vox--2020-06-16--Netflix’s billionaire founder is secretly building a luxury retreat for teachers in rural Colorado

Reed Hastings , the billionaire founder of Netflix , is quietly building a mysterious 2,100-acre luxury retreat ranch nestled in the elk-filled foothills of the Rocky Mountains , Recode has learned .
Hastings has been one of the country ’ s biggest donors to the education reform movement that ’ s trying to reshape America ’ s struggling school system .
And now public records reveal that Hastings is personally financing a new foundation that will operate this training ground for American public school teachers , a passion project shrouded in secrecy that will expand the billionaire ’ s political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Silicon Valley billionaires who have deployed their fortunes in the education reform movement , which calls for a greater focus on testing , tougher accountability for teachers , and the expansion of alternative schools like charters to close America ’ s achievement gaps and better train its future workforce .
Those tech leaders , though , have had uncertain results , with the very biggest of them — Microsoft founder Bill Gates — having admitted earlier this year that he was “ not yet seeing the kind of bottom-line impact we expected.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charge that these reformers are blaming educators for factors beyond their control , such as poverty .
The new training center , called the Retreat Land at Lone Rock , seems to be a priority for the Netflix CEO , at least based on Hastings ’ s level of personal involvement : He and his wife have been visiting the area since at least 2017 , when they went so far as to request a face-to-face meeting with a local fire chief at his Colorado firehouse to try and smooth over any looming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hasn ’ t previously been reported , declined to comment on his plans through a spokesperson .
But public records filed with the government of Park County , Colorado , and reviewed by Recode offer a glimpse at the ambitious plans for the center , which local officials expect to open as early as March 2021 .
“ The proposed Conference and Retreat Facility will be run as a nonprofit institute serving the public education community ’ s development of teachers and leadership , ” a Hastings aide says in one prospectus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ state-of-the-art ” facility is the Pahara Institute , which operates a well-known networking group and training program for activists and teachers aligned with the education-reform movement .
Hastings heavily funds and serves on the board of the Pahara Institute , which currently hosts its retreats at different locations around the country rather than at a single place .
It was Pahara that initially contacted local landowners to buy the acreage before Hastings personally stepped in and decided to do it himself , said Dave Crane , a real estate broker who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the property to Hastings before the firehouse meeting in 2017 .
Pahara ’ s founder serves on the board of Hastings ’ s new foundation as well .
Retreat Land at Lone Rock will effectively function as the grounds for leadership retreats like these for teachers , principals , and nonprofit heads , according to a person close to Hastings .
It will be open to both educators at traditional district public schools and those at charter schools , a favorite cause of the Netflix founder , the person said .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influence in the American education system .
Although it remains unknown whether the leaders that are brought to Lone Rock will be the key people to fix America ’ s schools , Hastings , a private citizen , will now have the ability to choose a few leaders who agree with him and support them with his bank account and his center , giving him an outsized voice in one of America ’ s most fraught public policy debates .
Overlapping groups of about 30 educators at a time from across the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retreat center at once , staying for four days each and playing team sports , using its classrooms , and enjoying its pristine hiking trails — “ maybe with pack llamas , ” says another document .
The center , with an architecture inspired by Colorado ’ s ranching history , will eventually feature three separate “ villages ” that include meeting rooms , a spa with saunas and hot tubs , man-made hot springs , and a lodge with a wine cellar and yoga deck , according to mock-ups filed with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of aspen trees surround the property .
A helipad was initially slated to be built , too , but the idea was killed due to community backlash during the extensive permitting process in 2018 because it would disrupt the more than 70 elk that call the area home .
That speaks to how not everyone has been thrilled about the arrival of construction crews to build a ritzy retreat in the rural , close-knit town of Bailey , a modest bedroom community about an hour southwest of Denver .
It is one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Park County , which is where the animated show South Park is fictionally set .
“ The reaction to this was primarily negative , ” recalled John Deagan , who oversaw the permitting process .
“ Some people just want to stop developments .
That ’ s what the attitude was with this one.
” As is true with some billionaire philanthropy , this is all happening with minimal transparency , too .
Park County residents have , until now , been totally in the dark about who exactly was financing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the money was coming from .
Activists even voiced theories like these in government meetings .
“ There ’ s a lot of confusion — Bailey being a small community as it is .
A lot of times the local community dreams up what things are and what they ’ re going to be and who ’ s doing it and why , ” said Joe Burgett , the local fire official who met with Hastings a few years ago .
“ Bailey ’ s not unlike other small towns .
Sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without a whole lot of fact-checking.
” Hastings has been able to keep his involvement largely under wraps thanks to strict confidentiality agreements .
The effort has been covertly led by Amy Dee , a former Netflix real estate executive , who told Recode when reached that she was under a nondisclosure agreement and could not answer questions .
Even some local government officials told Recode they didn ’ t know about Hastings ’ s involvement .
Hastings seems to have spent more than $ 20 million on the project .
Working through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 million , according to county records , to buy the thousands of acres from Colorado ranch owners .
And then an unidentified person put another $ 9 million into a little-known new charity called the Lone Rock Foundation last year , according to the grant disclosure database of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation , which has managed some of Hastings ’ s charitable money .
While the database does not explicitly identify Hastings himself as behind that gift , he is the president of the Lone Rock Foundation , according to its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as its CEO .
Lone Rock is the latest twist in Hastings ’ s decades-long attempt to figure out how exactly he wants to spend his now- $ 5 billion of net worth to improve American schools .
After beginning his career as a ninth-grade math teacher , Hasting has become among the most prolific backers of education reform more broadly and of charter schools specifically .
“ I had a bunch of money , and I didn ’ t really want to buy yachts , ” Hastings recalled in one interview .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to figure out why our education is lagging when our technology is increasing at great rates and there ’ s great innovation in so many other areas — health care , biotech , information technology , moviemaking .
Why not education ?
” So in 1998 , Hastings funded and personally gathered petitions in supermarkets to help pass an initiative to overturn California ’ s cap on charter schools .
He was eventually appointed to California ’ s state Board of Education but had to resign a few years later after he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more instruction in English .
Four years ago , Hastings made news when he announced that he was standing up a $ 100 million charitable vehicle , the Hastings Fund , to back education groups like the United Negro College Fund .
But then in 2018 , only two years in , he had effectively folded that organization in order to pool his millions with another billionaire , hedge funder John Arnold , into a new $ 200 million education philanthropy called The City Fund .
( A few months after that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The City Fund since then has emerged as one of the very biggest funders of the education reform movement , spending more than $ 110 million of its billionaires ’ money to advance charter schools around the country .
Hastings and Arnold also put another $ 15 million into an allied political group to back charter-friendly candidates running for school board .
All of that money makes what Hastings is building in Colorado seem relatively small .
But here in this picturesque town , people like Hastings just don ’ t come around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t deal with a lot of billionaires , ” said Crane .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Reed Hastings, the billionaire founder of Netflix, is quietly building a mysterious 2,100-acre luxury retreat ranch nestled in the elk-filled foothills of the Rocky Mountains, Recode has learned.
Hastings has been one of the country’s biggest donors to the education reform movement that’s trying to reshape America’s struggling school system. And now public records reveal that Hastings is personally financing a new foundation that will operate this training ground for American public school teachers, a passion project shrouded in secrecy that will expand the billionaire’s political influence.
Hastings is one of many Silicon Valley billionaires who have deployed their fortunes in the education reform movement, which calls for a greater focus on testing, tougher accountability for teachers, and the expansion of alternative schools like charters to close America’s achievement gaps and better train its future workforce. Those tech leaders, though, have had uncertain results, with the very biggest of them — Microsoft founder Bill Gates — having admitted earlier this year that he was “not yet seeing the kind of bottom-line impact we expected.” Opponents, including teachers’ unions, charge that these reformers are blaming educators for factors beyond their control, such as poverty.
The new training center, called the Retreat Land at Lone Rock, seems to be a priority for the Netflix CEO, at least based on Hastings’s level of personal involvement: He and his wife have been visiting the area since at least 2017, when they went so far as to request a face-to-face meeting with a local fire chief at his Colorado firehouse to try and smooth over any looming permitting concerns.
Hastings, whose involvement hasn’t previously been reported, declined to comment on his plans through a spokesperson.
But public records filed with the government of Park County, Colorado, and reviewed by Recode offer a glimpse at the ambitious plans for the center, which local officials expect to open as early as March 2021.
“The proposed Conference and Retreat Facility will be run as a nonprofit institute serving the public education community’s development of teachers and leadership,” a Hastings aide says in one prospectus.
One group that is expected to use the “state-of-the-art” facility is the Pahara Institute, which operates a well-known networking group and training program for activists and teachers aligned with the education-reform movement. Hastings heavily funds and serves on the board of the Pahara Institute, which currently hosts its retreats at different locations around the country rather than at a single place.
It was Pahara that initially contacted local landowners to buy the acreage before Hastings personally stepped in and decided to do it himself, said Dave Crane, a real estate broker who did the deal and gave a tour of the property to Hastings before the firehouse meeting in 2017. Pahara’s founder serves on the board of Hastings’s new foundation as well.
Retreat Land at Lone Rock will effectively function as the grounds for leadership retreats like these for teachers, principals, and nonprofit heads, according to a person close to Hastings. It will be open to both educators at traditional district public schools and those at charter schools, a favorite cause of the Netflix founder, the person said.
The center will nevertheless extend Hastings’s influence in the American education system. Although it remains unknown whether the leaders that are brought to Lone Rock will be the key people to fix America’s schools, Hastings, a private citizen, will now have the ability to choose a few leaders who agree with him and support them with his bank account and his center, giving him an outsized voice in one of America’s most fraught public policy debates.
Overlapping groups of about 30 educators at a time from across the United States are expected to enjoy the 270-room retreat center at once, staying for four days each and playing team sports, using its classrooms, and enjoying its pristine hiking trails — “maybe with pack llamas,” says another document.
The center, with an architecture inspired by Colorado’s ranching history, will eventually feature three separate “villages” that include meeting rooms, a spa with saunas and hot tubs, man-made hot springs, and a lodge with a wine cellar and yoga deck, according to mock-ups filed with the county government. Trails through a forest of aspen trees surround the property. A helipad was initially slated to be built, too, but the idea was killed due to community backlash during the extensive permitting process in 2018 because it would disrupt the more than 70 elk that call the area home.
That speaks to how not everyone has been thrilled about the arrival of construction crews to build a ritzy retreat in the rural, close-knit town of Bailey, a modest bedroom community about an hour southwest of Denver. It is one of the largest construction projects in the history of Park County, which is where the animated show South Park is fictionally set.
“The reaction to this was primarily negative,” recalled John Deagan, who oversaw the permitting process. “Some people just want to stop developments. That’s what the attitude was with this one.”
As is true with some billionaire philanthropy, this is all happening with minimal transparency, too. Park County residents have, until now, been totally in the dark about who exactly was financing the massive development, fueling conspiracy theories about where the money was coming from. Activists even voiced theories like these in government meetings.
“There’s a lot of confusion — Bailey being a small community as it is. A lot of times the local community dreams up what things are and what they’re going to be and who’s doing it and why,” said Joe Burgett, the local fire official who met with Hastings a few years ago. “Bailey’s not unlike other small towns. Sometimes stories grow legs and maybe start moving without a whole lot of fact-checking.”
Hastings has been able to keep his involvement largely under wraps thanks to strict confidentiality agreements. The effort has been covertly led by Amy Dee, a former Netflix real estate executive, who told Recode when reached that she was under a nondisclosure agreement and could not answer questions. Even some local government officials told Recode they didn’t know about Hastings’s involvement.
Hastings seems to have spent more than $20 million on the project. Working through an LLC, Dee spent about $12 million, according to county records, to buy the thousands of acres from Colorado ranch owners. And then an unidentified person put another $9 million into a little-known new charity called the Lone Rock Foundation last year, according to the grant disclosure database of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation, which has managed some of Hastings’s charitable money.
While the database does not explicitly identify Hastings himself as behind that gift, he is the president of the Lone Rock Foundation, according to its sparse federal tax filings. Dee identifies as its CEO.
Lone Rock is the latest twist in Hastings’s decades-long attempt to figure out how exactly he wants to spend his now-$5 billion of net worth to improve American schools.
After beginning his career as a ninth-grade math teacher, Hasting has become among the most prolific backers of education reform more broadly and of charter schools specifically.
“I had a bunch of money, and I didn’t really want to buy yachts,” Hastings recalled in one interview. “I started looking at education, trying to figure out why our education is lagging when our technology is increasing at great rates and there’s great innovation in so many other areas — health care, biotech, information technology, moviemaking. Why not education?”
So in 1998, Hastings funded and personally gathered petitions in supermarkets to help pass an initiative to overturn California’s cap on charter schools. He was eventually appointed to California’s state Board of Education but had to resign a few years later after he angered bilingual education activists by pushing for more instruction in English.
Four years ago, Hastings made news when he announced that he was standing up a $100 million charitable vehicle, the Hastings Fund, to back education groups like the United Negro College Fund. But then in 2018, only two years in, he had effectively folded that organization in order to pool his millions with another billionaire, hedge funder John Arnold, into a new $200 million education philanthropy called The City Fund. (A few months after that, Hastings would incorporate Lone Rock.)
The City Fund since then has emerged as one of the very biggest funders of the education reform movement, spending more than $110 million of its billionaires’ money to advance charter schools around the country. Hastings and Arnold also put another $15 million into an allied political group to back charter-friendly candidates running for school board.
All of that money makes what Hastings is building in Colorado seem relatively small. But here in this picturesque town, people like Hastings just don’t come around too often.
“I don’t deal with a lot of billionaires,” said Crane.


vox--2020-06-16--The Supreme Court turned away several cases seeking to rein in police violence

On Monday , the biggest story out of the Supreme Court was a landmark decision holding that federal law prohibits employment discrimination against LGBTQ workers .
It was such a significant development that it was easy to miss another announcement that the Court quietly handed down just half an hour earlier .
After months of pondering whether to hear one of several cases challenging qualified immunity , a doctrine that often protects rogue cops from federal lawsuits , the justices announced on Monday that the Court will not hear any of a raft of qualified immunity cases that have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s docket .
The Court made this announcement without any fanfare , including the qualified immunity cases on a long list of lower-court decisions that the justices announced they would not review on Monday , as the Court typically does when it decides not to hear a particular case .
Only one justice , Justice Clarence Thomas , signaled that he disagreed with the decision not to reconsider qualified immunity .
He wrote a brief dissent arguing that the Court should return to an earlier , narrower understanding of when government officials should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The upshot of the Supreme Court ’ s non-action on qualified immunity is that , while thousands of protesters continue to fill the streets to demand additional safeguards against police violence , a majority of the Court appears likely to maintain a doctrine that frequently allows cops to commit egregious constitutional violations and get away with it .
The purpose of qualified immunity is to protect government officials from lawsuits rooted in novel legal theories .
As the Supreme Court held in Harlow v. Fitzgerald ( 1982 ) , “ government officials performing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liability for civil damages insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.
” As a practical matter , however , qualified immunity can protect cops that violate the law in surprising and troubling ways .
Take the facts of West v. Winfield , one of several cases the Court turned aside on Monday .
Police approached Shaniz West , saying that they believed her ex-boyfriend — who had an outstanding arrest warrant — was inside her home .
After West @ @ @ @ @ @ @ door and permission for the cops to enter her home , a SWAT team smashed several of her windows , punched holes in her walls and ceilings , and fired so much tear gas into the home that West could not live in it for two months .
Yet , when West sued , a federal appeals court determined that the cops were entitled to qualified immunity .
There was no previous case specifically holding that when a homeowner gives police consent to enter their house , that consent does not entitle police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they used on West ’ s home .
So the SWAT team ’ s actions did not “ violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.
” Until recently , qualified immunity was a fairly obscure doctrine known to civil rights lawyers and law students cramming for their Federal Courts exam , but largely unknown outside of the legal profession .
After weeks of protests catalyzed by the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officers , however , Congress is now considering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ qualified immunity .
House Democrats introduced a comprehensive criminal justice bill that would strip state and local police , as well as correctional officers , of qualified immunity .
Meanwhile , Rep. Justin Amash ( I-MI ) introduced the “ Ending Qualified Immunity Act , ” which would prevent any state government official of any kind from raising a qualified immunity defense in a civil rights lawsuit .
At the Court , Justice Thomas , who is typically the most conservative justice , suggested in 2017 that qualified immunity should be significantly reduced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could only claim qualified immunity if they act pursuant to a statute that is later struck down , or if they perform a lawful arrest of someone who is later found innocent .
Thomas ’ s opinion on Monday largely rehashed the concerns he raised in 2017 .
Yet it appears that the bulk of Thomas ’ s colleagues are not interested in rethinking qualified immunity .
It takes four votes for the Court to agree to hear a case , but it would take five votes to alter existing doctrine .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apparent lack of interest in qualified immunity is that change will come , if at all , from Congress , and it is unlikely to come so long as Trump sits in the White House .
Trump ’ s press secretary labeled proposals to reform qualified immunity as a “ non-starter.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

On Monday, the biggest story out of the Supreme Court was a landmark decision holding that federal law prohibits employment discrimination against LGBTQ workers. It was such a significant development that it was easy to miss another announcement that the Court quietly handed down just half an hour earlier.
After months of pondering whether to hear one of several cases challenging qualified immunity, a doctrine that often protects rogue police from federal lawsuits, the justices announced on Monday that the Court will not hear any of a raft of qualified immunity cases that have been sitting for months on its docket.
The Court made this announcement without any fanfare, including the qualified immunity cases on a long list of lower-court decisions that the justices announced they would not review on Monday, as the Court typically does when it decides not to hear a particular case.
Only one justice, Clarence Thomas, signaled that he disagreed with the decision not to reconsider qualified immunity. He wrote a brief dissent arguing that the Court should return to an earlier, narrower understanding of when government officials should be immune from civil rights lawsuits.
The upshot of the Supreme Court’s non-action on qualified immunity is that, while thousands of protesters continue to fill the streets to demand additional safeguards against police violence, a majority of the Court appears likely to maintain a doctrine that frequently allows cops to commit egregious constitutional violations and get away with it.
Qualified immunity, briefly explained
The purpose of qualified immunity is to protect government officials from lawsuits rooted in novel legal theories. As the Supreme Court held in Harlow v. Fitzgerald (1982), “government officials performing discretionary functions, generally are shielded from liability for civil damages insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.”
As a practical matter, however, qualified immunity can protect cops that violate the law in surprising and troubling ways.
Take the facts of West v. Winfield, one of several cases the Court turned aside on Monday.
Police approached Shaniz West, saying that they believed her ex-boyfriend — who had an outstanding arrest warrant — was inside her home. After West gave an officer the key to her door and permission for the cops to enter her home, a SWAT team smashed several of her windows, punched holes in her walls and ceilings, and fired so much tear gas into the home that West could not live in it for two months.
Yet when West sued, a federal appeals court determined that the cops were entitled to qualified immunity. There was no previous case specifically holding that when a homeowner gives police consent to enter their house, that consent does not entitle police to use violent tactics like the ones they used on West’s home. So the SWAT team’s actions did not “violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.”
Until recently, qualified immunity was a fairly obscure doctrine known to civil rights lawyers and law students cramming for their Federal Courts exam, but largely unknown outside of the legal profession. After weeks of protests catalyzed by the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officers, however, Congress is now considering two competing bills to limit or abolish qualified immunity.
House Democrats introduced a comprehensive criminal justice bill that would strip state and local police, as well as correctional officers, of qualified immunity. Meanwhile, Rep. Justin Amash (I-MI) introduced the “Ending Qualified Immunity Act,” which would prevent any state government official of any kind from raising a qualified immunity defense in a civil rights lawsuit.
At the Court, Justice Thomas, who is typically the most conservative justice, suggested in 2017 that qualified immunity should be significantly reduced — perhaps to the point that police could only claim qualified immunity if they act pursuant to a statute that is later struck down, or if they perform a lawful arrest of someone who is later found innocent. Thomas’s opinion on Monday largely rehashed the concerns he raised in 2017.
Yet it appears that the bulk of Thomas’s colleagues are not interested in rethinking qualified immunity. It takes four votes for the Court to agree to hear a case, but it would take five votes to alter existing doctrine.
The Supreme Court’s apparent lack of interest in qualified immunity means that change will come, if at all, from Congress, and it is unlikely to come so long as Trump sits in the White House. Trump’s press secretary labeled proposals to reform qualified immunity as a “non-starter.”


vox--2020-06-16--Why a second round of Covid-19 lockdowns might not be as effective

Several states are now seeing a surge in new Covid-19 coronavirus infections and hospitalizations .
And the states with more alarming outbreaks — Arizona , North Carolina , South Carolina , Texas , Utah , Arkansas , Florida , and Tennessee — generally saw few cases early in the pandemic .
Many of these states have started to relax the restrictions on movement , businesses , and public gatherings that were meant to control the spread of Covid-19 .
But with infections rising , there will be more illnesses , deaths , and financial hardships for people who have already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases continue to rise and threaten to overwhelm the health system , officials may be faced with a daunting prospect : another round of shutdowns , requiring businesses that have reopened to close , public gatherings to be banned again , and stay-at-home orders to go back in effect .
Some local officials are already talking about this possibility .
The city of Houston , Texas , for instance , is weighing another stay-in-place order .
( It may ultimately be prohibited from having stricter rules than the state government . )
Thanks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scientific papers in the journal Nature , there ’ s now more certainty these measures dramatically lower the case count and save lives .
However , the shutdowns also drove a massive spike in unemployment and caused huge social strains as people were forced to stay apart .
Asked about the prospect of further lockdowns , Anthony Fauci , director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , told Science Friday last week it depends on how well other public health strategies are deployed .
“ Whether those infections turn into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rebound will depend on how effectively we ’ re able to identify , isolate , and contact trace , ” Fauci said .
Other public health experts are debating the viability of additional lockdowns , noting it may be harder for leaders to muster the political will for them now , and that citizens may be less likely to comply with them .
What ’ s clear is that it will be difficult to get quick , satisfying results from shutdowns at this stage of the pandemic .
And while there are other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t require such sacrifices from the public , they require investment , coherent public messaging , and political will .
Unfortunately , it doesn ’ t appear every state has these elements in place .
The US is in a much different place than it was at the start of the Covid-19 pandemic The United States is now the epicenter of Covid-19 , with 2.16 million confirmed cases and 118,000 deaths as of June 16 .
This growth is evident in states like Arizona , now a hot spot for the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last two weeks .
Will Humble , former director of the Arizona Department of Health Services , said the shutdowns worked when they were implemented on March 31 .
Arizonans largely complied with stay-at-home orders .
Businesses closed .
People maintained social distance .
But there was little transmission at that point .
“ The first stay-at-home order was done when we just had a couple hundred cases a day , ” Humble said .
Then on May 15 , Arizona Gov .
Doug Ducey allowed the order to expire , replacing it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for how people should behave , but no enforcement .
It ’ s likely that this relaxation contributed to the rise in cases .
“ We ’ re blowing the doors off now with 1,500 .
... We ’ d be going into a stay-at-home order under very different circumstance than back in April , ” Humble said .
A reimposition of shutdown measures at this point , if they were obeyed , would still reduce the number of new infections .
But that reduction would be in proportion to a higher baseline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it would take much longer to reach the levels seen after the first round of shutdowns .
When starting from a higher number of cases , there is more transmission baked in .
For instance , there will likely be more cases of household spread among family members under a stay-at-home order .
And when there are a higher number of overall infections , there are likely to be even more undetected infections that may continue to worsen the pandemic .
And as states saw during their first brush with shutdowns , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies to show up in the data .
“ We can expect those lags and timings would operate in a similar way , ” said Joshua Salomon , a professor of medicine at the Stanford University School of Medicine who studies disease models and public health interventions .
“ It takes a few weeks after you change people ’ s interactions and contacts for that to translate into a reduction in the number of cases.
” Perhaps the biggest unknown for a second shutdown is how well people will adhere to the orders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country are gathering en masse , flocking to reopened businesses , and flouting guidance to wear masks in public places .
“ We are starting to notice a lot of people across South Carolina are not doing the social distancing or not avoiding group gatherings and wearing masks in public the way , especially , that they were earlier on , ” Brannon Traxler , the physician consultant for the South Carolina state health department , told ABC News .
Public officials are also facing intense political pressure to ease restrictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the University of California Berkeley , co-authored a recent paper looking at the effectiveness of shutdown measures .
She and her team found that across the US , such tactics averted 4.8 million more confirmed cases of Covid-19 and up to 60 million infections in total .
But the results also showed that these policies had different effects in different parts of the world because some governments took the policies more seriously than others .
“ This is likely a result of the fact that populations have different cultures and governments enforced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Druckenmiller , in an email .
“ One interpretation of this result is that if a second round of lockdowns was less strictly enforced and had lower levels of compliance , these containment measures may not be as effective as they were in March and April.
” With states taking so many different approaches to the pandemic , however , the US is likely to experience a patchwork of different outcomes from further school closures , public gathering bans , and shelter-in-place orders .
There are alternatives to shutdowns , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough Economic and social shutdowns are effective , but they ’ re expensive .
They weren ’ t meant to stay in place indefinitely , but were aimed at slowing the spread of the virus to prevent hospitals from being overwhelmed with patients .
The more targeted strategy for containing Covid-19 is testing , tracing , and isolation .
With a robust system of testing , health officials can identify people who are infected and spreading the disease , even before they feel sick .
Then they can trace the contacts of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been exposed .
And the people who test positive can be directed to isolate themselves .
All the while , the general public should maintain social distance and minimize exposure as they take calculated risks in going about their lives .
Such an approach would break the chain of transmission of the virus .
It would also only require a handful of people to stay home rather than large swaths of the population .
But it demands a lot of infrastructure to deploy tests and trace contacts , and it takes time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had two goals .
One was to stop the uncontrolled spread , which they did , ” said Salomon .
“ The other was to try to buy us time to set up the public health infrastructure to do testing and tracing and isolation at scale .
And we really failed to make use of that time.
” Another round of closures and stay-at-home orders could still be availed to build up the testing and tracing capacity .
The more testing and tracing is available , the less strict shutdowns need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ millions of people would still be cheaper than an indefinite pause of the economy .
At this point in the pandemic , public health officials also have a better understanding of the spectrum of risk for the virus .
Rather than issuing blanket orders to stay home , more nuanced guidance about what kinds of public spaces are safe and what precautions are necessary could ease the acceptance of pandemic control measures .
But that requires careful and nuanced public messaging , and given the mixed messages the public has received on tactics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to rebuild trust .
“ What we really want to do is get as much benefit as we can from lockdowns in a way that ’ s more targeted and doesn ’ t demand as much sacrifice , ” Salomon said .
He added that policies like paid sick leave and building up work-from-home capabilities would also be important steps to helping people avoid unnecessary exposure to Covid-19 .
As for when states can relax , that remains a fraught question .
Some of the guidelines from the federal government for reopening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have gone ahead and established their own .
More recently , the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention put out a list of best practices to reduce Covid-19 risk as shutdowns relax .
Measures include wearing masks and maintaining distance from other people .
However , with cases spiking in several states , it may still be too soon to think about relaxing , and efforts may still be needed for containment .
But with the most blunt yet effective public health tool losing strength , it ’ s more urgent than ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Several states are now seeing a surge in new Covid-19 coronavirus infections and hospitalizations. And the states with more alarming outbreaks — Arizona, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, Arkansas, Florida, and Tennessee — generally saw few cases early in the pandemic.
Many of these states have started to relax the restrictions on movement, businesses, and public gatherings that were meant to control the spread of Covid-19. But with infections rising, there will be more illnesses, deaths, and financial hardships for people who have already suffered immensely from this pandemic.
If cases continue to rise and threaten to overwhelm the health system, officials may be faced with a daunting prospect: another round of shutdowns, requiring businesses that have reopened to close, public gatherings to be banned again, and stay-at-home orders to go back in effect.
Some local officials are already talking about this possibility. The city of Houston, Texas, for instance, is weighing another stay-in-place order. (It may ultimately be prohibited from having stricter rules than the state government.)
Thanks to several studies, including two recent scientific papers in the journal Nature, there’s now more certainty these measures dramatically lower the case count and save lives. However, the shutdowns also drove a massive spike in unemployment and caused huge social strains as people were forced to stay apart.
Asked about the prospect of further lockdowns, Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, told Science Friday last week it depends on how well other public health strategies are deployed.
“Whether those infections turn into a real resurgence of infections and a rebound will depend on how effectively we’re able to identify, isolate, and contact trace,” Fauci said.
Other public health experts are debating the viability of additional lockdowns, noting it may be harder for leaders to muster the political will for them now, and that citizens may be less likely to comply with them.
I see no viable path to further lockdowns. We need to employ targeted public health interventions. But states aren’t even doing case isolation well, much less contact tracing. Little follow-up for positive cases. People need support to stay home. https://t.co/SpKSsyI8uO — Jennifer Nuzzo, DrPH (@JenniferNuzzo) June 15, 2020
What’s clear is that it will be difficult to get quick, satisfying results from shutdowns at this stage of the pandemic. And while there are other ways to protect public health that don’t require such sacrifices from the public, they require investment, coherent public messaging, and political will. Unfortunately, it doesn’t appear every state has these elements in place.
The US is in a much different place than it was at the start of the Covid-19 pandemic
The United States is now the epicenter of Covid-19, with 2.16 million confirmed cases and 118,000 deaths as of June 16.
This growth is evident in states like Arizona, now a hot spot for the virus with daily cases climbing rapidly in the last two weeks. Will Humble, former director of the Arizona Department of Health Services, said the shutdowns worked when they were implemented on March 31. Arizonans largely complied with stay-at-home orders. Businesses closed. People maintained social distance.
But there was little transmission at that point. “The first stay-at-home order was done when we just had a couple hundred cases a day,” Humble said. Then on May 15, Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey allowed the order to expire, replacing it with an executive order that suggested guidelines for how people should behave, but no enforcement. It’s likely that this relaxation contributed to the rise in cases.
“We’re blowing the doors off now with 1,500. ... We’d be going into a stay-at-home order under very different circumstance than back in April,” Humble said.
A reimposition of shutdown measures at this point, if they were obeyed, would still reduce the number of new infections. But that reduction would be in proportion to a higher baseline. New cases would drop, but it would take much longer to reach the levels seen after the first round of shutdowns.
When starting from a higher number of cases, there is more transmission baked in. For instance, there will likely be more cases of household spread among family members under a stay-at-home order. And when there are a higher number of overall infections, there are likely to be even more undetected infections that may continue to worsen the pandemic.
Related Why 15 US states suddenly made masks mandatory
And as states saw during their first brush with shutdowns, it can take a while for pandemic control policies to show up in the data. “We can expect those lags and timings would operate in a similar way,” said Joshua Salomon, a professor of medicine at the Stanford University School of Medicine who studies disease models and public health interventions. “It takes a few weeks after you change people’s interactions and contacts for that to translate into a reduction in the number of cases.”
Perhaps the biggest unknown for a second shutdown is how well people will adhere to the orders. Already, people in some parts of the country are gathering en masse, flocking to reopened businesses, and flouting guidance to wear masks in public places.
“We are starting to notice a lot of people across South Carolina are not doing the social distancing or not avoiding group gatherings and wearing masks in public the way, especially, that they were earlier on,” Brannon Traxler, the physician consultant for the South Carolina state health department, told ABC News. Public officials are also facing intense political pressure to ease restrictions.
Hannah Druckenmiller, a doctoral student at the University of California Berkeley, co-authored a recent paper looking at the effectiveness of shutdown measures. She and her team found that across the US, such tactics averted 4.8 million more confirmed cases of Covid-19 and up to 60 million infections in total.
But the results also showed that these policies had different effects in different parts of the world because some governments took the policies more seriously than others.
“This is likely a result of the fact that populations have different cultures and governments enforced the policies to varying degrees,” said Druckenmiller, in an email. “One interpretation of this result is that if a second round of lockdowns was less strictly enforced and had lower levels of compliance, these containment measures may not be as effective as they were in March and April.”
With states taking so many different approaches to the pandemic, however, the US is likely to experience a patchwork of different outcomes from further school closures, public gathering bans, and shelter-in-place orders.
There are alternatives to shutdowns, but the US hasn’t invested in them enough
Economic and social shutdowns are effective, but they’re expensive. They weren’t meant to stay in place indefinitely, but were aimed at slowing the spread of the virus to prevent hospitals from being overwhelmed with patients.
The more targeted strategy for containing Covid-19 is testing, tracing, and isolation. With a robust system of testing, health officials can identify people who are infected and spreading the disease, even before they feel sick. Then they can trace the contacts of the infected to test other people who may have been exposed. And the people who test positive can be directed to isolate themselves. All the while, the general public should maintain social distance and minimize exposure as they take calculated risks in going about their lives.
Such an approach would break the chain of transmission of the virus. It would also only require a handful of people to stay home rather than large swaths of the population. But it demands a lot of infrastructure to deploy tests and trace contacts, and it takes time to set up.
“Shutdowns really had two goals. One was to stop the uncontrolled spread, which they did,” said Salomon. “The other was to try to buy us time to set up the public health infrastructure to do testing and tracing and isolation at scale. And we really failed to make use of that time.”
Another round of closures and stay-at-home orders could still be availed to build up the testing and tracing capacity. The more testing and tracing is available, the less strict shutdowns need to be. And building a system for testing millions of people would still be cheaper than an indefinite pause of the economy.
At this point in the pandemic, public health officials also have a better understanding of the spectrum of risk for the virus. Rather than issuing blanket orders to stay home, more nuanced guidance about what kinds of public spaces are safe and what precautions are necessary could ease the acceptance of pandemic control measures. But that requires careful and nuanced public messaging, and given the mixed messages the public has received on tactics like wearing masks, health officials would have to rebuild trust.
“What we really want to do is get as much benefit as we can from lockdowns in a way that’s more targeted and doesn’t demand as much sacrifice,” Salomon said. He added that policies like paid sick leave and building up work-from-home capabilities would also be important steps to helping people avoid unnecessary exposure to Covid-19.
As for when states can relax, that remains a fraught question. Some of the guidelines from the federal government for reopening have been confusing, and some states have gone ahead and established their own.
More recently, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention put out a list of best practices to reduce Covid-19 risk as shutdowns relax. Measures include wearing masks and maintaining distance from other people.
However, with cases spiking in several states, it may still be too soon to think about relaxing, and efforts may still be needed for containment. But with the most blunt yet effective public health tool losing strength, it’s more urgent than ever to fight the pandemic without such drastic measures.


vox--2020-06-16--The disappearance and death of activist Oluwatoyin Salau, explained

On Monday morning , Tallahassee , Florida , police confirmed the death of 19-year-old recent high school graduate Oluwatoyin “ Toyin ” Salau , setting off an avalanche of calls for justice for black women across social media .
Salau , who had been active in Black Lives Matter protests , went missing on June 6 , after she tweeted about being sexually assaulted .
According to a press release , Tallahassee Police Department investigators found Salau ’ s body on the night of Saturday , June 13 , on Monday Road in Tallahassee while pursuing a missing person ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identified as 75-year-old Victoria “ Vicki ” Sims , a community volunteer , was also found dead in the area .
Police have arrested Aaron Glee Jr. , 49 , as a suspect in the double homicide investigation .
The police have not released any additional information about the case and have not announced details on the connection between the two victims and Glee .
However , the search for Salau , which kicked off after she was reported missing , prompted # JusticeforToyin to trend for a week and is highlighting the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black people , like those with disabilities and those in the LGBTQ community , amid calls for justice for black lives .
Many activists have noted that the Black Lives Matter protests and calls for justice have centered on cisgender heterosexual black men , ignoring the oppression of black women and LGBTQ people within the black community .
For example , Breonna Taylor ’ s death has not received as much attention as George Floyd ’ s ; three months later , officers still haven ’ t been charged in her death .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by police , like Priscilla Slater and Pamela Turner , are largely unfamiliar to the greater public .
Meanwhile , the # SayHerName campaign has morphed into # SayHisName online and at protests .
In a video that has gone viral since she went missing , Salau points out the need for greater inclusivity in the movement as she speaks at a Black Lives Matter protest on behalf of Tony McDade , a trans man killed by police in May .
“ Tony McDade was a black trans man , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for every black person , because at the end of the day , I can not take my fucking skin color off .
...
Wherever the fuck I go , I ’ m profiled ...
I ’ mma die about my fucking skin .
... My blackness is not for your fucking consumption.
” What we know about Salau ’ s sudden disappearance and death Salau was reported missing on June 6 and was last seen in the area of Orange Avenue and Wahnish Way in Tallahassee , according to Tallahassee ABC affiliate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Salau released a series of tweets detailing a sexual assault she said she had recently experienced .
The thread of tweets starts off with Salau explaining that she had been staying at a church for safety due to “ unjust living conditions.
” That morning , she apparently got into the vehicle of a man who offered to give her a ride to get her belongings from the church and find somewhere to sleep .
“ He came disguised as a man of God , ” she wrote .
“ I trusted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( A report has confirmed that she had been staying at Wesley Impact Church in Tallahassee . )
Salau went to the man ’ s home , took a shower , and changed into clothing that he provided her , she tweeted .
Eventually , the man began to touch Salau without her consent .
“ He started touching my back and rubbing my body using my body until he climaxed and then went to sleep , ” she wrote .
In the tweets , Salau noted that she had been the victim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Salau says she told the man who picked her up that morning about the March assault .
So when he asked her if she wanted a massage and started touching her , she wrote , “ I was laying on my stomach trying to calm myself down from severe ptsd.
” Her string of tweets ends with her explaining how she left the man ’ s home that morning when he was naked and asleep .
“ I escaped from the house and started walking from Richview Road to anywhere else … Literally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now DNA all over me because I couldn ’ t locate his house the moment I called the police because I couldn ’ t see.
” ( Earlier in the thread , Salau explains that she has complications with eyesight . )
A friend of Salau , Danaya Hemphill , emphasized on Twitter that Salau was not homeless but was escaping abuse at the hands of her family .
According to the friend , Salau had been sexually abused repeatedly .
“ Oluwatoyin , You spent your life being abused by family , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to FIGHT for black lives .
You protected black lives .
Only for you to be raped and killed .
We need to protect our black women .
They are dying while fighting a war for us , ” Hemphill wrote in a tribute to Salau on Jun 15 .
Newly released surveillance footage of Salau at the Tallahassee ice cream shop Big Easy Snowballs on June 10 is the latest known report of someone seeing Salau alive .
Investigators with the Tallahassee Police Department found her body a week after Salau went @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Sims ’ s body in the same area .
Sims , who was reported missing on June 11 , was a “ retired state worker and a grandmother well-known for her volunteerism and work in local Democratic politics , ” per the Tallahassee Democrat .
Sims was a longtime volunteer in the Tallahassee chapter of AARP Florida , according to WXTL .
The deaths are being investigated as homicides and are now in the hands of the department ’ s violent crime unit .
Though police have taken Glee into custody as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ released information about Glee or details about the homicide investigations .
In late May , Glee was arrested on a charge of aggravated battery after an officer observed him kicking a woman in the stomach , according to the Tallahassee Democrat .
The woman told police that she had been drinking alcohol with Glee but he became angry , shoved her to the ground , and begin kicking her after she turned down his proposition for sex .
A misdemeanor battery charge was filed against Glee on June 6 , according to court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Salau ’ s death calls attention to the need for inclusion in the fight for justice Salau ’ s death calls attention to the people who are often not included in the fight for justice for black lives : black women , the LGBTQ community , and those with disablities .
“ Breonna Taylor died of police violence .
# DominiqueFells and # RiahMilton died of gender violence toward trans women .
# ToyinSalau died sometime after being sexually assaulted .
If this movement values Black women ’ s lives , it can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence , ” wrote activist and scholar Brittany Cooper .
The fight for an inclusive movement is not new .
In the 1960s , black women fighting for civil rights and as part of the black power movement were told to wait .
Though they were doing a great deal of the work , their liberation came second to that of black men .
This continues today , as many of the protest organizers around the country are black women ; the Black Lives Matter movement itself was founded by three black women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Opal Tometi .
Meanwhile , black people in the LGBTQ community have had to fight in liberation movements largely unrecognized by the people at the top of the black community ’ s hierarchy , and under the weight of homophobia and transphobia ; Marsha P. Johnson , a black trans woman , is credited with starting the Stonewall uprisings in 1969 but has been mostly left out of larger histories of police protests .
As Cooper pointed out in 2016 , “ Once every 19 hours a Black woman is killed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partner , usually with a gun .
Once every 21 hours , the man killing her is a Black man , ” and “ trans women of color have a reported life expectancy of 35 years.
” However , when black women call out the violence that heterosexual cis black men inflict upon the rest of the community , they are often criticized and deemed traitors to the black agenda .
For example , black women who come forward with sexual assault allegations against black men — Vanessa Tyson , Meredith Watson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accusing R. Kelly — are viewed with an especially high level of suspicion because they are black women , and are thus accused with trying to attack one of their own .
Even the most straightforward methods to draw attention to the number of black women killed and assaulted get overshadowed .
# SayHerName was created around 2016 by scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw — who also coined the term “ intersectionality ” in the late 1980s for the way inequalities overlap — for the specific purpose of identifying how state violence affects black women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for justice for black men , too .
# SayHisName trended and was recited at protests for George Floyd and other men .
And the New Yorker ’ s forthcoming June 22 cover illustration titled “ Say Their Names ” identifies both black men and women killed by police , effectively erasing the original purpose of the phrase .
Public officials like Sen. Kamala Harris have also pointed out how violence against black women is overlooked .
“ Heart-wrenching .
Oluwatoyin Salau used her voice to fight for the Black community and speak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19 and had her whole life ahead of her , ” Harris wrote on Twitter on Monday .
“ We must do better to protect Black women and value their lives .
# JusticeForToyin.
” Ultimately , the outcry underscores how black women are fighting multiple debilitating battles at the same time — from white supremacy and the patriarchy to police brutality and sexual violence .
There are also the issues of colorism ( discrimination based on skin tone ) and texturism ( discrimination based on hair texture ) that dark-skinned , kinkier-haired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community .
Such pressure has created a small , steady movement of black women encouraging other black women to rethink fighting on the front lines of a movement that prioritizes the lives of black men .
But a greater call has been made for straight cis black men to come to terms with their violence against black women — and for black women to just move on from seeking protection from men overall .
“ The same way we tell white people their work is to engage other white people around racism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other around misogyny .
We do not owe them our labor , ” tweeted activist Feminista Jones , author of the book Reclaiming Our Space : How Black Feminists Are Changing the World from the Tweets to the Streets .
“ Sistas you will exhaust yourselves trying to prove to them that your life matters .
Leave it .
Rest.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

On Monday morning, Tallahassee, Florida, police confirmed the death of 19-year-old recent high school graduate Oluwatoyin “Toyin” Salau, setting off an avalanche of calls for justice for black women across social media. Salau, who had been active in Black Lives Matter protests, went missing on June 6, after she tweeted about being sexually assaulted.
According to a press release, Tallahassee Police Department investigators found Salau’s body on the night of Saturday, June 13, on Monday Road in Tallahassee while pursuing a missing person’s case. A second woman, identified as 75-year-old Victoria “Vicki” Sims, a community volunteer, was also found dead in the area. Police have arrested Aaron Glee Jr., 49, as a suspect in the double homicide investigation.
The police have not released any additional information about the case and have not announced details on the connection between the two victims and Glee. However, the search for Salau, which kicked off after she was reported missing, prompted #JusticeforToyin to trend for a week and is highlighting the plight of black women and other hyper-marginalized black people, like those with disabilities and those in the LGBTQ community, amid calls for justice for black lives.
Many activists have noted that the Black Lives Matter protests and calls for justice have centered on cisgender heterosexual black men, ignoring the oppression of black women and LGBTQ people within the black community. For example, Breonna Taylor’s death has not received as much attention as George Floyd’s; three months later, officers still haven’t been charged in her death. The names of other black women killed by police, like Priscilla Slater and Pamela Turner, are largely unfamiliar to the greater public. Meanwhile, the #SayHerName campaign has morphed into #SayHisName online and at protests.
In a video that has gone viral since she went missing, Salau points out the need for greater inclusivity in the movement as she speaks at a Black Lives Matter protest on behalf of Tony McDade, a trans man killed by police in May. “Tony McDade was a black trans man,” she said. “We’re doing this for every black person, because at the end of the day, I cannot take my fucking skin color off. ... Wherever the fuck I go, I’m profiled ... I’mma die about my fucking skin. ... My blackness is not for your fucking consumption.”
What we know about Salau’s sudden disappearance and death
Salau was reported missing on June 6 and was last seen in the area of Orange Avenue and Wahnish Way in Tallahassee, according to Tallahassee ABC affiliate WTXL. On that same day, Salau released a series of tweets detailing a sexual assault she said she had recently experienced.
The thread of tweets starts off with Salau explaining that she had been staying at a church for safety due to “unjust living conditions.” That morning, she apparently got into the vehicle of a man who offered to give her a ride to get her belongings from the church and find somewhere to sleep. “He came disguised as a man of God,” she wrote. “I trusted the holy spirit to keep me safe.” (A report has confirmed that she had been staying at Wesley Impact Church in Tallahassee.)
Salau went to the man’s home, took a shower, and changed into clothing that he provided her, she tweeted. Eventually, the man began to touch Salau without her consent. “He started touching my back and rubbing my body using my body until he climaxed and then went to sleep,” she wrote.
In the tweets, Salau noted that she had been the victim of another sexual assault in March. Salau says she told the man who picked her up that morning about the March assault. So when he asked her if she wanted a massage and started touching her, she wrote, “I was laying on my stomach trying to calm myself down from severe ptsd.”
Her string of tweets ends with her explaining how she left the man’s home that morning when he was naked and asleep. “I escaped from the house and started walking from Richview Road to anywhere else … Literally wearing this man’s clothes right now DNA all over me because I couldn’t locate his house the moment I called the police because I couldn’t see.” (Earlier in the thread, Salau explains that she has complications with eyesight.)
A friend of Salau, Danaya Hemphill, emphasized on Twitter that Salau was not homeless but was escaping abuse at the hands of her family. According to the friend, Salau had been sexually abused repeatedly.
“Oluwatoyin, You spent your life being abused by family, sexually assaulted, and you still managed to FIGHT for black lives. You protected black lives. Only for you to be raped and killed. We need to protect our black women. They are dying while fighting a war for us,” Hemphill wrote in a tribute to Salau on Jun 15.
Newly released surveillance footage of Salau at the Tallahassee ice cream shop Big Easy Snowballs on June 10 is the latest known report of someone seeing Salau alive.
Investigators with the Tallahassee Police Department found her body a week after Salau went missing, on June 13, along with Sims’s body in the same area. Sims, who was reported missing on June 11, was a “retired state worker and a grandmother well-known for her volunteerism and work in local Democratic politics,” per the Tallahassee Democrat. Sims was a longtime volunteer in the Tallahassee chapter of AARP Florida, according to WXTL.
The deaths are being investigated as homicides and are now in the hands of the department’s violent crime unit. Though police have taken Glee into custody as a suspect, they have not yet released information about Glee or details about the homicide investigations.
In late May, Glee was arrested on a charge of aggravated battery after an officer observed him kicking a woman in the stomach, according to the Tallahassee Democrat. The woman told police that she had been drinking alcohol with Glee but he became angry, shoved her to the ground, and begin kicking her after she turned down his proposition for sex. A misdemeanor battery charge was filed against Glee on June 6, according to court records obtained by the Tallahassee Democrat.
Salau’s death calls attention to the need for inclusion in the fight for justice
Salau’s death calls attention to the people who are often not included in the fight for justice for black lives: black women, the LGBTQ community, and those with disablities.
“Breonna Taylor died of police violence. #DominiqueFells and #RiahMilton died of gender violence toward trans women. #ToyinSalau died sometime after being sexually assaulted. If this movement values Black women’s lives, it cannot afford to focus solely on police violence,” wrote activist and scholar Brittany Cooper.
The fight for an inclusive movement is not new. In the 1960s, black women fighting for civil rights and as part of the black power movement were told to wait. Though they were doing a great deal of the work, their liberation came second to that of black men. This continues today, as many of the protest organizers around the country are black women; the Black Lives Matter movement itself was founded by three black women: Alicia Garza, Patrice Cullors, and Opal Tometi.
Meanwhile, black people in the LGBTQ community have had to fight in liberation movements largely unrecognized by the people at the top of the black community’s hierarchy, and under the weight of homophobia and transphobia; Marsha P. Johnson, a black trans woman, is credited with starting the Stonewall uprisings in 1969 but has been mostly left out of larger histories of police protests. As Cooper pointed out in 2016, “Once every 19 hours a Black woman is killed by a man, usually by an intimate partner, usually with a gun. Once every 21 hours, the man killing her is a Black man,” and “trans women of color have a reported life expectancy of 35 years.”
However, when black women call out the violence that heterosexual cis black men inflict upon the rest of the community, they are often criticized and deemed traitors to the black agenda. For example, black women who come forward with sexual assault allegations against black men — Vanessa Tyson, Meredith Watson, Anita Hill, all of the women accusing R. Kelly — are viewed with an especially high level of suspicion because they are black women, and are thus accused with trying to attack one of their own.
Even the most straightforward methods to draw attention to the number of black women killed and assaulted get overshadowed. #SayHerName was created around 2016 by scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw — who also coined the term “intersectionality” in the late 1980s for the way inequalities overlap — for the specific purpose of identifying how state violence affects black women. But the term can be co-opted for justice for black men, too. #SayHisName trended and was recited at protests for George Floyd and other men. And the New Yorker’s forthcoming June 22 cover illustration titled “Say Their Names” identifies both black men and women killed by police, effectively erasing the original purpose of the phrase.
Public officials like Sen. Kamala Harris have also pointed out how violence against black women is overlooked.
“Heart-wrenching. Oluwatoyin Salau used her voice to fight for the Black community and speak out against injustice. She was only 19 and had her whole life ahead of her,” Harris wrote on Twitter on Monday. “We must do better to protect Black women and value their lives. #JusticeForToyin.”
Ultimately, the outcry underscores how black women are fighting multiple debilitating battles at the same time — from white supremacy and the patriarchy to police brutality and sexual violence. There are also the issues of colorism (discrimination based on skin tone) and texturism (discrimination based on hair texture) that dark-skinned, kinkier-haired black women like Salau face in the community. Such pressure has created a small, steady movement of black women encouraging other black women to rethink fighting on the front lines of a movement that prioritizes the lives of black men.
But a greater call has been made for straight cis black men to come to terms with their violence against black women — and for black women to just move on from seeking protection from men overall.
“The same way we tell white people their work is to engage other white people around racism, it is for men to engage each other around misogyny. We do not owe them our labor,” tweeted activist Feminista Jones, author of the book Reclaiming Our Space: How Black Feminists Are Changing the World from the Tweets to the Streets. “Sistas you will exhaust yourselves trying to prove to them that your life matters. Leave it. Rest.”


vox--2020-06-17--College football players are taking a stand against racism — and taking a big risk

In the wake of George Floyd ’ s killing , several of college football ’ s most prominent athletes are speaking out about racism and racial injustice on their campuses — some for the very first time .
But what ’ s more surprising is that in 2020 , major college football coaches and programs are finally starting to listen .
From joining Black Lives Matter protests to removing long-tenured staffers accused by players of racial bias , college football programs are beginning to respond to demands from players — players on whom those programs rely .
These athletes are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sports world , from Nascar to ( belatedly ) the NFL , a movement centered on black athletes that is demanding real changes to benefit the athletes upon whom many of these sports rely .
But there ’ s something unique about the power dynamics in college football .
I spoke with Andy Staples , a college football writer at the Athletic , who told me that football players at big-time programs have realized something very important : “ Without them , there is no athletic department.
” As many universities make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fiscal response to the coronavirus pandemic , Staples said that athletic directors are well aware that college football , a multibillion-dollar industry attracting hundreds of thousands to stadiums and tens of millions of viewers every year , is the golden goose they need to survive .
“ [ Programs ] have to have a football season or basically everybody loses their jobs because there ’ s no money , ” he said .
“ So the football players are looking at this and going , ‘ Wait a second , they need us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need them.
’ ” “ We have a chance to set the bar for college football ” Roughly 50 percent of Division 1 college football players are black , a number that rises a bit to 51 percent of players in the Atlantic Coast Conference ( ACC ) and even higher to 61 percent of players in the Southeastern Conference ( SEC ) — the two conferences that have produced 13 of the last 14 national championship-winning teams .
But black players have often been made to feel unwelcome at best , unwanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very programs that heavily recruited them .
For example , at the University of Iowa , which is in the Big Ten Conference , dozens of black players have detailed racist bullying and invectives they ’ ve received from high-level staff , particularly former strength and conditioning coach Chris Doyle .
The highest-paid strength and conditioning coach in the country until he separated from the university on Monday , Doyle once allegedly told a player who was contemplating quitting the sport , “ Maybe you should take up rowing , you know ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ t like boats in water , do they ?
” Other current and former players spoke out on social media about a general attitude at Iowa football that seemed to make black players , and blackness itself , anathema to high performance at the university .
For example , the program banned players from wearing their hair in cornrows .
And Doyle was far from the only coach to make offensive comments ; that group included the head coach ’ s own son and offensive coordinator , as the Athletic ’ s Scott @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Morehouse , a University of Iowa beat writer for the Gazette in Cedar Rapids , Iowa , who told me that at the school , “ This culture has always been borderline bully , fully military and aggressive against black culture.
” The University of Iowa has roughly 35,000 students , and while just 3 percent of students at Iowa are black , that number jumps to 46 percent of Iowa ’ s scholarship football players .
But Morehouse told me that the Iowa football program under the tenure of Kirk Ferentz — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s longest-serving high-level college football coach — has spent more time constructing an image of staid continuity than addressing real concerns from players about racism within the program .
“ He ’ s been building a grandpa image with the help of a public relations firm , ” he said .
“ You miss shit like your strength coach telling kids to go back to the ghetto.
” But the murder of George Floyd seemed to rock the very foundations of Iowa ’ s football world .
Following a team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of George Floyd and his perspective , more than 50 current and former players spoke publicly about racist bullying and behavior at Iowa .
Doyle was placed on administrative leave on June 6 , and on June 15 , the university announced that it was “ parting ways ” with the former coach .
But Doyle will receive a $ 1.1 million buyout and full health benefits for the next 15 months , which one Iowa basketball player described on Twitter as an “ outrage.
” During a press conference on Friday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a number of conversations with former players and staff and had heard that the coaching style used was “ at times demeaning and created unnecessary frustration and anxiety.
” And he added , “ One byproduct of that is some of our black athletes were feeling that they can ’ t be themselves in our culture .
And to that end , we must be more inclusive and more aware.
” Staples noted during our conversation that many coaches are trying to educate themselves during this moment .
“ Most coaches really do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to succeed .
They want them to be happy .
And I think there ’ s a lot of coaches that are looking and saying , how can I help understand better so that I can do the job better ?
” ( And it doesn ’ t hurt , from their perspective , that speaking out in favor of racial equality could also help recruit and retain future players . )
For example , on June 6 , Ferentz lifted the program ’ s ban on players tweeting .
Two days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement in support of players potentially kneeling during the National Anthem to protest racial injustice .
“ DON ’ T COME TO US EXPECTING US TO DO FOR YOU WHEN YOU CAN ’ T SUPPORT THE BLACK ATHLETES ON THIS TEAM AND THE DECISIONS WE MAKE AS A TEAM.
” And when a purported fan said he would “ turn in ” his tickets if players knelt , Merriweather tweeted , “ WE DONT CARE.
” During a press availability on Friday , Merriweather clarified that the team had not yet decided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being able to use Twitter was a boon : “ It feels pretty good to have another outlet that I can express myself.
” Dave Zirin , a sportswriter at the Nation , told me that Twitter and Instagram had fundamentally altered the space for athletes to talk about issues of major importance to them , even in just the last five years .
“ Social media has changed everything .
It allows for direct communication without the filter of sportswriters , many of them hold their own biases .
It punctures the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , particularly [ getting ] white college football fans to confront their own privilege and force them to take a side.
” And he added that another voice had played a big role : Colin Kaepernick , and the athletes who followed his example when the former NFL quarterback first sat , then took a knee during the National Anthem to protest police brutality .
“ Colin Kaepernick has fundamentally changed ‘ jock culture , ’ ” Zirin told me .
“ Sports — and football in particular — so often an arena @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading in the fight against racist policing and the entire criminal justice system .
It ’ s a remarkable shift , and I do believe that Colin Kaepernick is first and foremost responsible for that shift .
But we can ’ t forget the hundreds of high school and college athletes who took a knee between 2016 and 2018 , who started debates and conversations in their communities on a small-scale grassroots level.
” This is far from the first time the politics of racism have roiled the world of college football , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an unmistakable whiff of the plantation.
” Black players at universities from Berkeley to Michigan State risked their scholarships to speak out against racism in the 1960s and ’ 70s .
And more recently in 2015 , players at the University of Missouri helped to force out Missouri system president Tim Wolfe by threatening to refuse to play or take part in football activities .
That ’ s because in real-world terms , black college football players are part of an infrastructure that brings in billions of dollars to universities , cable networks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in fact .
As the New York Times ’ s Mike McIntire told my colleague Sean Illing in 2017 , “ Again , we ’ re talking about a multibillion-dollar business here , and we ’ re talking about universities that are generating hundreds of millions of dollars on the backs of these athletes.
” For example , the University of Michigan football team ( full disclosure : my alma mater and my rooting interest ) brought in an average of $ 127 million from 2014-2016 , for a net profit of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s head football coach , Jim Harbaugh , makes $ 7.5 million per year .
As an avid college football fan , I pay subscription costs to two paid Michigan-centered football news services , each of which employs a roster of journalists and recruiting experts .
All of that money — from the university to the coach to the fees paid by ESPN and ABC to broadcast games to the people paid to write about which high school sophomore has received an offer to play at which university — is based on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of whom are black .
To put it bluntly : If they don ’ t play , the infrastructure crumbles .
This means that in 2020 , college football players simultaneously have markedly little self-agency but considerable power to attempt to shift the attitudes of coaches and fans alike .
They can not be paid for their labor , but they can force change .
I asked Zirin about how players speaking out about racism on social media might impact their relationship with fans .
He said that he thought it was far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ athletes I speak to are treated like half heroes and half chattel on their campuses .
Let ’ s see what changes this fall .
Especially if players are conscripted into playing games while their campuses remain closed because of Covid-19.
” But Staples told me that , in his view , the Overton window on the Black Lives Matter movement and social protest had shifted considerably .
Some fans will , of course , pledge to refuse to watch games if players kneel during the Anthem or speak out on social media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s the same person who says , ‘ I ’ m never going to [ root for ] my school again because they lost this game.
’ ” He added , “ I think that the fans will come back around , especially with college football , because so many people tie a piece of their identity to their fandom about their school .
They ’ re not going to be that willing to part with that piece of their identity.
” And that ’ s more power in the hands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ replaceable cogs in a machine far bigger than they are .
As sportswriter Nicole Auerbach said on Twitter , “ It ’ s pretty amazing to watch these college athletes realize how much power they have — and to watch them wield it.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

In the wake of George Floyd’s killing, several of college football’s most prominent athletes are speaking out about racism and racial injustice on their campuses — some for the very first time.
But what’s more surprising is that in 2020, major college football coaches and programs are finally starting to listen. From joining Black Lives Matter protests to removing long-tenured staffers accused by players of racial bias, college football programs are beginning to respond to demands from players — players on whom those programs rely.
These athletes are part of a movement taking place across the sports world, from Nascar to (belatedly) the NFL, a movement centered on black athletes that is demanding real changes to benefit the athletes upon whom many of these sports rely.
But there’s something unique about the power dynamics in college football. I spoke with Andy Staples, a college football writer at the Athletic, who told me that football players at big-time programs have realized something very important: “Without them, there is no athletic department.” As many universities make deep cuts to athletic programs in a fiscal response to the coronavirus pandemic, Staples said that athletic directors are well aware that college football, a multibillion-dollar industry attracting hundreds of thousands to stadiums and tens of millions of viewers every year, is the golden goose they need to survive.
“[Programs] have to have a football season or basically everybody loses their jobs because there’s no money,” he said. “So the football players are looking at this and going, ‘Wait a second, they need us at this point even more than we need them.’”
“We have a chance to set the bar for college football”
Roughly 50 percent of Division 1 college football players are black, a number that rises a bit to 51 percent of players in the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC) and even higher to 61 percent of players in the Southeastern Conference (SEC) — the two conferences that have produced 13 of the last 14 national championship-winning teams.
But black players have often been made to feel unwelcome at best, unwanted at worst, at some of the very programs that heavily recruited them. For example, at the University of Iowa, which is in the Big Ten Conference, dozens of black players have detailed racist bullying and invectives they’ve received from high-level staff, particularly former strength and conditioning coach Chris Doyle.
The highest-paid strength and conditioning coach in the country until he separated from the university on Monday, Doyle once allegedly told a player who was contemplating quitting the sport, “Maybe you should take up rowing, you know? Oh wait, black people don’t like boats in water, do they?”
Other current and former players spoke out on social media about a general attitude at Iowa football that seemed to make black players, and blackness itself, anathema to high performance at the university. For example, the program banned players from wearing their hair in cornrows. And Doyle was far from the only coach to make offensive comments; that group included the head coach’s own son and offensive coordinator, as the Athletic’s Scott Dochterman writes:
“Doyle made a comment about sending back to the GHETTO,” wrote former defensive back Diaunte Morrow. Doyle “‘(told me) to go back to the streets.’ I’m not from the streets!” said ex-defensive lineman Brandon Simon. Former running back Akrum Wadley said that when he walked off the practice field while wearing a Nike face mask to keep warm, a coach “asked if I was on my way to rob a liquor store or bank.” (Wadley’s mother told Hawkeye Nation the coach was [offensive coordinator] Brian Ferentz, and that she brought it to Kirk Ferentz’s attention at the time.)
I spoke with Marc Morehouse, a University of Iowa beat writer for the Gazette in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, who told me that at the school, “This culture has always been borderline bully, fully military and aggressive against black culture.”
The University of Iowa has roughly 35,000 students, and while just 3 percent of students at Iowa are black, that number jumps to 46 percent of Iowa’s scholarship football players. But Morehouse told me that the Iowa football program under the tenure of Kirk Ferentz — with 21 years under his belt, the nation’s longest-serving high-level college football coach — has spent more time constructing an image of staid continuity than addressing real concerns from players about racism within the program. “He’s been building a grandpa image with the help of a public relations firm,” he said. “You miss shit like your strength coach telling kids to go back to the ghetto.”
But the murder of George Floyd seemed to rock the very foundations of Iowa’s football world. Following a team discussion led by Ferentz about the murder of George Floyd and his perspective, more than 50 current and former players spoke publicly about racist bullying and behavior at Iowa. Doyle was placed on administrative leave on June 6, and on June 15, the university announced that it was “parting ways” with the former coach. But Doyle will receive a $1.1 million buyout and full health benefits for the next 15 months, which one Iowa basketball player described on Twitter as an “outrage.”
During a press conference on Friday, Ferentz said that he’d had a number of conversations with former players and staff and had heard that the coaching style used was “at times demeaning and created unnecessary frustration and anxiety.” And he added, “One byproduct of that is some of our black athletes were feeling that they can’t be themselves in our culture. And to that end, we must be more inclusive and more aware.”
Staples noted during our conversation that many coaches are trying to educate themselves during this moment. “Most coaches really do care about their players. They want them to succeed. They want them to be happy. And I think there’s a lot of coaches that are looking and saying, how can I help understand better so that I can do the job better?” (And it doesn’t hurt, from their perspective, that speaking out in favor of racial equality could also help recruit and retain future players.)
For example, on June 6, Ferentz lifted the program’s ban on players tweeting. Two days later, safety Kaevon Merriweather tweeted out a statement in support of players potentially kneeling during the National Anthem to protest racial injustice. “DON’T COME TO US EXPECTING US TO DO FOR YOU WHEN YOU CAN’T SUPPORT THE BLACK ATHLETES ON THIS TEAM AND THE DECISIONS WE MAKE AS A TEAM.”
If you think you could possibly call yourself an Iowa Football fan and you can not agree with what I said and what this team is standing on. Then stop calling yourself a fan, IMMEDIATELY‼ BECAUSE I CAN PROMISE YOU THAT WE DO NOT CARE‼ pic.twitter.com/DgYFY56ojv — Kaevon Merriweather (@Kaevon02) June 8, 2020
And when a purported fan said he would “turn in” his tickets if players knelt, Merriweather tweeted, “WE DONT CARE.”
Did you not see what I said WE DONT CARE‼✌ This comment was not needed https://t.co/W8gcVlo1C8 — Kaevon Merriweather (@Kaevon02) June 8, 2020
During a press availability on Friday, Merriweather clarified that the team had not yet decided on kneeling. But he added that being able to use Twitter was a boon: “It feels pretty good to have another outlet that I can express myself.”
Dave Zirin, a sportswriter at the Nation, told me that Twitter and Instagram had fundamentally altered the space for athletes to talk about issues of major importance to them, even in just the last five years. “Social media has changed everything. It allows for direct communication without the filter of sportswriters, many of them hold their own biases. It punctures the privilege of white sports [fans], particularly [getting] white college football fans to confront their own privilege and force them to take a side.”
And he added that another voice had played a big role: Colin Kaepernick, and the athletes who followed his example when the former NFL quarterback first sat, then took a knee during the National Anthem to protest police brutality.
“Colin Kaepernick has fundamentally changed ‘jock culture,’” Zirin told me. “Sports — and football in particular — so often an arena and symbol of reaction, is now leading in the fight against racist policing and the entire criminal justice system. It’s a remarkable shift, and I do believe that Colin Kaepernick is first and foremost responsible for that shift. But we can’t forget the hundreds of high school and college athletes who took a knee between 2016 and 2018, who started debates and conversations in their communities on a small-scale grassroots level.”
An exercise of real power
This is far from the first time the politics of racism have roiled the world of college football, a sport one historian said carried “an unmistakable whiff of the plantation.” Black players at universities from Berkeley to Michigan State risked their scholarships to speak out against racism in the 1960s and ’70s. And more recently in 2015, players at the University of Missouri helped to force out Missouri system president Tim Wolfe by threatening to refuse to play or take part in football activities.
That’s because in real-world terms, black college football players are part of an infrastructure that brings in billions of dollars to universities, cable networks, and sponsors — an entire industry, in fact.
As the New York Times’s Mike McIntire told my colleague Sean Illing in 2017, “Again, we’re talking about a multibillion-dollar business here, and we’re talking about universities that are generating hundreds of millions of dollars on the backs of these athletes.”
For example, the University of Michigan football team (full disclosure: my alma mater and my rooting interest) brought in an average of $127 million from 2014-2016, for a net profit of about $75 million. Michigan’s head football coach, Jim Harbaugh, makes $7.5 million per year. As an avid college football fan, I pay subscription costs to two paid Michigan-centered football news services, each of which employs a roster of journalists and recruiting experts.
All of that money — from the university to the coach to the fees paid by ESPN and ABC to broadcast games to the people paid to write about which high school sophomore has received an offer to play at which university — is based on the labor of college football players, many of whom are black. To put it bluntly: If they don’t play, the infrastructure crumbles.
This means that in 2020, college football players simultaneously have markedly little self-agency but considerable power to attempt to shift the attitudes of coaches and fans alike. They cannot be paid for their labor, but they can force change.
How will fans respond?
I asked Zirin about how players speaking out about racism on social media might impact their relationship with fans. He said that he thought it was far too early to say. “College athletes I speak to are treated like half heroes and half chattel on their campuses. Let’s see what changes this fall. Especially if players are conscripted into playing games while their campuses remain closed because of Covid-19.”
But Staples told me that, in his view, the Overton window on the Black Lives Matter movement and social protest had shifted considerably. Some fans will, of course, pledge to refuse to watch games if players kneel during the Anthem or speak out on social media, but he said, “That’s the same person who says, ‘I’m never going to [root for] my school again because they lost this game.’” He added, “I think that the fans will come back around, especially with college football, because so many people tie a piece of their identity to their fandom about their school. They’re not going to be that willing to part with that piece of their identity.”
And that’s more power in the hands of players who have sometimes been treated as replaceable cogs in a machine far bigger than they are. As sportswriter Nicole Auerbach said on Twitter, “It’s pretty amazing to watch these college athletes realize how much power they have — and to watch them wield it.”