vox--2020-07-02--How Black Lives Matter fits into the long history of American radicalism

Black Lives Matter was created in 2013 by three Black women — Alicia Garza , Patrisse Cullors , and Opal Tometi — in response to the acquittal of Trayvon Martin ’ s killer , George Zimmerman .
Over the last seven years , it has evolved into something much bigger : a broad multiethnic liberation movement focused on criminal justice reform , racist policing , and adjacent causes .
During the course of this shift , the movement has not only expanded but become more radical in its demands for equality across the board .
And yet , surprisingly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , its appeal .
BLM had little support across the country as recently as 2017 .
But it has become steadily more popular , and in the aftermath of George Floyd ’ s murder , its popularity has surged to the point that it ’ s now supported by a majority of Americans .
By any measure , that suggests BLM is succeeding — culturally and politically .
But how should we think of Black Lives Matter as a historical phenomenon ?
Is it the sort of radical social movement we ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is it something new , something different , without any precursors ?
To get some answers , I reached out to Michael Kazin , a professor of history and American social movements at Georgetown University and also the co-editor of Dissent magazine .
We discussed how BLM fits into the long tradition of American radicalism , what its proponents can learn from previous eras , and why he thinks BLM is both a political and a cultural struggle .
A lightly edited transcript of our conversation follows .
As someone who studies the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how do you view this moment ?
It ’ s a remarkable moment in some ways , because we have a very unpopular right-wing president and a set of popular social movements on the left .
Which is surprising , because usually social movements on the left get more popular when you have a liberal or progressive president in office .
This is what happened in the ’ 30s and ’ 60s , for example .
I think we might be witnessing the end of a conservative era .
What does the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we ’ ve had Democratic presidents in this era , Clinton and Obama , but the guiding ideas of the time have been conservative ideas about government and labor and race .
And now that could be changing in a very radical way .
If Democrats are able to win the presidency and tip both houses of Congress , then you could see another major vault to the left in American history , the kind of vault we saw during Reconstruction and during the progressive eras in the ’ 30s and ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all of this energy doesn ’ t always translate to big legislative revolutions .
For laws to pass , it ’ ll take a combination of left-wing social movements and politicians who are willing to accommodate those movements in important ways .
The Black Lives Matter movement is at the forefront of this leftward push .
Do you consider BLM a radical social movement , or does it just seem that way to those who are more invested in the current order ?
Like all large social movements , it has its radical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That was true of the labor movement in the ’ 30s , which had a lot of communists and socialists in it .
It was true of Reconstruction too , in which you had more radical Republicans like Thaddeus Stevens , who wanted to confiscate the land of anybody who had fought for the Confederacy and give it to African Americans , to freed slaves .
We saw it in the ’ 60s as well , when the Black Freedom Movement had its reformist side pushing for integration of institutions and the Voter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and you had the Black Panthers and other Black Power groups who wanted one big revolution .
So you see this dynamic in every mass social movement .
It ’ s hard to say what will become of BLM .
You ’ ve got the different aspects to it .
People can unite around some moderate demands like passing laws that will handcuff the police in terms of their capacity to use violence .
The more radical aspects , like abolishing the police altogether , go much further .
And there are conversations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure not just equal opportunities but equal outcomes .
As the movement gets larger , you ’ ll see more differences within it .
But no single one of those manifestations will define the movement as a whole .
What makes a “ radical ” movement radical ?
Is it more about the nature of the demands ?
Or how those demands are perceived by the power structure ?
That ’ s a very good question .
The power structure , of course , often perceives any movement that wants to change the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radical .
Martin Luther King Jr. was perceived to be a radical — and I think he was .
But the demands he was making publicly , until the end of his life , really weren ’ t that radical .
He simply wanted the 14th and 15th Amendments to be applied to Black people .
Any movement that goes to the root of things is radical .
An anti-capitalism movement is radical .
A movement which calls for reparations for African Americans is radical .
There ’ s a radical ethics that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of society and seeks to undo that wrong , and conservative figures in power have always viewed these efforts as existential threats .
The New Deal was perceived as radically socialist by a lot of people in business and in the power structure , but in retrospect it was really just reformist .
The shifting perception of these movements is fascinating to me , especially in this moment .
In the case of Black Lives Matter , it ’ s remarkable to see just how popular it has become .
In the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support for BLM has increased as much as it has in the last two years .
What does that signal to you ?
It signals that racial attitudes in America , which began to change after World War II and then took a big step forward in the 1960s with the success of the Black Freedom Movement and the Civil Rights Act , have really evolved .
This has been a very long and hard road , with moments of backlash along the way , but this is what you ’ d expect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that fabric of American history and culture .
Obviously , the horrific killing of George Floyd was a catalyst , but I think we ’ re seeing the results of young people coming of age and being much more open to racial equality than previous generations .
And BLM , whatever one thinks of it , strikes me as the continuation of some of the most successful social movements in American history .
I think that ’ s right , and two of those movements , the Abolitionist movement and the Black Freedom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands of equality for African-Americans .
Of course , you could say this is all part of one long movement , but it had various phases to it .
I think what we ’ re seeing now is very much part of the Black Freedom Movement , which has had its ups and downs throughout its history .
But the thread tying all of it together has always been the push for fundamental equality at every level of society and in every major institution .
What ’ s interesting about BLM is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reform movement in the same way the labor movement in the ’ 30s was essential to moving the Democratic Party to the left .
A lot of people don ’ t know this , but it was really in the ’ 30s that the Democrats began to move away from Jim Crow .
It took a long time , obviously , but that ’ s when it started , and it was because labor was interracial and labor was crucial to the success of the Democrats in the ’ 30s and ’ 40s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they emerged ?
I ask because the goals seem , in retrospect , so sensible and obvious , but I imagine at the time they were seen as extremist and threatening .
Definitely .
The great Italian theorist Antonio Gramsci talked about how social movements can change the common sense of society .
What we all take to be normal or moral in society can change pretty quickly , and it changes because of the force and success of social movements .
Black Lives Matter has been enormously successful in this respect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of change will be opposed by people who don ’ t support those changes — that ’ s just an axiom of politics .
What ’ s astonishing about this movement is that it ’ s not provoking more backlash — at least not yet .
Well , I wonder about the “ not yet ” part .
I worry about movements like Black Lives Matter or “ abolish the police ” becoming so sprawling and disjointed that they lose their focus , or get overwhelmed by revolutionary spasms that may undercut the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the past on this front ?
I was a New Leftist in the late ’ 60s .
I was one of those people who went too far .
I think I undermined some of my goals , even though in the end we were successful in winning our main demands , which were to fight for racial equality and an end to the Vietnam War .
But along the way I did some stupid things .
I think one big lesson is that mass lawbreaking undermines a movement .
As MLK used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side to be seen as the violent side , you want the other side reacting to your civil disobedience , to your respect for order .
You don ’ t want to be seen as running amok without leadership , without discipline , because you ’ re trying to bring about change and people are scared of change .
You don ’ t want people to be scared of you at the same time they ’ re scared of change .
That ’ s one lesson .
Another lesson is the importance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why I keep saying that leftists should support Biden and ally with Pelosi and Chuck Schumer this year is that we have to get as many Democrats as possible elected because only then will there be the political space to go further than they would like to go .
There are limits to what a movement can create on its own .
Eventually , you ’ ve got to get laws passed , and a movement can ’ t pass laws by itself .
Is it better to view BLM or “ abolish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and more as cultural movements that shift the zeitgeist and therefore pave the way for political changes in the future ?
It ’ s a great question , and I think it ’ s both for me .
As I said before , it ’ s obviously helped to change the attitudes of a lot of white Americans and that ’ s a cultural change in consciousness .
Without that change in consciousness , we can ’ t get real political changes because there would be too much resistance to them , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are unpopular .
So it ’ s important to demand immediate change but also wise to not expect it to happen that fast .
These things take a long time .
If activists don ’ t have a longterm strategy , they ’ re going to fail .
This isn ’ t easy , of course .
On the one hand , you want movements to build on a sense of urgency when outrage happens , the way it did with George Floyd and with other Black Americans killed by the police .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ can ’ t let that sense of urgency impede you from organizing for the long-term .
My sense is that we ’ re still very much in the beginning of whatever this is , and so there ’ s a lot of symbolic activism and a lot of enthusiasm but not necessarily a clear strategy for seizing power .
What do you think a movement like this can do to channel all this energy and goodwill into enduring , concrete changes ?
I think it has to find ways to work with other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these activists seek is one of economic equity as well as an end to racist treatment by the cops .
That was true for the Black movement in Fredrick Douglass ’ s day as well as the freedom movement led , in part , by MLK in the 1960s .
The fight to have the power over how the police treat you is necessarily a fight to gain more power and resources on the job , in one ’ s neighborhood , and in education .
But Black people can ’ t win @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take allies from other races and a demand for universal programs in health care , the environment , housing , etc .
— and interracial institutions like labor and , yes , the Democratic Party .
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Black Lives Matter was created in 2013 by three Black women — Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi — in response to the acquittal of Trayvon Martin’s killer, George Zimmerman. Over the last seven years, it has evolved into something much bigger: a broad multiethnic liberation movement focused on criminal justice reform, racist policing, and adjacent causes.
During the course of this shift, the movement has not only expanded but become more radical in its demands for equality across the board. And yet, surprisingly, this has increased, rather than diminished, its appeal.
BLM had little support across the country as recently as 2017. But it has become steadily more popular, and in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder, its popularity has surged to the point that it’s now supported by a majority of Americans. By any measure, that suggests BLM is succeeding — culturally and politically.
But how should we think of Black Lives Matter as a historical phenomenon? Is it the sort of radical social movement we’ve seen before in this country? Or is it something new, something different, without any precursors?
To get some answers, I reached out to Michael Kazin, a professor of history and American social movements at Georgetown University and also the co-editor of Dissent magazine. We discussed how BLM fits into the long tradition of American radicalism, what its proponents can learn from previous eras, and why he thinks BLM is both a political and a cultural struggle.
A lightly edited transcript of our conversation follows.
Sean Illing
As someone who studies the history of social movements in America, how do you view this moment?
Michael Kazin
It’s a remarkable moment in some ways, because we have a very unpopular right-wing president and a set of popular social movements on the left. Which is surprising, because usually social movements on the left get more popular when you have a liberal or progressive president in office. This is what happened in the ’30s and ’60s, for example. I think we might be witnessing the end of a conservative era.
Sean Illing
What does the end of a conservative era mean?
Michael Kazin
Well, we’ve had Democratic presidents in this era, Clinton and Obama, but the guiding ideas of the time have been conservative ideas about government and labor and race. And now that could be changing in a very radical way.
If Democrats are able to win the presidency and tip both houses of Congress, then you could see another major vault to the left in American history, the kind of vault we saw during Reconstruction and during the progressive eras in the ’30s and ’60s and early ’70s. But all of this energy doesn’t always translate to big legislative revolutions. For laws to pass, it’ll take a combination of left-wing social movements and politicians who are willing to accommodate those movements in important ways.
Sean Illing
The Black Lives Matter movement is at the forefront of this leftward push. Do you consider BLM a radical social movement, or does it just seem that way to those who are more invested in the current order?
Michael Kazin
Like all large social movements, it has its radical aspects and its more reformist aspects. That was true of the labor movement in the ’30s, which had a lot of communists and socialists in it. It was true of Reconstruction too, in which you had more radical Republicans like Thaddeus Stevens, who wanted to confiscate the land of anybody who had fought for the Confederacy and give it to African Americans, to freed slaves. We saw it in the ’60s as well, when the Black Freedom Movement had its reformist side pushing for integration of institutions and the Voter Rights Act, Civil Rights Act, and you had the Black Panthers and other Black Power groups who wanted one big revolution.
So you see this dynamic in every mass social movement. It’s hard to say what will become of BLM. You’ve got the different aspects to it. People can unite around some moderate demands like passing laws that will handcuff the police in terms of their capacity to use violence. The more radical aspects, like abolishing the police altogether, go much further. And there are conversations about reparations and restructuring the economy to ensure not just equal opportunities but equal outcomes.
As the movement gets larger, you’ll see more differences within it. But no single one of those manifestations will define the movement as a whole.
Sean Illing
What makes a “radical” movement radical? Is it more about the nature of the demands? Or how those demands are perceived by the power structure?
Michael Kazin
That’s a very good question. The power structure, of course, often perceives any movement that wants to change the fundamentals of how the country operates as radical. Martin Luther King Jr. was perceived to be a radical — and I think he was. But the demands he was making publicly, until the end of his life, really weren’t that radical. He simply wanted the 14th and 15th Amendments to be applied to Black people.
Any movement that goes to the root of things is radical. An anti-capitalism movement is radical. A movement which calls for reparations for African Americans is radical. There’s a radical ethics that diagnoses something wrong about the basic organization of society and seeks to undo that wrong, and conservative figures in power have always viewed these efforts as existential threats.
The New Deal was perceived as radically socialist by a lot of people in business and in the power structure, but in retrospect it was really just reformist.
Sean Illing
The shifting perception of these movements is fascinating to me, especially in this moment. In the case of Black Lives Matter, it’s remarkable to see just how popular it has become. In the last two weeks alone, I believe, support for BLM has increased as much as it has in the last two years.
What does that signal to you?
Michael Kazin
It signals that racial attitudes in America, which began to change after World War II and then took a big step forward in the 1960s with the success of the Black Freedom Movement and the Civil Rights Act, have really evolved. This has been a very long and hard road, with moments of backlash along the way, but this is what you’d expect because racism is so deeply woven into that fabric of American history and culture. Obviously, the horrific killing of George Floyd was a catalyst, but I think we’re seeing the results of young people coming of age and being much more open to racial equality than previous generations.
Sean Illing
And BLM, whatever one thinks of it, strikes me as the continuation of some of the most successful social movements in American history.
Michael Kazin
I think that’s right, and two of those movements, the Abolitionist movement and the Black Freedom Movement, were also organized around the demands of equality for African-Americans. Of course, you could say this is all part of one long movement, but it had various phases to it. I think what we’re seeing now is very much part of the Black Freedom Movement, which has had its ups and downs throughout its history. But the thread tying all of it together has always been the push for fundamental equality at every level of society and in every major institution.
What’s interesting about BLM is that it could be a catalyst to a reform movement in the same way the labor movement in the ’30s was essential to moving the Democratic Party to the left. A lot of people don’t know this, but it was really in the ’30s that the Democrats began to move away from Jim Crow. It took a long time, obviously, but that’s when it started, and it was because labor was interracial and labor was crucial to the success of the Democrats in the ’30s and ’40s.
Sean Illing
How were these previous movements greeted when they emerged? I ask because the goals seem, in retrospect, so sensible and obvious, but I imagine at the time they were seen as extremist and threatening.
Michael Kazin
Definitely. The great Italian theorist Antonio Gramsci talked about how social movements can change the common sense of society. What we all take to be normal or moral in society can change pretty quickly, and it changes because of the force and success of social movements. Black Lives Matter has been enormously successful in this respect. Any movement pushing for this level of change will be opposed by people who don’t support those changes — that’s just an axiom of politics. What’s astonishing about this movement is that it’s not provoking more backlash — at least not yet.
Sean Illing
Well, I wonder about the “not yet” part. I worry about movements like Black Lives Matter or “abolish the police” becoming so sprawling and disjointed that they lose their focus, or get overwhelmed by revolutionary spasms that may undercut the key goals.
Are there important lessons from the past on this front?
Michael Kazin
I was a New Leftist in the late ’60s. I was one of those people who went too far. I think I undermined some of my goals, even though in the end we were successful in winning our main demands, which were to fight for racial equality and an end to the Vietnam War. But along the way I did some stupid things.
I think one big lesson is that mass lawbreaking undermines a movement. As MLK used to say, you want the other side to be seen as the violent side, you want the other side reacting to your civil disobedience, to your respect for order. You don’t want to be seen as running amok without leadership, without discipline, because you’re trying to bring about change and people are scared of change. You don’t want people to be scared of you at the same time they’re scared of change. That’s one lesson.
Another lesson is the importance of building alliances. One of the reasons why I keep saying that leftists should support Biden and ally with Pelosi and Chuck Schumer this year is that we have to get as many Democrats as possible elected because only then will there be the political space to go further than they would like to go. There are limits to what a movement can create on its own. Eventually, you’ve got to get laws passed, and a movement can’t pass laws by itself.
Sean Illing
Is it better to view BLM or “abolish the police” less as political projects and more as cultural movements that shift the zeitgeist and therefore pave the way for political changes in the future?
Michael Kazin
It’s a great question, and I think it’s both for me. As I said before, it’s obviously helped to change the attitudes of a lot of white Americans and that’s a cultural change in consciousness. Without that change in consciousness, we can’t get real political changes because there would be too much resistance to them, and politicians are averse to doing things which are unpopular.
So it’s important to demand immediate change but also wise to not expect it to happen that fast. These things take a long time. If activists don’t have a longterm strategy, they’re going to fail. This isn’t easy, of course. On the one hand, you want movements to build on a sense of urgency when outrage happens, the way it did with George Floyd and with other Black Americans killed by the police. But at the same time, you can’t let that sense of urgency impede you from organizing for the long-term.
Sean Illing
My sense is that we’re still very much in the beginning of whatever this is, and so there’s a lot of symbolic activism and a lot of enthusiasm but not necessarily a clear strategy for seizing power. What do you think a movement like this can do to channel all this energy and goodwill into enduring, concrete changes?
Michael Kazin
I think it has to find ways to work with other movements on the left. The change these activists seek is one of economic equity as well as an end to racist treatment by the cops. That was true for the Black movement in Fredrick Douglass’s day as well as the freedom movement led, in part, by MLK in the 1960s. The fight to have the power over how the police treat you is necessarily a fight to gain more power and resources on the job, in one’s neighborhood, and in education. But Black people can’t win that fight by themselves. It will take allies from other races and a demand for universal programs in health care, the environment, housing, etc. — and interracial institutions like labor and, yes, the Democratic Party.


vox--2020-07-02--5 first-time protesters on why they showed up for Black lives now

It has been weeks since protests first erupted around the world in response to the killing of George Floyd and police brutality .
They stand out as notably larger and more widespread than other protests against racist killings in recent years as the Black Lives Matter movement has gained visibility .
Over the past month , marches have taken place in more than 40 countries and 2,000 American cities , compared with 100 US cities in 2013 following the acquittal of George Zimmerman for the killing of Black teen Trayvon Martin .
Perhaps most striking is that this time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there were more white participants than in previous Black Lives Matter protests .
“ It felt like I needed to do more than just try to make change through my teaching , ” Tim , a 27-year-old white teacher in Seattle , told Vox .
( Names have been changed throughout to protect the anonymity of the protesters . )
There is no simple answer as to why this moment has tipped the scales of activism and anti-racist action .
But as Vox ’ s Sean Collins pointed out , the US has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the pandemic : “ The realities of illness , unemployment , polluted air and water , unequal access to education , and mass incarceration — compounded with the fear of being killed by one of your fellow Americans or by a mysterious and still unchecked disease — has life feeling particularly fragile and the world particularly dire , ” Collins wrote .
It ’ s hard to say how long this surge in activism will last , or what it will look like going forward .
But it feels like a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ non-Black people of color has risen to the surface , at least for the time being .
For some , this has translated to reading books about anti-racism .
For others , it means attending protests for the first time in their lives .
And yet systemic racism has been ingrained in the fabric of America since its founding , police violence against Black Americans dates back to when slavery was legal , and the Black Lives Matter movement has existed since 2013 .
Why did they choose to get involved now ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ current moment ?
We spoke to five first-time protesters on what brought them out onto the streets and how they intend to sustain their activism .
“ I ’ m actually part of a community of people who are trying to do something ” Vidya ’ s father was the first in her family to decide it was time to attend a protest .
After viewing multiple videos that depicted instances of police brutality , he was inspired to get involved .
“ I don ’ t know if he ’ s felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past , but something , like , really clicked for him this time , and he thought it was just disgusting and said we need to go out and let them know it ’ s not okay , ” Vidya said .
Vidya also realized that being a passive supporter of the Black Lives Matter movement was simply not enough .
Her younger sister found a protest in their neighborhood on Instagram that a lot of people were sharing , and her family prepared at the last minute to go .
They brought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made signs with Sharpies and cardboard , and drove five minutes from their home to the protest .
Initially , Vidya said she felt out of place among a crowd of young people who seemed to know each other .
But that changed quickly as she took in the energy of the crowd and grew excited .
“ I ’ m actually part of a community of people who are trying to do something , ” she said .
Vidya , who is Indian , said her neighborhood lacks racial diversity — Stony @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she did not expect people to care so much : “ I was really , really surprised by the amount of people who turned out and how diverse the crowd was , ” she said , noting that it was inspiring to see a lot of middle-aged people support the cause .
Years ago , Vidya said , she felt that the Black Lives Matter movement was “ kind of polarizing.
” She remembers in high school that people were not politically attuned , describing her town as “ removed from reality.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lives Matter protest , Vidya feared that protesting would feel “ useless ” or like she didn ’ t belong , which is part of why she did not attend major events like the Women ’ s March in 2017 .
Now she feels more inclined to participate , and perhaps get involved with a register to vote effort .
“ The really big thing was it ’ s just not enough to just feel like I support the cause , ” she said .
“ You need to donate , you need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to speak up in your personal sphere for it also because it is uncomfortable.
” “ This time feels so different and like such a tipping point in our nation ” Stephen , who ’ s white , grew up in Jackson , Alabama , a town with a population of around 5,000 .
It was a “ very sheltered white environment , ” he said .
It also wasn ’ t uncommon to hear older people in town say the n-word .
His family attended a Southern Baptist church every Sunday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , his mother worked there .
Stephen said is family would be surprised to know that he participated in the Black Lives Matter protests .
“ I know they do not agree at all with my views , so they would probably be pretty disappointed to know that I ’ m trying to be out there and supportive , ” he said .
While Stephen said he has tried to stay educated in recent years on how to be an anti-racist , he felt like he needed to get involved by showing up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was concerned about protesting — his wife is a nurse , and they ’ re trying to limit their exposure to the coronavirus — but they ultimately decided that they needed to show their support .
Stephen said that as he protested , his “ chest was tight ” and his “ eyes were burning with tears.
” “ Honestly , I ’ ve never really experienced anything like that , ” he said .
“ I didn ’ t expect just , like , the surge of emotion and adrenaline and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has become more aware of city budgets and limited resources for Black and brown communities in Chattanooga .
He said he has also been making an effort to read more work by Black authors and journalists .
A friend of his started a Zoom book club , and they ’ re reading Ibram X. Kendi ’ s How to Be an Antiracist .
“ This time feels so different and like such a tipping point in our nation , ” Stephen said .
“ I know that the Black and brown communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this , and this is not a new struggle for them or a new awareness for them , but I think this time is different because of the more involvement from the white communities.
” “ Staying at home was just not an option ” Originally from Honduras , Paco attended a protest for the first time in the US after the video of George Floyd ’ s murder surfaced online .
“ The video was a call to action that was very profound , ” he said .
“ Staying at home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives near a heavily trafficked street in Minneapolis , where a lot of damage occurred after some of the initial demonstrations .
He could hear protesters from his home and saw people boarding up their windows , which made it easy for him to figure out where the protests were happening .
Being at the protests filled him with mixed emotions : He was pleased by the diversity of the protesters but filled with anger at the situation .
“ It was also very upsetting just that people had to be out there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he said .
Since protesting , Paco has started volunteering as a Spanish translator for food pantry customers ; after supermarkets were destroyed in the protests , some neighborhoods have become food deserts .
Paco wants to attend a protest again .
The civil unrest in the US right now reminds Paco of what he described as a “ non-learning cycle ” in Latin America , where he said there is a broken system because people keep voting for the same kinds of corrupt politicians .
“ They keep making the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look back at their history , ” he said .
“ I hope that we don ’ t forget about this and go back to normal life.
” “ It felt like I needed to do more than just try to make change through my teaching ” Tim said he has always cared about racial justice issues .
As a middle-school teacher , he tries to integrate racism into his classroom discussions .
But following the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor , he recognized that as a white person , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like I needed to do more than just try to make change through my teaching , ” he said .
At a faculty meeting , the principal of Tim ’ s school , a Black woman , urged faculty to do something to support the Black Lives Matter movement .
“ There was a protest later that day that some of my friends were going to , and I just felt that I had to physically show up at that point , ” he said .
During the Seattle protest Tim attended , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hall , where a local organizer sat down with the mayor for a livestreamed conversation .
The scale of the protest was surprising to him .
Because of the pandemic , the protest was the first time he had been around a large group of people in months , and it felt empowering for this cause to be the reason .
Since this first protest , Tim has spent time trying to learn about the best places to donate money locally , as well as educating himself on police budgets and what defunding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he had been hesitant to attend protests because he did not know what impact he would have .
But supporting a local organizer and seeing the crowd try to hold the mayor accountable changed his mind .
“ It felt like , really , we were directly there backing policy change , ” Tim said , “ which felt cool to me.
” “ It ’ s not enough just to be not racist ” Gina and her husband , who are both white , felt that they needed to educate their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what ’ s going on right now .
Her older son saw the murder of George Floyd on the news , which sparked a family conversation about police brutality and systemic racism .
That ’ s when they decided to attend a protest as a family .
“ With everything happening , we felt that it was important to help them understand the importance of speaking up for others and to model what peaceful action looks like , ” Gina said .
Gina and her husband coordinated with other families who have children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ participate in a peaceful protest organized by students from their local high school : “ After we told them what happened , we discussed how we felt that it ’ s important to speak up for people who don ’ t have a voice or don ’ t feel like they ’ re being heard , ” she said .
They first found out about the protest through a flyer that was circulated on a neighborhood forum .
“ It was surreal .
It was emotional for me to hear stories of others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something that is a moment in history , to teach them what it means to have a voice , and to hear others who haven ’ t been heard for so long , ” Gina said .
But learning doesn ’ t begin and end with one protest .
Gina has been trying to stay educated by reading recommended books and learning about racial injustice in America .
“ Basically , realizing it ’ s not enough just to be not racist , to find ways to be anti-racist , and to educate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moving forward , ” she said .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

It has been weeks since protests first erupted around the world in response to the killing of George Floyd and police brutality. They stand out as notably larger and more widespread than other protests against racist killings in recent years as the Black Lives Matter movement has gained visibility. Over the past month, marches have taken place in more than 40 countries and 2,000 American cities, compared with 100 US cities in 2013 following the acquittal of George Zimmerman for the killing of Black teen Trayvon Martin.
Perhaps most striking is that this time, in the middle of a pandemic, there were more white participants than in previous Black Lives Matter protests. “It felt like I needed to do more than just try to make change through my teaching,” Tim, a 27-year-old white teacher in Seattle, told Vox. (Names have been changed throughout to protect the anonymity of the protesters.)
There is no simple answer as to why this moment has tipped the scales of activism and anti-racist action. But as Vox’s Sean Collins pointed out, the US has also hit an “exasperation point” in the pandemic: “The realities of illness, unemployment, polluted air and water, unequal access to education, and mass incarceration — compounded with the fear of being killed by one of your fellow Americans or by a mysterious and still unchecked disease — has life feeling particularly fragile and the world particularly dire,” Collins wrote.
It’s hard to say how long this surge in activism will last, or what it will look like going forward. But it feels like a new sense of responsibility among white allies and non-Black people of color has risen to the surface, at least for the time being. For some, this has translated to reading books about anti-racism. For others, it means attending protests for the first time in their lives. And yet systemic racism has been ingrained in the fabric of America since its founding, police violence against Black Americans dates back to when slavery was legal, and the Black Lives Matter movement has existed since 2013. Why did they choose to get involved now? And will their activism sustain past the current moment?
We spoke to five first-time protesters on what brought them out onto the streets and how they intend to sustain their activism.
“I’m actually part of a community of people who are trying to do something”
Vidya, 24, Stony Brook, New York
Vidya’s father was the first in her family to decide it was time to attend a protest. After viewing multiple videos that depicted instances of police brutality, he was inspired to get involved.
“I don’t know if he’s felt very strongly about social issues in the past, but something, like, really clicked for him this time, and he thought it was just disgusting and said we need to go out and let them know it’s not okay,” Vidya said.
Vidya also realized that being a passive supporter of the Black Lives Matter movement was simply not enough. Her younger sister found a protest in their neighborhood on Instagram that a lot of people were sharing, and her family prepared at the last minute to go. They brought personal protective equipment (PPE), made signs with Sharpies and cardboard, and drove five minutes from their home to the protest.
Initially, Vidya said she felt out of place among a crowd of young people who seemed to know each other. But that changed quickly as she took in the energy of the crowd and grew excited.
“I’m actually part of a community of people who are trying to do something,” she said.
Vidya, who is Indian, said her neighborhood lacks racial diversity — Stony Brook is 81.8 percent white — and that she did not expect people to care so much: “I was really, really surprised by the amount of people who turned out and how diverse the crowd was,” she said, noting that it was inspiring to see a lot of middle-aged people support the cause.
Years ago, Vidya said, she felt that the Black Lives Matter movement was “kind of polarizing.” She remembers in high school that people were not politically attuned, describing her town as “removed from reality.” Even before she attended the Black Lives Matter protest, Vidya feared that protesting would feel “useless” or like she didn’t belong, which is part of why she did not attend major events like the Women’s March in 2017. Now she feels more inclined to participate, and perhaps get involved with a register to vote effort.
“The really big thing was it’s just not enough to just feel like I support the cause,” she said. “You need to donate, you need to show up for it, you need to speak up in your personal sphere for it also because it is uncomfortable.”
“This time feels so different and like such a tipping point in our nation”
Stephen, 29, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Stephen, who’s white, grew up in Jackson, Alabama, a town with a population of around 5,000. It was a “very sheltered white environment,” he said. It also wasn’t uncommon to hear older people in town say the n-word. His family attended a Southern Baptist church every Sunday and Wednesday, and at one point, his mother worked there.
Stephen said is family would be surprised to know that he participated in the Black Lives Matter protests. “I know they do not agree at all with my views, so they would probably be pretty disappointed to know that I’m trying to be out there and supportive,” he said.
While Stephen said he has tried to stay educated in recent years on how to be an anti-racist, he felt like he needed to get involved by showing up at a protest this time. Initially he was concerned about protesting — his wife is a nurse, and they’re trying to limit their exposure to the coronavirus — but they ultimately decided that they needed to show their support.
Stephen said that as he protested, his “chest was tight” and his “eyes were burning with tears.” “Honestly, I’ve never really experienced anything like that,” he said. “I didn’t expect just, like, the surge of emotion and adrenaline and anger.”
Since the protests began, he has become more aware of city budgets and limited resources for Black and brown communities in Chattanooga. He said he has also been making an effort to read more work by Black authors and journalists. A friend of his started a Zoom book club, and they’re reading Ibram X. Kendi’s How to Be an Antiracist.
“This time feels so different and like such a tipping point in our nation,” Stephen said. “I know that the Black and brown communities across our country are not new to this, and this is not a new struggle for them or a new awareness for them, but I think this time is different because of the more involvement from the white communities.”
“Staying at home was just not an option”
Paco, 30, Minneapolis, Minnesota
Originally from Honduras, Paco attended a protest for the first time in the US after the video of George Floyd’s murder surfaced online.
“The video was a call to action that was very profound,” he said. “Staying at home was just not an option.”
Paco lives near a heavily trafficked street in Minneapolis, where a lot of damage occurred after some of the initial demonstrations. He could hear protesters from his home and saw people boarding up their windows, which made it easy for him to figure out where the protests were happening.
Being at the protests filled him with mixed emotions: He was pleased by the diversity of the protesters but filled with anger at the situation. “It was also very upsetting just that people had to be out there because the Minneapolis police killed this man,” he said.
Since protesting, Paco has started volunteering as a Spanish translator for food pantry customers; after supermarkets were destroyed in the protests, some neighborhoods have become food deserts.
Paco wants to attend a protest again. The civil unrest in the US right now reminds Paco of what he described as a “non-learning cycle” in Latin America, where he said there is a broken system because people keep voting for the same kinds of corrupt politicians.
“They keep making the same mistakes because they don’t look back at their history,” he said. “I hope that we don’t forget about this and go back to normal life.”
“It felt like I needed to do more than just try to make change through my teaching”
Tim, 27, Seattle, Washington
Tim said he has always cared about racial justice issues. As a middle-school teacher, he tries to integrate racism into his classroom discussions. But following the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, he recognized that as a white person, that was not enough.
“It felt like I needed to do more than just try to make change through my teaching,” he said.
At a faculty meeting, the principal of Tim’s school, a Black woman, urged faculty to do something to support the Black Lives Matter movement.
“There was a protest later that day that some of my friends were going to, and I just felt that I had to physically show up at that point,” he said.
During the Seattle protest Tim attended, around 10,000 protesters marched down to City Hall, where a local organizer sat down with the mayor for a livestreamed conversation. The scale of the protest was surprising to him. Because of the pandemic, the protest was the first time he had been around a large group of people in months, and it felt empowering for this cause to be the reason.
Since this first protest, Tim has spent time trying to learn about the best places to donate money locally, as well as educating himself on police budgets and what defunding really looks like. In the past, he had been hesitant to attend protests because he did not know what impact he would have. But supporting a local organizer and seeing the crowd try to hold the mayor accountable changed his mind.
“It felt like, really, we were directly there backing policy change,” Tim said, “which felt cool to me.”
“It’s not enough just to be not racist”
Gina, 43, Sunnyvale, California
Gina and her husband, who are both white, felt that they needed to educate their kids — 8 and 12 — on what’s going on right now. Her older son saw the murder of George Floyd on the news, which sparked a family conversation about police brutality and systemic racism. That’s when they decided to attend a protest as a family.
“With everything happening, we felt that it was important to help them understand the importance of speaking up for others and to model what peaceful action looks like,” Gina said.
Gina and her husband coordinated with other families who have children around the same age and decided to participate in a peaceful protest organized by students from their local high school: “After we told them what happened, we discussed how we felt that it’s important to speak up for people who don’t have a voice or don’t feel like they’re being heard,” she said. They first found out about the protest through a flyer that was circulated on a neighborhood forum.
“It was surreal. It was emotional for me to hear stories of others, to have my children participate in something that is a moment in history, to teach them what it means to have a voice, and to hear others who haven’t been heard for so long,” Gina said.
But learning doesn’t begin and end with one protest. Gina has been trying to stay educated by reading recommended books and learning about racial injustice in America. “Basically, realizing it’s not enough just to be not racist, to find ways to be anti-racist, and to educate myself on some of these other issues moving forward,” she said.


vox--2020-07-02--Who voters want to be Joe Biden’s vice president, according to the polls

It could be weeks before former Vice President Joe Biden makes a final announcement about his running mate , but some voters have a clear preference : either Sen. Elizabeth Warren or Sen. Kamala Harris , according to recent surveys .
The two senators , both of whom ran for president themselves , led a list of several reported contenders in a slew of June polls : A Yahoo News/YouGov poll of registered voters conducted June 9-10 had Warren in the lead , with 30 percent of respondents backing her and 24 percent supporting Harris .
Meanwhile , a Monmouth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ June 1-9 found Harris with 28 percent support , while 13 percent preferred Warren .
Another candidate who notched strong numbers in a recent poll was former Georgia gubernatorial nominee Stacey Abrams .
When USA Today and Suffolk University asked Democrats about their enthusiasm for different candidates , Harris , Abrams , and Warren received the most positive responses .
In that poll , fielded from June 25-29 , 36 percent of Democrats said they ’ d be excited about Harris as a running mate , while 28 percent said the same for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent weeks , polls have also shown that calls for Biden to select a Black running mate have registered with a growing number of voters : 72 percent of Democrats in the USA Today/Suffolk survey agreed it was “ important ” for Biden to choose a woman of color .
Experts caution , however , against reading too much into these surveys ’ overall results , given some of the factors at play : Both Warren and Harris have extensive records in public service and are likely seeing a large boost due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s more about who people recognize and who they know well than it is anything else , ” says Lonna Atkeson , a professor of political science and director of the Center for the Study of Voting , Elections and Democracy at the University of New Mexico .
Plus , she notes , the vice presidential pick hasn ’ t historically been tied to the electoral outcome or broader voter turnout .
Still , Biden ’ s choice of running mate could hold more weight this election cycle given his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ll be the oldest president ever inaugurated ) , and these polls provide a snapshot of voter sentiment toward different candidates .
According to Politico , Biden hasn ’ t landed on a short list yet , and he ’ s not expected to announce his final decision until the beginning of August .
While politics aren ’ t the only thing on his mind — Biden has said he ’ s focused on a nominee who is ready to be president “ on day one ” and “ simpatico ” with his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limited glimpse of whom some voters currently favor .
A brief rundown of recent polls and what to make of them Polling so far has highlighted two key takeaways .
One is that Warren ’ s and Harris ’ s respective profiles currently dwarf those of other contenders whose names have been floated , including Michigan Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer , Sen. Tammy Duckworth ( D-IL ) and Rep. Val Demings ( D-FL ) .
The other is that neither lawmaker is a runaway favorite .
In the Yahoo News/YouGov and Monmouth University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a majority of respondents ’ support , a sign that many voters are still open to other options .
Warren has ranked highly in several polls , particularly among younger voters .
In the mid-June Yahoo News/YouGov survey , Warren was up by 6 points with 30 percent support , compared with Harris ’ s 24 percent .
They were followed by Abrams and Sen. Amy Klobuchar ( D-MN ) , both of whom picked up 14 percent backing .
( Klobuchar has since withdrawn her name from consideration . )
As captured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s support isn ’ t the same across different demographics : She had particularly strong backing among voters aged 18-29 and 30-44 , while she and Harris were more closely tied among voters ages 45-64 and 65 and older .
Harris and Abrams both led Warren among Black voters , with 25 percent and 22 percent support , respectively , compared with Warren ’ s 15 percent .
Meanwhile , in Monmouth ’ s June poll , which surveyed Democratic primary voters predominantly located in Iowa and New Hampshire , Harris was the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 28 percent support , followed by Warren with 13 percent , Klobuchar with 12 percent , and Abrams with 10 percent .
The June USA Today/Suffolk poll , conducted more recently , also showed that Democratic voters were most excited about Harris , Abrams , and Warren , in that order .
A May Morning Consult poll — which had a 2 percent margin of error — had Warren and Harris polling closely as well .
Adding either of them to the ticket would have an effectively neutral impact on the general electorate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to the survey : Twenty-six percent of registered voters told Morning Consult they ’ d be more likely to support Biden if he picked Warren as his running mate , while 23 percent said it would make them less likely to back him .
Harris saw a comparable breakdown : 22 percent of registered voters were more likely to support Biden with her on the ticket , while 21 percent were less likely to do so .
Democratic voters , however , were more likely than Republicans or independents to say they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Biden if his VP choice is Warren or Harris .
Some — but not all — voters back the push for a more diverse ticket Recent polls have found that many Democrats think Biden should pick a woman of color as his vice president .
Data from the Monmouth survey , which focused on Democratic primary voters , underscored this point : In it , 59 percent of respondents thought having a woman of color as a running mate would increase Biden ’ s likelihood of winning .
The USA Today/Suffolk poll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats thought it was important for Biden to nominate a woman of color .
Voters writ large , however , appear much more ambivalent .
Take the New York Times/Siena College poll published last week : In the survey , which was conducted in early June , 14 percent of voters said they believed Biden should select a vice president who is Black , while 82 percent said race shouldn ’ t be a factor .
That result is slightly different from that of a June Morning Consult survey , which found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was important for Biden to select a woman of color , an uptick of 7 points from April .
“ Voters are not the best strategists , but the nominee has to be attentive to his base .
And a lot of Democratic voters think having a woman of color on the ticket would be a home run , ” Monmouth pollster Patrick Murray said in a statement .
The push for Biden to back a vice president who is a woman of color , and a Black woman in particular , stems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the recent focus on addressing systemic racism in policing and increasing representation in an array of fields .
There ’ s also a sense that Biden owes much of his success in the primaries to the support of Black voters , as well as the possibility that a Black running mate could help spur higher voter turnout in November , though the likelihood of the latter is an open question .
“ We need America to imagine the possibilities that exist for changing the face of leadership , ” says Glynda Carr , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America , an organization dedicated to supporting black women running for office .
While vice presidential picks have rarely affected electoral outcomes in the past , there is a possibility that a more diverse ticket will increase voter turnout , which is vital for Democrats to win this fall .
As experts have emphasized , even though Biden has seen strong support from Black voters , that ’ s not the same as voter enthusiasm — a dynamic that was apparent during Hillary Clinton ’ s run in 2016 .
Across key battleground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , turnout rates dipped among Black voters between 2012 and 2016 .
Former President Barack Obama ’ s groundbreaking candidacies in 2008 and 2012 were viewed as a significant reason for higher turnout from Black voters in both elections , and the historic choice of a Black woman as vice president could possibly lead to a similar uptick .
A Northwestern University survey conducted in late May indicated as much : 57 percent of African American voters polled said they ’ d be more excited about voting for Biden if he selected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I expect that selection of a Black woman as VP would increase excitement about the election by setting the stage for another historic first , ” Keneshia Grant , an assistant professor of political science at Howard University , told Vox .
Grant emphasized , however , that a focus on descriptive representation is far from enough : She noted that it was also important for both the vice presidential nominee and Biden himself to focus on policies prioritized by Black voters .
Whether changes to turnout will ultimately materialize , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice presidential nominees don ’ t sway the electorate much , except in the case of particularly polarizing selections .
As Vox ’ s Ella Nilsen reported , the research suggests that many voters don ’ t weigh the vice presidential pick that heavily in their final decision : Biden ’ s age and the possibility that he might not seek reelection after his first term are among the reasons why this year ’ s selection could loom larger than that of years past .
As Biden has said , he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s able to govern from the get-go .
“ I want someone strong , and someone who can — who is ready to be president on day one , ” he told CBS News in June .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

It could be weeks before former Vice President Joe Biden makes a final announcement about his running mate, but some voters have a clear preference: either Sen. Elizabeth Warren or Sen. Kamala Harris, according to recent surveys.
The two senators, both of whom ran for president themselves, led a list of several reported contenders in a slew of June polls: A Yahoo News/YouGov poll of registered voters conducted June 9-10 had Warren in the lead, with 30 percent of respondents backing her and 24 percent supporting Harris. Meanwhile, a Monmouth University poll of a segment of Democratic primary voters fielded June 1-9 found Harris with 28 percent support, while 13 percent preferred Warren. (The Monmouth survey was predominately voters from Iowa and New Hampshire, and skewed older — so the pollster warns against projecting this result onto the general primary electorate.)
Another candidate who notched strong numbers in a June poll was former Georgia gubernatorial nominee Stacey Abrams. When USA Today and Suffolk University asked Democrats about their enthusiasm for different candidates, Harris, Abrams, and Warren received the most positive responses. In that poll, fielded from June 25-29, 36 percent of Democrats said they’d be excited about Harris as a running mate, while 28 percent said the same for Abrams and 27 percent Warren.
In recent weeks, polls have also shown that calls for Biden to select a Black running mate have registered with a growing number of voters: 72 percent of Democrats in the USA Today/Suffolk survey agreed it was “important” for Biden to choose a woman of color.
Experts caution, however, against reading too much into these surveys’ overall results, given some of the factors at play: Both Warren and Harris have extensive records in public service and are likely seeing a large boost due to their name recognition, for example. “It’s more about who people recognize and who they know well than it is anything else,” says Lonna Atkeson, a professor of political science and director of the Center for the Study of Voting, Elections and Democracy at the University of New Mexico. Plus, she notes, the vice presidential pick hasn’t historically been tied to the electoral outcome or broader voter turnout.
Still, Biden’s choice of running mate could hold more weight this election cycle given his age (if elected, he’ll be the oldest president ever inaugurated), and these polls provide a snapshot of voter sentiment toward different candidates. According to Politico, Biden hasn’t landed on a short list yet, and he’s not expected to announce his final decision until the beginning of August.
While politics aren’t the only thing on his mind — Biden has said he’s focused on a nominee who is ready to be president “on day one” and “simpatico” with his governing approach — these polls offer a limited glimpse of whom some voters currently favor.
A brief rundown of recent polls and what to make of them
Polling so far has highlighted two key takeaways. One is that Warren’s and Harris’s respective profiles currently dwarf those of other contenders whose names have been floated, including Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Sen. Tammy Duckworth (D-IL) and Rep. Val Demings (D-FL). The other is that neither lawmaker is a runaway favorite. In the Yahoo News/YouGov and Monmouth University polls, neither Warren nor Harris secured a majority of respondents’ support, a sign that many voters are still open to other options.
Warren has ranked highly in several polls, particularly among younger voters.
In the mid-June Yahoo News/YouGov survey, Warren was up by 6 points with 30 percent support, compared with Harris’s 24 percent. They were followed by Abrams and Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), both of whom picked up 14 percent backing. (Klobuchar has since withdrawn her name from consideration.)
As captured by the YouGov survey, Warren’s support isn’t the same across different demographics: She had particularly strong backing among voters aged 18-29 and 30-44, while she and Harris were more closely tied among voters ages 45-64 and 65 and older. Harris and Abrams both led Warren among Black voters, with 25 percent and 22 percent support, respectively, compared with Warren’s 15 percent.
Meanwhile, in Monmouth’s June poll, which surveyed Democratic primary voters predominantly located in Iowa and New Hampshire, Harris was the top choice overall. She picked up 28 percent support, followed by Warren with 13 percent, Klobuchar with 12 percent, and Abrams with 10 percent. The June USA Today/Suffolk poll, conducted more recently, also showed that Democratic voters were most excited about Harris, Abrams, and Warren, in that order.
A May Morning Consult poll — which had a 2 percent margin of error — had Warren and Harris polling closely as well. Adding either of them to the ticket would have an effectively neutral impact on the general electorate’s interest in electing Biden, according to the survey: Twenty-six percent of registered voters told Morning Consult they’d be more likely to support Biden if he picked Warren as his running mate, while 23 percent said it would make them less likely to back him. Harris saw a comparable breakdown: 22 percent of registered voters were more likely to support Biden with her on the ticket, while 21 percent were less likely to do so.
Democratic voters, however, were more likely than Republicans or independents to say they’d be more open to voting for Biden if his VP choice is Warren or Harris.
Some — but not all — voters back the push for a more diverse ticket
Recent polls have found that many Democrats think Biden should pick a woman of color as his vice president. Data from the Monmouth survey, which focused on Democratic primary voters, underscored this point: In it, 59 percent of respondents thought having a woman of color as a running mate would increase Biden’s likelihood of winning. The USA Today/Suffolk poll also found that an overwhelming majority of Democrats thought it was important for Biden to nominate a woman of color.
Voters writ large, however, appear much more ambivalent. Take the New York Times/Siena College poll published last week: In the survey, which was conducted in early June, 14 percent of voters said they believed Biden should select a vice president who is Black, while 82 percent said race shouldn’t be a factor. That result is slightly different from that of a June Morning Consult survey, which found that 29 percent of registered voters thought it was important for Biden to select a woman of color, an uptick of 7 points from April.
“Voters are not the best strategists, but the nominee has to be attentive to his base. And a lot of Democratic voters think having a woman of color on the ticket would be a home run,” Monmouth pollster Patrick Murray said in a statement.
The push for Biden to back a vice president who is a woman of color, and a Black woman in particular, stems from a couple different places, including the recent focus on addressing systemic racism in policing and increasing representation in an array of fields. There’s also a sense that Biden owes much of his success in the primaries to the support of Black voters, as well as the possibility that a Black running mate could help spur higher voter turnout in November, though the likelihood of the latter is an open question.
“We need America to imagine the possibilities that exist for changing the face of leadership,” says Glynda Carr, president and CEO of Higher Heights for America, an organization dedicated to supporting black women running for office.
While vice presidential picks have rarely affected electoral outcomes in the past, there is a possibility that a more diverse ticket will increase voter turnout, which is vital for Democrats to win this fall. As experts have emphasized, even though Biden has seen strong support from Black voters, that’s not the same as voter enthusiasm — a dynamic that was apparent during Hillary Clinton’s run in 2016.
Across key battleground states like Michigan and Wisconsin, for example, turnout rates dipped among Black voters between 2012 and 2016. Former President Barack Obama’s groundbreaking candidacies in 2008 and 2012 were viewed as a significant reason for higher turnout from Black voters in both elections, and the historic choice of a Black woman as vice president could possibly lead to a similar uptick. A Northwestern University survey conducted in late May indicated as much: 57 percent of African American voters polled said they’d be more excited about voting for Biden if he selected a Black woman for his running mate.
“I expect that selection of a Black woman as VP would increase excitement about the election by setting the stage for another historic first,” Keneshia Grant, an assistant professor of political science at Howard University, told Vox. Grant emphasized, however, that a focus on descriptive representation is far from enough: She noted that it was also important for both the vice presidential nominee and Biden himself to focus on policies prioritized by Black voters.
Whether changes to turnout will ultimately materialize, however, is uncertain.
Historically, vice presidential nominees don’t sway the electorate much, except in the case of particularly polarizing selections. As Vox’s Ella Nilsen reported, the research suggests that many voters don’t weigh the vice presidential pick that heavily in their final decision:
[Chris Devine of the University of Dayton and Kyle Kopko of Elizabethtown College] analyzed election and voter data going back more than 100 years, and found vice presidential candidates usually only make a difference to the outcome of a general election when they are either very popular or very polarizing. The Wall Street Journal in 2016 also analyzed years of election data and found that even when a vice presidential pick was viewed favorably by voters in their party, a majority of voters ultimately said the VP pick ultimately had no measurable impact on their vote for president.
Biden’s age and the possibility that he might not seek reelection after his first term are among the reasons why this year’s selection could loom larger than that of years past. As Biden has said, he’s interested in finding a running mate who’s able to govern from the get-go.
“I want someone strong, and someone who can — who is ready to be president on day one,” he told CBS News in June.


vox--2020-07-02--5 restaurant workers share their fears about going back to work

“ All of us workers , we ’ re scared shitless , ” said Shanga McNair , a bartender in Florida who recently went back to work .
As states have aggressively pushed to reopen ( and many too soon , according to experts ) , patrons are rushing to eat in restaurants for the first time in months .
There are new regulations in place , varying by state and county , with some restaurants enforcing their own rules , including tables spaced 6 feet apart , reduced seating capacity , and disposable menus .
But even wearing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ You can ’ t wear a mask and eat your food and drink your drink , ” said Kayla Harter , a server from Southern California .
Restaurant work looks very different than it did before the coronavirus , and those returning to serve customers in person are putting their lives at risk .
Many employees have been out of work for months , scrambling to make ends meet , and are forced to go back to their jobs no matter what it costs their health .
Others lost their employment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or winnowing staff — and still others have chosen , as reopening ramps up , not to go back to work .
Vox talked to five servers , bartenders , and kitchen staffers about the fears and necessities of working in the food service industry during a pandemic .
“ We ’ re trying to do our best ” When we get into work we put our stuff down , we put a mask on , we clock in , and then we get our temperature taken .
As long as we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ start working .
If it ’ s higher than 100 , we need to wait five minutes and then try again because it ’ s really hot here .
Once we ’ re ready to start work , we ’ ll wash our hands , put on gloves , and then open up our section .
Speaking through a mask , and people not always being able to understand what I ’ m saying , that means that there are sometimes errors in the order .
So just being aware of that and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with my guests what they ’ re asking for as well as being spatially aware .
I don ’ t have peripheral vision down from my mask .
I ’ ve run into people way more than I have in the past , or tripped on things because I just don ’ t see below a certain point .
But the guests have been excited to be back in the restaurant , and they often have , you know , empathy and compassion for us as we ’ re trying to do our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few issues with people almost wanting to get into fights with us about the fact that we only have five people sitting at each physical table .
We ’ ve had multiple parties walk out or start a fight with the manager or just become hostile because of that rule .
But other than that , people have been pretty compliant .
“ I chose not to go back ” I chose not to go back , because [ my ] restaurant is in downtown Huntington Beach , which has been the site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests .
So I chose not to go back quite yet , and I ’ m actually very glad I did because I guess it has been , first of all , a shitshow .
This last week , four of my coworkers tested positive for Covid .
Actually , a lot of different restaurants in the Orange County area have had staff outbreaks in the last couple weeks .
I only worked maybe two to three days a week , but it was about $ 1,500 to $ 2,000 a month and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interesting having to reallocate my funds and figure things out .
I have a respiratory immune deficiency where I don ’ t have the antibodies to fight off pneumonia , and I also got a kidney removed in December .
Since Covid causes pneumonia and affects your kidneys , I really shouldn ’ t get this .
So when the cases go down , I probably will [ go back to work ] .
Most of the staff was not comfortable to go back , but a lot of people had no choice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends [ not to ] be selfish and sit in a restaurant just because you missed it .
You ’ re putting other people ’ s lives at risk and their families ’ lives at risk .
“ People are still willing to come in and put in the effort to make sure the restaurant is going to survive ” Being back at work , it feels like more of a community push .
Everyone at work isn ’ t necessarily there because they need to come back to work , and they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m in a fortunate situation where I work in a place where we ’ re all kind of gathered , or rallying around the business itself .
People are still willing to come in and put in the effort to make sure the restaurant is going to survive .
I think that is a big driving factor behind everyone ’ s push right now .
Before , it never really occurred to anyone that the business would not be able to keep up , and now it ’ s on the front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m scared of getting sick and then passing it on to my family , but there ’ s nothing I can do ” We ’ re not making money like we used to , but we can ’ t not go to work .
You have to go to work ; if you don ’ t go to work , you can ’ t get unemployment .
So , I mean , it ’ s just a shitshow right now .
I ’ m scared , you know — I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passing it on to my family , but there ’ s nothing I can do .
I ’ m 40 , and I have a daughter .
She ’ s 20 and she lives in Mississippi and she works in the service industry .
So [ one day ] I ’ m behind the bar and I get a call from my daughter .
So I pick up my phone and she was like , “ Ma , I tested positive.
” I didn ’ t know what to do because she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s in Mississippi with my grandparents , and my grandparents are almost 80 .
So I tell my boss , “ Look , my daughter just tested positive , so I got ta go , I got ta figure out what to do.
” And he was like , “ If you leave , you ’ re fired.
” “ The customer is always right , even during the pandemic ” We don ’ t give out condiments anymore .
We give out little portions of steak sauces and ketchup and salt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t give bottles anymore .
And we get lots of complaints about that .
All of the servers and everybody who ’ s out on the floor has to wear a mask , and we get complaints about that .
And we ’ re just sanitizing everything more now .
We don ’ t give out menus anymore , we give out paper menus , or there ’ s a QR code on the table that they can scan for the menu .
Because I work in Texas at a steakhouse , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in think the virus is a hoax , and they ’ ll resent us for wearing a mask and they ’ ll complain about the way things are different .
I ’ m making money again , but it ’ s my only option .
I like being able to pay my bills , but they just kind of like threw us out there to the dogs ; we ’ re not getting protected at all .
We ’ re having to wear masks , we ’ re required to for the guest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do whatever they want and we just have to take it , because the customer is always right , even during the pandemic .
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“All of us workers, we’re scared shitless,” said Shanga McNair, a bartender in Florida who recently went back to work.
As states have aggressively pushed to reopen (and many too soon, according to experts), patrons are rushing to eat in restaurants for the first time in months. There are new regulations in place, varying by state and county, with some restaurants enforcing their own rules, including tables spaced 6 feet apart, reduced seating capacity, and disposable menus. But even wearing a mask is challenging in a restaurant setting: “You can’t wear a mask and eat your food and drink your drink,” said Kayla Harter, a server from Southern California.
Restaurant work looks very different than it did before the coronavirus, and those returning to serve customers in person are putting their lives at risk. Many employees have been out of work for months, scrambling to make ends meet, and are forced to go back to their jobs no matter what it costs their health. Others lost their employment during the pandemic — with restaurants closing or winnowing staff — and still others have chosen, as reopening ramps up, not to go back to work. Vox talked to five servers, bartenders, and kitchen staffers about the fears and necessities of working in the food service industry during a pandemic.
“We’re trying to do our best”
When we get into work we put our stuff down, we put a mask on, we clock in, and then we get our temperature taken. As long as we have a temperature under 100, we can start working. If it’s higher than 100, we need to wait five minutes and then try again because it’s really hot here. Once we’re ready to start work, we’ll wash our hands, put on gloves, and then open up our section.
Speaking through a mask, and people not always being able to understand what I’m saying, that means that there are sometimes errors in the order. So just being aware of that and learning, making sure I really clarify with my guests what they’re asking for as well as being spatially aware. I don’t have peripheral vision down from my mask. I’ve run into people way more than I have in the past, or tripped on things because I just don’t see below a certain point. But the guests have been excited to be back in the restaurant, and they often have, you know, empathy and compassion for us as we’re trying to do our best.
We’ve had a few issues with people almost wanting to get into fights with us about the fact that we only have five people sitting at each physical table. We’ve had multiple parties walk out or start a fight with the manager or just become hostile because of that rule. But other than that, people have been pretty compliant.
—Michaela Frantz, server, Las Vegas, Nevada
“I chose not to go back”
I chose not to go back, because [my] restaurant is in downtown Huntington Beach, which has been the site of a lot of anti-mask rallies and protests. So I chose not to go back quite yet, and I’m actually very glad I did because I guess it has been, first of all, a shitshow. This last week, four of my coworkers tested positive for Covid. Actually, a lot of different restaurants in the Orange County area have had staff outbreaks in the last couple weeks.
I only worked maybe two to three days a week, but it was about $1,500 to $2,000 a month and so it’s just been really interesting having to reallocate my funds and figure things out.
I have a respiratory immune deficiency where I don’t have the antibodies to fight off pneumonia, and I also got a kidney removed in December. Since Covid causes pneumonia and affects your kidneys, I really shouldn’t get this. So when the cases go down, I probably will [go back to work].
Most of the staff was not comfortable to go back, but a lot of people had no choice. So I strongly urge all my friends [not to] be selfish and sit in a restaurant just because you missed it. You’re putting other people’s lives at risk and their families’ lives at risk.
—Kayla Harter, server, Orange County, California
“People are still willing to come in and put in the effort to make sure the restaurant is going to survive”
Being back at work, it feels like more of a community push. Everyone at work isn’t necessarily there because they need to come back to work, and they’re worried about themselves. I’m in a fortunate situation where I work in a place where we’re all kind of gathered, or rallying around the business itself.
People are still willing to come in and put in the effort to make sure the restaurant is going to survive. I think that is a big driving factor behind everyone’s push right now. Before, it never really occurred to anyone that the business would not be able to keep up, and now it’s on the front of everyone’s minds.
—Zach Van Horn, cook, State College, Pennsylvania
“I’m scared of getting sick and then passing it on to my family, but there’s nothing I can do”
We’re not making money like we used to, but we can’t not go to work. You have to go to work; if you don’t go to work, you can’t get unemployment.
So, I mean, it’s just a shitshow right now. I’m scared, you know — I’m scared of getting sick and then passing it on to my family, but there’s nothing I can do.
I’m 40, and I have a daughter. She’s 20 and she lives in Mississippi and she works in the service industry. So [one day] I’m behind the bar and I get a call from my daughter. So I pick up my phone and she was like, “Ma, I tested positive.” I didn’t know what to do because she’s far away from me. She’s in Mississippi with my grandparents, and my grandparents are almost 80.
So I tell my boss, “Look, my daughter just tested positive, so I gotta go, I gotta figure out what to do.” And he was like, “If you leave, you’re fired.”
—Shanga McNair, bartender, Jacksonville, Florida
“The customer is always right, even during the pandemic”
We don’t give out condiments anymore. We give out little portions of steak sauces and ketchup and salt and pepper packages, but we don’t give bottles anymore. And we get lots of complaints about that. All of the servers and everybody who’s out on the floor has to wear a mask, and we get complaints about that. And we’re just sanitizing everything more now. We don’t give out menus anymore, we give out paper menus, or there’s a QR code on the table that they can scan for the menu. Because I work in Texas at a steakhouse, a lot of the guests that come in think the virus is a hoax, and they’ll resent us for wearing a mask and they’ll complain about the way things are different.
I’m making money again, but it’s my only option. I like being able to pay my bills, but they just kind of like threw us out there to the dogs; we’re not getting protected at all. We’re having to wear masks, we’re required to for the guest safety, but the guests can basically do whatever they want and we just have to take it, because the customer is always right, even during the pandemic.
—Kennedy Hogan, server, Temple, Texas