vox--2020-05-31--Dozens of cities across the country are imposing curfews. Do they work?

Local officials have ordered curfews in dozens of cities and counties across the nation in response to demonstrations spurred by the death of George Floyd , an unarmed black man killed by police during an arrest in Minneapolis last week .
These protests have grown in size and intensity in the days following Floyd ’ s killing ; although they have largely been peaceful , some looting , property damage , and a number of deaths led officials in at least 39 cities and counties across 21 states to institute curfews .
But some criminologists have reservations about curfews , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their effectiveness — and warn the curfews currently being instituted could backfire .
In many cities — including Minneapolis , Salt Lake City , Reno , Philadelphia , and Los Angeles — protesters defied those curfews on Saturday , meaning protests , including some featuring violence on the part of police and agitators , continued .
And that police made arrests not only for criminal acts like theft and arson , but also for violating curfew .
In some cities , those who stayed out were allowed to continue their protests ; in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to aggressive behavior from police , like in Minneapolis , where police fired rubber bullets at demonstrators and journalists .
The fact that some of Saturday ’ s curfews provoked this violent police response , and that other curfews were completely ignored , raises questions about the wisdom and efficacy of ordering a curfew in the first place .
It is unclear whether ordering emergency curfews — that is , telling people they must stay at home and avoid public areas after a certain time in the evening , and increasing public police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in reducing unrest .
Criminologists note there doesn ’ t appear to be an abundance of research on the matter .
But some experts have raised concerns about the way curfews are likely to be enforced in communities of color , and argue they could exacerbate the very dynamics that gave rise to the unrest in the first place : Namely , that they will encourage confrontational policing at a time when people are demanding the opposite .
“ What we know is curfews increase opportunities for police interaction and police violence over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminal justice researcher at the Barnard Center for Research on Women told me .
The surge in curfews and increased deployment of law enforcement officers over the weekend — some of which extend through Monday morning — reflect an intensifying effort by government authorities to curb the protests that have rocked the country for days and have revived an ongoing discussion about racial discrimination in the American criminal justice system .
The curfews that most local officials have sought have been extremely short-term — some began on Saturday at 8 pm and ended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resume on Sunday night and last until Monday morning .
Should unrest continue in the coming days or weeks , it ’ s possible a number of government officials will turn again to curfews — and some experts are concerned about how they could be enforced .
Curfews are a “ blunt tool ” for trying to reduce turbulence While there is a great deal of scholarship on the efficacy of extended juvenile curfews on reducing crime in the US , that same breadth of research does not exist on sweeping , short-term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ruefle , a scholar of criminology at the University of South Florida St. Petersburg , told TIME in 2015 that there ’ s been very little research into the topic , and that does not appear to have changed in the last few years .
Alex Vitale , a professor of sociology and the coordinator of the Policing and Social Justice Project at Brooklyn College , told me he “ [ doesn ’ t ] know that there is a lot of research on emergency curfews during rioting.
” But Vitale did note @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held concerns about the effect curfews have on the public .
“ Curfews are an extremely blunt tool that should only be used sparingly and as a last result .
They give police tremendous power to intervene in the lives of all citizens , ” he said .
“ They pose a huge burden on people who work irregular hours , especially people of color in service professions who may need to travel through areas of social disturbance in order to get to and from work at night.
” Vitale also noted curfews @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jurisdictions — like state police and the National Guard — who “ may have no familiarity with these communities ” they ’ re sent in to police , which could lead to unnecessary tensions or violence .
They may , for example , not be attuned to the kinds of hours that people in a given area work or what normal patterns of public movement are like there — useful knowledge , since not everyone will get the memo that there is a curfew in effect .
That in turn means police could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defying a curfew .
Examples of the negative , even dangerous , interactions with law enforcement that curfews can create went viral Saturday night .
In Minneapolis , critics have posted videos of police officers who appeared to be enforcing the curfew overzealously .
Tanya Kerssen , who lives in the city , tweeted that the officers shot paint canisters at her while she was on her own porch , while shouting “ light ’ em up.
” Ritchie , the Barnard researcher , is deeply skeptical of curfews — which put more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to behave repressively in a tense situation — as an effective policing mechanism when animosity toward police is fueling the protests in the first place .
“ If the source of uprising and resistance is police brutality , then imposing a curfew that creates more opportunities for police brutality is definitely not the answer , ” she said .
Ritchie pointed out that during the Detroit protests in the summer of 1967 , which began after a police raid on an unlicensed bar , “ alleged curfew violations were the basis of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After protests end , events like this are remembered , and only increase friction between police and communities , particularly communities of color .
She also argued that in the context of the coronavirus pandemic , mass arrests under a sweeping curfew order represent an inappropriate kind of overreach that could exacerbate public health crises .
That is of particular concern as the US struggles to contain the coronavirus pandemic .
Arrests could lead to extra financial burdens during a period of economic downturn , and increase the risk of Covid-19 spread in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mention that at least some arrested for curfew violations come from the black and Latino communities hardest hit by the pandemic .
And critics argue the haphazard way many government officials have been going about imposing the orders also has the potential to disproportionately harm the poor and people of color .
For example , Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot gave merely 35 minutes ’ notice to the public when she announced a curfew on Saturday for 9 pm .
Many — including the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois — pointed out that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while public transportation was suspended , restricting the ability of Chicagoans to get home quickly .
Lower-income people who can ’ t afford to call a ride hailing service are particularly likely to be vulnerable to arrest in such situations .
Local government officials , on the other hand , see curfews as a tool for maintaining order when protests threaten to spiral out of control and create property damage or deaths .
When explaining her abruptly issued curfew , Lightfoot said the protest “ situation has clearly devolved , and we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrests.
” In some cases , the threat of arrest could work short-term in persuading certain protesters to get off the streets .
But when curfews result in confrontations between police and the people — whether they ’ re out deliberately or caught by accident — it ’ s likely to cause long-term damage to community trust in police .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Share All sharing options for: Dozens of cities across the country are imposing curfews. Do they work?
Local officials have ordered curfews in dozens of cities and counties across the nation in response to demonstrations spurred by the death of George Floyd, an unarmed black man killed by police during an arrest in Minneapolis, Minnesota, last week.
These protests have grown in size and intensity in the days following Floyd’s killing; although they have largely been peaceful, some looting, property damage, and a number of deaths led officials in at least 39 cities and counties across 21 states to institute curfews. But some criminologists have reservations about curfews, particularly given the scarcity of research about their effectiveness — and warn the curfews currently being instituted could backfire.
In many cities — including Minneapolis, Salt Lake City, Reno, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles — protesters defied those curfews on Saturday, meaning protests, including some featuring violence on the part of police and agitators, continued. And that police made arrests not only for criminal acts like theft and arson, but also for violating curfew.
In some cities, those who stayed out were allowed to continue their protests; in others, however, defying curfews led to aggressive behavior from police, like in Minneapolis, where police fired rubber bullets at demonstrators and journalists. The fact that some of Saturday’s curfews provoked this violent police response, and that other curfews were ignored, raises questions about the wisdom and efficacy of ordering a curfew in the first place.
It is unclear whether ordering emergency curfews — that is, telling people they must stay at home and avoid public areas after a certain time in the evening, and increasing public police presence to enforce it — is effective in reducing unrest. Criminologists note there doesn’t appear to be an abundance of research on the matter. But some experts have raised concerns about the way curfews are likely to be enforced in communities of color and argue they could exacerbate the very dynamics that gave rise to the unrest in the first place: namely, that they will encourage confrontational policing at a time when people are demanding the opposite.
Related Images of police using violence against peaceful protesters are going viral
“What we know is curfews increase opportunities for police interaction and police violence over time,” Andrea Ritchie, a criminal justice researcher at the Barnard Center for Research on Women, told me.
The surge in curfews and increased deployment of law enforcement officers over the weekend — some of which extend through Monday morning — reflect an intensifying effort by government authorities to curb the protests that have rocked the country for days and have revived an ongoing discussion about racial discrimination in the American criminal justice system.
The curfews that most local officials have sought have been extremely short-term — some began on Saturday at 8 pm and ended at 6 am Sunday. But others resume on Sunday night and last until Monday morning. Should unrest continue in the coming days or weeks, it’s possible a number of government officials will turn again to curfews — and some experts are concerned about how they could be enforced.
Curfews are a “blunt tool” for trying to reduce turbulence
While there is a great deal of scholarship on the efficacy of extended juvenile curfews on reducing crime in the US, that same breadth of research does not exist on sweeping, short-term curfews, according to experts.
William Ruefle, a scholar of criminology at the University of South Florida St. Petersburg, told Time in 2015 that there’s been very little research into the topic, and that does not appear to have changed in the past few years. Alex Vitale, a professor of sociology and the coordinator of the Policing and Social Justice Project at Brooklyn College, told me he “[doesn’t] know that there is a lot of research on emergency curfews during rioting.”
But Vitale did note that there are a number of widely held concerns about the effect curfews have on the public.
“Curfews are an extremely blunt tool that should only be used sparingly and as a last result. They give police tremendous power to intervene in the lives of all citizens,” he said. “They pose a huge burden on people who work irregular hours, especially people of color in service professions who may need to travel through areas of social disturbance in order to get to and from work at night.”
Vitale also noted curfews are often enforced by officers from multiple jurisdictions — like state police and the National Guard — who “may have no familiarity with these communities” they’re sent in to police, which could lead to unnecessary tensions or violence.
They may, for example, not be attuned to the kinds of hours that people in a given area work or what normal patterns of public movement are like there — useful knowledge, since not everyone will get the memo that there is a curfew in effect. That in turn means police could arrest people who have no intention of defying a curfew.
Examples of the negative, even dangerous, interactions with law enforcement that curfews can create went viral Saturday night. In Minneapolis, critics have posted videos of police officers who appeared to be enforcing the curfew overzealously. Tanya Kerssen, who lives in the city, tweeted that the officers shot paint canisters at her while she was on her own porch, while shouting “light ’em up.”
Share widely: National guard and MPD sweeping our residential street. Shooting paint canisters at us on our own front porch. Yelling “light em up” #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd #JusticeForGeorge #BlackLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/bW48imyt55 — Tanya Kerssen (@tkerssen) May 31, 2020
Ritchie, the Barnard researcher, is deeply skeptical of curfews — which put more police on the street and empower them to behave repressively in a tense situation — as an effective policing mechanism when animosity toward police is fueling the protests in the first place. “If the source of uprising and resistance is police brutality, then imposing a curfew that creates more opportunities for police brutality is definitely not the answer,” she said.
Ritchie pointed out that during the Detroit protests in the summer of 1967, which began after a police raid on an unlicensed bar, “alleged curfew violations were the basis of police killings and much police violence.” After protests end, events like this are remembered, and only increase friction between police and communities, particularly communities of color.
She also argued that in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, mass arrests under a sweeping curfew order represent an inappropriate kind of overreach that could exacerbate public health crises.
That is of particular concern as the US struggles to contain the coronavirus pandemic. Arrests could lead to extra financial burdens during a period of economic downturn and increase the risk of Covid-19 spread in jails and police stations. Not to mention that at least some arrested for curfew violations come from the black and Latino communities hardest hit by the pandemic.
And critics argue the haphazard way many government officials have been going about imposing the orders also has the potential to disproportionately harm the poor and people of color.
For example, Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot gave merely 35 minutes’ notice to the public when she announced a curfew on Saturday for 9 pm. Many — including the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois — pointed out that it was unfair to issue the order while public transportation was suspended, restricting Chicagoans’ ability to get home quickly. Lower-income people who can’t afford to call a ride-hailing service are particularly likely to be vulnerable to arrest in such situations.
Local government officials, on the other hand, see curfews as a tool for maintaining order when protests threaten to spiral out of control and create property damage or deaths. When explaining her abruptly issued curfew, Lightfoot said the protest “situation has clearly devolved, and we’ve stepped in to make the necessary arrests.”
In some cases, the threat of arrest could work short-term in persuading certain protesters to get off the streets. But when curfews result in confrontations between police and the people — whether they’re out deliberately or caught by accident — it’s likely to cause long-term damage to community trust in police.


vox--2020-05-31--Trump responded to the protests by lashing out at antifa, the media, and Democrats

While the nation continues to protest the police killing of George Floyd , an unarmed black man , in Minneapolis and in cities around the country , President Donald Trump took to Twitter Sunday afternoon to stoke old grievances : Instead of a message of unity or leadership , or attempting to deescalate the protests , he instead lashed out at the media , antifa , anarchists , and Democratic mayors and governors .
The president praised the Minnesota National Guard , who he said “ shut down quickly ” “ anarchists and ANTIFA ” at protests in Minneapolis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the uprisings in multiple cities as acts of violence by anti-fascists and anarchists , whom he has repeatedly denounced throughout his presidency .
By many accounts , however , it was police , not protesters or antifa who provoked violence in Minneapolis and other cities .
While Trump praised them , a video of National Guard personnel in the Whittier neighborhood of Minneapolis firing paint canisters after yelling “ light them up ” at citizens standing on their own front porch went viral on Twitter overnight Saturday .
He also sent a warning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States ” that they may face similar militarized action if they can ’ t quickly quell the Floyd protests , while encouraging mayors and governors to deploy the National Guard .
Later in the afternoon , Trump tweeted a call for “ Law & Order ” in Philadelphia , saying there was looting in the city and asking the state ’ s Democratic governor , Tom Wolf , to call in the National Guard .
He also tried to tie the looting to Democrats more generally , and presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s promise to designate antifa as a terrorist organization that garnered the most attention Sunday .
Antifa is not a formal organization , but a loose collective of militant and leftist groups united under opposition to fascism .
It ’ s unclear whether Trump can actually declare anyone with a certain political belief a terrorist , though it ’ s likely the president doesn ’ t have the authority to do so , according to experts .
If he gets his way , he ’ ll have succeeded in declaring a group of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have terrifying implications for criminalizing speech and the right to protest in general .
And during a weekend in which dozens of journalists were arrested or assaulted while covering the protests , Trump once again attacked the media in a tweet Sunday , accusing them of fomenting “ hatred and anarchy.
” He also called the media “ fake news ” and “ bad people.
” The message was not one of unity , but instead falling back on old grievances , at a time when the nation needs leadership most .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sunday ’ s tweets are classic Trump , stoking culture war tensions and catering to his base — including those supportive of aggressive law enforcement tactics .
In July 2017 , Trump told a crowd of police officers at Suffolk County Community College on Long Island not to worry about injuring suspects while making arrests .
“ When you guys put somebody in the car and you ’ re protecting their head , you know , the way you put their hand over ?
” Trump said , mimicking the motion of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep it from bumping the frame of a car door .
“ Like , don ’ t hit their head , and they just killed somebody — don ’ t hit their head , ” Trump said .
“ I said , you can take the hand away , okay ?
” Trump ’ s comments at the time were rebuked by the Suffolk County Police Department , as well as departments in Houston , and Gainesville , Florida .
While Trump ’ s messaging over Floyd ’ s death was initially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been afraid to use it for divisiveness .
On Friday , he warned people against looting , reciting an infamous segregationist-era phrase , “ When the looting starts , the shooting starts.
” He has also repeatedly praised the police response to the protests , a group that makes up one of his core political constituencies .
The International Union of Police Associations endorsed Trump ’ s reelection campaign last September .
“ Every top Democrat currently running for this office has vilified the police and made criminals out to be victims .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s support for granted .
Many of them still refer to the tragedy in Ferguson as a murder , despite the conclusions of every investigative inquiry to the contrary , ” IUPA president Sam Cabral said in a statement at the time , referring to the police killing of unarmed black teenager Michael Brown in Ferguson , Missouri .
“ While his candor ruffles the feathers of the left , I find it honest and refreshing .
He stands with America ’ s law enforcement officer and we will continue to stand with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump campaign welcomed wholeheartedly .
“ Too often today , law enforcement officers are treated as scapegoats , when in fact their jobs are incredibly difficult , dangerous , and depend on life-or-death , split-second decision-making , ” said campaign manager Brad Parscale in a statement at the time .
In fact , the president of the Minneapolis Police Union , Lt. Bob Kroll , spoke at a Trump rally last October , during which he praised Trump for ending the “ handcuffing and oppression ” of the police under President Obama .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ too quickly to bring the officers responsible for Floyd ’ s death to justice .
“ Now is not the time to rush to judgment and immediately condemn our officers , ” he said .
But the police , including the Minneapolis cops Kroll represents , are tasked with protecting the public , including the media and antifa members .
If they ’ ve taken Trump ’ s message to heart , that could be dangerous , especially for George Floyd protesters .
This was also not the first time Trump has threatened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ahead of a right-wing protest in Portland , Oregon , that also turned violent , the president threatened to designate antifa as a terrorist organization , just as he did again Sunday afternoon .
“ Major consideration is being given to naming ANTIFA an ‘ ORGANIZATION OF TERROR , ’ ” Trump tweeted back then .
“ Portland is being watched very closely .
Hopefully the Mayor will be able to properly do his job !
” All of this division ultimately may help Trump politically because it burnishes his brand .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for “ law and order , ” which has historically been a strong issue for Republicans and white Americans in particular .
His tweets reorient the media narrative , signaling to his base that they should be angry and scared of protesters and that the police are there to stop the “ chaos.
” In doing so , Trump has found his political wedge to distract the public from the issue — in this case , excessive police violence — being protested .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

While the nation continues to protest the police killing of George Floyd, an unarmed black man, in Minneapolis and in cities around the country, President Donald Trump took to Twitter Sunday afternoon to stoke old grievances: Instead of a message of unity or leadership, or attempting to deescalate the protests, he instead lashed out at the media, antifa, anarchists, and Democratic mayors and governors.
The president praised the Minnesota National Guard, who he said “shut down quickly” “anarchists and ANTIFA” at protests in Minneapolis. It was a clear attempt to paint the uprisings in multiple cities as acts of violence by anti-fascists and anarchists, whom he has repeatedly denounced throughout his presidency.
Congratulations to our National Guard for the great job they did immediately upon arriving in Minneapolis, Minnesota, last night. The ANTIFA led anarchists, among others, were shut down quickly. Should have been done by Mayor on first night and there would have been no trouble! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 31, 2020
By many accounts, however, it was police, not protesters or antifa who provoked violence in Minneapolis and other cities. While Trump praised them, a video of National Guard personnel in the Whittier neighborhood of Minneapolis firing paint canisters after yelling “light them up” at citizens standing on their own front porch went viral on Twitter overnight Saturday.
Share widely: National guard and MPD sweeping our residential street. Shooting paint canisters at us on our own front porch. Yelling “light em up” #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd #JusticeForGeorge #BlackLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/bW48imyt55 — Tanya Kerssen (@tkerssen) May 31, 2020
He also sent a warning to other “Democrat run Cities and States” that they may face similar militarized action if they can’t quickly quell the Floyd protests, while encouraging mayors and governors to deploy the National Guard.
Other Democrat run Cities and States should look at the total shutdown of Radical Left Anarchists in Minneapolis last night. The National Guard did a great job, and should be used in other States before it is too late! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 31, 2020
Later in the afternoon, Trump tweeted a call for “Law & Order” in Philadelphia, saying there was looting in the city and asking the state’s Democratic governor, Tom Wolf, to call in the National Guard. He also tried to tie the looting to Democrats more generally, and presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden specifically.
Law & Order in Philadelphia, NOW! They are looting stores. Call in our great National Guard like they FINALLY did (thank you President Trump) last night in Minneapolis. Is this what voters want with Sleepy Joe? All Dems! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 31, 2020
But it was Trump’s promise to designate antifa as a terrorist organization that garnered the most attention Sunday. Antifa is not a formal organization, but a loose collective of militant and leftist groups united under opposition to fascism.
It’s unclear whether Trump can actually declare anyone with a certain political belief a terrorist, though it’s likely the president doesn’t have the authority to do so, according to experts. If he gets his way, he’ll have succeeded in declaring a group of oppositional protesters as terrorists. That could have terrifying implications for criminalizing speech and the right to protest in general.
The United States of America will be designating ANTIFA as a Terrorist Organization. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 31, 2020
And during a weekend in which dozens of journalists were arrested or assaulted while covering the protests, Trump once again attacked the media in a tweet Sunday, accusing them of fomenting “hatred and anarchy.” He also called the media “fake news” and “bad people.”
The Lamestream Media is doing everything within their power to foment hatred and anarchy. As long as everybody understands what they are doing, that they are FAKE NEWS and truly bad people with a sick agenda, we can easily work through them to GREATNESS! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 31, 2020
The message was not one of unity, but instead falling back on old grievances, at a time when the nation needs leadership most.
Trump only has one playbook: sowing division
Sunday’s tweets are classic Trump, stoking culture war tensions and catering to his base — including those supportive of aggressive law enforcement tactics.
In July 2017, Trump told a crowd of police officers at Suffolk County Community College on Long Island not to worry about injuring suspects while making arrests. “When you guys put somebody in the car and you’re protecting their head, you know, the way you put their hand over?” Trump said, mimicking the motion of an officer shielding a suspect’s head to keep it from bumping the frame of a car door.
“Like, don’t hit their head, and they just killed somebody — don’t hit their head,” Trump said. “I said, you can take the hand away, okay?” Trump’s comments at the time were rebuked by the Suffolk County Police Department, as well as departments in Houston, and Gainesville, Florida.
While Trump’s messaging over Floyd’s death was initially muddled, he also hasn’t been afraid to use it for divisiveness. On Friday, he warned people against looting, reciting an infamous segregationist-era phrase, “When the looting starts, the shooting starts.”
He has also repeatedly praised the police response to the protests, a group that makes up one of his core political constituencies.
The International Union of Police Associations endorsed Trump’s reelection campaign last September. “Every top Democrat currently running for this office has vilified the police and made criminals out to be victims. They seem to take any union’s support for granted. Many of them still refer to the tragedy in Ferguson as a murder, despite the conclusions of every investigative inquiry to the contrary,” IUPA president Sam Cabral said in a statement at the time, referring to the police killing of unarmed black teenager Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. “While his candor ruffles the feathers of the left, I find it honest and refreshing. He stands with America’s law enforcement officer and we will continue to stand with him.”
It was an endorsement the Trump campaign welcomed wholeheartedly. “Too often today, law enforcement officers are treated as scapegoats, when in fact their jobs are incredibly difficult, dangerous, and depend on life-or-death, split-second decision-making,” said campaign manager Brad Parscale in a statement at the time.
In fact, the president of the Minneapolis Police Union, Lt. Bob Kroll, spoke at a Trump rally last October, during which he praised Trump for ending the “handcuffing and oppression” of the police under President Obama.
Uncovered: Last October, the head of the Minneapolis police union — which days ago warned against a “rush to judgment” of the officers involved in George Floyd’s death — spoke at a Trump rally and praised him for ending the “handcuffing and oppression” of police under Obama. pic.twitter.com/oW1olwWZh5 — The Recount (@therecount) May 30, 2020
On Tuesday, Kroll warned against moving too quickly to bring the officers responsible for Floyd’s death to justice. “Now is not the time to rush to judgment and immediately condemn our officers,” he said.
But the police, including the Minneapolis cops Kroll represents, are tasked with protecting the public, including the media and antifa members. If they’ve taken Trump’s message to heart, that could be dangerous, especially for George Floyd protesters.
This was also not the first time Trump has threatened antifa. In August last year, ahead of a right-wing protest in Portland, Oregon, that also turned violent, the president threatened to designate antifa as a terrorist organization, just as he did again Sunday afternoon.
“Major consideration is being given to naming ANTIFA an ‘ORGANIZATION OF TERROR,’” Trump tweeted back then. “Portland is being watched very closely. Hopefully the Mayor will be able to properly do his job!”
As Vox’s Zeeshan Aleem explained:
Trump has been repeatedly critical of antifa, however, and has threatened in the past to label the association a terrorist organization. GOP lawmakers have already made symbolic gestures to the same effect: In July, Republican Sens. Ted Cruz (TX) and Bill Cassidy (LA) introduced a nonbinding resolution that would label antifa activists as terrorists. “Antifa are terrorists, violent masked bullies who ‘fight fascism’ with actual fascism, protected by Liberal privilege,” Cassidy said in a statement. “Bullies get their way until someone says no. Elected officials must have courage, not cowardice, to prevent terror.”
All of this division ultimately may help Trump politically because it burnishes his brand. He plays to some people’s desire for “law and order,” which has historically been a strong issue for Republicans and white Americans in particular. His tweets reorient the media narrative, signaling to his base that they should be angry and scared of protesters and that the police are there to stop the “chaos.” In doing so, Trump has found his political wedge to distract the public from the issue — in this case, excessive police violence — being protested.


vox--2020-05-31--George Floyd protests go global

George Floyd protests go global

As protests continue across the United States , the rest of the world is watching the chaos unfold in America ’ s cities , and is commenting on the systemic issues the demonstrations — and their inciting incident — reveal .
The death of George Floyd , a 46-year-old unarmed black man who died in Minneapolis , Minnesota , after a white police officer pushed a knee into Floyd ’ s neck for nearly nine minutes , has garnered international attention , as have the sometimes-violent protests that have erupted in the US .
Demonstrations in solidarity with Floyd protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Berlin , and world leaders , allies and foes of the US alike , have commented on the violence across the country .
Here is a look at how the world is reacting .
Hundreds marched in London on Sunday to protest the death of Floyd , defying the United Kingdom ’ s coronavirus lockdown restrictions that prohibit mass gatherings .
Demonstrators gathered in Trafalgar Square in London , kneeling in unison at 1 pm local time to honor Floyd .
Protesters , some in masks , held up signs with slogans such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and chanted , “ Black Lives Matter.
” Standing in solidarity with Floyd , some protesters also called out injustice and racism in the UK .
Some protesters marched through London to the US Embassy there .
Hundreds also marched in Manchester , UK , on Sunday — and more protests are expected in the UK this week .
Protesters also surrounded the US Embassy in Berlin on Saturday , the crowd chanting , “ Black Lives Matter.
” Toronto also saw demonstrations on Saturday , which largely focused on Regis Korchinski-Paquet , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to police , fell from her balcony while police were at her home last week .
Officers responded to a call about a “ domestic incident ” at her home on Wednesday night , but the circumstances leading up to her fall are unclear .
An investigation is underway .
Demonstrations in support of Korchinski-Paquet merged with calls to end racism in Canada , the US , and around the world .
Police are still investigating the death of Korchinski-Paquet , and protesters held up signs that read “ Justice for Regis.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrators also gathered outside the US consulate in Milan on Thursday to protest Floyd ’ s death .
A graffiti mural in Milan read “ I Can ’ t Breathe , ” a reminder of Floyd ’ s pleas to police .
World leaders have responded to the protests — including some authoritarian countries Floyd ’ s death and the aftermath — the massive peaceful protests and the violence , both from within the crowds and the police — have laid bare , once again , the United States ’ deeper structural problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injustice .
And world leaders are using these problems to address their own ends , with many allies seizing upon them to plead for a more just and equitable society , as adversaries highlight them to score propaganda points .
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau remarked on Floyd ’ s death and the protests at a press conference on Friday .
“ Many Canadians of diverse backgrounds are watching , like all Canadians are , the news out of the United States with shock and with horror , ” Trudeau told reporters .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ real .
It ’ s in the United States , but it ’ s also in Canada and we know people are facing systemic discrimination , unconscious bias and anti-black racism every single day , ” said Trudeau , who added that Canada also had “ work to do.
” Trudeau himself was embroiled in allegations of racism last year , after photos emerged of the prime minister wearing blackface and brownface .
And protesters marched in Toronto over the weekend against racism , in protests that included calling for justice for Korchinski-Paquet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the African Union Commission , which represents member states of the African Union , put out a statement that “ strongly condemns the murder of George Floyd that occurred in the United States of America at the hands of law enforcement officers , and wishes to extend his deepest condolences to his family and loved ones.
” The statement added that Mahamat encourages the “ authorities in the United States of America to intensify their efforts to ensure the total elimination of all forms of discrimination based on race or ethnic origin.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to directly address the protests or Trump ’ s response .
“ I ’ m not going to start commenting on the commentary or indeed the press statements that other world leaders make , or indeed the US president , ” he told Sky News on Sunday .
“ Footage of what happened to George Floyd was very distressing , as has been the scenes across America of the rioting and some of the violence.
” He added that he wanted “ to see the de-escalation of all those tensions and Americans come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and head of the UK opposition party , offered a more pointed suggestion ; he tweeted Saturday that “ George Floyd must not become just another name .
His shocking death should be the catalyst for change.
” Other UK lawmakers have also weighed in .
Diane Abbott , a Labour lawmaker , wrote in the Huffington Post that Britain needed to learn from the US before it saw a tragedy similar to Floyd ’ s death .
“ Many of the issues that have made the situation in the United States so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Isles , ” she wrote .
Images of buildings burned and looted , images of police and protesters clashing , and images of journalists under attack by rubber bullets and tear gas , has also revealed , in some instances , an uncomfortable hypocrisy within the US on human rights and freedom of speech .
Authoritarian governments have seized on this disorder to try exploit it for domestic political gain .
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan commented on Floyd ’ s death in a series of tweets .
“ The racist and fascist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Floyd in the US city of Minneapolis as a result of torture has not only deeply saddened all of us , but it has also become one of the most painful manifestations of the unjust order we stand against across the world.
” Erdoğan — who has purged the military and civil service of his perceived enemies , detained dozens of journalists , and led a targeted campaign against the Kurds — claimed that he would “ continue to fight to protect the rights of all of humanity without any discrimination based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ language or faith.
” Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif posted an obviously edited version of a US State Department press release , swapping the US in for Iran .
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo responded on Twitter by indicting Iran ’ s treatment of gay people , women , and Jews , but he did not address the US protests .
Russia , which tried to stifle pro-democracy protests last year , also weighed in .
“ This incident is far from the first in a series of lawless conduct and unjustified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement .
“ American police commit such high-profile crimes all too often.
’ ’ And then there ’ s China , which seized on the US protests to push back on America ’ s stance on Hong Kong .
This week , Pompeo declared Hong Kong no longer autonomous because of China ’ s encroachment on the territory , citing , among other things , the use of tear gas and mass arrests against peaceful demonstrations .
This declaration suggested the city would lose the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an economic center — and indeed , on Friday , President Donald Trump announced the US would revoke Hong Kong ’ s special trade status because China was “ absolutely smothering ” Hong Kong ’ s freedoms .
China has been relatively quiet on the move , but on Saturday , Hua Chunying , a Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson , responded to a tweet from the US State Department spokesperson about Hong Kong with : “ I can ’ t breathe.
” Hu Xijin , the editor of the state-run Global Times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unrest in the US and the unrest in Hong Kong .
“ Go talk to demonstrators seriously , ” he wrote on Twitter , addressing Trump .
“ Negotiate with them , just like you urged Beijing to talk to Hong Kong rioters.
” Even as countries are still battling the coronavirus pandemic , Floyd ’ s death and its aftermath have resonated worldwide , leading to peaceful expressions of solidarity , alongside the opportunism .
The response has been a powerful reminder that a number of other countries grapple with ugly legacies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ despite having ceded some of its leadership roles — remains a nation watched by others for both its successes and failures .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

As protests continue across the United States, the rest of the world is watching the chaos unfold in America’s cities, and is commenting on the systemic issues the demonstrations — and their inciting incident — reveal.
The death of George Floyd, a 46-year-old unarmed black man who died in Minneapolis, Minnesota, after a white police officer pushed a knee into Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes, has garnered international attention, as have the sometimes-violent protests that have erupted in the US.
Demonstrations in solidarity with Floyd protesters popped up in cities like London and Berlin, and world leaders, allies and foes of the US alike, have commented on the violence across the country.
Here is a look at how the world is reacting.
In the United Kingdom:
Hundreds marched in London on Sunday to protest the death of Floyd, defying the United Kingdom’s coronavirus lockdown restrictions that prohibit mass gatherings.
WATCH: Some pretty big crowds in London marching down Whitehall for #BlackLivesMatterUK protests.
Also a large crowd gathered outside the US embassy. #ICantBreath pic.twitter.com/HI5BQLN0ga — Paul Brand (@PaulBrandITV) May 31, 2020
Demonstrators gathered in Trafalgar Square in London, kneeling in unison at 1 pm local time to honor Floyd. Protesters, some in masks, held up signs with slogans such as “Justice for George Floyd” and chanted, “Black Lives Matter.” Standing in solidarity with Floyd, some protesters also called out injustice and racism in the UK.
Hundreds gathered for #BlackLivesMatter protest at Trafalgar Square. Everyone kneeling, chanting ‘No justice, no peace’ ✊ pic.twitter.com/s6FO9Pl6yX — jamila squire (@jamsqu) May 31, 2020
Some protesters marched through London to the US Embassy there. Hundreds also marched in Manchester, UK, on Sunday — and more protests are expected in the UK this week.
Hundreds of people demonstrate outside US Embassy in London against death of unarmed black man George Floyd in Minneapolishttps://t.co/p7Td5zzOkz pic.twitter.com/zK10XuRLJ3 — BBC News (UK) (@BBCNews) May 31, 2020
In Germany:
Protesters also surrounded the US Embassy in Berlin on Saturday, the crowd chanting, “Black Lives Matter.”
Thousands now chanting “black lives matter” in front of the US Embassy in Berlin #GeorgeFloyd pic.twitter.com/Jh65RKhTLo — Carl Nasman (@CarlNasman) May 30, 2020
Germans have surrounded the US Embassy in Berlin, protesting for America’s #BlackLivesMatter.pic.twitter.com/I7N9N5lr9b — Ariän El-Taher (@areltah) May 30, 2020
In Canada:
Toronto also saw demonstrations on Saturday, which largely focused on Regis Korchinski-Paquet, a 29-year-old Toronto black woman who, according to police, fell from her balcony while police were at her home last week. Officers responded to a call about a “domestic incident” at her home on Wednesday night, but the circumstances leading up to her fall are unclear. An investigation is underway.
Demonstrations in support of Korchinski-Paquet merged with calls to end racism in Canada, the US, and around the world. Police are still investigating the death of Korchinski-Paquet, and protesters held up signs that read “Justice for Regis.”
@ the Toronto protest pic.twitter.com/Gs1kqf2vmT — Hi guys (@howcomeyousmell) May 30, 2020
In Italy:
A group of Black Lives Matter demonstrators also gathered outside the US consulate in Milan on Thursday to protest Floyd’s death. A graffiti mural in Milan read “I Can’t Breathe,” a reminder of Floyd’s pleas to police.
World leaders have responded to the protests — including some authoritarian countries
Floyd’s death and the aftermath — the massive peaceful protests and the violence, both from within the crowds and the police — have laid bare, once again, the United States’ deeper structural problems with racism, police brutality, and injustice.
And world leaders are using these problems to address their own ends, with many allies seizing upon them to plead for a more just and equitable society, as adversaries highlight them to score propaganda points.
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau remarked on Floyd’s death and the protests at a press conference on Friday. “Many Canadians of diverse backgrounds are watching, like all Canadians are, the news out of the United States with shock and with horror,” Trudeau told reporters.
“Anti-black racism — racism — is real. It’s in the United States, but it’s also in Canada and we know people are facing systemic discrimination, unconscious bias and anti-black racism every single day,” said Trudeau, who added that Canada also had “work to do.”
Trudeau himself was embroiled in allegations of racism last year, after photos emerged of the prime minister wearing blackface and brownface. And protesters marched in Toronto over the weekend against racism, in protests that included calling for justice for Korchinski-Paquet.
Moussa Faki Mahamat, the chairman of the African Union Commission, which represents member states of the African Union, put out a statement that “strongly condemns the murder of George Floyd that occurred in the United States of America at the hands of law enforcement officers, and wishes to extend his deepest condolences to his family and loved ones.”
The statement added that Mahamat encourages the “authorities in the United States of America to intensify their efforts to ensure the total elimination of all forms of discrimination based on race or ethnic origin.”
UK Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab declined to directly address the protests or Trump’s response. “I’m not going to start commenting on the commentary or indeed the press statements that other world leaders make, or indeed the US president,” he told Sky News on Sunday. “Footage of what happened to George Floyd was very distressing, as has been the scenes across America of the rioting and some of the violence.”
He added that he wanted “to see the de-escalation of all those tensions and Americans come together.”
Keir Starmer, Labour leader and head of the UK opposition party, offered a more pointed suggestion; he tweeted Saturday that “George Floyd must not become just another name. His shocking death should be the catalyst for change.”
George Floyd must not become just another name. His shocking death should be the catalyst for change.
To build a better society we must stand together against racism and injustice. — Keir Starmer (@Keir_Starmer) May 30, 2020
Other UK lawmakers have also weighed in. Diane Abbott, a Labour lawmaker, wrote in the Huffington Post that Britain needed to learn from the US before it saw a tragedy similar to Floyd’s death. “Many of the issues that have made the situation in the United States so combustible exist right here in the British Isles,” she wrote.
Images of buildings burned and looted, images of police and protesters clashing, and images of journalists under attack by rubber bullets and tear gas, has also revealed, in some instances, an uncomfortable hypocrisy within the US on human rights and freedom of speech.
Authoritarian governments have seized on this disorder to try exploit it for domestic political gain.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan commented on Floyd’s death in a series of tweets. “The racist and fascist approach that led to the death of George Floyd in the US city of Minneapolis as a result of torture has not only deeply saddened all of us, but it has also become one of the most painful manifestations of the unjust order we stand against across the world.”
The racist and fascist approach that led to the death of George Floyd in the US city of Minneapolis as a result of torture has not only deeply saddened all of us, but it has also become one of the most painful manifestations of the unjust order we stand against across the world. — Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (@RTErdogan) May 28, 2020
Erdoğan — who has purged the military and civil service of his perceived enemies, detained dozens of journalists, and led a targeted campaign against the Kurds — claimed that he would “continue to fight to protect the rights of all of humanity without any discrimination based on race, color, religion, language or faith.”
Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif posted an obviously edited version of a US State Department press release, swapping the US in for Iran. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo responded on Twitter by indicting Iran’s treatment of gay people, women, and Jews, but he did not address the US protests.
Some don't think #BlackLivesMatter.
To those of us who do: it is long overdue for the entire world to wage war against racism.
Time for a #WorldAgainstRacism. pic.twitter.com/06p1LmmwgF — Javad Zarif (@JZarif) May 30, 2020
Russia, which tried to stifle pro-democracy protests last year, also weighed in. “This incident is far from the first in a series of lawless conduct and unjustified violence from U.S. law enforcement,’’ the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement. “American police commit such high-profile crimes all too often.’’
And then there’s China, which seized on the US protests to push back on America’s stance on Hong Kong. This week, Pompeo declared Hong Kong no longer autonomous because of China’s encroachment on the territory, citing, among other things, the use of tear gas and mass arrests against peaceful demonstrations. This declaration suggested the city would lose the trade advantages that have helped make it an economic center — and indeed, on Friday, President Donald Trump announced the US would revoke Hong Kong’s special trade status because China was “absolutely smothering” Hong Kong’s freedoms.
China has been relatively quiet on the move, but on Saturday, Hua Chunying, a Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, responded to a tweet from the US State Department spokesperson about Hong Kong with: “I can’t breathe.”
Hu Xijin, the editor of the state-run Global Times, also tried to draw parallels between the unrest in the US and the unrest in Hong Kong. “Go talk to demonstrators seriously,” he wrote on Twitter, addressing Trump. “Negotiate with them, just like you urged Beijing to talk to Hong Kong rioters.”
Mr. President, don't hide behind the Secret Service. Go to talk to demonstrators seriously. Negotiate with them, just like you urged Beijing to talk to Hong Kong rioters. pic.twitter.com/nTOnO0sptk — Hu Xijin 胡锡进 (@HuXijin_GT) May 30, 2020
Even as countries are still battling the coronavirus pandemic, Floyd’s death and its aftermath have resonated worldwide, leading to peaceful expressions of solidarity, alongside the opportunism. The response has been a powerful reminder that a number of other countries grapple with ugly legacies, but also that the US — despite having ceded some of its leadership roles — remains a nation watched by others for both its successes and failures.


vox--2020-05-31--How to more safely protest in a pandemic

As protesters take to the streets in dozens of US cities to mourn the death of George Floyd , resist police violence , and demand justice , many are wondering whether it ’ s possible to protest safely with the Covid-19 pandemic still spreading and taking lives .
On social media , there ’ s been a lot of discussion of the intersecting risks : how protesters risk retaliation from police , risk violence at the hands of counterprotesters , and risk Covid-19 infection , which they could then spread to others .
And many have judged the protesters harshly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But looming above these immediate risks is the long history of police violence as a wretched public health crisis of its own .
As the basketball legend and writer Kareem Abdul-Jabbar wrote in the LA Times , “ African Americans have been living in a burning building for many years , choking on the smoke as the flames burn closer and closer .
Racism in America is like dust in the air .
It seems invisible — even if you ’ re choking on it — until you let the sun in .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As long as we keep shining that light , we have a chance of cleaning it wherever it lands.
” August Nimtz Jr. , who joined protests in Minneapolis on Tuesday , told Time , “ I ’ m a 77-year-old African-American male .
I ’ ve got ta be concerned [ about catching COVID-19 ] , but at the same time there ’ s the importance of coming out into the streets .
We had to do this .
If we don ’ t do it the cops will get away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests may lead to more Covid-19 infections , and set the US back further in its fight against the virus , are understandable .
Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms told CNN Sunday she was particularly worried the protests might fan outbreaks in communities of color already disproportionately impacted by the virus .
“ I ’ m extremely concerned we are seeing mass gatherings , ” Bottoms said .
“ We ’ re going to see the other side of this in a couple of weeks.
” One obvious reason the gatherings may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard , if not impossible , to maintain at least 6 feet of distance between yourself and others in large gatherings .
Some health departments are still urging people to try : The good news , according to epidemiologists and doctors , is that there are many ways ( besides wearing a mask ) to reduce the risk of spreading the coronavirus or being infected in the streets while exercising the right to protest .
The risk will not be zero , but protesters can minimize harm to themselves and others .
Eleanor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , summed up the tips in this Saturday tweet : As they ’ ve disseminated this advice , Murray and several other health experts have been accused of hypocrisy — for condemning the anti-lockdown protests of April and early May as a Covid-19 risk , but not doing same for the police violence protests .
Murray clarified her position : “ Yes , I condemned the anti-lockdown protests , ” she wrote .
“ Yes , I support the # BlackLivesMatter protests .
No , those aren ’ t contradictory views .
COVID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is racism .
We need to fight both.
” Here ’ s how Tara Smith of Kent State University put it : Other health experts have been jumping in with additional helpful advice for protesters , who may be exposed to pepper spray and rubber bullets in confrontations with police : To protect the eyes from rubber bullets , protections like face shields , umbrellas , safety glasses , and goggles are recommended : As the protests gain momentum , some government officials and businesses are helping to mitigate the risks by supplying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Meanwhile , some protesters are reminding each other that they should stay home if they feel ill or have a fever , helping to reduce the risk of spread for everyone .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

As protesters take to the streets in dozens of US cities to mourn the death of George Floyd, resist police violence, and demand justice, many are wondering whether it’s possible to participate safely with the Covid-19 pandemic still spreading and taking lives.
On social media, there’s been a lot of discussion of the intersecting risks: how protesters risk retaliation from police, risk violence at the hands of counterprotesters, and risk Covid-19 infection, which they could then spread to others. And many have judged the protesters harshly for taking all of these risks.
But looming above it is the long history of police violence as a wretched public health crisis of its own.
1 in 1000 Black men and boys will be killed by police in their lifetime.
1 in 1000 is also the mortality rate of measles, a risk deemed so deadly, it has near constant public health surveillance and prevention.
That we don't treat police violence the same is a form of racism. — Rhea Boyd, MD (@RheaBoydMD) May 31, 2020
As the basketball legend and writer Kareem Abdul-Jabbar wrote in the LA Times, “African Americans have been living in a burning building for many years, choking on the smoke as the flames burn closer and closer. Racism in America is like dust in the air. It seems invisible — even if you’re choking on it — until you let the sun in. Then you see it’s everywhere. As long as we keep shining that light, we have a chance of cleaning it wherever it lands.”
And protesters are considering the risks in their decision to go out. As August Nimtz Jr., who joined protests in Minneapolis on Tuesday, told Time, “I’m a 77-year-old African-American male. I’ve gotta be concerned [about catching COVID-19], but at the same time there’s the importance of coming out into the streets. We had to do this. If we don’t do it the cops will get away with it again.”
Related Police brutality is a public health crisis
Fears that the protests may lead to more Covid-19 infections, and set the US back further in its fight against the virus, are understandable. Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms told CNN Sunday she was particularly worried the protests might fan outbreaks in communities of color already disproportionately impacted by the virus. “I’m extremely concerned we are seeing mass gatherings,” Bottoms said. “We’re going to see the other side of this in a couple of weeks.”
One obvious reason the gatherings may be risky is that it can be very hard, if not impossible, to maintain at least 6 feet of distance in large groups of people. Some health departments are still urging people to try:
Plan to protest? Here are tips to reduce the risk of spreading #COVID19:
✔Wear a face covering
✔Wear eye protection to prevent injury
✔Stay hydrated
✔Use hand sanitizer
✔Don't yell; use signs & noise makers instead
✔Stick to a small group
✔Keep 6 feet from other groups — nychealthy (@nycHealthy) May 30, 2020
The good news, according to epidemiologists and doctors, is that there are many ways (besides wearing a mask) to reduce the risk of spreading the coronavirus or being infected in the streets while exercising the right to protest. The risk will not be zero, but protesters can minimize harm to themselves and others. So what should you bring to a protest?
Eleanor Murray, an epidemiologist at Boston University, summed up the tips in this Saturday tweet:
Harm reduction for protests in a pandemic:
•wear your mask + eye protection + heat resistant gloves
•yelling can spread droplets, choose signs, drums, or similar noise makers
•stick with a buddy group to keep your unknown contacts low
•carry water + hand sanitizer + bandages — Ellie Murray (@EpiEllie) May 30, 2020
As they’ve disseminated this advice, Murray and several other health experts have been accused of hypocrisy — for condemning the anti-lockdown protests of April and early May as a Covid-19 risk, but not doing the same for the police violence protests.
Murray clarified her position: “Yes, I condemned the anti-lockdown protests,” she wrote. “Yes, I support the #BlackLivesMatter protests. No, those aren’t contradictory views. COVID is a public health emergency. So is racism. We need to fight both.”
Here’s how Tara Smith of Kent State University put it:
From several commenters, "why aren't you yelling about these protestors?"
I'm worried about them, yes. But if you see no difference between people protesting for their ability to get a haircut during a pandemic vs. fighting against being murdered by police, I can't help you. — Dr. Tara C. Smith (@aetiology) May 31, 2020
Other health experts have been jumping in with additional helpful advice for protesters, who may be exposed to pepper spray and rubber bullets in confrontations with police:
For all the protestors, pepper spray is oil based. If you get sprayed DO NOT rub your eyes. Immediately blink as much as you can to wash out some of the oil with your own tears. Then, wash your eyes with baby shampoo and rinse copiously with water. Be safe. — Dr. Glaucomflecken (@DGlaucomflecken) May 31, 2020
To protect the eyes from rubber bullets, protections like face shields, umbrellas, safety glasses, and goggles are recommended:
If you’re going to a protest, please look into protective ballistic eyewear. Good article on what to look for linked below. A set of glasses will set you back $25-30 after shipping. Please stay safe.https://t.co/w8Xoh9ppBq https://t.co/Zp732Fba42 — Matt McClure (@BrendTheCow) May 31, 2020
Meanwhile, some protesters are reminding each other that they should stay home if they feel ill or have a fever, helping to reduce the risk of spread for everyone.


vox--2020-05-31--What we know about the officers involved in George Floyd’s death

As more information comes out about the four police officers at the center of the death of George Floyd , protesters are calling for more action to be taken against them .
Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was swiftly fired last week and then charged Friday evening with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter for holding his knee against Floyd ’ s neck for almost nine minutes , resulting in his death .
Three other officers watched the events unfold , but did not intervene .
They were fired from the force , but have not been charged with a crime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrest .
Floyd ’ s death ignited protests nationwide over police brutality , particularly against black Americans who are disproportionately affected .
Here ’ s what we know , and don ’ t know , about Chauvin and his three colleagues so far .
What we know about Derek Chauvin • Chauvin is the officer accused of killing Floyd by pinning his neck down with his knee .
• The 44-year-old officer had worked in the police department for 19 years .
He was fired on Tuesday , one day after Floyd ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Oakdale , Minnesota and Orange County , Florida .
Both locations became hot spots for protesters .
• Both Chauvin and Floyd worked security at El Nuevo Rodeo , a nightclub in the city , although it ’ s unlikely they knew each other , according to the club ’ s former owner .
Chauvin worked outside while Floyd worked inside , and Chauvin had been with the club for much longer than Floyd .
• Chauvin had 17 complaints filed against him with the Minneapolis Police Department ’ s Internal Affairs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unclear , but only one was “ closed with discipline ” — two letters of reprimand — according to the Minneapolis Police Department .
• He ’ s been involved in several police shootings : In 2006 , Chauvin was one of the officers who shot and killed Wayne Reyes , 42 , a stabbing suspect who allegedly pulled a gun on the police .
In 2008 , he shot Ira Latrell Toles , a domestic assault suspect , in the abdomen .
And in 2011 , he was with a group of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Leroy Martinez , who was spotted running from a shooting .
An eyewitness told the Star Tribune at the time that Martinez had dropped his weapon and held his arms in the air before the police shot him .
• Chauvin was arrested on Friday for third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter and is being held at the Ramsey County Jail in St. Paul on $ 500,000 bail .
He isn ’ t being held in the county where he was charged — Hennepin County — because it was “ dealing with potential threats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up to 25 years for third-degree murder and 10 years for second-degree manslaughter .
• Chauvin is the first white officer in Minnesota to be charged for the death of a black civilian .
What we don ’ t know • The date of Chauvin ’ s first court appearance • The details of the complaints against Chauvin What we know about the other officers • Three other officers involved in the incident were fired on Tuesday , but none of them have been arrested yet .
• Tou Thao is the officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chauvin pinned Floyd ’ s neck down with his knee .
• Thao completed his police academy training in 2009 but was laid off for two years .
He returned to the police department in 2012 .
• Six police conduct complaints were filed against Thao .
Five were closed without discipline and one was still open when he was fired .
• Thao was the subject of an excessive force lawsuit in 2017 along with another officer , Robert Thunder .
The suit ’ s plaintiff , Lamar Ferguson , said Thao @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kneed him during his arrest , which resulted in broken teeth , bruising , and trauma .
After taking Ferguson to the hospital for medical treatment , they escorted Ferguson to jail in only his T-shirt and underwear , according to the lawsuit .
Thao said he arrested Ferguson because of an outstanding arrest warrant and that he only punched Ferguson after one of his hands slipped out of the handcuffs .
The lawsuit was settled out of court for $ 25,000 .
• J Alexander Kueng , 26 , and Thomas K. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two officers involved in Floyd ’ s death .
Kueng helped pin Floyd down and Lane allegedly pointed a gun at Floyd before handcuffing him .
Both were also fired on Tuesday .
• Kueng and Lane were licensed last August and didn ’ t have any complaints filed against them .
What we don ’ t know • Whether the three other officers will be arrested • Whether they will be charged • The details of the complaints against Thao Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

As more information comes out about the four police officers at the center of the death of George Floyd, protesters are calling for more action to be taken against them.
Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was swiftly fired last week and then charged Friday evening with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter for holding his knee against Floyd’s neck for almost nine minutes, resulting in his death.
Three other officers watched the events unfold, but did not intervene. They were fired from the force, but have not been charged with a crime. Protesters are now calling for their arrest.
Floyd’s death ignited protests nationwide over police brutality, particularly against black Americans who are disproportionately affected.
Here’s what we know, and don’t know, about Chauvin and his three colleagues so far.
What we know about Derek Chauvin
What we don’t know
The date of Chauvin’s first court appearance
The details of the complaints against Chauvin
What we know about the other officers
What we don’t know


vox--2020-05-31--The anger behind the protests, explained in 4 charts

The protests that have risen up in nearly every city in the United States over the past week were sparked by the killing of an unarmed black man , George Floyd , by now-fired police officers in Minneapolis .
Even though one former officer , Derek Chauvin , has been charged with third-degree murder , protests have continued night after night because they are not just about that single killing but what it represents : rampant police brutality that seems to have no consequences .
In fact , a recent analysis by advocacy group Mapping Police Violence found that 99 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2019 did not result in officers even being charged with , let alone convicted of , a crime .
Mapping Police Violence ’ s data , which is gathered from public databases and law enforcement records , also shows that the number of police killings has trended slightly upward from 2013 to 2019 — in that span , the number of killings falls to a low of 1,050 in 2014 , and has a high of 1,143 in 2018 .
For comparison , 373 people were killed in mass shootings in 2018 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May 30 .
Numbers such as these are a stark reminder that despite years of demonstrations and advocacy — and even changes in policy , such as the adoption of body cameras or requirements that officers use deescalation techniques before resorting to violence — little has changed numerically .
Those numbers are of killings of people of all races — but the same can be said when looking at the data broken down by ethnicity : killings of black Americans by police appears to be trending slightly downward , as are the killings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latinx Americans are slightly up .
Police killings of Native and Asian Americans have spiked , then fallen ; the killings of Americans of unknown race are very much up .
Those are totals , and reminders that police killings are not just a problem suffered by black Americans — that they affect Americans of all ethnicities .
But controlling for population ( that is , looking at killings per million people ) shows that it is black Americans who are most likely to be killed by police officers — that they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a Latinx person and nearly three times more likely to be killed than a white person .
Black Americans are also about 1.4 times more likely to be unarmed in fatal interactions with police than white Americans are ( and about 1.2 times more likely to be killed unarmed than Latinx Americans ) .
This disparity is such that in eight US cities — including Reno , Nevada ; Oklahoma City , Oklahoma ; and Scottsdale , Arizona — the rate at which police killed black men was higher than the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ’ s 50 largest cities , the rates of police killings ( of people of all races ) is higher than the rates of violent crime .
In many cities , like Kansas City , Missouri , and Columbus , Ohio , counting police killings as violent crimes would more than double the rate of violent crime .
It is this reality that people are protesting .
There have been many protests against police killing unarmed black men in recent years , some of which have gone on for weeks , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the killing of Anthony Lamar Smith by former police officer Jason Stockley , and the 2014 uprisings in Ferguson that followed the killing of Michael Brown .
Out of those protests have come the Black Lives Matter movement and other advocacy initiatives , as well as oversight , like the consent decree the Baltimore Police Department entered into with the Department of Justice following the 2015 killing of Freddie Gray .
And some studies have shown that the adoption of measures pushed for by these advocates has helped reduce police killings broadly — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Police Use of Force Project found that chokehold and stronghold bans reduced killings by 22 percent , for instance .
Those reductions , however , have not been enough .
The protests have not been enough .
Mapping Police Violence ’ s analysis shows this , as do other studies , like one from researchers at Rutgers University , the University of Michigan , and Washington University in St. Louis recently explained by my colleague Dylan Scott .
Using data from 2013 to 2018 , the researchers worked to understand how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of being killed by police .
The results showed black men had a 1 in 1,000 chance in being killed by police — just higher than the odds the the average American has of dying in a motorcycle crash , according to the National Safety Council .
If past protests have not changed this tragic paradigm , it is not clear that the present ones will either .
But there is little else protesters can do than to draw attention to this problem that has not gone away .
While many have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s data shows that these killings take place in cities with a broad range of leadership types , and regardless of which party is in control .
Many advocates argue that no change can come about until policies are put in place weakening police unions , and ensuring police can not be militarized or demilitarized at the whim of the president of the United States .
The decision to offer police military equipment is not made at the local , but federal level .
And police union officials , who often shape @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , are voted in by officers in the union — not by the public .
Also , as Scott notes , complaints about police action are not always looked into — Chauvin had 18 complaints against him , but was nevertheless allowed on the street the day of Floyd ’ s killing .
And again , 99 percent of officers are not charged following killings .
With little other recourse than to attempt to press for change — and with decades , even centuries , of frustration fueling them — the protests will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protester in Washington , DC , told the Associated Press Saturday night , “ We ’ re sick of it .
The cops are out of control .
They ’ re wild.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

The protests that have risen up in many cities in the United States over the past week were sparked by the killing of an unarmed black man, George Floyd, by now-fired police officers in Minneapolis. Even though one former officer, Derek Chauvin, has been charged with third-degree murder, protests have continued night after night because they are not just about that single killing but what it represents: rampant police brutality that seems to have no consequences.
In fact, a recent analysis by advocacy group Mapping Police Violence found that 99 percent of police killings from 2014 to 2019 did not result in officers even being charged with, let alone convicted of, a crime.
Mapping Police Violence’s data, which is gathered from public databases and law enforcement records, also shows that the number of police killings varied by year from 2013 to 2019 but did not fall significantly overall — in that span, the number of killings fell to a low of 1,050 in 2014, and had a high of 1,143 in 2018. For comparison, 373 people were killed in mass shootings in 2018 and about 1,010 Americans died of Covid-19 on May 30.
Numbers such as these are a stark reminder that despite years of demonstrations and advocacy — and even changes in policy, such as the adoption of body cameras or requirements that officers use deescalation techniques before resorting to violence — little has changed numerically.
Those numbers are of killings of people of all races — but the same can be said when looking at the data broken down by ethnicity: killings of black Americans by police appears to be trending slightly downward, as are the killings of white Americans; the killings of Latinx Americans are slightly up. Police killings of Native and Asian Americans have spiked, then fallen; the killings of Americans of unknown race are up.
Those are totals, and reminders that police killings are not just a problem suffered by black Americans — that they affect Americans of all ethnicities. But controlling for population (that is, looking at killings per million people) shows that it is black Americans who are most likely to be killed by police officers — that they are nearly twice as likely to be killed as a Latinx person and nearly three times more likely to be killed than a white person. Black Americans are also about 1.4 times more likely to be unarmed in fatal interactions with police than white Americans are (and about 1.2 times more likely to be killed unarmed than Latinx Americans).
This disparity is such that in eight US cities — including Reno, Nevada; Oklahoma City, Oklahoma; and Scottsdale, Arizona — the rate at which police killed black men was higher than the US murder rate. And from a criminal justice perspective, there appears to be little connection between police killings and violent crime. Some cities with high rates of violent crime have fewer police killings than those with higher violent crime rates, a situation that can make police killings feel wanton and baseless.
It is this reality that people are protesting. There have been many protests against police killing unarmed black men in recent years, some of which have gone on for weeks, like the 2017 St. Louis protests over the killing of Anthony Lamar Smith by former police officer Jason Stockley, and the 2014 uprisings in Ferguson that followed the killing of Michael Brown. Out of those protests have come the Black Lives Matter movement and other advocacy initiatives, as well as oversight, like the consent decree the Baltimore Police Department entered into with the Department of Justice following the 2015 killing of Freddie Gray.
And some studies have shown that the adoption of measures pushed for by these advocates has helped reduce police killings broadly — a Mapping Police Violence analysis of data from the Police Use of Force Project found that chokehold and stronghold bans reduced killings by 22 percent, for instance.
Those reductions, however, have not been enough. The protests have not been enough. Mapping Police Violence’s analysis shows this, as do other studies, like one from researchers at Rutgers University, the University of Michigan, and Washington University in St. Louis recently explained by my colleague Dylan Scott.
Using data from 2013 to 2018, the researchers worked to understand how at risk American men and women were of being killed by police. The results showed black men had a 1 in 1,000 chance in being killed by police — just higher than the odds the the average American has of dying in a motorcycle crash, according to the National Safety Council.
If past protests have not changed this tragic paradigm, it is not clear that the present ones will either. But there is little else protesters can do than to draw attention to this problem that has not gone away. While many have been encouraged to vote, Mapping Police Violence’s data shows that these killings take place in cities with a broad range of leadership types, and regardless of which party is in control.
Many advocates argue that no change can come about until policies are put in place weakening police unions, and ensuring police cannot be militarized or demilitarized at the whim of the president of the United States. The decision to offer police military equipment is not made at the local, but federal level. And police union officials, who often shape the rules police officers are governed by, are voted in by officers in the union — not by the public.
Also, as Scott notes, complaints about police action are not always looked into — Chauvin had 18 complaints against him, but was nevertheless allowed on the street the day of Floyd’s killing. And again, 99 percent of officers are not charged following killings. With little other recourse than to attempt to press for change — and with decades, even centuries, of frustration fueling them — the protests will continue.
As Olga Hall, a protester in Washington, DC, told the Associated Press Saturday night, “We’re sick of it. The cops are out of control. They’re wild.”
Correction, June 1: An earlier version of this article misstated the difference in rates of police killings and of violent crime in American cities.


vox--2020-05-31--99 years ago today, one of America’s worst acts of racial violence took place in Tulsa

As protests erupt across the country in reaction to George Floyd ’ s death at the hands of Minneapolis police , America is also marking the anniversary of one of its worst incidents of racial violence — and one that was covered up for decades .
May 31 and June 1 mark the 99th anniversary of the 1921 Tulsa race massacre , when a white mob descended on an affluent black community in Tulsa , Oklahoma .
The Greenwood District , which was known as “ Black Wall Street , ” was decimated in a matter of days .
Roughly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burned , and an estimated 300 black people killed .
The massacre was largely brushed over for decades — records of it disappeared , and it wasn ’ t often talked about .
When it was , it was dubbed the Tulsa race “ riot ” as a way to muddy the waters of what happened and make it seem that both sides were equally at fault .
In the 1990s , Oklahoma put together a commission to try to find out what happened in the 1921 massacre , and in 2001 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
From its prologue , written by then-state Rep. Don Ross : A mob destroyed 35-square-blocks of the African American Community during the evening of May 31 , through the afternoon of June 1 , 1921 .
It was a tragic , infamous moment in Oklahoma and the nation ’ s history .
The worse civil disturbance since the Civil War .
In the aftermath of the death and destruction the people of our state suffered from a fatigue of faith — some still search for a statute of limitation on morality , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residue of injustice that at best can leave little room for the healing of the heart .
Perhaps this report , and subsequent humanitarian recovery events by the governments and the good people of the state will extract us from the guilt and confirm the commandment of a good and just God — leaving the deadly deeds of 1921 buried in the call for redemption , historical correctness , and repair .
Nearly two decades after the report was written , Tulsa continues to grapple with the massacre and to try to find @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bodies of those killed during the incident is still unknown .
What we do and still don ’ t know about the 1921 Tulsa race massacre A wave of anti-black violence swept across the United States after the end of World War I .
Black veterans who had served the country were met with disdain by racist whites , and racial tensions were high — as Olivia Waxman outlined in Time , black Americans who moved to cities in the North were met with prejudice , as were black sharecroppers in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , known as the Red Summer , racial violence targeting black people erupted across the US .
That is important context for the massacre in Tulsa in 1921 , which was sparked when a black teenager named Dick Rowland was arrested for allegedly attacking a white female operator .
A white mob gathered outside the courthouse where he was being held , and black men also gathered outside to try to protect him from being lynched .
According to a timeline from Tulsa World , things declined from there .
White people broke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and there were reports of looting and haphazard shooting downtown .
White mobs descended on Greenwood , and many residents of the district fled .
Buildings were destroyed and set ablaze , homes and businesses were looted , and reports suggest police officers took part in the mayhem as well .
The Oklahoma governor declared martial law and called in the National Guard .
Many black people were arrested , but whites weren ’ t .
After the violence ended , there was an effort to erase it .
Records of it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wasn ’ t talked about much at all , nor did it appear in history books .
Whites moved on with their lives , and blacks tried to put theirs back together .
As the Tulsa Historical Society and Museum notes , no criminal act from the massacre “ was then or ever has been prosecuted or punished by government at any level.
” That ’ s part of the reason there is probably a lot we will never know about it — exactly how many people were harmed or died , what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s an ongoing effort to try to figure out even where the bodies of those killed are buried .
In recent decades , there have been efforts to reach out to survivors for their firsthand accounts of what happened .
In 2018 , Charles Blow at the New York Times spoke with Olivia Hooker , one of the last known survivors of the massacre .
She described white men breaking into her family ’ s home , destroying her sister ’ s piano , pouring oil on her grandmother ’ s bed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I used to scream at night .
I didn ’ t sleep .
I had nightmares , ” she said of the trauma she suffered .
In 1999 , Brent Staples published a story in the New York Times on the unearthing of the truth about the massacre .
It included multiple firsthand accounts , including from a man named Elwood Lett , who had recently died at the age of 82 : Five white men came to his family ’ s house but surprised them by allowing the grandfather to place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wagon so that they could leave town .
‘ ’ I was happy to know they didn ’ t shoot him or kill him there at the house , ’ ’ Lett recalled .
‘ ’ He ’ s thinking , ‘ They ’ re pretty nice people by letting us get in the wagon and go on about our business.
’ .
.
.
We hadn ’ t got to the town of Sperry before this white guy asked , ‘ Where in the hell you going ?
’ — using the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , ‘ We ’ re heading out , we ’ re going out of town.
’ And he said , ‘ Not this day you ’ re not going out of town.
’ Bam !
.
.
.
And he just tumbled .
My mother let out a scream : ‘ Oh , you have killed my father , you ’ ve killed him , ’ and I thought he was going to do the same thing to my mother.
’ ’ There have been calls from many corners for reparations for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his influential 2014 piece “ The Case for Reparations , ” writer Ta-Nehisi Coates cited the incident in his argument .
This year , the Tulsa massacre anniversary lands amid intense racial violence in the US The 2020 anniversary of the Tulsa massacre arrives at a uniquely horrible moment that has acutely affected black Americans .
George Floyd , a 46-year-old black man , was killed during an arrest on May 25 when a police officer pinned him by the neck with his knee for nearly nine minutes , even when he pleaded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breathe .
Floyd ’ s death is the latest in a centuries-long history of anti-black violence .
In the wake of Floyd ’ s killing , demonstrators across the country have taken to the streets to protest police violence and draw attention to the way black lives are undervalued and mistreated .
Many of the protests have been peaceful , but some have turned violent , and when they turn violent , it is often black demonstrators who run the highest risk of being hurt .
Businesses are being looted and burned , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some communities are being destroyed .
And beyond the protests , right now , people of color are also being disproportionately sickened and killed by the coronavirus crisis .
They ’ ve also been hit harder by the economic crisis and lost their jobs at higher rates .
“ Before COVID-19 , America ’ s virus was racism , ” Rev .
Robert Turner told demonstrators at a protest in Tulsa on Saturday , according to Tulsa World .
“ We are sick and tired of this disease .
We demand a vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism .
A face mask can ’ t kill racism .
Nothing but the truth can cure it.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Share All sharing options for: One of America’s worst acts of racial violence was in Tulsa. Now, it’s the site of Trump’s first rally in months.
Mass demonstrations have erupted across the country in reaction to George Floyd’s death and in protest of systemic racism and police violence. During this period of unrest, America just marked the anniversary of one of its worst incidents of racial violence — and President Donald Trump is headed to the site of the incident for his first campaign rally in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic.
May 31 and June 1 mark the 99th anniversary of the 1921 Tulsa race massacre, when a white mob descended on an affluent black community in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The Greenwood District, which was known as “Black Wall Street,” was decimated in a matter of days. Roughly 1,200 homes were burned, 35 blocks burned, and an estimated 300 black people killed.
The massacre was largely brushed over for decades — records of it disappeared, and it wasn’t often talked about. When it was, it was dubbed the Tulsa race “riot” as a way to muddy the waters of what happened and make it seem that both sides were equally at fault. In the 1990s, Oklahoma put together a commission to try to find out what happened in the 1921 massacre, and in 2001, it released a report on its findings. From its prologue, written by then-state Rep. Don Ross:
A mob destroyed 35-square-blocks of the African American Community during the evening of May 31, through the afternoon of June 1, 1921. It was a tragic, infamous moment in Oklahoma and the nation’s history. The worse civil disturbance since the Civil War. In the aftermath of the death and destruction the people of our state suffered from a fatigue of faith — some still search for a statute of limitation on morality, attempting to forget the longevity of the residue of injustice that at best can leave little room for the healing of the heart. Perhaps this report, and subsequent humanitarian recovery events by the governments and the good people of the state will extract us from the guilt and confirm the commandment of a good and just God — leaving the deadly deeds of 1921 buried in the call for redemption, historical correctness, and repair.
Nearly two decades after the report was written, Tulsa continues to grapple with the massacre and to try to find out what happened. The location of the bodies of those killed during the incident is still unknown.
What we do and still don’t know about the 1921 Tulsa race massacre
A wave of anti-black violence swept across the United States after the end of World War I. Black veterans who had served the country were met with disdain by racist whites, and racial tensions were high — as Olivia Waxman outlined in Time, black Americans who moved to cities in the North were met with prejudice, as were black sharecroppers in the South. In the summer of 1919, known as the Red Summer, racial violence targeting black people erupted across the US.
That is important context for the massacre in Tulsa in 1921, which was sparked when a black teenager named Dick Rowland was arrested for allegedly attacking a white female operator. A white mob gathered outside the courthouse where he was being held, and black men also gathered outside to try to protect him from being lynched.
According to a timeline from Tulsa World, things declined from there. White people broke into stores to take guns and ammunition, and there were reports of looting and haphazard shooting downtown. White mobs descended on Greenwood, and many residents of the district fled. Buildings were destroyed and set ablaze, homes and businesses were looted, and reports suggest police officers took part in the mayhem as well. The Oklahoma governor declared martial law and called in the National Guard. Many black people were arrested, but whites weren’t.
After the violence ended, there was an effort to erase it. Records of it disappeared, and for decades, it wasn’t talked about much at all, nor did it appear in history books. Whites moved on with their lives, and blacks tried to put theirs back together. As the Tulsa Historical Society and Museum notes, no criminal act from the massacre “was then or ever has been prosecuted or punished by government at any level.”
That’s part of the reason there is probably a lot we will never know about it — exactly how many people were harmed or died, what happened to the survivors. There’s an ongoing effort to try to figure out even where the bodies of those killed are buried.
In recent decades, there have been efforts to reach out to survivors for their firsthand accounts of what happened. In 2018, Charles Blow at the New York Times spoke with Olivia Hooker, one of the last known survivors of the massacre. She described white men breaking into her family’s home, destroying her sister’s piano, pouring oil on her grandmother’s bed, and stuffing a dresser with ammunition. “I used to scream at night. I didn’t sleep. I had nightmares,” she said of the trauma she suffered.
In 1999, Brent Staples published a story in the New York Times on the unearthing of the truth about the massacre. It had multiple firsthand accounts, including from a man named Elwood Lett, who had recently died at the age of 82:
Five white men came to his family’s house but surprised them by allowing the grandfather to place his daughter and two grandchildren into a wagon so that they could leave town. ‘’I was happy to know they didn’t shoot him or kill him there at the house,’’ Lett recalled. ‘’He’s thinking, ‘They’re pretty nice people by letting us get in the wagon and go on about our business.’ . . . We hadn’t got to the town of Sperry before this white guy asked, ‘Where in the hell you going?’ — using the ‘N’ word. My grandfather said, ‘We’re heading out, we’re going out of town.’ And he said, ‘Not this day you’re not going out of town.’ Bam! . . . And he just tumbled. My mother let out a scream: ‘Oh, you have killed my father, you’ve killed him,’ and I thought he was going to do the same thing to my mother.’’
There have been calls from many corners for reparations for the victims of the attack. In his influential 2014 piece “The Case for Reparations,” writer Ta-Nehisi Coates cited the incident in his argument.
This year, the Tulsa massacre has been an important part of the conversation
The 2020 anniversary of the Tulsa massacre in late May and early June arrived at a uniquely horrible moment that has acutely affected black Americans. George Floyd, a 46-year-old black man, was killed during an arrest on May 25 when a police officer pinned him by the neck with his knee for nearly nine minutes, even when he pleaded with him that he couldn’t breathe. Floyd’s death was the latest in a centuries-long history of anti-black violence — violence that has continued during the protests.
Making matters worse is President Trump, who will hold his first campaign rally in months in Tulsa. Initially, the rally was scheduled to be held on June 19, or Juneteenth, a day that’s typically a celebration of black liberation in America. The campaign insisted the decision to hold the rally on that site on that day was a coincidence. Eventually, the rally was moved to June 20. Some local health experts and city leaders have expressed concern about a 20,000-person rally being held during the Covid-19 pandemic, and a local newspaper has asked the president not to come. But the campaign appears determined to forge ahead. It will ask attendees to sign a waiver acknowledging the risk and will provide supporters masks and hand sanitizer, though it won’t require they be used.
This image contains sensitive or violent content Tap to display
In the wake of Floyd’s killing, demonstrators across the country have taken to the streets to protest police violence and draw attention to the way black lives are undervalued and mistreated. Many of the protests have been peaceful, but some have turned violent, and when they turn violent, it is often black demonstrators who run the highest risk of being hurt. Some businesses have been looted and burned, police and protesters clashed, and some communities harmed.
And beyond the protests, right now, people of color are also being disproportionately sickened and killed by the coronavirus crisis. They’ve also been hit harder by the economic crisis and lost their jobs at higher rates.
“Before COVID-19, America’s virus was racism,” Rev. Robert Turner told demonstrators at a protest in Tulsa in May, according to Tulsa World. “We are sick and tired of this disease. We demand a vaccine. Social distancing can’t kill racism. A face mask can’t kill racism. Nothing but the truth can cure it.”