last primary debate in March , facing Sanders one on one .
“ That will be a fundamental change , and it happens now.
” January 2021 , after a year of unprecedented turmoil from compounding medical and economic crises , would provide an opportunity for a President Biden to pursue aggressive reforms .
As Vox ’ s Ella Nilsen reported , the Biden campaign has concluded that a return to normal is no longer sufficient after the Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this moment .
The evolving politics of health care could make the public more receptive to new reforms .
This summer , voters in Republican-led states like Missouri and Oklahoma have elected to expand Medicaid coverage through the ACA .
The law ’ s net approval rating ( +15 in the latest Kaiser Family Foundation poll ) is near its all-time high .
“ Many of the biggest coverage expansions both in the US and in similar countries happened in the context of wars and social upheavals , as well as financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circumstances redefine social solidarity , thus expanding views of the role of government , ” Cynthia Cox , director of the Peterson-Kaiser Health System Tracker , told me earlier this year .
“ I think one factor that will determine the permanency of these changes is how long this disruption continues .
The longer this goes on , the more likely this social solidarity becomes ingrained.
” This has been a consistent finding in social science for decades .
Jacob Hacker , a Yale University political scientist , and his colleagues found this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the Great Recession .
Personal experiences with economic insecurity during that crisis led to a shift in policy attitudes of a magnitude that they said “ rivals partisanship and ideology.
” People who experienced more profound personal shocks ended up supporting a bigger government role in mitigating their economic risks .
As Hacker put it : “ The middle and working classes lose their lives , the rich and business at least have to lose their money.
” But even if Biden is thinking bigger now , he ’ ll need a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care agenda .
Democrats would have to hold on to the House and flip at least three Republican-held Senate seats to take control of that chamber .
And that ’ s when the really difficult work would commence .
As president , Biden and congressional Democrats would first have to decide whether to eliminate the Senate filibuster or try to pass a health care bill through the self-limiting process of budget reconciliation .
As Vox ’ s Ezra Klein reported a year ago , after interviews with influential Senate Democrats , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the caucus .
Then the party would have to agree on the legislation itself .
As the Hill reported recently , the existing disagreements could lead to Democrats starting small on health care reform — even leaving out Biden ’ s public option at first and sticking strictly to some smaller improvements to the ACA .
Key Senate Democrats sounded on board with an expansion of Medicare eligibility and a public option in their interviews with Klein , but there are a lot of details still to be worked .
out .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public health insurance would surely be a tough sell for progressive Democrats who already believe Biden ’ s plan doesn ’ t do enough .
This is where Biden ’ s self-professed prowess as a congressional dealmaker would come into play .
He would have to decide how hard to push .
But it all starts with Biden beating Trump in November , to give himself the opportunity to build on the Obama-Biden administration ’ s health care legacy .
“ What happens in November ?
” Hacker said .
“ The answer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what ’ s possible in terms of large-scale health policy changes as much as anything else.
” Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as @ @ @ @ @

America has been better off because Obamacare was the law of the land when Covid-19 struck.
When millions of people lost their jobs this spring, many of them could turn to the law’s insurance marketplaces, where they could purchase coverage with the help of premium tax subsidies created by the law. Others qualified for Medicaid in the states that have chosen to expand the program through the law. The Affordable Care Act created a new safety net, and it was there for people in a crisis.
But not for everybody. The law is flawed, and it has been weakened by Republican obstruction. More than 2 million people remain uninsured because the state they live in has refused Medicaid expansion. Some people who lost their jobs in the coronavirus crisis won’t be eligible for health benefits because of it. The Trump administration refused to reopen Obamacare enrollment in the spring, leaving the uninsured with no options in the middle of the worst infectious disease outbreak in a century.
The ACA had brought the uninsured rate to historic lows by the end of the Obama presidency — but the US still had a much higher share of people without basic medical coverage than any other developed economy. Then Donald Trump entered the White House, tried to repeal the law completely, and, when he failed, weakened it through administrative action. Then the coronavirus pandemic hit, with a damaged safety net capable of partially, but not totally, protecting Americans from the worst economic crisis since the 1930s.
US health care has demonstrably improved since Joe Biden last co-headlined a Democratic National Convention in 2012. But the ACA’s aspirations — to make health care coverage a right — have not been fully realized. There is still work to be done.
If Biden beats Trump in the November election and becomes president in January 2021, he will be charged with finishing the project of universal health care started under President Obama. He will likely assume office in the right moment to make big changes — not unlike when he was sworn in as vice president in 2009.
The question will be whether he has the will and opportunity to do it.
How Joe Biden’s health care plan builds on Obamacare
Obamacare’s successes are self-evident. The US cut its uninsured rate roughly in half, from about 16 percent in 2010 when the law was passed to about 8 percent when Obama and Biden left office, according to Census Bureau data. About 11.4 million people enrolled in coverage through the law’s marketplaces for 2020, the vast majority of them eligible for the tax subsidies created by the law, and 12.5 million people qualified for Medicaid expansion in the nearly 40 states that extended eligibility to childless adults with incomes near or below the federal poverty level. Several million more young people under age 26 have been able to stay on their parents’ health insurance under the law.
Research has shown that Medicaid expansion literally saved lives. Medical bankruptcies have dropped since the law passed.
“We’re not interested in the horse race. We’re interested in explaining the ideas that will impact people’s lives. Support that work with a contribution today.” —Lauren Williams, Editor in Chief Contribute from as little as $3.
The ACA’s political resilience is best attested by the failures of Trump and congressional Republicans to repeal it in 2017. The rules that banned insurers from discriminating against people with preexisting conditions and required plans to cover certain essential health benefits like prescription drugs, maternity care, and mental health treatment proved to be too popular to undo. So was the requirement that insurers cover preventive services, including birth control, at no cost. Cutting Medicaid was indefensible with millions more Americans relying on its benefits.
But Obamacare has not delivered universal health care in America. Medicaid remains only partially expanded; 12 states are still holding out because of Republican opposition to the law. Many people signing up for ACA marketplace plans still have significant deductibles, which means they could end up paying thousands of dollars out of pocket every year on health care. For many of the Americans who make too much money to qualify for the ACA’s tax credits, premiums are unaffordable. The US uninsured rate ticked up to 8.5 percent in 2017, the last year for which census data is available, meaning 27.5 million people still don’t have coverage.
Biden’s health care agenda is very intentionally designed to patch up those holes. The law’s underlying structure is sound, he argues, and it established the foundation for more reform.
“The quickest, fastest way to do it is build on Obamacare,” Biden said at the first debate of the Democratic Party, back in June 2019. “To build on what we did.”
He would create a new government insurance plan to be sold on the ACA markets. The 2 million or so people currently stuck in the Medicaid expansion gap would be automatically enrolled, for free. Obamacare’s tax credits would be enhanced, pegged to more generous insurance, and eligibility for government assistance would be available to anybody. Nobody would pay more than 8.5 percent of their income on insurance premiums.
Obamacare was supposed to help sever the link between health insurance and work, making it easier for people to change jobs or start their own business because they could buy insurance on the marketplace. There are anecdotes of people taking advantage of that opportunity, but restrictions written into the law on who qualified for coverage and financial assistance slowed down any large-scale shift. Biden’s public option would be available to the 150 million people who get insurance from their job, potentially opening the door for millions of Americans to join a government health program of their own volition, another step toward realizing the law’s vision.
“Extending a public option and premium subsidies to people with employer coverage is possibly the most powerful and underappreciated part of Biden’s plan,” Larry Levitt, executive vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation, told me. “The largest number of Americans get their health insurance through an employer, and this starts to address their affordability concerns in a way the ACA never has.”
Biden could also reverse the administrative actions taken by Trump — cutting outreach programs, loosening regulations where possible — that have undermined the ACA and likely contributed to the recent uptick in the uninsured rate.
His plan still wouldn’t quite achieve universal coverage, by the Biden campaign’s own admission. Undocumented people living in the US would be left out, for starters, and some people who likely find health insurance to still be unaffordable. But the campaign estimates 97 percent of Americans would have health insurance under those reforms.
In the primary campaign, that would have been an opening for attack; Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) repeated over and over again during the campaign that his single-payer Medicare-for-all plan would cover every single person and almost completely eliminate out-of-pocket costs. Biden’s plan fell short of those maximalist ambitions.
But now we’re heading into the general election, where the alternative is Donald Trump, whose Justice Department is suing to overturn Obamacare entirely. It felt like an important moment for party unity when Sanders, in his remarks on the Democratic National Convention’s opening night, extended some warm words for Biden’s health care plan.
“As you know, we are the only industrialized nation not to guarantee health care for all people,” Sanders said. “While Joe and I disagree on the best path to get universal coverage, he has a plan that will greatly expand health care and cut the cost of prescription drugs.”
Democrats want to run on health care in 2020. Midway through the second hour of the party convention’s second night, actor Jeff Bridges narrated an extended video on Biden’s commitment to health care. The nominee himself spoke via video call with several patients about their medical experiences.
ALS activist Ady Barkan, an outspoken advocate for single-payer health care, punctuated the primetime package.
“We must elect Joe Biden,” Barkan said, through a computer because the disease has taken his natural voice. “Each of us must be a hero for the community. For our country. And then with the compassionate and intelligent president, we must act together and put on his desk a bill that guarantees us all the health care we deserve.”
Biden will have to prioritize health care — and he’ll need Democratic majorities in Congress
Biden’s promise, the contrast he drew with Sanders in the final days of the Democratic primary campaign, was he could get a health care reform bill passed through Congress.
“We can do that now. I can get that passed. I can get that done, if I’m president of the United States of America,” he said at the last primary debate in March, facing Sanders one on one. “That will be a fundamental change, and it happens now.”
January 2021, after a year of unprecedented turmoil from compounding medical and economic crises, would provide an opportunity for a President Biden to pursue aggressive reforms. As Vox’s Ella Nilsen reported, the Biden campaign has concluded that a return to normal is no longer sufficient after the Covid-19 pandemic. A sweeping agenda is needed in this moment.
The evolving politics of health care could make the public more receptive to new reforms. This summer, voters in Republican-led states like Missouri and Oklahoma have elected to expand Medicaid coverage through the ACA. The law’s net approval rating (+15 in the latest Kaiser Family Foundation poll) is near its all-time high.
“Many of the biggest coverage expansions both in the US and in similar countries happened in the context of wars and social upheavals, as well as financial crises. One theory is that those circumstances redefine social solidarity, thus expanding views of the role of government,” Cynthia Cox, director of the Peterson-Kaiser Health System Tracker, told me earlier this year. “I think one factor that will determine the permanency of these changes is how long this disruption continues. The longer this goes on, the more likely this social solidarity becomes ingrained.”
This has been a consistent finding in social science for decades. Jacob Hacker, a Yale University political scientist, and his colleagues found this to be true in research they conducted after the Great Recession. Personal experiences with economic insecurity during that crisis led to a shift in policy attitudes of a magnitude that they said “rivals partisanship and ideology.” People who experienced more profound personal shocks ended up supporting a bigger government role in mitigating their economic risks.
As Hacker put it: “The middle and working classes lose their lives, the rich and business at least have to lose their money.”
But even if Biden is thinking bigger now, he’ll need a Democratic Congress to pass most of his health care agenda. Democrats would have to hold on to the House and flip at least three Republican-held Senate seats to take control of that chamber.
And that’s when the really difficult work would commence.
As president, Biden and congressional Democrats would first have to decide whether to eliminate the Senate filibuster or try to pass a health care bill through the self-limiting process of budget reconciliation. As Vox’s Ezra Klein reported a year ago, after interviews with influential Senate Democrats, that is far from a settled question within the caucus.
Then the party would have to agree on the legislation itself. As the Hill reported recently, the existing disagreements could lead to Democrats starting small on health care reform — even leaving out Biden’s public option at first and sticking strictly to some smaller improvements to the ACA. Key Senate Democrats sounded on board with an expansion of Medicare eligibility and a public option in their interviews with Klein, but there are a lot of details still to be worked. out. And anything short of a significant expansion of public health insurance would surely be a tough sell for progressive Democrats who already believe Biden’s plan doesn’t do enough.
This is where Biden’s self-professed prowess as a congressional dealmaker would come into play. He would have to decide how hard to push.
But it all starts with Biden beating Trump in November, to give himself the opportunity to build on the Obama-Biden administration’s health care legacy.
“What happens in November?” Hacker said. “The answer to that question is going to influence what’s possible in terms of large-scale health policy changes as much as anything else.”
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-20--5 winners and 2 losers from night 3 of the Democratic convention

With Joe Biden officially receiving the Democratic nomination for president on Tuesday night , Wednesday night at the Democratic National Convention was reserved for big speeches from just about every prominent Democrat except the candidate himself : former President Barack Obama , previous nominee Hillary Clinton , third-place primary finisher Sen. Elizabeth Warren , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and Biden ’ s running mate Kamala Harris .
Oh , and Billie Eilish .
The night understandably lacked the DIY charm of Tuesday ’ s state-by-state roll call vote for president .
But it featured Obama ’ s harshest criticisms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Donald Trump , and Harris ’ s opportunity to reintroduce herself to the nation at large after her failed presidential bid .
And it devoted airtime to some of the policy priorities that have dominated Democratic politics in recent years : gun control , immigration , climate change , women ’ s issues , and child care .
Here ’ s what stood out on night three of the convention .
The first half-hour of Wednesday ’ s presentation was dominated by two issues : gun violence and climate change .
In both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Democratic Party ’ s presentation .
The gun violence segment featured a powerful video , narrated by Parkland activist Emma Gonzalez , about the toll gun violence is taking on American public life .
The climate sections spotlighted a series of young activists .
And then , as if to hammer the point home , the climate section closed with a performance by Billie Eilish , arguably the most famous Generation Z artist on the planet .
As a formerly young millennial , I found the display of what kids today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a deeper logic behind the DNC ’ s decision to focus on young activists here .
On both of these issues , some of the most prominent advocates are young ( like Greta Thunberg ) , as are some of the biggest activist organizations ( March for Our Lives , the Sunrise Movement ) .
If you ’ re looking to spotlight young voters , an essential part of the Democratic coalition , it makes sense that you ’ d pick those segments to do it .
And in the primary , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden and Sen. Bernie Sanders was age , with younger voters overwhelmingly backing the Vermont socialist .
Spotlighting the work of young activists on issues that younger voters care about is a smart way of trying to court Gen Z voters without coming across in a “ how do you do , fellow kids ” kind of way .
Ladies , remember how cathartic it was to take part in the Women ’ s March in January 2017 ?
Pussy hat on , offering your fellow protesters carrots and hummus as you huddled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you to revive that feeling and harness it all the way to the voting booth ( or mailbox ) come November .
Much of the third night of the 2020 Democratic National Convention was dedicated to the women who have emerged as a powerful force of opposition to the Trump administration .
The first hour of the night featured a five-minute video titled “ Women ’ s Suffrage to Women ’ s March ” that interspersed images of women protesting , in politics , and in public spaces , ranging from soccer star @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
If you could channel the last three and a half years of the # Resistance into content , this would be it .
The night also focused on issues that matter to women in particular .
The issue of gun violence , for example , was prominently featured .
Parkland survivor Emma Gonzalez spoke , as did former Rep. Gabby Giffords ( D-AZ ) , a gun control advocate and survivor of gun violence , in a prerecorded video .
“ We are a nation ready @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ A safer America is possible.
” The programming sought to cast Joe Biden as a champion for women , even though his record on that front is decidedly mixed .
Viewers saw a video highlighting the former vice president ’ s work on the Violence Against Women Act that featured personal , and at times disturbing stories from victims , including Ruth Glenn , now CEO and president of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence , who was shot by her husband in 1992 .
A lot of the night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially given that we ’ re now at the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment ’ s ratification , which gave women — at least white women — the right to vote across the US .
It ’ s exciting to see House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wearing white in honor of suffragists and channeling their political power .
It ’ s cool to see Elizabeth Warren in a schoolroom talking about child care and reminding you of all her plans .
It ’ s thrilling to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color , with a chance at becoming vice president .
And there ’ s no denying that if Biden wins the presidency , women voters will play a big part in that , as they did in the 2018 blue wave that handed Democrats the House .
Women are staring up at the glass ceiling yet again , and part of Wednesday ’ s convention was aimed at telling them they ’ ll break through .
The question is whether they finally will , or if in January 2021 , they ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their pink hats , bracing themselves for four more years of Trump .
Joe Biden is not an “ I have a plan for that ” kind of guy .
He has plans , no doubt , but he has never really distinguished himself as a policy wonk ( except perhaps as an old hand at foreign policy ) , or centered his concrete legislative ideas as his biggest attraction .
His experience and temperament , rather , have been the primary themes throughout the 2020 cycle , with the advisers and surrogates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy .
Elizabeth Warren , of course , has a plan for that , and that , and that , and everything you can think of as a potential problem facing America .
So it was wise of her to use her primetime slot — later in the week and arguably more prominent than that of Bernie Sanders — to assure Democrats , and her supporters , that Biden has a plan for that , too .
Warren focused on a place of deep continuity with Biden : child care , where Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that bears a strong resemblance to Warren ’ s plan .
Both would cap child care expenses at 7 percent of income for most Americans .
Simply pulling out child care , as important as the issue is , would have risked making the speech seem overly niche .
But Warren connected it to the broader coronavirus pandemic and the problem of many schools being unable to safely open for the 2020- ’ 21 school year — she delivered the speech from an early childhood education center .
Child care “ is just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It gives you an idea of how we get the country working for everyone.
” Warren came in third in the primaries , and it ’ s not like her supporters were unlikely to support Biden in the general election , so the persuasion role of her speech was limited .
But she effectively built a policy case for the nominee , which was exactly her role .
An important programming detail when considering Wednesday night ’ s speeches is that most major networks only started tuning in to the proceedings at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 9 and 10 were broadcast to a limited number of people viewing on CNN , MSNBC , C-SPAN , other full-coverage outlets , and online streams .
In that context , the fact that 2016 Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton was confined to a slot before 10 was a bit of a snub .
Failed nominees obviously are never the stars at conventions , but they play important roles on occasion .
In 2008 , former Secretary of State John Kerry gave a 13-minute address defending Barack Obama ’ s foreign policy credentials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ management of the Iraq War .
Like Clinton , he didn ’ t speak during the network hour , but he got a lengthy slot beforehand .
Clinton , by contrast , got a noticeably shorter time slot ( only five minutes by my count ) , and delivered low-key remarks .
Content-wise , the speech was fine , and Clinton got in some good populist jabs , like , “ It ’ s wrong that billionaires got $ 400 billion richer during the pandemic while millions lost $ 600 a week in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of her speech was also the saddest : “ Joe and Kamala can win by 3 million votes and still lose .
Take it from me.
” It was a warning to Democratic voters to not be complacent about this coming election — and a reminder of the distance between 2016 and this evening , when the last winner of the popular vote had to settle for a less-than-marquee slot during her party ’ s convention .
Democrats had two big messages coming out of Wednesday night ’ s convention : Vote for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a detailed plan to do it .
The messaging on having a plan to vote started from the get-go .
Before the night ’ s program kicked off , vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris came on in a short segment to tell people not only to vote but to figure out how they are going to vote .
“ I know many of you plan to vote this year , but amidst the excitement and enthusiasm for this election , you heard about obstacles and misinformation and folks making it harder for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harris said .
“ Each of us needs a plan — a voting plan.
” That messaging continued with the rest of the convention ’ s biggest speakers and performers , including Sen. Elizabeth Warren , singer Billie Eilish , 2016 Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton , and former President Barack Obama .
“ They ’ re hoping to make it as hard as possible for you to vote , and convince you that your vote doesn ’ t matter , ” Obama said .
“ Make a plan right now for how you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Do it as early as you can , and tell your family and friends how they can vote too.
” Making a plan to vote is important every election , but it ’ s even more urgent in 2020 , which is no normal election year ( studies have shown that making a plan to vote increases a person ’ s likelihood to actually cast their ballot ) .
The coronavirus pandemic has thrown the nation ’ s system of elections into chaos in many states .
Fear of contracting the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whom tend to be older — step down from their posts .
A lack of poll workers has led to a resulting lack of in-person polling places .
Absentee voting through mail is a sensible option for anyone who doesn ’ t feel comfortable casting their ballot in person , but the US Postal Service is also facing mounting problems and delays , in some cases caused by the actions of new Postmaster General Louis DeJoy , a former Trump donor .
A recent restructuring by DeJoy had eliminated overtime and gotten rid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the country , which has led to a slowdown in mail delivery — and growing public concerns about the impact on the election .
DeJoy has since reversed some measures in response to the national outcry .
With these myriad challenges , there ’ s no doubt voting will be more complicated this year than in recent elections .
Elections experts say Americans who plan to cast their ballots via mail need to plan ahead , and get their ballots in as early as possible .
“ Don ’ t wait to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wait to request a ballot on the deadline , ” Tammy Patrick , a senior adviser on elections at the nonpartisan foundation Democracy Fund , told Vox recently .
“ You ’ re never going to get that ballot in time.
” Democrats laying out a detailed plan for voters at their convention and weaving that messaging throughout the program was a smart move .
Kamala Harris had a chance to reintroduce herself on Wednesday — and she took it .
In a history-making speech , she confronted Trump with biting one-liners ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see one ” ) , told voters more about who she is ( “ [ My mother ] raised us to be proud , strong Black women and … be proud of our Indian heritage ” ) , and laid out a vision that didn ’ t shy away from the country ’ s challenges with race ( “ None of us are free until all of us are free ” ) .
Many likely knew Harris from her run in the Democratic primary last year , when she emerged as a charismatic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critiques of her prosecutorial record and inconsistent messaging from her campaign .
The message she offered Wednesday , however , was far clearer .
Harris explained how her mother ’ s activism and her parents ’ focus on civil rights were the defining influences of her life .
She demonstrated exactly how much she brings to the presidential ticket : groundbreaking representation and a policy perspective that was missing before .
And she showed that she was able to talk about race in a way that Biden hasn ’ t been comfortable with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making the case for her candidacy , Harris proved that she was ready to take on the job from day one .
During his now historic 2004 DNC speech , then-state Sen. Barack Obama wowed convention-goers and TV viewers alike with soaring oratory , denouncing American partisanship and praising national unity .
“ Yet even as we speak , there are those who are preparing to divide us , the spin masters and negative ad peddlers who embrace the politics of anything goes , ” Obama bellowed .
“ Well , I say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not a liberal America and a conservative America — there ’ s the United States of America.
” The rhetoric projected Obama as a national unifier of American politics and helped propel him to the White House .
Today , a little older and a lot grayer , a subdued Obama lamented that “ our democratic institutions [ are ] threatened like never before.
” He also conceded “ that in times as polarized as these , most of you have made up your mind.
” It ’ s a stark shift .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ still one of aspirational bipartisanship and unity .
A few Republicans have been conspicuously featured thus far at the DNC .
Yet Democrats ’ messaging on uniting the country is now paired with a more urgent focus on restoring American democracy .
During the eulogy for Rep. John Lewis last month , Obama cited a long list of desired democratic reforms , including eliminating the filibuster , automatic voter registration , reenfranchisement of inmates , more polling places , more early voting , an Election Day holiday , and statehood for Washington , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lingered on that broad theme this evening .
“ Do not let them take away your power , ” he warned during his DNC speech .
“ Do not let them take away your democracy.
” Sixteen years after Obama exploded onto the national scene , his convention speeches have shifted in focus — from the hope and change of an earlier time to the darker theme of rescuing democracy in a more toxic and polarized era .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

With Joe Biden officially receiving the Democratic nomination for president on Tuesday night, Wednesday night at the Democratic National Convention was reserved for big speeches from just about every prominent Democrat except the candidate himself: former President Barack Obama, previous nominee Hillary Clinton, third-place primary finisher Sen. Elizabeth Warren, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and Biden’s running mate Kamala Harris. Oh, and Billie Eilish.
Related Kamala Harris officially accepts the Democratic vice presidential nomination and makes history
The night understandably lacked the DIY charm of Tuesday’s state-by-state roll call vote for president. But it featured Obama’s harshest criticisms to date of his successor, President Donald Trump, and Harris’s opportunity to reintroduce herself to the nation at large after her failed presidential bid. And it devoted airtime to some of the policy priorities that have dominated Democratic politics in recent years: gun control, immigration, climate change, women’s issues, and child care.
Here’s what stood out on night three of the convention.
Winner: The youth
The first half-hour of Wednesday’s presentation was dominated by two issues: gun violence and climate change. In both sections, young Americans took center stage in the Democratic Party’s presentation.
The gun violence segment featured a powerful video, narrated by Parkland activist Emma Gonzalez, about the toll gun violence is taking on American public life. The climate sections spotlighted a series of young activists. And then, as if to hammer the point home, the climate section closed with a performance by Billie Eilish, arguably the most famous Generation Z artist on the planet.
As a formerly young millennial, I found the display of what kids today are doing pretty impressive. But there is a deeper logic behind the DNC’s decision to focus on young activists here.
On both of these issues, some of the most prominent advocates are young (like Greta Thunberg), as are some of the biggest activist organizations (March for Our Lives, the Sunrise Movement). If you’re looking to spotlight young voters, an essential part of the Democratic coalition, it makes sense that you’d pick those segments to do it.
And in the primary, one of the biggest divides between Joe Biden and Sen. Bernie Sanders was age, with younger voters overwhelmingly backing the Vermont socialist. Spotlighting the work of young activists on issues that younger voters care about is a smart way of trying to court Gen Z voters without coming across in a “how do you do, fellow kids” kind of way.
—Zack Beauchamp
Winner: Resistance moms
Ladies, remember how cathartic it was to take part in the Women’s March in January 2017? Pussy hat on, offering your fellow protesters carrots and hummus as you huddled in the cold? Democrats would like you to revive that feeling and harness it all the way to the voting booth (or mailbox) come November.
Much of the third night of the 2020 Democratic National Convention was dedicated to the women who have emerged as a powerful force of opposition to the Trump administration. The first hour of the night featured a five-minute video titled “Women’s Suffrage to Women’s March” that interspersed images of women protesting, in politics, and in public spaces, ranging from soccer star Megan Rapinoe to Rep. Maxine Waters to Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. If you could channel the last three and a half years of the #Resistance into content, this would be it.
The night also focused on issues that matter to women in particular. The issue of gun violence, for example, was prominently featured. Parkland survivor Emma Gonzalez spoke, as did former Rep. Gabby Giffords (D-AZ), a gun control advocate and survivor of gun violence, in a prerecorded video. “We are a nation ready to end gun violence,” she said. “A safer America is possible.”
The programming sought to cast Joe Biden as a champion for women, even though his record on that front is decidedly mixed. Viewers saw a video highlighting the former vice president’s work on the Violence Against Women Act that featured personal, and at times disturbing stories from victims, including Ruth Glenn, now CEO and president of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence, who was shot by her husband in 1992.
A lot of the night was moving from a gender perspective, especially given that we’re now at the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment’s ratification, which gave women — at least white women — the right to vote across the US. It’s exciting to see House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wearing white in honor of suffragists and channeling their political power. It’s cool to see Elizabeth Warren in a schoolroom talking about child care and reminding you of all her plans. It’s thrilling to have Kamala Harris, a woman of color, with a chance at becoming vice president. And there’s no denying that if Biden wins the presidency, women voters will play a big part in that, as they did in the 2018 blue wave that handed Democrats the House.
Women are staring up at the glass ceiling yet again, and part of Wednesday’s convention was aimed at telling them they’ll break through. The question is whether they finally will, or if in January 2021, they’ll be back out on the streets in their pink hats, bracing themselves for four more years of Trump.
—Emily Stewart
Joe Biden is not an “I have a plan for that” kind of guy.
He has plans, no doubt, but he has never really distinguished himself as a policy wonk (except perhaps as an old hand at foreign policy), or centered his concrete legislative ideas as his biggest attraction. His experience and temperament, rather, have been the primary themes throughout the 2020 cycle, with the advisers and surrogates around him picking up the slack on policy.
Elizabeth Warren, of course, has a plan for that, and that, and that, and everything you can think of as a potential problem facing America. So it was wise of her to use her primetime slot — later in the week and arguably more prominent than that of Bernie Sanders — to assure Democrats, and her supporters, that Biden has a plan for that, too. Warren focused on a place of deep continuity with Biden: child care, where Biden has proposed a massive system of subsidies that bears a strong resemblance to Warren’s plan. Both would cap child care expenses at 7 percent of income for most Americans.
Simply pulling out child care, as important as the issue is, would have risked making the speech seem overly niche. But Warren connected it to the broader coronavirus pandemic and the problem of many schools being unable to safely open for the 2020-’21 school year — she delivered the speech from an early childhood education center. Child care “is just one plan,” she concludes. “It gives you an idea of how we get the country working for everyone.”
Warren came in third in the primaries, and it’s not like her supporters were unlikely to support Biden in the general election, so the persuasion role of her speech was limited. But she effectively built a policy case for the nominee, which was exactly her role.
—Dylan Matthews
Loser: Hillary Clinton
An important programming detail when considering Wednesday night’s speeches is that most major networks only started tuning in to the proceedings at 10 pm, meaning the activities between 9 and 10 were broadcast to a limited number of people viewing on CNN, MSNBC, C-SPAN, other full-coverage outlets, and online streams.
In that context, the fact that 2016 Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton was confined to a slot before 10 was a bit of a snub. Failed nominees obviously are never the stars at conventions, but they play important roles on occasion. In 2008, former Secretary of State John Kerry gave a 13-minute address defending Barack Obama’s foreign policy credentials and assailing George W. Bush’s management of the Iraq War. Like Clinton, he didn’t speak during the network hour, but he got a lengthy slot beforehand.
Clinton, by contrast, got a noticeably shorter time slot (only five minutes by my count), and delivered low-key remarks. Content-wise, the speech was fine, and Clinton got in some good populist jabs, like, “It’s wrong that billionaires got $400 billion richer during the pandemic while millions lost $600 a week in extra unemployment.”
The most memorable line of her speech was also the saddest: “Joe and Kamala can win by 3 million votes and still lose. Take it from me.” It was a warning to Democratic voters to not be complacent about this coming election — and a reminder of the distance between 2016 and this evening, when the last winner of the popular vote had to settle for a less-than-marquee slot during her party’s convention.
—DM
Winner: Making a plan to vote
Democrats had two big messages coming out of Wednesday night’s convention: Vote for Joe Biden, and make sure you have a detailed plan to do it.
The messaging on having a plan to vote started from the get-go. Before the night’s program kicked off, vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris came on in a short segment to tell people not only to vote but to figure out how they are going to vote.
“I know many of you plan to vote this year, but amidst the excitement and enthusiasm for this election, you heard about obstacles and misinformation and folks making it harder for you to cast your ballot,” Harris said. “Each of us needs a plan — a voting plan.”
That messaging continued with the rest of the convention’s biggest speakers and performers, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren, singer Billie Eilish, 2016 Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton, and former President Barack Obama.
“They’re hoping to make it as hard as possible for you to vote, and convince you that your vote doesn’t matter,” Obama said. “Make a plan right now for how you are going to get involved and vote. Do it as early as you can, and tell your family and friends how they can vote too.”
Making a plan to vote is important every election, but it’s even more urgent in 2020, which is no normal election year (studies have shown that making a plan to vote increases a person’s likelihood to actually cast their ballot). The coronavirus pandemic has thrown the nation’s system of elections into chaos in many states. Fear of contracting the virus has seen poll workers — many of whom tend to be older — step down from their posts. A lack of poll workers has led to a resulting lack of in-person polling places.
Absentee voting through mail is a sensible option for anyone who doesn’t feel comfortable casting their ballot in person, but the US Postal Service is also facing mounting problems and delays, in some cases caused by the actions of new Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a former Trump donor. A recent restructuring by DeJoy had eliminated overtime and gotten rid of mail sorting machines in facilities all over the country, which has led to a slowdown in mail delivery — and growing public concerns about the impact on the election. DeJoy has since reversed some measures in response to the national outcry.
With these myriad challenges, there’s no doubt voting will be more complicated this year than in recent elections. Elections experts say Americans who plan to cast their ballots via mail need to plan ahead, and get their ballots in as early as possible.
“Don’t wait to register to vote; don’t wait to request a ballot on the deadline,” Tammy Patrick, a senior adviser on elections at the nonpartisan foundation Democracy Fund, told Vox recently. “You’re never going to get that ballot in time.”
Democrats laying out a detailed plan for voters at their convention and weaving that messaging throughout the program was a smart move.
—Ella Nilsen
Winner: Kamala Harris
Kamala Harris had a chance to reintroduce herself on Wednesday — and she took it.
In a history-making speech, she confronted Trump with biting one-liners (“I know a predator when I see one”), told voters more about who she is (“[My mother] raised us to be proud, strong Black women and … be proud of our Indian heritage”), and laid out a vision that didn’t shy away from the country’s challenges with race (“None of us are free until all of us are free”).
Many likely knew Harris from her run in the Democratic primary last year, when she emerged as a charismatic candidate but struggled to break through amid critiques of her prosecutorial record and inconsistent messaging from her campaign.
The message she offered Wednesday, however, was far clearer.
Harris explained how her mother’s activism and her parents’ focus on civil rights were the defining influences of her life. She demonstrated exactly how much she brings to the presidential ticket: groundbreaking representation and a policy perspective that was missing before. And she showed that she was able to talk about race in a way that Biden hasn’t been comfortable with.
Perhaps most importantly, by effectively making the case for her candidacy, Harris proved that she was ready to take on the job from day one.
—Li Zhou
Loser: Hope and change
During his now historic 2004 DNC speech, then-state Sen. Barack Obama wowed convention-goers and TV viewers alike with soaring oratory, denouncing American partisanship and praising national unity. “Yet even as we speak, there are those who are preparing to divide us, the spin masters and negative ad peddlers who embrace the politics of anything goes,” Obama bellowed. “Well, I say to them tonight, there’s not a liberal America and a conservative America — there’s the United States of America.”
The rhetoric projected Obama as a national unifier of American politics and helped propel him to the White House.
Today, a little older and a lot grayer, a subdued Obama lamented that “our democratic institutions [are] threatened like never before.” He also conceded “that in times as polarized as these, most of you have made up your mind.” It’s a stark shift.
Of course, the Democratic message is still one of aspirational bipartisanship and unity. A few Republicans have been conspicuously featured thus far at the DNC. Yet Democrats’ messaging on uniting the country is now paired with a more urgent focus on restoring American democracy. During the eulogy for Rep. John Lewis last month, Obama cited a long list of desired democratic reforms, including eliminating the filibuster, automatic voter registration, reenfranchisement of inmates, more polling places, more early voting, an Election Day holiday, and statehood for Washington, DC, and Puerto Rico.
He lingered on that broad theme this evening. “Do not let them take away your power,” he warned during his DNC speech. “Do not let them take away your democracy.”
Sixteen years after Obama exploded onto the national scene, his convention speeches have shifted in focus — from the hope and change of an earlier time to the darker theme of rescuing democracy in a more toxic and polarized era.
—Aaron Ross Coleman
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-20--Hunter Biden, the black sheep who got Trump impeached, explained

Hunter is the younger of Joe Biden ’ s two sons .
He never showed as much promise as his brother Beau , stumbling through life and often trading on his dad ’ s name and position for financial gain .
He ’ s more or less operated in the background as something of a black sheep in the family , but he ’ s emerged to the forefront of American politics in recent weeks over work he did in Ukraine that fueled a bogus conspiracy theory at the heart of Trump ’ s decision to strong-arm the country ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unusual for the children of successful politicians to trade on their family ’ s famous name and connections to get ahead in life .
And when that happens , most political parents hope for a trajectory like the one enjoyed by Beau Biden until his life was cut short by cancer in 2015 .
Beau followed in his father ’ s footsteps to Syracuse University for law school and then clerked for a US District Court judge .
He got a job at the Justice Department and then became a federal prosecutor .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ briefly .
But when Delaware ’ s attorney general , Jane Brady , resigned to take up a judicial post , the state ’ s governor appointed Carl Danberg to serve as a placeholder attorney general who wouldn ’ t run for reelection .
Beau won the seat in the 2006 midterms , Danberg got appointed to serve as the head of Delaware ’ s Corrections Department , and all eyes were on Beau to run for governor in 2016 when Jack Markell ’ s term would be expiring .
Only an extremely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ career free of nepotism .
But Beau , like a successful politician ’ s kid , had to actually do his work adequately each step of the way .
As a candidate for attorney general , he clearly got a boost from his dad ’ s name , and it seems like the Delaware political establishment was working to open up an office for him to run for .
But as a former federal prosecutor and Army JAG , he was qualified for the job and he won the election fair and square @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at all about a two-term attorney general campaigning to win an open gubernatorial election in his home state .
This is more or less how the system is supposed to work for children of privilege — you get a consistent favorable tailwind at your back , but you still need to steer the plane .
Hunter , by contrast , has been the guy who even into his 40s keeps needing dad to send the search—and-rescue party .
And yet in a strange way , Hunter ended up being one of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s efforts to smear Joe Biden over Hunter ’ s work in Ukraine ended up leading to his impeachment .
Hunter Biden ’ s whole career is being Joe Biden ’ s son According to Adam Entous ’ s profile in the New Yorker , “ it was clear to family and friends that Beau would follow his father into politics , ” while Hunter was initially interested in more artistic pursuits “ but , with a baby on the way , he decided to go straight to law school.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty commonplace .
Hunter , after a year at Georgetown Law , was able to transfer to Yale and finish out at the country ’ s most prestigious law school .
Yale Law grads don ’ t normally hurt for opportunities to earn a decent salary , but Hunter interestingly went to work right away for MBNA , a major Delaware-based bank ( later purchased by Bank of America ) that was also a big contributor to Biden ’ s campaigns .
This was part of a much larger coziness between Biden and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for from conservatives like Byron York , who dubbed him “ the senator from MBNA ” in a 1998 American Spectator article .
The nickname stuck in years to come as Biden became the leading Democratic advocate of a bankruptcy reform bill that most Democrats opposed but that major credit card issuers like MBNA strongly favored .
There ’ s no reason to think that Biden backed MBNA ’ s position because his son worked there — senators normally line up with their home state ’ s major employers ’ policy priorities — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the job due to his dad ’ s overall cozy relationship with the company .
Hunter ’ s career , however , never really seems to have quite launched as an independent entity .
In 1998 , he went to work for the US Department of Commerce and then left after the Clinton administration ended .
He formed a lobbying firm with an old associate of his dad ’ s .
By mutual agreement , Hunter avoided lobbying his father but did continue to collect consulting fees from MBNA through the 2005 passage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long sought .
In 2006 , President George W. Bush appointed him to the Amtrak board of directors as a gesture of bipartisanship .
Here ’ s how Tom Carper , Delaware ’ s other senator , described his qualifications for the job ( emphasis added ) : Hunter Biden is a native Delawarian and I would go on to say that he ’ s also been nominated to serve on the Amtrak Board of Directors .
When Hunter was unable to get into the University of Delaware , he instead went on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ School and managed to get through those OK.
He ’ s ended up being Senior Vice President at MBNA one of the largest financial institutions in the country .
He served as Executive Director of Economy Policy Coordination at the U.S. Department of Commerce .
About 5 years ago he went off and formed a law firm here in Washington , D.C. , and now they represent over 100 clients including a bunch of non-profit organizations and educational institutions .
More specifically , though , and for our purposes and for the purpose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spent a lot of time on Amtrak trains .
Like his father , like our Congressman , Mike Castle and myself , Hunter Biden has lived in Delaware while using Amtrak to commute to his job as we commute to our job in Washington almost every day of the week .
You know , you learn a lot about what could work and what would work better at Amtrak by riding trains and talking to the passengers , the commuters , the passengers , the folks who work on the trains and make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a chance to see the huge economic benefit the region receives from having a strong passenger rail corridor , something that should be available in a lot of other parts of our country .
It would obviously be a stretch to attribute any specific shortcoming of passenger rail in the United States to Hunter Biden ’ s service on the board .
But the fact that the job is treated as a kind of patronage position to hand out to random senators ’ kids who have no relevant knowledge beyond riding the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passenger rail is low quality and exhibits little understanding of international best practices .
When his dad became vice president , Hunter left the Amtrak board and instead got involved with a series of investment companies .
As detailed by Ben Schreckinger in Politico , a lot of this work seems to have hinged on Hunter and his uncle James Biden sort of hinting around that the family connection to the vice president could help get things done and then not delivering .
The Obama administration generally regarded Hunter as a kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real scandal .
Hunter Biden had a lot of problems in life Stepping back from politics , the Hunter Biden story is basically sympathetic .
His mom died in a car accident when he was a little kid , his dad was a loving but busy US senator , and his older brother was accomplished in ways he couldn ’ t quite match .
And the history of American presidential politics is littered with similar characters like Billy Carter , Tony Rodham , and Neil Bush , who try to capitalize financially on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ succeed in embracing their family without really accomplishing much of anything .
In May 2013 , Hunter joined the US Naval Reserve for which he required two waivers — one because at 42 years old he was above the normal age for a military recruit and the other due to a previous drug use incident .
In August , his brother Beau received the initial diagnosis of the brain cancer that would eventually kill him .
By February of 2014 , Hunter was discharged from the Navy for testing positive for cocaine .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ In October 2015 , Hunter separated from his wife Kathleen .
She filed for divorce in 2016 , and in paperwork complained that Hunter had been “ spending extravagantly on his own interests including drugs , alcohol , prostitutes , strip clubs , and gifts for women with whom he has sexual relations.
” Sometime in 2016 , Hunter began dating Beau ’ s widow , which family members claimed to be supportive of , but that relationship unraveled by early 2019 .
Hunter ’ s personal troubles were severe enough that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden ’ s presidential campaign kickoff — an event that featured Hunter ’ s three daughters , the boyfriend of one of the daughters , Beau ’ s two kids , Hunter ’ s half-sister Ashley , and Ashley ’ s husband Howard Krein , along with an empty seat in the row with a piece of paper on it that said “ reserved.
” And during the bulk of this troubled period in Hunter ’ s life , he was fortuitously on the board of a Ukrainian energy company — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become the centerpiece of a bogus corruption allegation leveled at his dad .
Joe Biden didn ’ t do anything to help Hunter in Ukraine Back in 2014 after a change of regime in Ukraine , Hunter Biden joined the board of a scandal-plagued Ukrainian natural gas company named Burisma .
Hunter had no apparent qualifications for the job except that his father was the vice president and involved in the Obama administration ’ s Ukraine policy .
He got paid up to $ 50,000 per month for the job and the situation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that was normally considered inappropriate in Washington until the Trump era .
These days , of course , the president of the United States regularly accepts payments from foreign sources to his company while in office , and so do the Trump children .
The Obama administration probably should have done something about this at the time , but the White House couldn ’ t literally force Hunter not to accept the job .
And given the larger family context , you can see why Joe might have been reluctant to confront his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a small footnote in history except that by 2016 , officials throughout the Obama administration and in Western Europe had come to a consensus that Ukraine ’ s prosecutor general , Viktor Shokin , wasn ’ t doing enough to crack down on corruption .
Biden , as he later colorfully recounted , delivered the message that the West wanted Shokin gone or else loan guarantees would be held up , and Shokin was , in turn , fired .
There was nothing remotely controversial about this at the time .
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the European Union hailed the decision to fire Shokin .
The reason there is video footage of Biden touting his personal role in this is it was considered a foreign policy triumph that Biden wanted to claim credit for , not anything sordid or embarrassing .
But Shokin , of course , didn ’ t want to go down on the theory that he was corrupt or incompetent .
So he started offering another theory : he was fired for going after Burisma by Joe Biden operating on behalf of Hunter Biden .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigating Burisma at all is a matter of dispute ( the relevant Ukrainian players have told inconsistent stories ) , but this is clearly not the reason he was fired .
The desire to push him out was fully bipartisan in the United States and reflected a consensus across European governments , not than anything idiosyncratic to Biden .
The notion that firing Shokin was somehow problematic was not in the air until the New York Times ran a story co-bylined by Ken Vogel and a Ukrainian journalist named Iuliia Mendel ( who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Volodymyr Zelensky ’ s official spokesperson ) highlighting Rudy Giuliani ’ s efforts at muckraking .
The worst you can say about any of this , however , was that Hunter ’ s position on the board was a standing conflict of interest that should have been avoided .
There ’ s no evidence that Joe did anything wrong , specifically .
But an examination of the life and times of Hunter Biden does provide a reminder that most Americans thought politics as usual was corrupt long before Trump arrived on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hunter Biden is a product of an unloved system While progressives find Trump ’ s promises to “ drain the swamp ” to be galling and hypocritical in light of his family ’ s massive financial conflicts of interest , the real direction of causation likely goes in the other direction .
People who identify with Trump ’ s racial and cultural politics find progressive complaints about corruption to be hypocritical and unpersuasive because the whole system is corrupt .
As of 2014 , Gallup found that 75 percent of voters felt corruption @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And if you think about Biden ’ s role on the Obama ticket back in 2008 , the whole point was that he was the reassuring insider to balance out the fresh-faced outsider reformer who was running for president .
That ’ s a common formula in American politics , with an outsider ( often a governor ) promising to “ fix the mess in Washington ” with the assistance of a more seasoned vice president .
That ’ s Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale , Ronald Reagan and George H.W .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and George W. Bush and Dick Cheney .
The other formula — the political veteran balanced by a younger and more energetic vice president — is much rarer ( H.W .
Bush and Dan Quayle come to mind ) , even though in theory vice president is the junior job .
That ’ s no coincidence .
Some aspects of Hunter Biden ’ s career and life story are a bit extreme ( the Amtrak gig , dating his brother ’ s widow ) , but the kid who trades on family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a case of business as usual than an extraordinary scandal .
“ Business as usual in Washington , ” however , is normally the subject of scorn in American politics .
Any focus on Joe Biden ’ s son is likely to remind people of at least some of what they don ’ t like about it .
Ukraine finds itself at the center of the American impeachment drama , but President Trump is the least of the country ’ s worries .
Looking for a quick way to keep up with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will guide you through the most important stories at the end of each day .
Subscribe on Apple Podcasts , Spotify , Overcast , or wherever you listen to podcasts .

Hunter is the younger of Joe Biden’s two sons. He never showed as much promise as his brother Beau, stumbling through life and often trading on his dad’s name and position for financial gain. He’s more or less operated in the background as something of a black sheep in the family, but he emerged at the forefront of American politics in 2019 over work he did in Ukraine that fueled a bogus conspiracy theory at the heart of Trump’s decision to strong-arm the country’s president.
It’s not unusual for the children of successful politicians to trade on their family’s famous name and connections to get ahead in life. And when that happens, most political parents hope for a trajectory like the one enjoyed by Beau Biden until his life was cut short by cancer in 2015.
Beau followed in his father’s footsteps to Syracuse University for law school and then clerked for a US District Court judge. He got a job at the Justice Department and then became a federal prosecutor. He then dipped into the private sector briefly. But when Delaware’s attorney general, Jane Brady, resigned to take up a judicial post, the state’s governor appointed Carl Danberg to serve as a placeholder attorney general who wouldn’t run for reelection. Beau won the seat in the 2006 midterms, Danberg got appointed to serve as the head of Delaware’s Corrections Department, and all eyes were on Beau to run for governor in 2016 when Jack Markell’s term would be expiring.
Only an extremely naive person would see this as a career free of nepotism. But Beau, like a successful politician’s kid, had to actually do his work adequately each step of the way. As a candidate for attorney general, he clearly got a boost from his dad’s name, and it seems like the Delaware political establishment was working to open up an office for him to run for. But as a former federal prosecutor and Army JAG, he was qualified for the job and he won the election fair and square. And there’s nothing unusual at all about a two-term attorney general campaigning to win an open gubernatorial election in his home state.
This is more or less how the system is supposed to work for children of privilege — you get a consistent favorable tailwind at your back, but you still need to steer the plane. Hunter, by contrast, has been the guy who even into his 40s keeps needing dad to send the search-and-rescue party. And yet in a strange way, Hunter ended up being one of the most politically accomplished figures of our time since Trump’s efforts to smear Joe Biden over Hunter’s work in Ukraine ended up leading to his impeachment.
Hunter Biden’s whole career is being Joe Biden’s son
According to Adam Entous’s profile in the New Yorker, “it was clear to family and friends that Beau would follow his father into politics,” while Hunter was initially interested in more artistic pursuits “but, with a baby on the way, he decided to go straight to law school.”
The desire to make money is pretty commonplace. Hunter, after a year at Georgetown Law, was able to transfer to Yale and finish out at the country’s most prestigious law school. Yale Law grads don’t normally hurt for opportunities to earn a decent salary, but Hunter interestingly went to work right away for MBNA, a major Delaware-based bank (later purchased by Bank of America) that was also a big contributor to Biden’s campaigns.
This was part of a much larger coziness between Biden and the bank that the then-senator took flak for from conservatives like Byron York, who dubbed him “the senator from MBNA” in a 1998 American Spectator article. The nickname stuck in years to come as Biden became the leading Democratic advocate of a bankruptcy reform bill that most Democrats opposed but that major credit card issuers like MBNA strongly favored.
There’s no reason to think that Biden backed MBNA’s position because his son worked there — senators normally line up with their home state’s major employers’ policy priorities — it’s more like Hunter got the job due to his dad’s overall cozy relationship with the company.
Hunter’s career, however, never really seems to have quite launched as an independent entity. In 1998, he went to work for the US Department of Commerce and then left after the Clinton administration ended. He formed a lobbying firm with an old associate of his dad’s. By mutual agreement, Hunter avoided lobbying his father but did continue to collect consulting fees from MBNA through the 2005 passage of the bankruptcy bill the bank had long sought.
In 2006, President George W. Bush appointed him to the Amtrak board of directors as a gesture of bipartisanship. Here’s how Tom Carper, Delaware’s other senator, described his qualifications for the job (emphasis added):
Hunter Biden is a native Delawarian and I would go on to say that he’s also been nominated to serve on the Amtrak Board of Directors. When Hunter was unable to get into the University of Delaware, he instead went on to Georgetown and then to Yale Law School and managed to get through those OK. He’s ended up being Senior Vice President at MBNA, one of the largest financial institutions in the country. He served as Executive Director of Economy Policy Coordination at the U.S. Department of Commerce. About 5 years ago he went off and formed a law firm here in Washington, D.C., and now they represent over 100 clients including a bunch of non-profit organizations and educational institutions. More specifically, though, and for our purposes and for the purpose of this nomination, Hunter Biden has spent a lot of time on Amtrak trains. Like his father, like our Congressman, Mike Castle and myself, Hunter Biden has lived in Delaware while using Amtrak to commute to his job as we commute to our job in Washington almost every day of the week. You know, you learn a lot about what could work and what would work better at Amtrak by riding trains and talking to the passengers, the commuters, the passengers, the folks who work on the trains and make them work every day. You also have a chance to see the huge economic benefit the region receives from having a strong passenger rail corridor, something that should be available in a lot of other parts of our country.
It would obviously be a stretch to attribute any specific shortcoming of passenger rail in the United States to Hunter Biden’s service on the board. But the fact that the job is treated as a kind of patronage position to hand out to random senators’ kids who have no relevant knowledge beyond riding the train a lot helps explain why American passenger rail is low quality and exhibits little understanding of international best practices.
When his dad became vice president, Hunter left the Amtrak board and instead got involved with a series of investment companies. As detailed by Ben Schreckinger in Politico, a lot of this work seems to have hinged on Hunter and his uncle James Biden sort of hinting around that the family connection to the vice president could help get things done and then not delivering. The Obama administration generally regarded Hunter as a kind of embarrassing family black sheep rather than a real scandal.
Hunter Biden had a lot of problems in life
Stepping back from politics, the Hunter Biden story is basically sympathetic. His mom died in a car accident when he was a little kid, his dad was a loving but busy US senator, and his older brother was accomplished in ways he couldn’t quite match.
And the history of American presidential politics is littered with similar characters like Billy Carter, Tony Rodham, and Neil Bush, who try to capitalize financially on relatives in the White House and thereby succeed in embracing their family without really accomplishing much of anything.
In May 2013, Hunter joined the US Naval Reserve, for which he required two waivers — one because, at 42, he was above the normal age for a military recruit, and the other due to a previous drug use incident. In August, his brother Beau received the initial diagnosis of the brain cancer that would eventually kill him.
By February of 2014, Hunter was discharged from the Navy for testing positive for cocaine. The next spring, Beau died. In October 2015, Hunter separated from his wife Kathleen. She filed for divorce in 2016, and in paperwork complained that Hunter had been “spending extravagantly on his own interests including drugs, alcohol, prostitutes, strip clubs, and gifts for women with whom he has sexual relations.”
Sometime in 2016, Hunter began dating Beau’s widow, which family members claimed to be supportive of, but that relationship unraveled by early 2019.
Hunter’s personal troubles were severe enough that he was for whatever reason unable to attend Joe Biden’s presidential campaign kickoff — an event that featured Hunter’s three daughters, the boyfriend of one of the daughters, Beau’s two kids, Hunter’s half-sister Ashley, and Ashley’s husband Howard Krein, along with an empty seat in the row with a piece of paper on it that said “reserved.”
And during the bulk of this troubled period in Hunter’s life, he was fortuitously on the board of a Ukrainian energy company — a stroke of good fortune that’s become the centerpiece of a bogus corruption allegation leveled at his dad.
Joe Biden didn’t do anything to help Hunter in Ukraine
Back in 2014 after a change of regime in Ukraine, Hunter Biden joined the board of a scandal-plagued Ukrainian natural gas company named Burisma. Hunter had no apparent qualifications for the job except that his father was the vice president and involved in the Obama administration’s Ukraine policy.
He got paid up to $50,000 per month for the job and the situation constituted the kind of conflict of interest that was normally considered inappropriate in Washington until the Trump era. These days, of course, the president of the United States regularly accepts payments from foreign sources to his company while in office, and so do the Trump children. The Obama administration probably should have done something about this at the time, but the White House couldn’t literally force Hunter not to accept the job. And given the larger family context, you can see why Joe might have been reluctant to confront his son about it.
This would all be a small footnote in history except that by 2016, officials throughout the Obama administration and in Western Europe had come to a consensus that Ukraine’s prosecutor general, Viktor Shokin, wasn’t doing enough to crack down on corruption. Biden, as he later colorfully recounted, delivered the message that the West wanted Shokin gone or else loan guarantees would be held up, and Shokin was, in turn, fired.
There was nothing remotely controversial about this at the time. No congressional Republicans complained about it, and the European Union hailed the decision to fire Shokin. The reason there is video footage of Biden touting his personal role in this is it was considered a foreign policy triumph that Biden wanted to claim credit for, not anything sordid or embarrassing.
But Shokin, of course, didn’t want to go down on the theory that he was corrupt or incompetent. So he started offering another theory: he was fired for going after Burisma by Joe Biden operating on behalf of Hunter Biden.
The question of whether Shokin was actually investigating Burisma at all is a matter of dispute (the relevant Ukrainian players have told inconsistent stories), but this is clearly not the reason he was fired. The desire to push him out was fully bipartisan in the United States and reflected a consensus across European governments, not anything idiosyncratic to Biden.
The notion that firing Shokin was somehow problematic was not in the air until the New York Times ran a story co-bylined by Ken Vogel and a Ukrainian journalist named Iuliia Mendel (who a few weeks later would become Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s official spokesperson) highlighting Rudy Giuliani’s efforts at muckraking.
NEW: The BIDENS are entangled in a Ukrainian corruption scandal:@JoeBiden pushed Ukraine to fire a prosecutor seen as corrupt.
BUT the prosecutor had opened a case into a company that was paying HUNTER BIDEN.
The Bidens say they never discussed it. https://t.co/tblUPYPJMG — Kenneth P. Vogel (@kenvogel) May 2, 2019
The worst you can say about any of this, however, was that Hunter’s position on the board was a standing conflict of interest that should have been avoided. There’s no evidence that Joe did anything wrong, specifically. But an examination of the life and times of Hunter Biden does provide a reminder that most Americans thought politics as usual was corrupt long before Trump arrived on the scene to make it more corrupt.
Hunter Biden is a product of an unloved system
Progressives find Trump’s promises to “drain the swamp” to be galling and hypocritical in light of his family’s massive financial conflicts of interest. But people who identify with Trump’s racial and cultural politics find progressive complaints about corruption to be hypocritical and unpersuasive because the whole system is corrupt.
As of 2014, Gallup found that 75 percent of voters felt corruption was “widespread” in American government.
And if you think about Biden’s role on the Obama ticket back in 2008, the whole point was that he was the reassuring insider to balance out the fresh-faced outsider reformer who was running for president. That’s a common formula in American politics, with an outsider (often a governor) promising to “fix the mess in Washington” with the assistance of a more seasoned vice president. That’s Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale, Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and Al Gore, and George W. Bush and Dick Cheney. The other formula — the political veteran balanced by a younger and more energetic vice president — is much rarer (H.W. Bush and Dan Quayle come to mind), even though in theory vice president is the junior job.
That’s no coincidence. Some aspects of Hunter Biden’s career and life story are a bit extreme (the Amtrak gig, dating his brother’s widow), but the kid who trades on family connections to make money is much more a case of business as usual than an extraordinary scandal. “Business as usual in Washington,” however, is normally the subject of scorn in American politics. Any focus on Joe Biden’s son is likely to remind people of what they don’t like about it.
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