vox--2020-06-24--The killing of Ahmaud Arbery, an unarmed black jogger in Georgia, explained

The three white men arrested in the fatal shooting of Ahmaud Arbery — an unarmed black man who was attacked while jogging — were indicted on murder charges Wednesday by a grand jury in Georgia .
Arbery was killed on February 23 , when Gregory McMichael , 64 , a retired district attorney investigator and police detective , and his son Travis McMichael , 34 , armed themselves and followed him in a pickup truck after seeing him jog by .
They later told police officers they believed Arbery to be a suspect in two burglaries in the Satilla Shores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighbor William “ Roddie ” Bryan , who filmed the incident — were arrested and charged last month with murder .
And on Wednesday , District Attorney Joyette M. Holmes announced that the Glynn County grand jury had returned an indictment on all three defendants , including four counts of felony murder , two counts of aggravated assault , and one count each of false imprisonment and criminal attempt to commit false imprisonment .
While the shooting happened months ago , the case did not receive national attention until Bryan ’ s graphic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family and showing the last moments of the 25-year-old ’ s life — went viral on May 5 .
Arbery ’ s mother , Wanda Cooper-Jones , told CBS News that the video “ proves that my son was not committing a crime .
He was out for his daily jog and he was hunted down like an animal and killed.
” The footage sparked outrage among criminal justice advocates across the country , and led to the call for a grand jury to investigate the fatal shooting .
The Department of Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and reviewing how Arbery ’ s killing was handled on the state and local levels .
Arbery ’ s death has been compared with the shooting deaths of many other unarmed black people , including 17-year-old Trayvon Martin and Botham Jean , who was killed in his Dallas apartment in 2018 .
Protests have continued in Georgia — where social distancing requirements were recently relaxed — with hundreds of people marching through Satilla Shores , promising to “ run with Maud ” and chanting , “ We want justice !
” “ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the truck with guns hunting him down , ” civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump , who represents Arbery ’ s father , told the Associated Press .
“ I don ’ t know what more you need to make an arrest.
” Prior to the video ’ s release , the only public record of Arbery ’ s final moments were the statements the McMichaels gave to police .
An investigation into the shooting had been limited , as a series of prosecutors recused themselves from the case over their ties to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s supporters , who argue that his killing — and the subsequent actions of local law enforcement — shows how little has changed in an area of Georgia that ’ s been described as dotted with Confederate flags , with a history of mobs of white men taking justice into their own hands in a manner that leaves black men dead .
Everything we know about Ahmaud Arbery ’ s killing Arbery , a former high school football star , was passionate about staying in shape , according to friends and family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he often spent his free time running .
He went for one such run on February 23 , ending up in Satilla Shores , a few miles away from his home in Glynn County .
“ The video is very clear that they were on the truck with guns hunting him down .
I don ’ t know what more you need to make an arrest.
” Gregory McMichael claims he was in his front yard when he saw Arbery “ hauling ass , ” after which he ran inside to get a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He told police that he said , “ Travis , the guy is running down the street , let ’ s go.
” By “ the guy , ” he meant the person responsible for what some in the neighborhood have described as two burglaries .
Larry English , a man whose home was under construction in the McMichaels ’ neighborhood , said someone stole $ 2,500 in fishing gear from him earlier this year , but he never reported the theft , he told the Daily Beast ; he also never accused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has since come to light , however , that the Glynn County Police Department contacted English in December 2019 , asking him to reach out to Gregory McMichael whenever he “ got action ” on his surveillance camera , according to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution .
“ Greg is retired Law Enforcement and also a Retired Investigator from the DA ’ s office , ” Officer Robert Rash texted English , along with McMichael ’ s phone number .
“ He said please call him day or night when you get action on your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her client never took McMichael up on his offer .
Trespassing on English ’ s property was , apparently , a common occurrence .
In mid-May , CNN obtained 11 surveillance clips from English ’ s attorney and found that multiple people , including women and children , had entered the home in the months leading up to Arbery ’ s death .
The only confirmed instance of Arbery himself being on the property was on February 23 .
The second burglary in the area was reported to police by Travis McMichael , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stolen on January 1 from a vehicle parked outside his home .
In the police report filed after Arbery ’ s killing , Gregory McMichael said the burglar had been caught on surveillance video and that Arbery matched the description of the suspect .
There seemed to be concern about Arbery ’ s presence in the neighborhood for much of his time there on the afternoon of February 23 ; several calls , at least one of which was from the McMichaels , were placed to 911 .
Satilla Shores is a predominantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Justin Glawe describes as featuring “ several homes ... decorated with Trump flags , one bearing the president ’ s smiling face with the phrase , Make liberals cry again.
” The first featured a caller expressing distress about Arbery being near a house that is under construction on property owned by English .
The dispatcher asked what Arbery was doing wrong but never received an answer .
Arbery ’ s family has said he ’ s always been inquisitive and was likely just having a look at the bones of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something one doesn ’ t see every day .
After that first call , 911 received another , in which the caller said , “ I ’ m out here at Satilla Shores .
There ’ s a black male running down the street.
” The caller can be heard yelling , “ Watch that .
Stop , damn it !
Stop !
” but stops responding to the dispatcher ’ s inquiries .
As these calls were being made , the McMichaels were preparing to pursue Arbery .
Gregory McMichael told police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while his son got a shotgun .
He told police he felt the weapons were called for because he ’ d seen Arbery in the neighborhood previously with his hand in his pants in a manner suggestive of a firearm .
Then the men got into Travis McMichael ’ s pickup truck and began to chase Arbery through the neighborhood .
Arbery ’ s uncle told the Brunswick News that Arbery was amazingly fast and agile .
And the police report suggests that — despite being on foot — he evaded the McMichaels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his son tried to cut off Arbery with his truck , but that he turned around and ran in the other direction .
The police report mentions another person , identified only as “ Roddy ” — William Bryan — who tried unsuccessfully to cut Arbery off with his vehicle .
McMichael claims they were able to catch up with Arbery and shouted out of the truck , “ Stop , stop , we want to talk to you , ” before stopping the truck beside him , at which point Travis exited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims , Arbery attacked his son , the two men fought over the shotgun , two shots were fired , and then Arbery fell , bleeding .
The officer who wrote the report said Arbery died not long after police arrived on the scene .
But the video — filmed by Bryan from his vehicle — appears to show something slightly different .
Civil rights attorney S. Lee Merritt , who is representing Arbery ’ s family , reposted the video on his Twitter account on May 5 .
As the vehicle turns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black man wearing a white shirt — what Arbery was described as wearing in 911 calls — can be seen running .
A white pickup truck , ostensibly the McMichaels ’ , blocks his path ; a white man is in the street next to the driver ’ s side of the truck , and another stands in the flatbed .
The video is blocked by the dashboard for a moment , and some unintelligible yelling can be heard .
The video then shows the black man trying to run around the truck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see what happens next , but there ’ s a gunshot ; the black man and the white man who was standing in the road reappear in the frame , engaged in a struggle , and move off the road , again leaving the video ’ s frame .
As the man in the flatbed brings up his firearm , there ’ s another gunshot .
The video Merritt posted ends with the struggle — seemingly over possession of a firearm — continuing .
A longer version available online features a third gunshot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pavement , his shirt seemingly red with blood .
While the police were en route , Arbery was “ on the ground ‘ bleeding out , ’ ” according to the report .
Travis McMichael had blood on his hands ; his father said this was from Travis rolling Arbery ’ s body over to check for a gun .
An autopsy report released May 12 revealed that Arbery was shot twice in the chest and “ had a third wound ” on one of his wrists .
Arbery ’ s supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racist murder — but complications have inhibited an investigation Advocates for Arbery argue his killing is a very clear case of racial profiling ; in his caption for the video , Merritt wrote , “ Ahmaud Arbery was pursued by three white men that targeted him solely because of his race and murdered him without justification.
” It ’ s a sentiment echoed by others , including presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden , who tweeted , “ The video is clear : Ahmaud Arbery was killed in cold blood.
” Stacey Abrams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2018 gubernatorial election and who has said she hopes to become Biden ’ s running mate , demanded a “ full investigation , appropriate charges , and an unbiased prosecution.
” But charges were slow coming , due to conflicts of interest and Georgia ’ s stand-your-ground law and citizen ’ s arrest law .
The case is on its fourth prosecutor ; the first put in charge of the case , Brunswick District Attorney Jackie Johnson , recused herself because she ’ d previously employed Gregory McMichael .
The district attorney of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was then assigned to it , but he recused himself after Arbery ’ s mother pointed out his son works in Johnson ’ s office .
Barnhill officially recused himself in an April 7 letter — and in it , he wrote that his son and Gregory McMichael “ both helped with the previous prosecution of Arbery ” on behalf of Johnson ’ s office .
Arbery was convicted of probation violation after facing a shoplifting charge in 2018 , something Barnhill pointed out in an earlier letter in which he laid out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done nothing wrong .
In that letter , dated April 3 , Barnhill suggested Arbery had mental health issues , and highlighted not just the shoplifting issue , but also the incident that led to Arbery being placed on probation : having brought a gun to campus while he was in high school .
The letter also notes Georgia has an open-carry law , a separate state law allows a private citizen to attempt arrests if an “ offense is committed in his presence or within his immediate knowledge , ” and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ someone who feels threatened “ to use deadly force to protect himself , ” without having to first try to retreat or call law enforcement .
Merritt has dismissed Barnhill ’ s interpretation of these laws , telling CNN he doesn ’ t believe the McMichaels were trying to make a citizen ’ s arrest , noting that the McMichaels ’ statements frame the shooting as an act of self-defense .
And he said the citizen ’ s arrest law says “ you actually have to be observing the crime or be in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but argues the McMichaels never claimed this was the case .
The Washington Post also reported that Gregory McMichael had his law enforcement certification suspended last year after repeatedly failing to complete required training .
He also received a warning in 2014 for neglecting to finish mandatory firearms and use-of-force classes .
Merritt has also pushed back against other claims in Barnhill ’ s letter , including the references to Arbery ’ s mental health and previous interactions with the legal system .
“ The reference to ... alleged conduct from high school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do with his murder , ” Merritt said .
The shoplifting case does connect Barnhill , Gregory McMichael , and Arbery , however .
When Barnhill recused himself in an April 7 letter , he wrote that his son and Gregory McMichael “ both helped with the previous prosecution of Arbery ” on behalf of Johnson ’ s office .
The real impetus behind the killing , Merritt suggested , can be seen in the 911 calls , when the caller fails to give a clear reason for the call but does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black male running down the street.
” Gregory McMichael told the Daily Beast Arbery ’ s race was irrelevant and that he “ never would have gone after someone for their color , ” saying instead that Barnhill ’ s letter is the “ closest version of the truth.
” Meanwhile , pressure has mounted for Barnhill and Johnson to be removed from office .
Protesters gathered at the Glynn County Courthouse on May 16 to demand their resignations .
“ Racism is real in America and racism is real in Brunswick , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a message to the racists and the supremacist that we will fight you with everything that we have , ” Rev .
Timothy McDonald said at the protests , Reuters reported .
Investigations have ramped up since the video went viral Two days after the state took over the case , the McMichaels were arrested and booked in a Glynn County jail .
A day later , Georgia Bureau of Investigation Director Vic Reynolds announced that Bryan was also under investigation .
He was charged with felony murder and criminal attempt to commit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May 10 , Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr announced he had asked the Department of Justice to investigate the handling of the case .
“ We are committed to a complete and transparent review of how the Ahmaud Arbery case was handled from the outset , ” Carr said in a statement .
“ The family , the community and the state of Georgia deserve answers , and we will work with others in law enforcement at the state and federal level to find those answers.
” Meanwhile , Carr reassigned the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Holmes of Cobb County , which is northwest of Atlanta .
In a statement , Carr said that while Durden had been executing his duties well , he believed someone with more resources was needed .
On June 24 , Holmes announced an indictment with nine counts against each of the three defendants : malice murder , four counts of felony murder , two counts of aggravated assault , false imprisonment , and criminal attempt to commit false imprisonment .
Correction : An earlier version of this story miscategorized the incidents described by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were described as thefts or burglaries .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Editor’s note, November 24, 2021: This article was last updated in June 2020. Travis and Gregory McMichael and William Bryan have since been found guilty in Ahmaud Arbery’s murder. To read our latest coverage of the verdict, click here.
The three white men arrested in the fatal shooting of Ahmaud Arbery — an unarmed black man who was attacked while jogging — were indicted on murder charges Wednesday by a grand jury in Georgia.
Arbery was killed on February 23, when Gregory McMichael, 64, a retired district attorney investigator and police detective, and his son Travis McMichael, 34, armed themselves and followed him in a pickup truck after seeing him jog by. They later told police officers they believed Arbery to be a suspect in two burglaries in the Satilla Shores area.
The McMichaels — along with neighbor William “Roddie” Bryan, who filmed the incident — were arrested and charged last month with murder. And on Wednesday, District Attorney Joyette M. Holmes announced that the Glynn County grand jury had returned an indictment on all three defendants, including four counts of felony murder, two counts of aggravated assault, and one count each of false imprisonment and criminal attempt to commit false imprisonment.
While the shooting happened months ago, the case did not receive national attention until Bryan’s graphic video — released by Arbery’s family and showing the last moments of the 25-year-old’s life — went viral on May 5.
Arbery’s mother, Wanda Cooper-Jones, told CBS News that the video “proves that my son was not committing a crime. He was out for his daily jog and he was hunted down like an animal and killed.”
The footage sparked outrage among criminal justice advocates across the country, and led to the call for a grand jury to investigate the fatal shooting. The Department of Justice is also looking into hate crime charges and reviewing how Arbery’s killing was handled on the state and local levels.
Arbery’s death has been compared with the shooting deaths of many other unarmed black people, including 17-year-old Trayvon Martin and Botham Jean, who was killed in his Dallas apartment in 2018. Protests have continued in Georgia — where social distancing requirements were recently relaxed — with hundreds of people marching through Satilla Shores, promising to “run with Maud” and chanting, “We want justice!”
“The video is very clear that they were on the truck with guns hunting him down,” civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump, who represents Arbery’s father, told the Associated Press. “I don’t know what more you need to make an arrest.”
Prior to the video’s release, the only public record of Arbery’s final moments were the statements the McMichaels gave to police. An investigation into the shooting had been limited, as a series of prosecutors recused themselves from the case over their ties to Gregory McMichael. This has frustrated Arbery’s supporters, who argue that his killing — and the subsequent actions of local law enforcement — shows how little has changed in an area of Georgia that’s been described as dotted with Confederate flags, with a history of mobs of white men taking justice into their own hands in a manner that leaves black men dead.
Everything we know about Ahmaud Arbery’s killing
Arbery, a former high school football star, was passionate about staying in shape, according to friends and family, who told the New York Times he often spent his free time running. He went for one such run on February 23, ending up in Satilla Shores, a few miles away from his home in Glynn County.
“The video is very clear that they were on the truck with guns hunting him down. I don’t know what more you need to make an arrest.”
Gregory McMichael claims he was in his front yard when he saw Arbery “hauling ass,” after which he ran inside to get a weapon and his son, Travis. He told police that he said, “Travis, the guy is running down the street, let’s go.”
By “the guy,” he meant the person responsible for what some in the neighborhood have described as two burglaries. Larry English, a man whose home was under construction in the McMichaels’ neighborhood, said someone stole $2,500 in fishing gear from him earlier this year, but he never reported the theft, he told the Daily Beast; he also never accused Arbery of committing any crimes.
It has since come to light, however, that the Glynn County Police Department contacted English in December 2019, asking him to reach out to Gregory McMichael whenever he “got action” on his surveillance camera, according to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. “Greg is retired Law Enforcement and also a Retired Investigator from the DA’s office,” Officer Robert Rash texted English, along with McMichael’s phone number. “He said please call him day or night when you get action on your camera.” English’s attorney said her client never took McMichael up on his offer.
Trespassing on English’s property was, apparently, a common occurrence. In mid-May, CNN obtained 11 surveillance clips from English’s attorney and found that multiple people, including women and children, had entered the home in the months leading up to Arbery’s death. The only confirmed instance of Arbery himself being on the property was on February 23.
The second burglary in the area was reported to police by Travis McMichael, who said a 9 mm pistol was stolen on January 1 from a vehicle parked outside his home. In the police report filed after Arbery’s killing, Gregory McMichael said the burglar had been caught on surveillance video and that Arbery matched the description of the suspect.
There seemed to be concern about Arbery’s presence in the neighborhood for much of his time there on the afternoon of February 23; several calls, at least one of which was from the McMichaels, were placed to 911. Satilla Shores is a predominantly white neighborhood, one the Daily Beast’s Justin Glawe describes as featuring “several homes ... decorated with Trump flags, one bearing the president’s smiling face with the phrase, Make liberals cry again.”
The first featured a caller expressing distress about Arbery being near a house that is under construction on property owned by English. The dispatcher asked what Arbery was doing wrong but never received an answer. Arbery’s family has said he’s always been inquisitive and was likely just having a look at the bones of the home, since that’s something one doesn’t see every day.
After that first call, 911 received another, in which the caller said, “I’m out here at Satilla Shores. There’s a black male running down the street.” The caller can be heard yelling, “Watch that. Stop, damn it! Stop!” but stops responding to the dispatcher’s inquiries.
As these calls were being made, the McMichaels were preparing to pursue Arbery. Gregory McMichael told police he armed himself with a .357 magnum while his son got a shotgun. He told police he felt the weapons were called for because he’d seen Arbery in the neighborhood previously with his hand in his pants in a manner suggestive of a firearm. Then the men got into Travis McMichael’s pickup truck and began to chase Arbery through the neighborhood.
Arbery’s uncle told the Brunswick News that Arbery was amazingly fast and agile. And the police report suggests that — despite being on foot — he evaded the McMichaels for a time. Gregory McMichael claims his son tried to cut off Arbery with his truck, but that he turned around and ran in the other direction.
The police report mentions another person, identified only as “Roddy” — William Bryan — who tried unsuccessfully to cut Arbery off with his vehicle.
McMichael claims they were able to catch up with Arbery and shouted out of the truck, “Stop, stop, we want to talk to you,” before stopping the truck beside him, at which point Travis exited with his shotgun. Then, McMichael claims, Arbery attacked his son, the two men fought over the shotgun, two shots were fired, and then Arbery fell, bleeding. The officer who wrote the report said Arbery died not long after police arrived on the scene.
But the video — filmed by Bryan from his vehicle — appears to show something slightly different. Civil rights attorney S. Lee Merritt, who is representing Arbery’s family, reposted the video on his Twitter account on May 5.
As the vehicle turns a bend in a road, a black man wearing a white shirt — what Arbery was described as wearing in 911 calls — can be seen running. A white pickup truck, ostensibly the McMichaels’, blocks his path; a white man is in the street next to the driver’s side of the truck, and another stands in the flatbed. The video is blocked by the dashboard for a moment, and some unintelligible yelling can be heard. The video then shows the black man trying to run around the truck.
It’s not possible to see what happens next, but there’s a gunshot; the black man and the white man who was standing in the road reappear in the frame, engaged in a struggle, and move off the road, again leaving the video’s frame. As the man in the flatbed brings up his firearm, there’s another gunshot. The video Merritt posted ends with the struggle — seemingly over possession of a firearm — continuing. A longer version available online features a third gunshot, and the black man falling to the pavement, his shirt seemingly red with blood.
While the police were en route, Arbery was “on the ground ‘bleeding out,’” according to the report. Travis McMichael had blood on his hands; his father said this was from Travis rolling Arbery’s body over to check for a gun.
An autopsy report released May 12 revealed that Arbery was shot twice in the chest and “had a third wound” on one of his wrists.
Arbery’s supporters say this is a clear case of racist murder — but complications have inhibited an investigation
Advocates for Arbery argue his killing is a very clear case of racial profiling; in his caption for the video, Merritt wrote, “Ahmaud Arbery was pursued by three white men that targeted him solely because of his race and murdered him without justification.”
It’s a sentiment echoed by others, including presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, who tweeted, “The video is clear: Ahmaud Arbery was killed in cold blood.”
Stacey Abrams, who narrowly lost Georgia’s 2018 gubernatorial election and who has said she hopes to become Biden’s running mate, demanded a “full investigation, appropriate charges, and an unbiased prosecution.”
But charges were slow coming, due to conflicts of interest and Georgia’s stand-your-ground law and citizen’s arrest law.
The case is on its fourth prosecutor; the first put in charge of the case, Brunswick District Attorney Jackie Johnson, recused herself because she’d previously employed Gregory McMichael. The district attorney of Waycross, Georgia, George Barnhill, was then assigned to it, but he recused himself after Arbery’s mother pointed out his son works in Johnson’s office.
Barnhill officially recused himself in an April 7 letter — and in it, he wrote that his son and Gregory McMichael “both helped with the previous prosecution of Arbery” on behalf of Johnson’s office. Arbery was convicted of probation violation after facing a shoplifting charge in 2018, something Barnhill pointed out in an earlier letter in which he laid out the reasons he believed the McMichaels had done nothing wrong.
In that letter, dated April 3, Barnhill suggested Arbery had mental health issues, and highlighted not just the shoplifting issue, but also the incident that led to Arbery being placed on probation: having brought a gun to campus while he was in high school.
The letter also notes Georgia has an open-carry law, a separate state law allows a private citizen to attempt arrests if an “offense is committed in his presence or within his immediate knowledge,” and that it has a stand-your-ground law that allows someone who feels threatened “to use deadly force to protect himself,” without having to first try to retreat or call law enforcement.
Merritt has dismissed Barnhill’s interpretation of these laws, telling CNN he doesn’t believe the McMichaels were trying to make a citizen’s arrest, noting that the McMichaels’ statements frame the shooting as an act of self-defense.
And he said the citizen’s arrest law says “you actually have to be observing the crime or be in the immediate knowledge of the crime” but argues the McMichaels never claimed this was the case.
The Washington Post also reported that Gregory McMichael had his law enforcement certification suspended last year after repeatedly failing to complete required training. He also received a warning in 2014 for neglecting to finish mandatory firearms and use-of-force classes.
Merritt has also pushed back against other claims in Barnhill’s letter, including the references to Arbery’s mental health and previous interactions with the legal system.
“The reference to ... alleged conduct from high school or shoplifting is absurd and has nothing to do with his murder,” Merritt said.
The shoplifting case does connect Barnhill, Gregory McMichael, and Arbery, however. When Barnhill recused himself in an April 7 letter, he wrote that his son and Gregory McMichael “both helped with the previous prosecution of Arbery” on behalf of Johnson’s office.
The real impetus behind the killing, Merritt suggested, can be seen in the 911 calls, when the caller fails to give a clear reason for the call but does note, “There’s a black male running down the street.”
Gregory McMichael told the Daily Beast Arbery’s race was irrelevant and that he “never would have gone after someone for their color,” saying instead that Barnhill’s letter is the “closest version of the truth.”
Meanwhile, pressure has mounted for Barnhill and Johnson to be removed from office. Protesters gathered at the Glynn County Courthouse on May 16 to demand their resignations.
“Racism is real in America and racism is real in Brunswick, Georgia and we come today to send a message to the racists and the supremacist that we will fight you with everything that we have,” Rev. Timothy McDonald said at the protests, Reuters reported.
Investigations have ramped up since the video went viral
Two days after the state took over the case, the McMichaels were arrested and booked in a Glynn County jail. A day later, Georgia Bureau of Investigation Director Vic Reynolds announced that Bryan was also under investigation. He was charged with felony murder and criminal attempt to commit false imprisonment two weeks later.
On May 10, Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr announced he had asked the Department of Justice to investigate the handling of the case. “We are committed to a complete and transparent review of how the Ahmaud Arbery case was handled from the outset,” Carr said in a statement. “The family, the community and the state of Georgia deserve answers, and we will work with others in law enforcement at the state and federal level to find those answers.”
Meanwhile, Carr reassigned the case to a new district attorney, Joyette Holmes of Cobb County, which is northwest of Atlanta. In a statement, Carr said that while Durden had been executing his duties well, he believed someone with more resources was needed.
On June 24, Holmes announced an indictment with nine counts against each of the three defendants: malice murder, four counts of felony murder, two counts of aggravated assault, false imprisonment, and criminal attempt to commit false imprisonment.
Correction: An earlier version of this story miscategorized the incidents described by Larry English and Travis McMichael. They were described as thefts or burglaries.


vox--2020-06-24--Martha McSally’s bailout proposal for the travel industry, explained

Sen. Martha McSally ( R-AZ ) has a plan to bolster the American economy : Direct thousands of dollars in subsidies for families to go on vacation , but only if they ’ re reasonably affluent .
Meet the American Tax Rebate and Incentive Program Act , or the American TRIP Act , which McSally says “ will help boost domestic travel and jumpstart the comeback of our hotels , entertainment sectors , local tourism agencies , and the thousands of businesses that make Arizona one of the best places in the world to visit ” by encouraging Americans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and discover or rediscover Arizona along with the rest of the amazing destinations our country has to offer after a difficult several months stuck inside.
” The plan does not include an extension of the emergency economic assistance that ’ s kept households afloat ; that is still set to expire later in the summer .
The proposal is for a nonrefundable tax credit — $ 4,000 for adults , $ 500 for children — in 2020 , 2021 , and 2022 for expenses related to domestic travel that takes a person more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s a strange form of stimulus .
If viewed as financial assistance to households , it specifically targets money in a way that nearly half of US families won ’ t be eligible to receive , including almost all of the people who could objectively use the most help .
And if the idea is simply to help businesses that are hurting due to public health concerns , it might be better to bypass those concerns by just funneling them money , especially as the existing Paycheck Protection Program ( PPP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McSally ’ s plan is taken more or less directly from the travel industry lobby , and she was on tour in Arizona with President Donald Trump while rolling it out — so it attracted a fair amount of attention in the media .
Whether it ’ ll actually end up on the floor of the Senate for a vote is another story .
Regardless , in a moment when real Americans are suffering job losses , businesses are struggling to survive , and a pandemic is raging , a leading senator is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for workers or employers and puts everybody at risk by incentivizing potentially dangerous behavior .
How the TRIP Act would work To quality for TRIP money , as it ’ s called , you would need to be taking a trip to somewhere within the United States that is at least 50 miles from your main residence .
Lodging , travel , and entertainment costs would all qualify .
What ’ s more , if you own a second home , “ expenses related to live entertainment , food and beverage , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dwelling would not qualify.
” In other words , if you drive out to your vacation house , you can use the tax credit to cover the cost of your food but not to cover expenses associated with the house itself .
The implications of this are somewhat bizarre .
The stated intention is to encourage vacation travel .
But the way the bill is written , an affluent white-collar professional who ’ s working remotely during the pandemic and owns a vacation house could simply relocate for a while and get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meals they would have bought anyway .
Conversely , a service-sector worker with limited vacation time would , in fact , have a strong incentive to take a brief but very pricey vacation .
But there are two catches .
One is that this is a tax credit , not the government sending you a gift card in the mail .
If you have $ 4,000 ( or $ 8,000 for a couple , and potentially more for a family with kids ) in the bank to blow on a vacation , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back when you file your taxes next year .
But if you ’ re living paycheck to paycheck , McSally isn ’ t actually providing you with any additional money .
So the people most likely to be incentivized to actually undertake travel they wouldn ’ t have otherwise are actually least likely to be able to use the program .
That ’ s further exacerbated by the reality that the tax credit is nonrefundable .
A refundable tax credit lets people owe less than zero income tax ( in effect offsetting their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one applies only to people who have a positive income-tax burden .
Thanks to an aging population and a proliferation of other tax credits over the years — including the expansion of the child tax credit in the GOP tax bill passed in 2019 — about 45 percent of the population pays no income taxes , meaning the vast majority of people in the bottom half of the income distribution would get no help at all from McSally ’ s program .
Beyond the design flaws , the underlying concept of McSally ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses are facing particular burdens due to the pandemic because a lot of travel-related activities are seen as risky .
Trying to pay consumers to ignore those risks might give businesses a shot in the arm , but it also might undermine efforts to halt Covid-19 .
That could both cost lives and prolong the period during which there is an elevated fear of traveling .
If you want to help businesses impacted by the pandemic , a better solution is to help them directly — either with targeted assistance to impacted sectors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act ) or with a broad program like zero-interest loans for small businesses , allowing them to ride out a period of reduced revenue without going into liquidation .
Alternatively , if you ’ re simply seeking to bolster consumer spending , you want to follow the CARES Act model : Put money into people ’ s hands quickly ( not when they file taxes next year ) and try to target the money at people who are likely to be in need ( not high-income individuals with savings in the bank ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves what ’ s a safe and prudent way to spend it .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Sen. Martha McSally (R-AZ) has a plan to bolster the American economy: Direct thousands of dollars in subsidies for families to go on vacation, but only if they’re reasonably affluent.
Meet the American Tax Rebate and Incentive Program Act, or the American TRIP Act, which McSally says “will help boost domestic travel and jumpstart the comeback of our hotels, entertainment sectors, local tourism agencies, and the thousands of businesses that make Arizona one of the best places in the world to visit” by encouraging Americans to “safely get out of their homes and discover or rediscover Arizona along with the rest of the amazing destinations our country has to offer after a difficult several months stuck inside.”
The plan does not include an extension of the emergency economic assistance that’s kept households afloat; that is still set to expire later in the summer.
The proposal is for a nonrefundable tax credit — $4,000 for adults, $500 for children — in 2020, 2021, and 2022 for expenses related to domestic travel that takes a person more than 50 miles from their house. It’s a strange form of stimulus. If viewed as financial assistance to households, it specifically targets money in a way that nearly half of US families won’t be eligible to receive, including almost all of the people who could objectively use the most help.
And if the idea is simply to help businesses that are hurting due to public health concerns, it might be better to bypass those concerns by just funneling them money, especially as the existing Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) is set to expire soon.
McSally’s plan is taken more or less directly from the travel industry lobby, and she was on tour in Arizona with President Donald Trump while rolling it out — so it attracted a fair amount of attention in the media. Whether it’ll actually end up on the floor of the Senate for a vote is another story. Regardless, in a moment when real Americans are suffering job losses, businesses are struggling to survive, and a pandemic is raging, a leading senator is pitching a policy proposal that does nothing for workers or employers and puts everybody at risk by incentivizing potentially dangerous behavior.
How the TRIP Act would work
To quality for TRIP money, as it’s called, you would need to be taking a trip to somewhere within the United States that is at least 50 miles from your main residence. Lodging, travel, and entertainment costs would all qualify. What’s more, if you own a second home, “expenses related to live entertainment, food and beverage, and transportation qualify, but expenses related to the dwelling would not qualify.”
In other words, if you drive out to your vacation house, you can use the tax credit to cover the cost of your food but not to cover expenses associated with the house itself.
The implications of this are somewhat bizarre. The stated intention is to encourage vacation travel. But the way the bill is written, an affluent white-collar professional who’s working remotely during the pandemic and owns a vacation house could simply relocate for a while and get thousands of dollars in tax credits for meals they would have bought anyway. Conversely, a service-sector worker with limited vacation time would, in fact, have a strong incentive to take a brief but very pricey vacation.
But there are two catches.
One is that this is a tax credit, not the government sending you a gift card in the mail. If you have $4,000 (or $8,000 for a couple, and potentially more for a family with kids) in the bank to blow on a vacation, you’ll end up getting your money back when you file your taxes next year. But if you’re living paycheck to paycheck, McSally isn’t actually providing you with any additional money. So the people most likely to be incentivized to actually undertake travel they wouldn’t have otherwise are actually least likely to be able to use the program.
That’s further exacerbated by the reality that the tax credit is nonrefundable. A refundable tax credit lets people owe less than zero income tax (in effect offsetting their payroll-tax burden), while a nonrefundable one applies only to people who have a positive income-tax burden. Thanks to an aging population and a proliferation of other tax credits over the years — including the expansion of the child tax credit in the GOP tax bill passed in 2019 — about 45 percent of the population pays no income taxes, meaning the vast majority of people in the bottom half of the income distribution would get no help at all from McSally’s program.
Small business needs a better solution
Beyond the design flaws, the underlying concept of McSally’s legislation is simply strange.
Travel-related businesses are facing particular burdens due to the pandemic because a lot of travel-related activities are seen as risky. Trying to pay consumers to ignore those risks might give businesses a shot in the arm, but it also might undermine efforts to halt Covid-19. That could both cost lives and prolong the period during which there is an elevated fear of traveling. If you want to help businesses impacted by the pandemic, a better solution is to help them directly — either with targeted assistance to impacted sectors (as airlines received in the CARES Act) or with a broad program like zero-interest loans for small businesses, allowing them to ride out a period of reduced revenue without going into liquidation.
Alternatively, if you’re simply seeking to bolster consumer spending, you want to follow the CARES Act model: Put money into people’s hands quickly (not when they file taxes next year) and try to target the money at people who are likely to be in need (not high-income individuals with savings in the bank), while also letting households decide for themselves what’s a safe and prudent way to spend it.


vox--2020-06-24--Progressive Black candidates swept key races on Tuesday

In the 2018 midterms , the most successful candidates were women .
In 2020 , a year shaped by the Covid-19 pandemic and nationwide protests against police brutality , Black candidates are proving they ’ re the ones to watch — winning a spate of key races on Tuesday night .
In New York and Virginia , young , progressive candidates of color swept races against powerful incumbents and in open competitions alike .
In Kentucky , where a key Senate primary is too close to call , Black progressive candidate Charles Booker is still locked in a competitive race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ In 2018 , Dem voters showed an unprecedented desire to nominate women , ” Cook Political Report House editor Dave Wasserman tweeted .
“ In 2020 , we ’ re witnessing another sea change in desire , this time toward Black candidates.
” Progressive candidates of color winning a slate of New York primaries , in particular , represents a significant generational changing of the guard in the Democratic Party .
Middle school principal Jamaal Bowman , 44 , soundly defeated the powerful House Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Eliot Engel , 73 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if not longer ) for all of New York ’ s votes to be counted , Bowman was leading Engel by more than 25 points as of Wednesday afternoon .
Mondaire Jones , 32 , won the open seat to replace retiring House Appropriations Committee Chair Nita Lowey .
And in New York ’ s 12th Congressional District , House Oversight and Reform Committee Chair Carolyn Maloney is clinging to a slim 1.7 percent lead over progressive challenger Suraj Patel .
“ The old guard in New York is on its way out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a phone interview with Vox Wednesday morning , Jones said New York voters sent a clear message : They backed candidates who understand first-hand the daily struggles of Black and brown communities .
Jones grew up in Section 8 housing ; Bowman and New York City Council member Ritchie Torres , who is currently leading in New York ’ s 15th Congressional District , talked openly about growing up in public housing .
“ [ Voters ] want to see people who reflect their own lived experiences represent them in Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come from a political family , ” Jones told Vox .
“ Whereas the Democratic establishment would coronate its own candidates in any number of districts , the actual people who are voting at the polls and experiencing a government that has never worked for everyone .
...
They ’ re making their own decisions.
” Wins by young candidates of color weren ’ t limited to New York .
In Virginia ’ s Fifth Congressional District , Dr. Cameron Webb , 37 , emerged victorious over Emily ’ s List-backed Marine veteran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an uphill battle for Democrats , but if Webb wins the general election , he would be the first Black physician to serve as a voting member in Congress .
The Fifth Congressional District encompasses a massive part of the state stretching from Northwest Virginia all the way down to its southern borders with North Carolina .
It contains the city of Charlottesville and both suburban and rural areas , and it ’ s nearly 75 percent white and 20 percent Black .
Cook currently rates the district Lean Republican , with an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perfect storm to win Virginia ’ s Fifth Congressional district , but that storm may be brewing , ” Wasserman said .
“ Webb could be uniquely positioned for the moment given his background in medicine , his race , and his family roots.
” Webb ’ s candidacy will be a key test of whether a young Black candidate can do well in a district that is very different from blue New York City .
While younger progressives pulled off some startling upsets , they didn ’ t have a 100 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yvette Clarke ( D ) fended off challenger Adem Bunkeddeko , both of whom are Black and progressive , after Bunkeddeko came close to beating her in 2018 .
This year , Clarke ’ s win was resounding — she won 62 percent of the vote compared to 17 for Bunkeddeko .
Although the highly watched Kentucky Democratic primary for Senate only had a fraction of votes counted on Wednesday morning , it was clear that Charles Booker , the youngest Black state lawmaker in Kentucky , was not letting Marine Corps veteran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The constituencies now leading grassroots movements will only become more essential to the Democratic Party ’ s future , ” Justice Democrats spokesperson Waleed Shahid told Vox in a statement .
“ The Squad is here to stay , and it ’ s growing.
” Candidates of color broke through talking about systemic poverty and inequality Candidates including Jones , Bowman , Webb , and Booker were all campaigning months before Covid-19 hit and protests against police brutality had engulfed multiple American cities .
But there ’ s no question the past few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in jobs , policing , and health care — in places from New York City to Louisville .
Late endorsements from the Democratic Party ’ s progressive icons and organizing with groups like Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party might have helped boost several of the New York candidates in particular , but they say their messages had particular resonance in the country ’ s current moment .
“ We need more people in Congress for whom policy is personal .
I was the only candidate talking about racial justice before the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Jones told Vox .
“ I ’ m grateful more people now are seeing it.
” Looking at returns , Wasserman said Black candidates who won in New York and Virginia weren ’ t just capturing nonwhite voters ; they were also winning a large share of white voters in their districts as well .
“ The difference is white voters , ” he said .
“ We don ’ t have a lot of evidence of an electoral shift among white Republicans , but we now do among white Democrats .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is said and done , Jamaal Bowman will have won white voters in the primary , not just nonwhites.
” Black candidates running in the June 23 primaries often talked about poverty and how it was personal to them .
On the campaign trail in Kentucky , Booker — who is diabetic — shared how he would have to ration his insulin because he couldn ’ t afford it .
“ Poverty is a policy choice , and it ’ s not a partisan thing , ” Booker told Vox in a recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the only thing we have to look forward to is a lot of struggle , is a lot of heartache .
I ’ ve lived that struggle.
” In a Tuesday night speech , Bowman talked about eradicating poverty at length , and seeing the impacts of poverty on the New York school children he ’ s worked with as a public educator .
“ Poverty is not a result of children and families who don ’ t work hard , ” Bowman said .
“ Our children and families work as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by political design , and it ’ s rooted in a system that has been fractured and corrupt and rotten from its core from the inception of America.
” A progressive operative in New York told Vox the races in the state were about much more than the ideological split of progressives versus moderate Democrats .
It was also about which candidates were present in the community and understood the struggles of its poorest members .
For instance , Engel ’ s district was hit hard by Covid-19 , a disease disproportionately killing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who felt responsive and right for this moment won , ” a person close to the Bowman campaign told Vox .
As Vox ’ s Emily Stewart wrote , even though Engel was successful at bringing money and resources back home , “ he was unable to overcome the perception that he had become disconnected from his district , ” which is a diverse one encompassing parts of the Bronx and Westchester County .
As Stewart wrote , “ during the coronavirus crisis and then the protests in the wake of George Floyd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Congress member was not attentive enough to his district — one he denied — took even stronger hold.
” Even with endorsements from powerful New York Democrats like Hillary Clinton , Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer , and Gov .
Andrew Cuomo , Engel could not survive his primary .
Even with the Kentucky Senate race too close to call , the June 23 primaries show young Black candidates have momentum on their side this year .
“ Eliot Engel used to say he was a thorn in the side of Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump is more afraid of than anyone , anything else ?
A Black man with power , ” Bowman said during his Tuesday night speech .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

In the 2018 midterms, the most successful candidates were women. In 2020, a year shaped by the Covid-19 pandemic and nationwide protests against police brutality, Black candidates are proving they’re the ones to watch — winning a spate of key races on Tuesday night.
In New York and Virginia, young, progressive candidates of color swept races against powerful incumbents and in open competitions alike. In Kentucky, where a key Senate primary is too close to call, Black progressive candidate Charles Booker is still locked in a competitive race with Marine Corps veteran Amy McGrath.
“In 2018, Dem voters showed an unprecedented desire to nominate women,” Cook Political Report House editor Dave Wasserman tweeted. “In 2020, we’re witnessing another sea change in desire, this time toward Black candidates.”
In 2018, Dem voters showed an unprecedented desire to nominate women. In 2020, we're witnessing another sea change in desire, this time towards Black candidates:
Jamaal Bowman in #NY16
Mondaire Jones in #NY17
Cameron Webb in #VA05
All winning in landslides so far. — Dave Wasserman (@Redistrict) June 24, 2020
Progressive candidates of color winning a slate of New York primaries, in particular, represents a significant generational changing of the guard in the Democratic Party.
Middle school principal Jamaal Bowman, 44, soundly defeated the powerful House Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Eliot Engel, 73. Though it could take days (if not longer) for all of New York’s votes to be counted, Bowman was leading Engel by more than 25 points as of Wednesday afternoon. Mondaire Jones, 33, won the open seat to replace retiring House Appropriations Committee Chair Nita Lowey. And in New York’s 12th Congressional District, House Oversight and Reform Committee Chair Carolyn Maloney is clinging to a slim 1.7 percent lead over progressive challenger Suraj Patel.
“The old guard in New York is on its way out,” Wasserman told Vox on Wednesday.
In a phone interview with Vox Wednesday morning, Jones said New York voters sent a clear message: They backed candidates who understand first-hand the daily struggles of Black and brown communities. Jones grew up in Section 8 housing; Bowman and New York City Council member Ritchie Torres, who is currently leading in New York’s 15th Congressional District, talked openly about growing up in public housing.
“[Voters] want to see people who reflect their own lived experiences represent them in Congress — not people who are wealthy or come from a political family,” Jones told Vox. “Whereas the Democratic establishment would coronate its own candidates in any number of districts, the actual people who are voting at the polls and experiencing a government that has never worked for everyone. ... They’re making their own decisions.”
Wins by young candidates of color weren’t limited to New York. In Virginia’s Fifth Congressional District, Dr. Cameron Webb, 37, emerged victorious over Emily’s List-backed Marine veteran Claire Russo. That district will be an uphill battle for Democrats, but if Webb wins the general election, he would be the first Black physician to serve as a voting member in Congress.
The Fifth Congressional District encompasses a massive part of the state stretching from Northwest Virginia all the way down to its southern borders with North Carolina. It contains the city of Charlottesville and both suburban and rural areas, and it’s nearly 75 percent white and 20 percent Black. Cook currently rates the district Lean Republican, with an R+6 rating.
“Democrats need a perfect storm to win Virginia’s Fifth Congressional district, but that storm may be brewing,” Wasserman said. “Webb could be uniquely positioned for the moment given his background in medicine, his race, and his family roots.”
Webb’s candidacy will be a key test of whether a young Black candidate can do well in a district that is very different from blue New York City.
While younger progressives pulled off some startling upsets, they didn’t have a 100 percent success rate. For instance, Rep. Yvette Clarke (D) fended off challenger Adem Bunkeddeko, both of whom are Black and progressive, after Bunkeddeko came close to beating her in 2018. This year, Clarke’s win was resounding — she won 62 percent of the vote compared to 17 for Bunkeddeko.
Although the highly watched Kentucky Democratic primary for Senate only had a fraction of votes counted on Wednesday morning, it was clear that Charles Booker, the youngest Black state lawmaker in Kentucky, was not letting Marine Corps veteran Amy McGrath sweep the race.
“The constituencies now leading grassroots movements will only become more essential to the Democratic Party’s future,” Justice Democrats spokesperson Waleed Shahid told Vox in a statement. “The Squad is here to stay, and it’s growing.”
Candidates of color broke through talking about systemic poverty and inequality
Candidates including Jones, Bowman, Webb, and Booker were all campaigning months before Covid-19 hit and protests against police brutality had engulfed multiple American cities.
But there’s no question the past few months have laid bare long-standing racial inequalities in jobs, policing, and health care — in places from New York City to Louisville. Late endorsements from the Democratic Party’s progressive icons and organizing with groups like Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party might have helped boost several of the New York candidates in particular, but they say their messages had particular resonance in the country’s current moment.
“We need more people in Congress for whom policy is personal. I was the only candidate talking about racial justice before the events of the past several weeks,” Jones told Vox. “I’m grateful more people now are seeing it.”
Looking at returns, Wasserman said Black candidates who won in New York and Virginia weren’t just capturing nonwhite voters; they were also winning a large share of white voters in their districts as well.
“The difference is white voters,” he said. “We don’t have a lot of evidence of an electoral shift among white Republicans, but we now do among white Democrats. It’s possible that when all is said and done, Jamaal Bowman will have won white voters in the primary, not just nonwhites.”
Black candidates running in the June 23 primaries often talked about poverty and how it was personal to them. On the campaign trail in Kentucky, Booker — who is diabetic — shared how he would have to ration his insulin because he couldn’t afford it.
“Poverty is a policy choice, and it’s not a partisan thing,” Booker told Vox in a recent interview. “For many of us, the only thing we have to look forward to is a lot of struggle, is a lot of heartache. I’ve lived that struggle.”
In a Tuesday night speech, Bowman talked about eradicating poverty at length, and seeing the impacts of poverty on the New York school children he’s worked with as a public educator.
“Poverty is not a result of children and families who don’t work hard,” Bowman said. “Our children and families work as hard as anyone else. Poverty is by political design, and it’s rooted in a system that has been fractured and corrupt and rotten from its core from the inception of America.”
A progressive operative in New York told Vox the races in the state were about much more than the ideological split of progressives versus moderate Democrats. It was also about which candidates were present in the community and understood the struggles of its poorest members. For instance, Engel’s district was hit hard by Covid-19, a disease disproportionately killing Black and brown people.
“Candidates who felt responsive and right for this moment won,” a person close to the Bowman campaign told Vox.
As Vox’s Emily Stewart wrote, even though Engel was successful at bringing money and resources back home, “he was unable to overcome the perception that he had become disconnected from his district,” which is a diverse one encompassing parts of the Bronx and Westchester County.
As Stewart wrote, “during the coronavirus crisis and then the protests in the wake of George Floyd’s killing, the narrative that the Congress member was not attentive enough to his district — one he denied — took even stronger hold.” Even with endorsements from powerful New York Democrats like Hillary Clinton, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, and Gov. Andrew Cuomo, Engel could not survive his primary.
Even with the Kentucky Senate race too close to call, the June 23 primaries show young Black candidates have momentum on their side this year.
“Eliot Engel used to say he was a thorn in the side of Donald Trump, but you know what Donald Trump is more afraid of than anyone, anything else? A Black man with power,” Bowman said during his Tuesday night speech.
Correction: An earlier version of this article misstated Mondaire Jones’s age. He is 33.


vox--2020-06-24--The court decision dismissing charges against Michael Flynn is astonishingly bad

Judge Neomi Rao ’ s opinion in In re : Michael T. Flynn is simply astonishing .
It involves the Justice Department ’ s surprising decision to drop charges against one of President Trump ’ s former top aides — nearly three years after that aide plead guilty to lying to the FBI .
And Rao ’ s opinion takes extraordinary liberties with the law .
Her opinion asserts jurisdiction over a case that Rao ’ s court has no right to hear .
It relies on a rarely invoked process that the Supreme Court described as a “ drastic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ reserved for really extraordinary causes.
” And it keeps a trial judge from hearing arguments that Rao and one of her Republican colleagues , Judge Karen Henderson , apparently believe that the trial judge shouldn ’ t even be allowed to ponder before making a decision .
Nor is Rao ’ s opinion in Flynn out of character for the recently appointed jurist .
In less than two years on the bench , Rao has repeatedly handed down opinions benefiting Trump and his aides that rely on highly dubious legal reasoning .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s decision in Flynn is that Rao and Henderson are far-right outliers on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia .
There is a chance that the full court — which has the power to reconsider Rao ’ s opinion even if no party requests such a reconsideration — will toss Rao ’ s opinion in the trash .
The case involves the Trump Justice Department ’ s decision to drop charges against a former Trump aide The case arises out of the Justice Department ’ s abrupt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michael Flynn , a former general who briefly served as President ’ s Trump ’ s national security adviser .
In 2017 , Flynn plead guilty to lying to the FBI regarding his contacts with Russia ’ s ambassador to the United States .
Nearly three years later , however , the Justice Department decided to drop the charges against the former Trump aide .
Though the DOJ admits that Flynn lied to investigators , the Justice Department now claims that these lies could not have “ conceivably ‘ influenced ’ an investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminal purpose.
” Notably , the Justice Department ’ s court filing seeking to drop the charges is signed only by a single political appointee .
Typically , such filings are also signed by career Justice Department attorneys with no loyalty to a particular administration or party .
Brandon Van Grack , the lead prosecutor against Flynn , withdrew from the case shortly before the Justice Department sided with Flynn .
The trial judge wants to hear a full range of arguments before disposing of Flynn ’ s case It is highly unusual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obtaining a guilty plea .
Moreover , the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure only permit the government to dismiss a prosecution “ with leave of court.
” So Judge Emmet Sullivan , the trial judge presiding over this case , decided to hold a hearing next month to address how he should proceed — and to also consider whether Flynn should be held in contempt for perjury , a charge that a court may pursue without the consent of the Justice Department .
Because the Justice Department abandoned its prosecution , Sullivan also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case against Flynn .
This is a common practice when none of the attorneys appearing in a case have presented important arguments at the heart of that case .
In Seila Law v. CFPB , for example , the Supreme Court recently appointed former Solicitor General Paul Clement to defend a lower court ruling that none of the parties to Seila Law agree with .
Notably , Sullivan has not taken any action whatsoever against Flynn .
He has not ruled that the guilty plea must be preserved over the Justice Department ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Flynn in contempt .
Judge Sullivan has merely scheduled a hearing and asked a lawyer to brief him on the best legal arguments against Flynn ’ s position before Sullivan makes a ruling .
Should Sullivan ultimately rule against Flynn — again , there is no guarantee that he will — that order can be appealed to the DC Circuit .
Nevertheless , Rao ’ s opinion concludes that Sullivan isn ’ t even allowed to consider arguments that cut against Flynn ’ s interests .
The thrust of Rao ’ s opinion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminal charges — no less than decisions to initiate charges and to identify which charges to bring — lie squarely within the ken of prosecutorial discretion.
” So , if prosecutors decide to dismiss charges against an individual , that ’ s the end of the case .
Perhaps Rao is correct about this — although there are many historical examples of court-appointed lawyers prosecuting federal crimes — but the core problem with her opinion is that Rao ’ s court has no business intervening before Sullivan decides the case .
The “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Flynn is known as a “ writ of mandamus.
” As Judge Robert Wilkins explains in a dissenting opinion , appeals courts may only grant mandamus relief if the person seeking such relief has “ no other adequate means to attain the relief he desires ” and “ his right to the issuance of the writ is ‘ clear and indisputable.
’ ” But Flynn absolutely has another adequate means to obtain the primary relief he seeks in this case : dismissal of the charges against him .
Flynn and his lawyers can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If Sullivan agrees to dismiss the charges , Flynn wins !
If Sullivan does not dismiss the charges , Flynn can then appeal this case to the DC Circuit , which may very well rule in Flynn ’ s favor once the case is properly before that court .
Nor is Flynn ’ s right to mandamus relief “ clear and indisputable.
” To the contrary , the DC Circuit held in 2015 that “ mandamus is inappropriate in the presence of an obvious means of review : direct appeal from final judgment.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to grant relief for a former Trump aide , the two judges in the majority , Rao and Henderson , ignored the very strict limits preventing their court from issuing a writ of mandamus .
Rao has a history of writing dubious opinions that benefit Trump and his allies Henderson is a very conservative judge who sometimes took positions to Justice Brett Kavanaugh ’ s right when Henderson and Kavanaugh served together on the same court .
Meanwhile , Rao , who served in the Trump White House and only became a judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reputation as a rubber stamp for the Trump administration ’ s preferred outcomes .
She wrote a widely mocked dissenting opinion that would have blocked much of Congress ’ s power to investigate Trump .
And she sought to delay the House ’ s ability to obtain documents related to former special counsel Robert Mueller ’ s investigation into possible Russian interference in the 2016 election .
She also would have stripped the federal judiciary of much of its authority to review the Trump administration ’ s efforts to swiftly deport immigrants .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ minority on her court .
Currently , Democratic appointees control seven of the 11 active judgeships on the DC Circuit , and the full court has the power to vacate Rao ’ s opinion through a process known as “ en banc ” review .
So , while Rao reached pretty far to benefit a former Trump aide in Flynn , it is far from clear that she will have the final word .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vox today .

Judge Neomi Rao’s opinion in In re: Michael T. Flynn is simply astonishing.
It involves the Justice Department’s surprising decision to drop charges against one of President Trump’s former top aides — nearly three years after that aide plead guilty to lying to the FBI. And Rao’s opinion takes extraordinary liberties with the law.
Her opinion asserts jurisdiction over a case that Rao’s court has no right to hear. It relies on a rarely invoked process that the Supreme Court described as a “drastic and extraordinary remedy” that’s “reserved for really extraordinary causes.” And it keeps a trial judge from hearing arguments that Rao and one of her Republican colleagues, Judge Karen Henderson, apparently believe that the trial judge shouldn’t even be allowed to ponder before making a decision.
Nor is Rao’s opinion in Flynn out of character for the recently appointed jurist. In less than two years on the bench, Rao has repeatedly handed down opinions benefiting Trump and his aides that rely on highly dubious legal reasoning.
The only saving grace of the court’s decision in Flynn is that Rao and Henderson are far-right outliers on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. There is a chance that the full court — which has the power to reconsider Rao’s opinion even if no party requests such a reconsideration — will toss Rao’s opinion in the trash.
The case involves the Trump Justice Department’s decision to drop charges against a former Trump aide
The case arises out of the Justice Department’s abrupt decision to abandon its successful prosecution of Michael Flynn, a former general who briefly served as President’s Trump’s national security adviser. In 2017, Flynn plead guilty to lying to the FBI regarding his contacts with Russia’s ambassador to the United States.
Nearly three years later, however, the Justice Department decided to drop the charges against the former Trump aide. Though the DOJ admits that Flynn lied to investigators, the Justice Department now claims that these lies could not have “conceivably ‘influenced’ an investigation that had neither legitimate or counterintelligence or criminal purpose.”
Notably, the Justice Department’s court filing seeking to drop the charges is signed only by a single political appointee. Typically, such filings are also signed by career Justice Department attorneys with no loyalty to a particular administration or party.
Brandon Van Grack, the lead prosecutor against Flynn, withdrew from the case shortly before the Justice Department sided with Flynn.
The trial judge wants to hear a full range of arguments before disposing of Flynn’s case
It is highly unusual for prosecutors to drop charges years after obtaining a guilty plea. Moreover, the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure only permit the government to dismiss a prosecution “with leave of court.” So Judge Emmet Sullivan, the trial judge presiding over this case, decided to hold a hearing next month to address how he should proceed — and to also consider whether Flynn should be held in contempt for perjury, a charge that a court may pursue without the consent of the Justice Department.
Because the Justice Department abandoned its prosecution, Sullivan also asked a court-appointed lawyer to argue the case against Flynn. This is a common practice when none of the attorneys appearing in a case have presented important arguments at the heart of that case. In Seila Law v. CFPB, for example, the Supreme Court recently appointed former Solicitor General Paul Clement to defend a lower court ruling that none of the parties to Seila Law agree with.
Notably, Sullivan has not taken any action whatsoever against Flynn. He has not ruled that the guilty plea must be preserved over the Justice Department’s objection. Nor has he held Flynn in contempt. Judge Sullivan has merely scheduled a hearing and asked a lawyer to brief him on the best legal arguments against Flynn’s position before Sullivan makes a ruling.
Judge Rao’s opinion bypasses the judiciary’s ordinary procedures
Should Sullivan ultimately rule against Flynn — again, there is no guarantee that he will — that order can be appealed to the DC Circuit. Nevertheless, Rao’s opinion concludes that Sullivan isn’t even allowed to consider arguments that cut against Flynn’s interests.
The thrust of Rao’s opinion is that “decisions to dismiss pending criminal charges — no less than decisions to initiate charges and to identify which charges to bring — lie squarely within the ken of prosecutorial discretion.” So, if prosecutors decide to dismiss charges against an individual, that’s the end of the case.
Perhaps Rao is correct about this — although there are many historical examples of court-appointed lawyers prosecuting federal crimes — but the core problem with her opinion is that Rao’s court has no business intervening before Sullivan decides the case.
The “drastic and extraordinary remedy” sought by Flynn is known as a “writ of mandamus.” As Judge Robert Wilkins explains in a dissenting opinion, appeals courts may only grant mandamus relief if the person seeking such relief has “no other adequate means to attain the relief he desires” and “his right to the issuance of the writ is ‘clear and indisputable.’”
But Flynn absolutely has another adequate means to obtain the primary relief he seeks in this case: dismissal of the charges against him. Flynn and his lawyers can argue their case before Judge Sullivan. If Sullivan agrees to dismiss the charges, Flynn wins! If Sullivan does not dismiss the charges, Flynn can then appeal this case to the DC Circuit, which may very well rule in Flynn’s favor once the case is properly before that court.
Nor is Flynn’s right to mandamus relief “clear and indisputable.” To the contrary, the DC Circuit held in 2015 that “mandamus is inappropriate in the presence of an obvious means of review: direct appeal from final judgment.”
Thus, in their apparent zeal to grant relief for a former Trump aide, the two judges in the majority, Rao and Henderson, ignored the very strict limits preventing their court from issuing a writ of mandamus.
Rao has a history of writing dubious opinions that benefit Trump and his allies
Henderson is a very conservative judge who sometimes took positions to Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s right when Henderson and Kavanaugh served together on the same court.
Meanwhile, Rao, who served in the Trump White House and only became a judge in 2019, has quickly built a reputation as a rubber stamp for the Trump administration’s preferred outcomes. She wrote a widely mocked dissenting opinion that would have blocked much of Congress’s power to investigate Trump. And she sought to delay the House’s ability to obtain documents related to former special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into possible Russian interference in the 2016 election.
She also would have stripped the federal judiciary of much of its authority to review the Trump administration’s efforts to swiftly deport immigrants.
Rao, however, is in the minority on her court. Currently, Democratic appointees control seven of the 11 active judgeships on the DC Circuit, and the full court has the power to vacate Rao’s opinion through a process known as “en banc” review.
So, while Rao reached pretty far to benefit a former Trump aide in Flynn, it is far from clear that she will have the final word.


vox--2020-06-24--Why locusts are descending on East Africa

Since late 2019 , East Africa and the Middle East have been experiencing their worst locust outbreaks in decades .
A small locust swarm can eat more food than 35,000 people .
But some swarms in the area have grown to more than 2,000 times that size .
Billions of insects have formed swarms so thick that airplanes have been forced to divert their course .
Some areas in Ethiopia have reported nearly a 100 percent loss in vital crops .
And controlling the locusts has been especially difficult alongside the Covid-19 pandemic and the restrictions put in place to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year so bad ?
The weather .
The desert locust thrives when dry weather turns wet .
And in 2018 and 2019 , a series of freak weather events brought record-setting rainfall to the Middle East and East Africa .
To learn more , check out the video above and read our in-depth article by Umair Irfan .
You can find this video and all of Vox ’ s videos on YouTube .
And if you ’ re interested in supporting our video journalism , you can become a member of the Vox @ @ @ @ @

Since late 2019, East Africa and the Middle East have been experiencing their worst locust outbreaks in decades.
A small locust swarm can eat more food than 35,000 people. But some swarms in the area have grown to more than 2,000 times that size. Billions of insects have formed swarms so thick that airplanes have been forced to divert their course. Some areas in Ethiopia have reported nearly a 100 percent loss in vital crops. And controlling the locusts has been especially difficult alongside the Covid-19 pandemic and the restrictions put in place to fight it.
What exactly made this year so bad? The weather. The desert locust thrives when dry weather turns wet. And in 2018 and 2019, a series of freak weather events brought record-setting rainfall to the Middle East and East Africa.
To learn more, check out the video above and read our in-depth article by Umair Irfan.
You can find this video and all of Vox’s videos on YouTube. And if you’re interested in supporting our video journalism, you can become a member of the Vox Video Lab on YouTube.


vox--2020-06-24--How to make sure Google automatically deletes your data on a regular basis

Google is making it easier to delete the data it collects about you — though you might still have to do a little work to enable the feature .
The company announced on Wednesday that auto-delete will be the default setting for user account activity settings .
That said , this “ default ” setting only applies to new accounts or existing accounts that now turn on data retention after having it disabled .
And the default auto-delete time still gives Google as much as three years of your data , as opposed to manual auto-delete settings that keep as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Google also announced that its account privacy and security settings will soon be accessible through its search page .
You ’ ll also be able to switch over to Chrome ’ s Incognito mode in its apps more easily — simply press down on your profile photo for a second or two .
Incognito mode lets you browse the internet “ privately , ” which means Google Chrome won ’ t save your history or cookies on your computer .
It does not , however , mean that the websites you visit or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see what you ’ re doing .
The Google announcement comes just a couple days after rival Apple announced some new privacy features for its software .
More on that in a second .
If you have a Google account and use Google products like Gmail , YouTube , or Chrome , you ’ re probably logged in all the time .
In this case , your activity while using those apps and services can be tracked by Google , which will then use that data to target ads to you , among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Google has introduced privacy controls over the data you send the company and has made efforts to make those features more obvious to users .
You can find most of these privacy controls in your account settings by clicking on “ Manage your data & personalization.
” From there , you can click on “ Manage your activity controls.
” This is the section where you can save your web and app activity , location history , and YouTube history if you want Google to use that data to give you what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Or you can just ask Google not to save anything and have an impersonal , but more private , experience .
If you decide that you do , in fact , want the personalized experience , you can still manually delete that data whenever you want or set it to auto-delete after a certain amount of time .
With the newly announced changes , Google is trying to make it easier to enjoy the best of both worlds , both private and personalized , by making auto-delete the default setting for web and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ YouTube history .
And now , the other caveats .
If you have an existing account that has these things turned on — and , except for location history , they are on by default — then you ’ ll still have to turn on auto-delete yourself .
This default setting only applies to new accounts or existing accounts that turn data collection back on .
Which means millions of users won ’ t have this feature enabled by default after all .
It appears that Google is also making more of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have the option to turn on auto-delete .
The Google search page , for instance , now has a little notice and link to the setting beneath the main search field .
Also , that default auto-delete time still gives Google a big chunk of your history : 18 months for web and app activity and location history , and 36 months — three years !
— for YouTube histories .
The timing of this announcement is interesting , given that Apple announced two days ago that , in the upcoming releases of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apps will be required to get user permission to track them .
Apple ’ s operating system updates will also require app developers to post a clear notice telling them what is being tracked .
Apple ’ s move toward greater transparency and control could represent a huge boost for user privacy , one that Google does not yet offer in its Google Play store .
The data Google collects about its users is a big part of its business model .
Google and its parent company , Alphabet , pull in billions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which are worth more when they ’ re targeted to the people most likely to buy the product they sell .
So while Google has made some improvements in user privacy and control , it ’ s had a tough time convincing the general public that it truly cares about keeping their data private .
And in this regard , Google has lagged behind some of its peers , like Apple , whose business model relies far more on goods and services than data and ads .
Given how relatively few accounts will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large amount of data that is retained even with it , it ’ s hard to say how much of a difference Google ’ s updates will really make in user privacy .
But it does show that the company is trying to improve it — or at least make us think it is .
Open Sourced is made possible by the Omidyar Network .
All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making a contribution to Vox today .

Google is making it easier to delete the data it collects about you — though you might still have to do a little work to enable the feature.
The company announced on Wednesday that auto-delete will be the default setting for user account activity settings. That said, this “default” setting only applies to new accounts or existing accounts that now turn on data retention after having it disabled. And the default auto-delete time still gives Google as much as three years of your data, as opposed to manual auto-delete settings that keep as little as three months’ worth.
Google also announced that its account privacy and security settings will soon be accessible through its search page. You’ll also be able to switch over to Chrome’s Incognito mode in its apps more easily — simply press down on your profile photo for a second or two. Incognito mode lets you browse the internet “privately,” which means Google Chrome won’t save your history or cookies on your computer. It does not, however, mean that the websites you visit or the server you use can’t see what you’re doing.
The Google announcement comes just a couple days after rival Apple announced some new privacy features for its software. More on that in a second.
If you have a Google account and use Google products like Gmail, YouTube, or Chrome, you’re probably logged in all the time. In this case, your activity while using those apps and services can be tracked by Google, which will then use that data to target ads to you, among other things. Over the years, Google has introduced privacy controls over the data you send the company and has made efforts to make those features more obvious to users.
You can find most of these privacy controls in your account settings by clicking on “Manage your data & personalization.” From there, you can click on “Manage your activity controls.” This is the section where you can save your web and app activity, location history, and YouTube history if you want Google to use that data to give you what it calls a “more personalized experience.” Or you can just ask Google not to save anything and have an impersonal, but more private, experience.
If you decide that you do, in fact, want the personalized experience, you can still manually delete that data whenever you want or set it to auto-delete after a certain amount of time. With the newly announced changes, Google is trying to make it easier to enjoy the best of both worlds, both private and personalized, by making auto-delete the default setting for web and app activity, location history, and YouTube history.
And now, the other caveats. If you have an existing account that has these things turned on — and, except for location history, they are on by default — then you’ll still have to turn on auto-delete yourself. This default setting only applies to new accounts or existing accounts that turn data collection back on. Which means millions of users won’t have this feature enabled by default after all.
It appears that Google is also making more of an effort to notify existing users that they have the option to turn on auto-delete. The Google search page, for instance, now has a little notice and link to the setting beneath the main search field. Also, that default auto-delete time still gives Google a big chunk of your history: 18 months for web and app activity and location history, and 36 months — three years! — for YouTube histories.
The timing of this announcement is interesting, given that Apple announced two days ago that, in the upcoming releases of iOS 14 and macOS Big Sur, apps will be required to get user permission to track them. Apple’s operating system updates will also require app developers to post a clear notice telling them what is being tracked. Apple’s move toward greater transparency and control could represent a huge boost for user privacy, one that Google does not yet offer in its Google Play store.
The data Google collects about its users is a big part of its business model. Google and its parent company, Alphabet, pull in billions of dollars in revenue from ads, which are worth more when they’re targeted to the people most likely to buy the product they sell. So while Google has made some improvements in user privacy and control, it’s had a tough time convincing the general public that it truly cares about keeping their data private. And in this regard, Google has lagged behind some of its peers, like Apple, whose business model relies far more on goods and services than data and ads.
Given how relatively few accounts will have this default auto-delete feature and the large amount of data that is retained even with it, it’s hard to say how much of a difference Google’s updates will really make in user privacy. But it does show that the company is trying to improve it — or at least make us think it is.
Open Sourced is made possible by the Omidyar Network. All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.