vox--2020-06-03--Amazon’s top lawyer sent a “Black Lives Matter” memo. But he didn’t mention his own racial controver

Amazon’s top lawyer sent a “Black Lives Matter” memo. But he didn’t mention his own racial controversy.

On Wednesday , Amazon ’ s top lawyer sent an email to his staff expressing support for the Black Lives Matter movement .
But the note did not address a recent controversy involving this same lawyer , who had made what many of his Amazon colleagues saw as racist comments in notes from a high-level executive meeting where he strategized how to combat complaints from a black Amazon warehouse worker who says he was fired for protesting over working conditions during the pandemic .
Amazon general counsel David Zapolsky addressed the police killing of George Floyd and broader racial injustices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff on Wednesday , but the tech giant ’ s top lawyer avoided mentioning his leaked statements from April , in which he referred to the fired worker as “ not smart , or articulate.
” Those original comments sparked anger from Amazon employees , who felt Zapolsky ’ s choice of words was at best offensive , and at worst racist .
Zapolsky had used that language to describe Amazon employee Christian Smalls , whom the company fired in March on the day he led a small employee walkout at an Amazon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Amazon said Smalls violated the company ’ s instructions to remain home on paid quarantine leave after he came into contact with a colleague who tested positive for Covid-19 .
Smalls says he was fired for organizing the walkout and speaking out about his concerns over the safety of Amazon workers during the pandemic .
Zapolsky ’ s email on Wednesday had the subject line “ Black Lives Matter , ” and in it he wrote that “ the images and accounts of violence , discrimination , and racist aggression against Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Like many of you , ” he added , “ I have been reading and listening to many voices responding to this most recent spate of racial injustice .
I don ’ t presume to be able to add much to those conversations , which is why I have hesitated to write until now .
But I do tend to agree with those who argue that the most constructive things that people who are privileged not to face this oppression in their daily lives can do , at least in the short term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who do , redouble our commitment to be more effective antiracist allies and advocates , and support organizations and individuals seeking to address and mitigate racial oppression , police violence , and structural racism in our society.
” Zapolsky closed that section of the email by saying , “ That is what I am trying to do and intend to keep doing as we move forward.
” The top lawyer also said he made personal donations to the same 11 organizations that Amazon recently did , which , in different ways , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He added that he welcomed input from his staff on other organizations to consider supporting .
But Zapolsky ’ s email was not well-received by some of his staff , an employee in Amazon ’ s legal division told Recode .
“ This is the first time we ’ ve heard comments from legal leadership on these issues after David ’ s leaked email , which was not address or acknowledged in any way by David or other legal VPs , ” the Amazon employee told Recode .
“ It ’ s hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has not addressed his offensive and arguably racist comments from the leaked memo.
” Zapolsky ended his email by telling employees they should feel free to contact him on his cellphone “ even if you just want to talk , ask any question , share ideas or feedback , or just vent.
” The same current Amazon employee told Recode that it ’ s hard to imagine staffers taking Zapolsky up on his offer .
In a phone call with Recode on Wednesday , Smalls , the fired warehouse employee whom Zapolsky targeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a loss for words when he heard the content of Zapolsky ’ s email .
“ That is ridiculous .
That is insulting .
I don ’ t even know what to say , ” Smalls said .
“ I ’ m surprised that he thought that he could even speak on it , ” he added .
In a follow-up text message to Recode , Smalls said : “ Have him apologize publicly if he really cares about Black people.
” When Vice first published Zapolsky ’ s meeting notes in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ planned to try to position Smalls as the face of the anti-Amazon labor movement .
“ He ’ s not smart , or articulate , and to the extent the press wants to focus on us versus him , we will be in a much stronger PR position than simply explaining for the umpteenth time how we ’ re trying to protect workers , ” the notes said .
“ We should spend the first part of our response strongly laying out the case for why [ Smalls ’ s ] conduct was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and only then follow with our usual talking points about worker safety , ” Zapolsky added in the notes , according to Vice News .
“ Make him the most interesting part of the story , and if possible make him the face of the entire union/organizing movement.
” After the leak , Amazon issued a statement on Zapolsky ’ s behalf that did not reference what many Amazon employees , and some politicians such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-NY ) , saw as racist undertones .
It also did not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” “ apologize , ” or “ regret.
” The statement read , “ My comments were personal and emotional .
I was frustrated and upset that an Amazon employee would endanger the health and safety of other Amazonians by repeatedly returning to the premises after having been warned to quarantine himself after exposure to virus Covid-19 .
I let my emotions draft my words and get the better of me.
” Amazon spokesperson Dan Perlet told Recode at the time that Zapolsky , who is white , did not know that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the meeting notes .
Some Amazon white-collar employees fumed at the time that it is “ absolutely disgusting that they would talk about a coworker like that .
I highly doubt they would have used those words if he was a white employee.
” An Amazon spokesperson declined to comment on Zapolsky ’ s Wednesday email .
The full text of the email is below : Most of you are aware of the events we have been reading about , seeing , and experiencing in communities across the United States over the past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of violence , discrimination , and racist aggression against Black people are reprehensible and harrowing .
Tragically , they are also not new .
The list of victims is very , very long — the injustices against George Floyd , Breonna Taylor , Ahmaud Arbery , Nina Pop , Tony McDade , and Christian Cooper are just a few examples from just the past few months .
Horrifyingly , there are more each day , like David McAtee , killed Monday by Louisville police who apparently ignored orders to wear body cameras .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and we must find a way to end it .
Black Lives Matter .
Like many of you , I have been reading and listening to many voices responding to this most recent spate of racial injustice .
I don ’ t presume to be able to add much to those conversations , which is why I have hesitated to write until now .
But I do tend to agree with those who argue that the most constructive things that people who are privileged not to face this oppression in their daily lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ short term , are listen and learn from those who do , redouble our commitment to be more effective antiracist allies and advocates , and support organizations and individuals seeking to address and mitigate racial oppression , police violence , and structural racism in our society .
That is what I am trying to do and intend to keep doing as we move forward .
On Sunday , Amazon posted the following message to our blog and various social channels : “ The inequitable and brutal treatment of Black people in our country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solidarity with the Black community — our employees , customers , and partners — in the fight against systemic racism and injustice.
” This morning , Amazon announced donations totaling $ 10M to the organizations listed below , which , in different ways , seek [ to ] achieve these goals .
I have also made personal donations — to these and other organizations , and I welcome discussion and input as to others worth supporting .
One striking theme that many of these organizations share is that they seek to achieve change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal system — a longstanding and powerful tradition of the civil rights movement in this country .
I know that some in our department are exploring ways to participate in the work of these and other organizations on a pro bono basis in connection with the current protests and other reform efforts , and I welcome and encourage such participation .
Finally , I also wanted to make sure you saw Jeff ’ s Instagram post from Friday , which amplified an article about how many of our Black colleagues are feeling right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time .
We all need to give each other support and space as we move through this period , particularly managers .
And we will .
If there is anything that I , personally , or any member of our legal leadership team can do to help in any way — even if you just want to talk , ask any question , share ideas or feedback , or just vent — please feel free to reach out [ to ] me , or any member of the legal leadership team , directly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information is in the phone tool .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

On Wednesday, Amazon’s top lawyer sent an email to his staff expressing support for the Black Lives Matter movement. But the note did not address a recent controversy involving this same lawyer, who had made what many of his Amazon colleagues saw as racist comments in notes from a high-level executive meeting where he strategized how to combat complaints from a black Amazon warehouse worker who says he was fired for protesting over working conditions during the pandemic.
Amazon general counsel David Zapolsky addressed the police killing of George Floyd and broader racial injustices in an email to his global legal staff on Wednesday, but the tech giant’s top lawyer avoided mentioning his leaked statements from April, in which he referred to the fired worker as “not smart, or articulate.” Those original comments sparked anger from Amazon employees, who felt Zapolsky’s choice of words was at best offensive, and at worst racist.
Zapolsky had used that language to describe Amazon employee Christian Smalls, whom the company fired in March on the day he led a small employee walkout at an Amazon warehouse in Staten Island, New York. Amazon said Smalls violated the company’s instructions to remain home on paid quarantine leave after he came into contact with a colleague who tested positive for Covid-19. Smalls says he was fired for organizing the walkout and speaking out about his concerns over the safety of Amazon workers during the pandemic.
Zapolsky’s email on Wednesday had the subject line “Black Lives Matter,” and in it he wrote that “the images and accounts of violence, discrimination, and racist aggression against Black people are reprehensible and harrowing.”
“Like many of you,” he added, “I have been reading and listening to many voices responding to this most recent spate of racial injustice. I don’t presume to be able to add much to those conversations, which is why I have hesitated to write until now. But I do tend to agree with those who argue that the most constructive things that people who are privileged not to face this oppression in their daily lives can do, at least in the short term, are listen and learn from those who do, redouble our commitment to be more effective antiracist allies and advocates, and support organizations and individuals seeking to address and mitigate racial oppression, police violence, and structural racism in our society.”
Zapolsky closed that section of the email by saying, “That is what I am trying to do and intend to keep doing as we move forward.”
The top lawyer also said he made personal donations to the same 11 organizations that Amazon recently did, which, in different ways, “fight against systemic racism and injustice.” He added that he welcomed input from his staff on other organizations to consider supporting.
But Zapolsky’s email was not well-received by some of his staff, an employee in Amazon’s legal division told Recode.
“This is the first time we’ve heard comments from legal leadership on these issues after David’s leaked email, which was not address or acknowledged in any way by David or other legal VPs,” the Amazon employee told Recode. “It’s hard to see this as genuine when he has not addressed his offensive and arguably racist comments from the leaked memo.”
Zapolsky ended his email by telling employees they should feel free to contact him on his cellphone “even if you just want to talk, ask any question, share ideas or feedback, or just vent.” The same current Amazon employee told Recode that it’s hard to imagine staffers taking Zapolsky up on his offer.
In a phone call with Recode on Wednesday, Smalls, the fired warehouse employee whom Zapolsky targeted in the leaked meeting notes, was at a loss for words when he heard the content of Zapolsky’s email.
“That is ridiculous. That is insulting. I don’t even know what to say,” Smalls said.
“I’m surprised that he thought that he could even speak on it,” he added.
In a follow-up text message to Recode, Smalls said: “Have him apologize publicly if he really cares about Black people.”
When Vice first published Zapolsky’s meeting notes in April, they revealed how Amazon leadership planned to try to position Smalls as the face of the anti-Amazon labor movement.
“He’s not smart, or articulate, and to the extent the press wants to focus on us versus him, we will be in a much stronger PR position than simply explaining for the umpteenth time how we’re trying to protect workers,” the notes said.
“We should spend the first part of our response strongly laying out the case for why [Smalls’s] conduct was immoral, unacceptable, and arguably illegal, and only then follow with our usual talking points about worker safety,” Zapolsky added in the notes, according to Vice News. “Make him the most interesting part of the story, and if possible make him the face of the entire union/organizing movement.”
After the leak, Amazon issued a statement on Zapolsky’s behalf that did not reference what many Amazon employees, and some politicians such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), saw as racist undertones. It also did not include any of the words “sorry,” “apologize,” or “regret.”
The statement read, “My comments were personal and emotional. I was frustrated and upset that an Amazon employee would endanger the health and safety of other Amazonians by repeatedly returning to the premises after having been warned to quarantine himself after exposure to virus Covid-19. I let my emotions draft my words and get the better of me.”
Amazon spokesperson Dan Perlet told Recode at the time that Zapolsky, who is white, did not know that Smalls was black when he wrote up the meeting notes.
Some Amazon white-collar employees fumed at the time that it is “absolutely disgusting that they would talk about a coworker like that. I highly doubt they would have used those words if he was a white employee.”
An Amazon spokesperson declined to comment on Zapolsky’s Wednesday email. The full text of the email is below:
Hi,
Most of you are aware of the events we have been reading about, seeing, and experiencing in communities across the United States over the past few weeks. The images and accounts of violence, discrimination, and racist aggression against Black people are reprehensible and harrowing. Tragically, they are also not new. The list of victims is very, very long — the injustices against George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, Nina Pop, Tony McDade, and Christian Cooper are just a few examples from just the past few months. Horrifyingly, there are more each day, like David McAtee, killed Monday by Louisville police who apparently ignored orders to wear body cameras. It’s horrifying, painful, and we must find a way to end it. Black Lives Matter.
Like many of you, I have been reading and listening to many voices responding to this most recent spate of racial injustice. I don’t presume to be able to add much to those conversations, which is why I have hesitated to write until now. But I do tend to agree with those who argue that the most constructive things that people who are privileged not to face this oppression in their daily lives can do, at least in the short term, are listen and learn from those who do, redouble our commitment to be more effective antiracist allies and advocates, and support organizations and individuals seeking to address and mitigate racial oppression, police violence, and structural racism in our society. That is what I am trying to do and intend to keep doing as we move forward.
On Sunday, Amazon posted the following message to our blog and various social channels: “The inequitable and brutal treatment of Black people in our country must stop. Together we stand in solidarity with the Black community — our employees, customers, and partners — in the fight against systemic racism and injustice.”
This morning, Amazon announced donations totaling $10M to the organizations listed below, which, in different ways, seek [to] achieve these goals. I have also made personal donations — to these and other organizations, and I welcome discussion and input as to others worth supporting.
ACLU Foundation
Brennan Center for Justice
Equal Justice Initiative
Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
NAACP
National Bar Association
National Museum of African American History and Culture
National Urban League
Thurgood Marshall College Fund
UNCF (United Negro College Fund)
Year Up
One striking theme that many of these organizations share is that they seek to achieve change by asserting and enforcing rights through the legal system — a longstanding and powerful tradition of the civil rights movement in this country. I know that some in our department are exploring ways to participate in the work of these and other organizations on a pro bono basis in connection with the current protests and other reform efforts, and I welcome and encourage such participation.
Finally, I also wanted to make sure you saw Jeff’s Instagram post from Friday, which amplified an article about how many of our Black colleagues are feeling right now. This is an extraordinarily difficult time. We all need to give each other support and space as we move through this period, particularly managers. And we will.
If there is anything that I, personally, or any member of our legal leadership team can do to help in any way — even if you just want to talk, ask any question, share ideas or feedback, or just vent — please feel free to reach out [to] me, or any member of the legal leadership team, directly. My personal mobile and other contact information is in the phone tool.
David


vox--2020-06-03--Obama’s message to young people of color: “I want you to know that you matter”

Former President Barack Obama sent a message of gratitude to young people of color , who have “ witnessed too much violence and too much death , ” and said their activism has been a source of hope for him .
“ I want you to know that you matter .
I want you to know that your lives matter , that your dreams matter , ” Obama said in a livestream of a roundtable hosted by My Brother ’ s Keeper , an organization he launched in 2014 , on Wednesday evening .
“ You should be able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life of joy without having to worry about what ’ s going to happen when you walk to the store or go for a jog or are driving down the street or are looking at some birds in a park.
” It ’ s not the first time that Obama has remarked publicly on the nationwide protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd , signaling a level of engagement that is unusual for a former president .
He wrote an essay on Medium earlier this week contemplating how the current protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the few protesters who have resorted to violence — including breaking store windows and setting fires — urging them to instead set an example for how American society should operate and clearly articulate their demands , a message he repeated Wednesday evening .
In his roundtable , he likened the young people taking to the streets in the name of the Black Lives Matter movement to other civil rights leaders , including Martin Luther King Jr. , Cesar Chavez , and Malcolm X .
“ You have helped to make the entire country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s got to change , ” he said .
“ You ’ ve communicated a sense of urgency .
That is as powerful and as transformative as anything that I ’ ve seen in recent years.
” But he also acknowledged that many members of law enforcement want change , too , mentioning those who have kneeled alongside protesters in solidarity and have opened dialogues with them .
Others , however , have fired tear gas at peaceful protesters and invoked excessive use of force , with one driving their police truck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways , as tragic as these past few weeks have been , as difficult and scary and uncertain they have been , they have been an incredible opportunity for people to be awakened to some of these underlying trends , ” Obama said .
Obama called on mayors to revise their policing policies Obama also urged the nation ’ s mayors to revise their policies on the use of force in policing , saying that the kinds of reforms needed to avert police brutality must happen at the local level .
Citing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policing he commissioned as president , Obama said that mayors and county executives , who appoint most police chiefs and negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions , hold the power to set new standards for how police interact with their local communities .
District attorneys and state attorneys general , who hold elected positions , can also decide whether to investigate and charge police officers accused of misconduct , he said .
Change will therefore have to come from roughly 19,000 municipalities and 18,000 local law enforcement jurisdictions .
“ As activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we need to be clear about where change is going to happen and how we can bring about that change , ” Obama said .
“ Today I am urging every mayor in this country to review your use of force policies with members of your community and commit to report on planned reforms.
” His White House Task Force on 21st Century Policing , which he created in 2014 , issued a report recommending some of the reforms that local officials should pursue .
Those include increasing the collection of data relating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police and the demographics of police departments ; training police officers on deescalation tactics ; commissioning external , independent investigations of deaths in police custody ; and ceasing to use military-style equipment during mass protests .
However , only a fraction of police departments across the country have adopted these policies in the years since the report was released .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Former President Barack Obama sent a message of gratitude to young people of color, who have “witnessed too much violence and too much death,” and said their activism has been a source of hope for him.
“I want you to know that you matter. I want you to know that your lives matter, that your dreams matter,” Obama said in a livestream of a roundtable hosted by My Brother’s Keeper, an organization he launched in 2014, on Wednesday evening. “You should be able to learn and make mistakes and live a life of joy without having to worry about what’s going to happen when you walk to the store or go for a jog or are driving down the street or are looking at some birds in a park.”
It’s not the first time that Obama has remarked publicly on the nationwide protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd, signaling a level of engagement that is unusual for a former president.
He wrote an essay on Medium earlier this week contemplating how the current protests could galvanize real change. He condemned the few protesters who have resorted to violence — including breaking store windows and setting fires — urging them to instead set an example for how American society should operate and clearly articulate their demands, a message he repeated Wednesday evening.
In his roundtable, he likened the young people taking to the streets in the name of the Black Lives Matter movement to other civil rights leaders, including Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez, and Malcolm X.
“You have helped to make the entire country feel as if this is something that’s got to change,” he said. “You’ve communicated a sense of urgency. That is as powerful and as transformative as anything that I’ve seen in recent years.”
But he also acknowledged that many members of law enforcement want change, too, mentioning those who have kneeled alongside protesters in solidarity and have opened dialogues with them. Others, however, have fired tear gas at peaceful protesters and invoked excessive use of force, with one driving their police truck into a crowd.
“In some ways, as tragic as these past few weeks have been, as difficult and scary and uncertain they have been, they have been an incredible opportunity for people to be awakened to some of these underlying trends,” Obama said.
Obama called on mayors to revise their policing policies
Obama also urged the nation’s mayors to revise their policies on the use of force in policing, saying that the kinds of reforms needed to avert police brutality must happen at the local level.
Citing a report produced by a task force on policing he commissioned as president, Obama said that mayors and county executives, who appoint most police chiefs and negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions, hold the power to set new standards for how police interact with their local communities. District attorneys and state attorneys general, who hold elected positions, can also decide whether to investigate and charge police officers accused of misconduct, he said.
Change will therefore have to come from roughly 19,000 municipalities and 18,000 local law enforcement jurisdictions. “As activists and everyday citizens raise their voices, we need to be clear about where change is going to happen and how we can bring about that change,” Obama said. “Today I am urging every mayor in this country to review your use of force policies with members of your community and commit to report on planned reforms.”
His White House Task Force on 21st Century Policing, which he created in 2014, issued a report recommending some of the reforms that local officials should pursue. Those include increasing the collection of data relating to the public’s interactions with the police and the demographics of police departments; training police officers on deescalation tactics; commissioning external, independent investigations of deaths in police custody; and ceasing to use military-style equipment during mass protests. However, only a fraction of police departments across the country have adopted these policies in the years since the report was released.


vox--2020-06-03--The president is a danger to the US military

When President Donald Trump looks at the military he leads , he doesn ’ t see a diverse group of Americans doing their jobs to protect and defend the country .
He sees a massive force at his disposal solely to satisfy his personal and political whims — even if it means tarnishing the reputation of the institution he claims to love .
Since protests sparked by the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minnesota police last week , the president has failed — or , more accurately , refused — to heal the nation .
Larger and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state and many cities , most dramatically outside the White House .
Last Friday , Trump ’ s security detail rushed him to the mansion ’ s bunker for safety despite no immediate threat , prompting Trump to bristle that he looked weak in a crisis .
In response , Trump reached for the military to bolster his image and ego , brandishing force to quash the violence and looting accompanying peaceful protests against police brutality .
To do so , he ’ s pushed for out-of-state National Guard members to patrol the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mayor ’ s will ; deployed 1,600 active-duty troops on the capital ’ s doorstep ; and threatened to send more forces around the country to arrest vandals .
That ’ s perhaps no surprise , as he tweeted on Monday that Republican Sen. Tom Cotton was “ 100 % Correct ” for suggesting violent activists would cower before a US Army presence .
Trump , in essence , sees the military as his personal plaything , little toy soldiers to move around on the map of America .
Granted , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the commander in chief , and he has yet to order the military to do anything illegal .
But just because he can deploy hundreds of troops to curb protests doesn ’ t mean he should , current and former troops say .
“ As a veteran of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars , it ’ s been heartbreaking to see President Trump using the military to intimidate protesters and inflame tensions , ” Paul Scharre , a former soldier and Pentagon official now at the Center for a New American Security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The military exists to protect America against its enemies , which are not our own people.
” Should Trump follow through with employing active-duty troops in his protest response , some contend relations between Americans and their military could drop to a Vietnam-era low .
“ I ’ m worried about it really doing serious damage to the reputation of the military , ” Michigan Rep. Elissa Slotkin , a House Armed Services Committee member and former top Pentagon official , told me .
“ The president is trying to associate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s actions are understandable in one sense : Polls show most Americans support using the military to help police control the protests .
But Trump ’ s show of force has turned the military into more of a political tool than a policing one .
On Monday , as law enforcement outside the White House cleared a group of protesters with tear gas and pepper balls just so the president could later walk to a nearby church and pose for photos holding a Bible , Trump threatened to send active-duty military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ If a city or state refuses to take the actions that are necessary to defend the life and property of their residents , then I will deploy United States military and quickly solve the problem for them , ” Trump said in a short speech delivered from the White House Rose Garden .
He has the authority to do that using the Insurrection Act of 1807 which , when invoked , allows the president to deploy the military to put down civil unrest .
The law has been used several times before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s governor requested the US military ’ s help to stop riots in Los Angeles .
The irony , though , is most presidents have invoked the law to uphold civil rights , not work against them .
For example , in 1957 , then-Arkansas Gov .
Orval Faubus refused to follow federal integration laws after the Supreme Court ’ s Brown v. Board of Education ruling three years earlier .
As a result , President Dwight Eisenhower sent soldiers from the 101st Airborne Division into Little Rock to escort nine black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ High School despite protests against them .
Even so , using the law is still seen as immensely controversial .
After all , it ’ s the president brushing aside both state laws and the authorities of governors .
As the Naval War College ’ s Lindsay Cohn told me , President George W. Bush made an offhand comment in 2005 about using federal forces to quarantine regions of the country suffering from avian flu .
In response , “ Everyone lost their minds , ” she said .
In this case , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did , publicly floating multiple deployments of American military power to subdue activists .
Such a consideration could only come from someone with no appreciation for using armed forces as intended .
“ The president is trying to turn the American military against American citizens who are peacefully protesting on domestic soil , ” Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine , a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee , said in a Tuesday statement announcing a proposed amendment to prohibit the use of military force against peaceful protests .
“ This is not what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Indeed , Secretary of Defense Mark Esper on Wednesday morning dramatically announced he wouldn ’ t support invoking the Insurrection Act , very openly breaking with Trump .
Hours later , though , White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany told reporters Trump “ has sole authority to invoke the Insurrection Act ” and that he ’ ll do so if he sees fit .
But that ’ s not all .
Esper , with Trump ’ s support , requested for states by Tuesday to send hundreds of their National Guard personnel to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DC , which already had about 1,300 activated members in the district .
Those requests , which were denied by some governors and accepted by others , were made over the objections of DC Mayor Muriel Bowser .
“ We don ’ t want the armed National Guard , armed military , and we don ’ t want any of those things on DC streets , ” she told reporters this week .
But she couldn ’ t stop the federal government from requesting such support because she isn ’ t a governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have essentially unfettered authority to build up a National Guard presence in the city , despite Bowser ’ s wishes .
It ’ s unclear whether DC ’ s police forces even needed the extra assistance .
But what is clear is that the Trump administration ’ s decision led to stunning scenes on Tuesday of National Guard members standing sentinel at the Lincoln Memorial to keep demonstrators out .
That was hard for many US military experts , like the American Enterprise Institute ’ s Kori Schake , to see .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posted so aggressively at the Lincoln Memorial , a sacred place of racial protest in our country , ” she told me .
“ This militarization of response to protests will taint public attitudes in ways so damaging to the institution of the military.
” “ The president is trying to associate our military with his dangerous policies , ” she continued .
Even James Mattis , Trump ’ s former secretary of defense , blasted Trump for his actions in and toward the capital .
“ Militarizing our response , as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up a conflict — a false conflict — between the military and civilian society .
It erodes the moral ground that ensures a trusted bond between men and women in uniform and the society they are sworn to protect , and of which they themselves are a part , ” he wrote in the Atlantic on Wednesday , breaking a years-long silence on the president ’ s conduct .
“ Keeping public order rests with civilian state and local leaders who best understand their communities and are answerable to them.
” Trump , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On Tuesday night , top Pentagon spokesperson Jonathan Hoffman announced Esper authorized the movement of active-duty military police and infantry to the “ National Capitol Region ” — a local term for DC and its surrounding areas .
Setting aside whether or not Washington needed such support — and , per Mayor Bowser , it didn ’ t — such a move reminded some experts of what the US military does ahead of invading a foreign city .
“ That ’ s exactly what this looks like , ” Van Jackson , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Wellington in New Zealand , told me .
This is “ how you prepare a battle space before you launch an invasion and occupation .
It ’ s actual , no-shit war.
” It also worried others .
“ As a former active duty infantry soldier , I ’ m deeply disturbed by reports that the Pentagon has moved an active duty infantry unit to the national capital region , ” CNAS ’ s Scharre said .
“ Deploying an active-duty combat unit to an American city would be dangerous and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keeping them around .
The Associated Press reported on Wednesday — less than 24 hours after the Pentagon ’ s announcement — that some of the active-duty troops had already started to return to their home bases .
But just hours later Esper reversed that decision , forcing them to stay nearby .
That the administration — namely , Trump — would even risk the optics of sending an invading force outside the nation ’ s power center shows he ’ d prefer to play war than deftly manage America ’ s military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see a problem breaking with American norms and very cavalierly using active-duty forces in American cities , ” Rep. Slotkin told me .
“ The fact that he doesn ’ t see a problem with it scares me more than anything.
” The Pentagon isn ’ t blameless during all this .
During Monday ’ s photo op , Esper and Army Gen. Mark Milley , chair of the Joints Chiefs of Staff , outfitted in his battle dress uniform , trailed Trump on the walk to the church .
Esper actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other top administration officials during the stunt , placing the nation ’ s top defense chief smack in the middle of a political moment .
That was just hours after he labeled American cities a “ battle space ” during a call alongside Trump with state governors .
Milley was also found walking Washington ’ s streets on Monday to check in on National Guard members as if he were some wartime commander .
But he ’ s not .
As Trump ’ s top military adviser , he isn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no direct responsibility for the forces out in the city .
“ These are images we cringe at in places like Hong Kong and Venezuela , ” a former US Navy officer told me on the condition of anonymity to speak on a sensitive subject .
“ We are supposed to be more measured , more responsible than this.
” But Trump , as commander in chief , is ultimately responsible for what he does with the nation ’ s military .
It ’ s clearly being misused — mainly to soothe the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this falls squarely on his shoulders .
“ He ’ s trying to demonstrate strength by exercising the military , ” said an active-duty Air Force pilot , who wasn ’ t authorized to speak on the issue publicly .
“ His moves are less powerful , more pandering .
Less doctrine , more doctoring.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

When President Donald Trump looks at the military he leads, he doesn’t see a diverse group of Americans doing their jobs to protect and defend the country. He sees a massive force at his disposal solely to satisfy his personal and political whims — even if it means tarnishing the reputation of the institution he claims to love.
Since protests sparked by the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minnesota police last week, the president has failed — or, more accurately, refused — to heal the nation. Larger and larger demonstrations sprang up in every American state and many cities, most dramatically outside the White House. Last Friday, Trump’s security detail rushed him to the mansion’s bunker for safety despite no immediate threat, prompting Trump to bristle that he looked weak in a crisis.
In response, Trump reached for the military to bolster his image and ego, brandishing force to quash the violence and looting accompanying peaceful protests against police brutality. To do so, he’s pushed for out-of-state National Guard members to patrol the streets of Washington, DC, against the mayor’s will; deployed 1,600 active-duty troops on the capital’s doorstep; and threatened to send more forces around the country to arrest vandals.
That’s perhaps no surprise, as he tweeted on Monday that Republican Sen. Tom Cotton was “100% Correct” for suggesting violent activists would cower before a US Army presence.
Trump, in essence, sees the military as his personal plaything, little toy soldiers to move around on the map of America. Granted, it’s his right to do so as the commander in chief, and he has yet to order the military to do anything illegal.
But just because he can deploy hundreds of troops to curb protests doesn’t mean he should, current and former troops say.
“As a veteran of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, it’s been heartbreaking to see President Trump using the military to intimidate protesters and inflame tensions,” Paul Scharre, a former soldier and Pentagon official now at the Center for a New American Security think tank in Washington, told me. “The military exists to protect America against its enemies, which are not our own people.”
Should Trump follow through with employing active-duty troops in his protest response, some contend relations between Americans and their military could drop to a Vietnam-era low. “I’m worried about it really doing serious damage to the reputation of the military,” Michigan Rep. Elissa Slotkin, a House Armed Services Committee member and former top Pentagon official, told me.
“The president is trying to associate our military with his dangerous policies”
Trump’s actions are understandable in one sense: Polls show most Americans support using the military to help police control the protests. But Trump’s show of force has turned the military into more of a political tool than a policing one.
On Monday, as law enforcement outside the White House cleared a group of protesters with tear gas and pepper balls just so the president could later walk to a nearby church and pose for photos holding a Bible, Trump threatened to send active-duty military around the country to stop rioters.
“If a city or state refuses to take the actions that are necessary to defend the life and property of their residents, then I will deploy United States military and quickly solve the problem for them,” Trump said in a short speech delivered from the White House Rose Garden.
He has the authority to do that using the Insurrection Act of 1807 which, when invoked, allows the president to deploy the military to put down civil unrest.
The law has been used several times before, most recently in 1992 when California’s governor requested the US military’s help to stop riots in Los Angeles. The irony, though, is most presidents have invoked the law to uphold civil rights, not work against them.
For example, in 1957, then-Arkansas Gov. Orval Faubus refused to follow federal integration laws after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education ruling three years earlier. As a result, President Dwight Eisenhower sent soldiers from the 101st Airborne Division into Little Rock to escort nine black high school students into the all-white Central High School despite protests against them.
Even so, using the law is still seen as immensely controversial. After all, it’s the president brushing aside both state laws and the authorities of governors. As the Naval War College’s Lindsay Cohn told me, President George W. Bush made an offhand comment in 2005 about using federal forces to quarantine regions of the country suffering from avian flu. In response, “Everyone lost their minds,” she said.
In this case, Trump has gone much further than Bush did, publicly floating multiple deployments of American military power to subdue activists. Such a consideration could only come from someone with no appreciation for using armed forces as intended.
“The president is trying to turn the American military against American citizens who are peacefully protesting on domestic soil,” Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine, a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said in a Tuesday statement announcing a proposed amendment to prohibit the use of military force against peaceful protests. “This is not what the United States military is for.”
Indeed, Secretary of Defense Mark Esper on Wednesday morning dramatically announced he wouldn’t support invoking the Insurrection Act, very openly breaking with Trump. Hours later, though, White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany told reporters Trump “has sole authority to invoke the Insurrection Act” and that he’ll do so if he sees fit.
Big moment here: Two days after Trump threatened to send active-duty troops to deal with violent protests, Defense Secretary Mark Esper says he opposes the move pic.twitter.com/daKEK7YF8I — Dave Brown (@dave_brown24) June 3, 2020
But that’s not all. Esper, with Trump’s support, requested for states by Tuesday to send hundreds of their National Guard personnel to perform law enforcement functions in Washington, DC, which already had about 1,300 activated members in the district. Those requests, which were denied by some governors and accepted by others, were made over the objections of DC Mayor Muriel Bowser.
“We don’t want the armed National Guard, armed military, and we don’t want any of those things on DC streets,” she told reporters this week. But she couldn’t stop the federal government from requesting such support because she isn’t a governor. That means Trump and his team have essentially unfettered authority to build up a National Guard presence in the city, despite Bowser’s wishes.
It’s unclear whether DC’s police forces even needed the extra assistance. But what is clear is that the Trump administration’s decision led to stunning scenes on Tuesday of National Guard members standing sentinel at the Lincoln Memorial to keep demonstrators out.
Your Lincoln Memorial this evening. pic.twitter.com/QByGgWeDDm — Martha Raddatz (@MarthaRaddatz) June 3, 2020
That was hard for many US military experts, like the American Enterprise Institute’s Kori Schake, to see. “It broke my heart to see military posted so aggressively at the Lincoln Memorial, a sacred place of racial protest in our country,” she told me. “This militarization of response to protests will taint public attitudes in ways so damaging to the institution of the military.”
“The president is trying to associate our military with his dangerous policies,” she continued.
Even James Mattis, Trump’s former secretary of defense, blasted Trump for his actions in and toward the capital.
“Militarizing our response, as we witnessed in Washington, DC, sets up a conflict — a false conflict — between the military and civilian society. It erodes the moral ground that ensures a trusted bond between men and women in uniform and the society they are sworn to protect, and of which they themselves are a part,” he wrote in the Atlantic on Wednesday, breaking a years-long silence on the president’s conduct. “Keeping public order rests with civilian state and local leaders who best understand their communities and are answerable to them.”
Trump, however, wasn’t satisfied. On Tuesday night, top Pentagon spokesperson Jonathan Hoffman announced Esper authorized the movement of active-duty military police and infantry to the “National Capitol Region” — a local term for DC and its surrounding areas.
Setting aside whether or not Washington needed such support — and, per Mayor Bowser, it didn’t — such a move reminded some experts of what the US military does ahead of invading a foreign city.
“That’s exactly what this looks like,” Van Jackson, a former Pentagon official now at the Victoria University of Wellington in New Zealand, told me. This is “how you prepare a battle space before you launch an invasion and occupation. It’s actual, no-shit war.”
It also worried others. “As a former active duty infantry soldier, I’m deeply disturbed by reports that the Pentagon has moved an active duty infantry unit to the national capital region,” CNAS’s Scharre said. “Deploying an active-duty combat unit to an American city would be dangerous and unwarranted.”
The administration seems committed to keeping them around. The Associated Press reported on Wednesday — less than 24 hours after the Pentagon’s announcement — that some of the active-duty troops had already started to return to their home bases. But just hours later Esper reversed that decision, forcing them to stay nearby.
That the administration — namely, Trump — would even risk the optics of sending an invading force outside the nation’s power center shows he’d prefer to play war than deftly manage America’s military.
“He doesn’t seem to see a problem breaking with American norms and very cavalierly using active-duty forces in American cities,” Rep. Slotkin told me. “The fact that he doesn’t see a problem with it scares me more than anything.”
The Pentagon isn’t blameless during all this. During Monday’s photo op, Esper and Army Gen. Mark Milley, chair of the Joints Chiefs of Staff, outfitted in his battle dress uniform, trailed Trump on the walk to the church.
Esper actually ended up standing next to the president and other top administration officials during the stunt, placing the nation’s top defense chief smack in the middle of a political moment. That was just hours after he labeled American cities a “battle space” during a call alongside Trump with state governors.
"I was not aware a photo op was happening"@EsperDoD right now.
Photo from the op he was not aware of. pic.twitter.com/ABZC6aYwGK — Peter W. Singer (@peterwsinger) June 3, 2020
Milley was also found walking Washington’s streets on Monday to check in on National Guard members as if he were some wartime commander. But he’s not. As Trump’s top military adviser, he isn’t in the chain of command and has no direct responsibility for the forces out in the city.
“These are images we cringe at in places like Hong Kong and Venezuela,” a former US Navy officer told me on the condition of anonymity to speak on a sensitive subject. “We are supposed to be more measured, more responsible than this.”
General Milley, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, walking the streets of Washington DC right now. Briefly spoke to say he is observing the situation. pic.twitter.com/fHcYOTYMzN — Shabtai Gold (@velvetart) June 2, 2020
But Trump, as commander in chief, is ultimately responsible for what he does with the nation’s military. It’s clearly being misused — mainly to soothe the president’s fragile ego — and this falls squarely on his shoulders.
“He’s trying to demonstrate strength by exercising the military,” said an active-duty Air Force pilot, who wasn’t authorized to speak on the issue publicly. “His moves are less powerful, more pandering. Less doctrine, more doctoring.”


vox--2020-06-03--Rubber bullets may be “nonlethal,” but they can still maim and kill

Around the country , police and law enforcement agents are responding to the protests against police brutality with ... brutality .
Standard crowd-control weapons — including rubber bullets , chemical irritants , flash-bangs , and contraptions that combine aspects of all three — are being deployed against protesters and the journalists covering them to disperse crowds , sometimes seemingly unprovoked , and against peaceful protesters .
While these riot-control weapons are said to be “ nonlethal ” or “ less lethal ” by police and their manufacturers , they can still cause significant harm .
In some cases , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ These weapons are supposed to be used as a last resort , if there ’ s really an uncontrollable level of violence that threatens public safety , ” Rohini Haar , an emergency room physician who has studied the impact of crowd-control weapons , tells Vox .
“ Without that level , that threshold , the use of weapons against unarmed civilians is pretty unjustified.
” As the protests percolate throughout the country , there have been many reports of serious injuries due to police using riot-control weapons .
And health experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more injuries because of the widespread use of these .
Here are three of the more common crowd-control weapons being used on protesters .
Let ’ s walk through them .
Rubber bullets are not always made out of rubber .
Technically , they are called “ kinetic impact projectiles.
” Some are made out of hardened foam or plastic .
Others contain a metal core .
Some are more like beanbags shot out of a rifle .
Wooden bullets also are grouped into this category , and they are also dangerous and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Regardless of their composition , these projectiles are shot out of guns at speeds comparable to that of a typical bullet , and when they hit their target , they can maim , blind , or even kill .
The rubber bullets are meant to be “ nonlethal ” or “ less lethal ” and used in crowd control .
But research shows how brutal these bullets can be .
“ It sounds like a Nerf gun or something , but it ’ s definitely much more dangerous than that , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we find that there ’ s really no safe way to use rubber bullets.
” In 2017 , Haar , along with the advocacy group Physicians for Human Rights and the International Network of Civil Liberties Organizations , published a review paper in the BMJ looking at the impact these bullets can have on the human body .
They concluded : “ [ T ] hese weapons have the potential to cause severe injuries and death.
” The group found 26 studies on the use of rubber bullets around the world , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fifteen percent of the injuries resulted in permanent disability ; 3 percent resulted in death .
When the injuries were to the eyes , they overwhelmingly ( 84.2 percent ) resulted in blindness .
These weapons can also cause internal bleeding in the abdominal region , concussions , injuries to the head and neck , and skin and soft-tissue damage .
Furthermore , these weapons are unwieldy and hard to aim at specific targets .
“ At short range , they come out of the gun as fast as a bullet , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can break bones .
They can fracture skulls .
If they hit the face , they can cause permanent damage and disability .
At long distances , they ricochet , they have unpredicted trajectories , they bounce , and they ’ re quite indiscriminate .
So they can ’ t possibly target either an individual or a safe body part of an individual.
” The BMJ paper may suffer from publication and selection bias and may overrepresent the most dramatic or notable injuries , the authors note .
Regardless , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can occur with rubber bullets , and they ’ re being used against many citizens of our country in recent days .
“ Police are not required to document their use of rubber bullets , so there is no national data to show how often they ’ re used , ” USA Today reports .
But rubber bullet injuries have been piling up during the protests .
A photojournalist reported being blinded in one eye after being hit by a rubber bullet in Minneapolis .
In Los Angeles , a reporter posted pictures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neck .
A grandmother in La Mesa , California , was reportedly shot between the eyes .
A teen in Sacramento , California , was shot in the face with a rubber bullet .
His family reports he ’ ll need jaw surgery .
Rubber bullets are hardly the only problematic “ nonlethal ” weapon used against protesters .
Flash-bangs , or stun grenades , are another tool being deployed by police that explode with a bright light and incredibly loud sound to get people to scatter from an area .
How loud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Physicians for Human Rights .
These noise levels are “ not safe for any period of time ” according to the American Speech-Language Hearing Association .
This can damage the eardrum and cause temporary deafness .
The light can temporarily blind a person .
Also , pieces of the grenade may fly off as shrapnel , injuring a person .
They can also burn people at close range .
The North Carolina Supreme Court has even declared them a weapon of “ mass death and destruction.
” There ’ s less research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But in 2015 , a ProPublica investigation found at least 50 Americans had been killed or maimed by them since the year 2000 and that they are particularly dangerous when used indoors .
“ That is likely a fraction of the total since there are few records kept on flash-bang deployment , ” ProPublica noted .
“ When these modified hand grenades explode on the human body , they can cause severe injury or death .
The flash powder burns hotter than lava.
” Here , Physicians for Human Rights sums up the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lobbed flash-bangs into a crowd of protesters in Seattle , as you can see below .
( Elsewhere in Seattle , an NBC News reporter was hit directly by one . )
The use of flash-bangs was also reported in Virginia , Colorado , and Washington , DC .
Tear gas is illegal in warfare , yet it can be used by police Finally , there ’ s tear gas , or chemical irritants that affect the eyes , nose , mouth , lungs , and skin ( there are several different types @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tear gas ” category ) .
These chemicals are banned internationally in warfare , yet they are still legal for domestic police forces — including in the US — to use to disperse crowds .
They cause immediate irritation to the eyes and lungs , but their long-term effects are less well understood .
“ It ’ s still questionable what kinds of respiratory damage tear gas does , ” Anna Feigenbaum , a journalism professor and the author of a book on the history of tear gas , told Vox ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t really know what its impacts are in terms of different kinds of asthma and lung disease , ” she continued .
“ What we do know is that for people who have any kind of preconditions , it ’ s incredibly dangerous for them to be in spaces that are tear-gassed .
For anyone who ’ s very young or very old , it has increased dangers.
” Increasingly , Haar says , elements of different crowd-control weapons are mixed together .
Tear gas can be put inside a projectile .
Flash-bang @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ All of those are also deeply concerning , ” Haar says .
A tear gas canister could injure someone as a rubber bullet would , if fired as a projectile .
“ Anything that ’ s a projectile that ’ s fired into a crowd can cause trauma , ” she says .
“ So whether that ’ s a canister of tear gas , a stun grenade , or rubber bullets.
” On Wednesday morning , a person in Washington , DC , found an unexploded flash-bang grenade .
This particular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s website , “ is a maximum effect device that delivers four stimuli for psychological and physiological effects : rubber pellets , light , sound , and OC [ i.e .
pepper spray ] .
” It ’ s worth noting , too , that these chemicals irritate the lungs .
Meanwhile , we ’ re in the midst of a respiratory disease pandemic .
The coughing that results from tear gas could spread Covid-19 in a protest area .
For Haar , the proliferation of these crowd-control weapons is part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strongly feel that the current reckoning with police violence should include discussion of how demonstrations and protests are met , ” she says .
These weapons are often called nonlethal .
“ But these weapons are as dangerous as anything else that ’ s a weapon , ” she says .
“ Consider them as dangerous weapons to be used only as a last resort.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox @ @

Around the country, police and law enforcement agents are responding to the protests against police brutality with ... brutality.
Standard crowd-control weapons — including rubber bullets, chemical irritants, flash-bang grenades, and contraptions that combine aspects of all three — are being deployed against protesters and the journalists covering them to disperse crowds, sometimes seemingly unprovoked, and against peaceful protesters.
While these riot-control weapons are said to be “nonlethal” or “less lethal” by police and their manufacturers, they can still cause significant harm. In some cases, they can kill or cause lasting disability.
“These weapons are supposed to be used as a last resort, if there’s really an uncontrollable level of violence that threatens public safety,” Rohini Haar, an emergency room physician who has studied the impact of crowd-control weapons, tells Vox. “Without that level, that threshold, the use of weapons against unarmed civilians is pretty unjustified.”
As the protests percolate throughout the country, there have been many reports of serious injuries due to police using riot-control weapons. And health experts and doctors worry that there could be more injuries because of the weapons’ widespread use. Here are three of the more common crowd-control weapons being used on protesters. Let’s walk through them.
Rubber bullets are bullets. Bullets can kill.
Rubber bullets are not always made out of rubber. Technically, they are called “kinetic impact projectiles.” Some are made out of hardened foam or plastic. Others contain a metal core. Some are more like beanbags shot out of a rifle. Wooden bullets also are grouped into this category, and they are also dangerous and have been used against protesters in recent days.
Regardless of their composition, these projectiles are shot out of guns at speeds comparable to that of a typical bullet, and when they hit their target, they can maim, blind, or even kill. The rubber bullets are meant to be “nonlethal” or “less lethal” and used in crowd control. But research shows how brutal these bullets can be.
“It sounds like a Nerf gun or something, but it’s definitely much more dangerous than that,” Haar says. “From our research, we find that there’s really no safe way to use rubber bullets.”
In 2017, Haar, along with the advocacy group Physicians for Human Rights and the International Network of Civil Liberties Organizations, published a review paper in the BMJ looking at the impact these bullets can have on the human body. They concluded that “these weapons have the potential to cause severe injuries and death.”
The group found 26 studies on the use of rubber bullets around the world, documenting a total of 1,984 injuries. Fifteen percent of the injuries resulted in permanent disability; 3 percent resulted in death. When the injuries were to the eyes, they overwhelmingly (84.2 percent) resulted in blindness.
Caught one of them to the leg. Free Yin Yang tattoo, I suppose. pic.twitter.com/FH2tcr2dYy — Mark Dunphy (@m_b_dunphy) June 3, 2020
These weapons can also cause internal bleeding in the abdominal region, concussions, injuries to the head and neck, and skin and soft-tissue damage. Furthermore, these weapons are unwieldy and hard to aim at specific targets.
“At short range, they come out of the gun as fast as a bullet,” Haar says. “And so they can break bones. They can fracture skulls. If they hit the face, they can cause permanent damage and disability. At long distances, they ricochet, they have unpredicted trajectories, they bounce, and they’re quite indiscriminate. So they can’t possibly target either an individual or a safe body part of an individual.”
The BMJ paper may suffer from publication and selection bias and may overrepresent the most dramatic or notable injuries, the authors note. Regardless, it’s enough to know that these life-scarring impacts can occur with rubber bullets, and they’re being used against many citizens of our country in recent days.
“Police are not required to document their use of rubber bullets, so there is no national data to show how often they’re used,” USA Today reports. But rubber bullet injuries have been piling up during the protests.
A photojournalist reported being blinded in one eye after being hit by a rubber bullet in Minneapolis. In Los Angeles, a reporter posted pictures of the rubber bullet injury on his neck. A grandmother in La Mesa, California, was reportedly shot between the eyes. A teen in Sacramento, California, was shot in the face with a rubber bullet. His family reports he’ll need jaw surgery.
Flash-bangs, a.k.a. stun grenades, can burn and damage hearing
Rubber bullets are hardly the only problematic “nonlethal” weapon used against protesters. Flash-bang grenades, or stun grenades, are another tool being deployed by police that explode with a bright light and incredibly loud sound to get people to scatter from an area. How loud? 160 to 180 decibels, according to Physicians for Human Rights.
These noise levels are “not safe for any period of time” according to the American Speech-Language Hearing Association. They can damage the eardrums and cause temporary deafness. The light can temporarily blind a person. Pieces of the grenade may fly off as shrapnel, injuring a person. These grenades can also burn people at close range. The North Carolina Supreme Court has even declared them a weapon of “mass death and destruction.”
There’s less research on other physical harms of flash-bangs. But in 2015, a ProPublica investigation found at least 50 Americans had been killed or maimed by them since the year 2000 and that they are particularly dangerous when used indoors. “That is likely a fraction of the total since there are few records kept on flash-bang deployment,” ProPublica noted. “When these modified hand grenades explode on the human body, they can cause severe injury or death. The flash powder burns hotter than lava.”
Here, Physicians for Human Rights sums up the damage these weapons can do.
Police lobbed flash-bangs into a crowd of protesters in Seattle, as you can see below. (Elsewhere in Seattle, an NBC News reporter was hit directly by one.) The use of flash-bangs was also reported in Virginia, Colorado, and Washington, DC.
These protesters in Seattle are literally chanting “we don’t see no riot here, take off your riot gear” & doing nothing else but standing peacefully when the police start throwing tear gas & firing into them pic.twitter.com/Bde3XQC27f — Hannah Jane Parkinson (@ladyhaja) June 2, 2020
Tear gas is illegal in warfare, yet it can be used by police
Finally, there’s tear gas, or chemical irritants that affect the eyes, nose, mouth, lungs, and skin (there are several types of chemicals that fall under the “tear gas” category). These chemicals are banned internationally in warfare, yet they are still legal for domestic police forces — including in the US — to use to disperse crowds.
They cause immediate irritation to the eyes and lungs, but their long-term effects are less well understood.
“It’s still questionable what kinds of respiratory damage tear gas does,” Anna Feigenbaum, a journalism professor and the author of a book on the history of tear gas, told Vox’s Jen Kirby.
“We don’t really know what its impacts are in terms of different kinds of asthma and lung disease,” she continued. “What we do know is that for people who have any kind of preconditions, it’s incredibly dangerous for them to be in spaces that are tear-gassed. For anyone who’s very young or very old, it has increased dangers.”
Increasingly, Haar says, elements of different crowd-control weapons are mixed together. Tear gas can be put inside a projectile. Flash-bang grenades can also disperse chemical irritants. “All of those are also deeply concerning,” Haar says. A tear gas canister could injure someone as a rubber bullet would, if fired as a projectile. “Anything that’s a projectile that’s fired into a crowd can cause trauma,” she says. “So whether that’s a canister of tear gas, a stun grenade, or rubber bullets.”
On Wednesday morning, a person in Washington, DC, found an unexploded flash-bang grenade.
Very relieved that the unexploded flash-bang grenade that my daughter found and innocently picked up this morning didn't explode in her face. Beyond angry that it was left on the streets of our capital city. pic.twitter.com/ruAQ7dCotC — Ed Felten (@EdFelten) June 2, 2020
This particular model, according to the manufacturer’s website, “is a maximum effect device that delivers four stimuli for psychological and physiological effects: rubber pellets, light, sound, and OC,” i.e., pepper spray.
It’s worth noting, too, that these chemicals irritate the lungs. Meanwhile, we’re in the midst of a respiratory disease pandemic. The coughing that results from tear gas could spread Covid-19 in a protest area.
For Haar, the proliferation of these crowd-control weapons is part of the story of police brutality. “I strongly feel that the current reckoning with police violence should include discussion of how demonstrations and protests are met,” she says.
These weapons are often called nonlethal. “But these weapons are as dangerous as anything else that’s a weapon,” she says. “Consider them as dangerous weapons to be used only as a last resort.”


vox--2020-06-03--A brutal video shows a black trans woman getting beat up by dozens of men

A black trans woman from Minneapolis , Minnesota , was brutally attacked by a group of men Monday , according to a video circulating on social media this week .
The video , which we ’ ve chosen not to post or link to due to its graphic nature , shows a group of 20 to 30 cisgender men hitting a woman , Iyanna Dior , outside a convenience store while calling her a homophobic slur .
Dior was eventually able to escape behind the counter of the store and through the back of the building , according to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees ) stood between her and her attackers .
Details about the attack on Dior aren ’ t entirely clear , and we will update this story as we learn more , but according to tweet with the video that went viral , the altercation reportedly occurred shortly after a “ fender bender.
” Dior later posted a video on her Facebook page saying that she was okay and that she suffered some swelling and bruising , as well as minor injuries to her forehead and teeth .
She did not respond to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Several high-profile black trans women expressed solidarity with Dior on Tuesday .
Janet Mock , executive producer of the FX show Pose , tweeted a thread about the incident , while sharing resources for supporting Dior and other black trans women .
Writer , editor , and activist Raquel Willis reminded folks that black trans people must be included in any Black Lives Matter advocating .
Actress Amiyah Scott similarly expressed disgust over the violence against Dior , noting the timing of the altercation when violence against black people is so front of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LIVES MATTER TOO , ” she tweeted .
The attack on Dior is just the latest incident in an epidemic of violence against black trans people , especially women .
Several of the recent protests against police violence have mentioned the death of Tony McDade , a trans man from Tallahassee , Florida , who was killed by police during a standoff after he was suspected of stabbing several people in an apartment complex parking lot .
But the beating of Dior and the police killing of McDade are reminders of the disproportionate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black trans people are at increased risk of violence At least 26 transgender or gender-nonconforming people were violently killed last year .
Of those , 91 percent were black trans women .
According to the 2015 US Transgender Survey , 46 percent of all trans people reported experiencing verbal harassment because of their gender identity in the last year , with nearly 1 in 10 physically attacked over their gender identity .
Fifty-three percent of black trans respondents were sexually assaulted in their lifetime and 13 percent were sexually assaulted in the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color are particularly susceptible to violence involves a complex intersection of their trans identity and race , as well as poverty , overpolicing , and housing .
The Dior incident reveals this complex system of violence .
She was beaten while her attackers and onlookers called her a homophobic slur , both misgendering her and attacking her perceived queer identity .
A similar incident happened last April in Dallas , when 22-year-old Muhlaysia Booker was beaten by a man after being in a minor traffic accident earlier in the day .
Like the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encouraged Booker ’ s beating .
Police arrested 29-year-old Edward Thomas in connection with her assault .
Five weeks later , Booker was found shot to death .
A 34-year-old man , Kendrell Lyles , was arrested in connection with Booker ’ s killing last June .
In court in October , Thomas ’ s attorney refused to use she/her pronouns for Booker because he felt it might unfairly prejudice the jury against his client .
“ Read the sex !
What does the sex say ?
” another of Thomas ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Booker as a woman .
The attack on Booker , her murder , and the subsequent court battle shows how difficult it can be for black trans women to stay safe and find justice in the legal system when they are attacked on the street .
And that injustice is rooted in the systemic discrimination experienced by black trans people .
A lack of employment and housing protections throughout most of the country contributes to financial insecurity for these women .
As a result , transgender workers are more likely to be unemployed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of black trans women face housing insecurity compared to just 9 percent of nonblack trans people .
With astronomically high costs for transition-related surgeries , many trans women end up turning to sex work in order to survive .
Sex workers , particularly trans sex workers of color , face a disproportionately high risk of violence , up to and including murder .
The close association between black trans women and sex workers often makes interactions with the police difficult or outright dangerous .
Last year , an NYPD officer testified at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the street looking for women with Adam ’ s apples to stop on suspicion of solicitation .
Under the law in New York and many other states , discovery of a condom in a purse is sufficient evidence to arrest a trans woman on prostitution charges .
A black trans activist in Arizona was infamously arrested in this fashion in 2014 , while another black trans woman traveling through Iowa was arrested after hotel staff called the police suspecting that she was a sex worker .
It ’ s no wonder , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women will face incarceration at least once in their lifetimes , according to the National LGBTQ Task Force , significantly higher than the general population .
As the nation struggles over violence against black bodies , attention must be paid to the everyday violence faced by black trans people , especially trans women , too .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

A black trans woman from Minneapolis, Minnesota, was brutally attacked by a group of men Monday, according to a video circulating on social media this week.
The video, which we’ve chosen not to post or link to due to its graphic nature, shows a group of 20 to 30 cisgender men hitting a woman, Iyanna Dior, outside a convenience store while calling her a homophobic slur. Dior was eventually able to escape behind the counter of the store and through the back of the building, according to the video, while bystanders (and possibly employees) stood between her and her attackers.
Details about the attack on Dior aren’t entirely clear, and we will update this story as we learn more, but according to tweet with the video that went viral, the altercation reportedly occurred shortly after a “fender bender.”
Dior later posted a video on her Facebook page saying that she was okay and that she suffered some swelling and bruising, as well as minor injuries to her forehead and teeth. She did not respond to a Facebook message seeking more information.
Several high-profile black trans women expressed solidarity with Dior on Tuesday. Janet Mock, executive producer of the FX show Pose, tweeted a thread about the incident, while sharing resources for supporting Dior and other black trans women.
#IyannaDior is a black trans woman who was brutally attacked as a crowd of cis black folks looked on (shoutout to the ONE good sis who tried to intervene). Folks stood witness to this brutality on another black life. You can see it in the video. #blacklivesmatter #girlslikeus pic.twitter.com/s1K6shRuwx — Janet Mock (@janetmock) June 3, 2020
Writer, editor, and activist Raquel Willis reminded folks that black trans people must be included in any Black Lives Matter advocating.
A young Black trans woman named #IyannaDior was brutally attacked by a group of mostly Black cis men in Minneapolis last night. There’s video online that I won't share.
But this is why we must always clarify that all #BlackLivesMatter every time we invoke this chant. — Raquel Willis (@RaquelWillis_) June 3, 2020
Actress Amiyah Scott similarly expressed disgust over the violence against Dior, noting the timing of the altercation when violence against black people is so front of mind right now. “BLACK TRANS LIVES MATTER TOO,” she tweeted.
That video of a trans woman being beaten by multiple black men is ABSOLUTELY DISGUSTING
and at a time like this???????
Do fucking better
BLACK TRANS LIVES MATTER TOO — Amiyah Scott (@KingAmiyahScott) June 3, 2020
The attack on Dior is just the latest incident in an epidemic of violence against black trans people, especially women. Several of the recent protests against police violence have mentioned the death of Tony McDade, a trans man from Tallahassee, Florida, who was killed by police during a standoff after he was suspected of stabbing several people in an apartment complex parking lot.
But the beating of Dior and the police killing of McDade are reminders of the disproportionate violence faced by black trans people.
Black trans people are at increased risk of violence
At least 26 transgender or gender-nonconforming people were violently killed last year. Of those, 91 percent were black trans women. According to the 2015 US Transgender Survey, 46 percent of all trans people reported experiencing verbal harassment because of their gender identity in the last year, with nearly 1 in 10 physically attacked over their gender identity. Fifty-three percent of black trans respondents were sexually assaulted in their lifetime and 13 percent were sexually assaulted in the last year.
The reason trans women of color are particularly susceptible to violence involves a complex intersection of their trans identity and race, as well as poverty, overpolicing, and housing.
The Dior incident reveals this complex system of violence. She was beaten while her attackers and onlookers called her a homophobic slur, both misgendering her and attacking her perceived queer identity.
A similar incident happened last April in Dallas, when 22-year-old Muhlaysia Booker was beaten by a man after being in a minor traffic accident earlier in the day. Like the Dior attack, a crowd of onlookers encouraged Booker’s beating. Police arrested 29-year-old Edward Thomas in connection with her assault.
Five weeks later, Booker was found shot to death. A 34-year-old man, Kendrell Lyles, was arrested in connection with Booker’s killing last June.
In court in October, Thomas’s attorney refused to use she/her pronouns for Booker because he felt it might unfairly prejudice the jury against his client. “Read the sex! What does the sex say?” another of Thomas’s defense attorneys said when the judge described Booker as a woman.
The attack on Booker, her murder, and the subsequent court battle shows how difficult it can be for black trans women to stay safe and find justice in the legal system when they are attacked on the street. And that injustice is rooted in the systemic discrimination experienced by black trans people.
A lack of employment and housing protections throughout most of the country contributes to financial insecurity for these women. As a result, transgender workers are more likely to be unemployed versus their cisgender counterparts, and 34 percent of black trans women face housing insecurity compared to just 9 percent of nonblack trans people. With astronomically high costs for transition-related surgeries, many trans women end up turning to sex work in order to survive.
Sex workers, particularly trans sex workers of color, face a disproportionately high risk of violence, up to and including murder. The close association between black trans women and sex workers often makes interactions with the police difficult or outright dangerous.
Last year, an NYPD officer testified at a deposition that he would drive down the street looking for women with Adam’s apples to stop on suspicion of solicitation. Under the law in New York and many other states, discovery of a condom in a purse is sufficient evidence to arrest a trans woman on prostitution charges. A black trans activist in Arizona was infamously arrested in this fashion in 2014, while another black trans woman traveling through Iowa was arrested after hotel staff called the police suspecting that she was a sex worker.
It’s no wonder, then, that 21 percent of black trans women will face incarceration at least once in their lifetimes, according to the National LGBTQ Task Force, significantly higher than the general population.
As the nation struggles over violence against black bodies, attention must be paid to the everyday violence faced by black trans people, especially trans women, too.


vox--2020-06-03--First Twitter, now Snapchat: Trump’s war on social media has a new target

Donald Trump ’ s campaign expanded its war against Silicon Valley tech companies on Wednesday to include Snapchat , blasting the platform for taking some of the most aggressive measures yet to curtail Trump ’ s incendiary rhetoric .
Snapchat ’ s parent company , Snap , on Wednesday said that it would stop promoting Trump ’ s campaign account on its Discover tab , which has been a strategic priority for Trump to reach the younger voters who are Snapchat ’ s core audience .
That decision provoked a searing statement from Trump ’ s campaign manager and instantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the escalating fight between Trump and tech .
“ Snapchat is trying to rig the 2020 election , illegally using their corporate funding to promote Joe Biden and suppress President Trump , ” Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale said in a statement .
“ Snapchat hates that so many of their users watch the President ’ s content and so they are actively engaging in voter suppression .
If you ’ re a conservative , they do not want to hear from you , they do not want you to vote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they do not want you to exist on their platform.
” Snap declined to comment on the attack .
Trump will still exist on the Snapchat platform , and his account will continue to be findable through a search .
The president has 1.5 million followers on Snapchat , a base that has tripled over the last eight months , according to Bloomberg .
“ We will not amplify voices who incite racial violence and injustice by giving them free promotion on Discover , ” Snap said earlier on Wednesday .
“ Racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our society and we stand together with all who seek peace , love , equality , and justice in America.
” The back and forth puts Snap ’ s founder , Evan Spiegel , in political crosshairs for the first time .
Spiegel — a 29-year-old , soft-spoken , product-minded chief executive who is not known as particularly ideological or political — even earned a nickname from Parscale : “ Radical Snapchat CEO Evan Spiegel.
” In recent days , Spiegel has shared some of his most extensive political commentary to date .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the weekend , Spiegel said that “ the American experiment is failing ” and called for higher taxes along with possible reparations to be paid to the African American community .
He also , though , conspicuously did not mention Trump ’ s name a single time in those 2,000 words — possibly an attempt to sidestep the confrontation that he has now nevertheless triggered .
Snap is the latest social media company to wade into the choppy waters of determining how to regulate Trump ’ s comments on race .
Snap ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stuck to the point of view that Trump ’ s recent posts do not incite violence .
Twitter , meanwhile , has shown a new willingness to fact-check and limit the reach of Trump ’ s tweets .
And in what was a cautionary tale for Spiegel and Snap , Twitter has been blasted by Trump aides .
Facebook has been celebrated .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Donald Trump’s campaign expanded its war against Silicon Valley tech companies on Wednesday to include Snapchat, blasting the platform for taking some of the most aggressive measures yet to curtail Trump’s incendiary rhetoric.
Snapchat’s parent company, Snap, on Wednesday said that it would stop promoting Trump’s campaign account on its Discover tab, which has been a strategic priority for Trump to reach the younger voters who are Snapchat’s core audience. That decision provoked a searing statement from Trump’s campaign manager and instantly made Snapchat and its CEO a flashpoint in the escalating fight between Trump and tech.
“Snapchat is trying to rig the 2020 election, illegally using their corporate funding to promote Joe Biden and suppress President Trump,” Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale said in a statement. “Snapchat hates that so many of their users watch the President’s content and so they are actively engaging in voter suppression. If you’re a conservative, they do not want to hear from you, they do not want you to vote. They view you as a deplorable and they do not want you to exist on their platform.”
Snap declined to comment on the attack. Trump will still exist on the Snapchat platform, and his account will continue to be findable through a search. The president has 1.5 million followers on Snapchat, a base that has tripled over the last eight months, according to Bloomberg.
“We will not amplify voices who incite racial violence and injustice by giving them free promotion on Discover,” Snap said earlier on Wednesday. “Racial violence and injustice have no place in our society and we stand together with all who seek peace, love, equality, and justice in America.”
The back and forth puts Snap’s founder, Evan Spiegel, in political crosshairs for the first time. Spiegel — a 29-year-old, soft-spoken, product-minded chief executive who is not known as particularly ideological or political — even earned a nickname from Parscale: “Radical Snapchat CEO Evan Spiegel.”
In recent days, Spiegel has shared some of his most extensive political commentary to date. In a 2,000-word memo to employees over the weekend, Spiegel said that “the American experiment is failing” and called for higher taxes along with possible reparations to be paid to the African American community.
He also, though, conspicuously did not mention Trump’s name a single time in those 2,000 words — possibly an attempt to sidestep the confrontation that he has now nevertheless triggered.
Snap is the latest social media company to wade into the choppy waters of determining how to regulate Trump’s comments on race. Snap’s principal competitor, Facebook, has stuck to the point of view that Trump’s recent posts do not incite violence. Twitter, meanwhile, has shown a new willingness to fact-check and limit the reach of Trump’s tweets.
And in what was a cautionary tale for Spiegel and Snap, Twitter has been blasted by Trump aides. Facebook has been celebrated.


vox--2020-06-03--Lovecraft Country’s latest trailer is unexpectedly timely — and even more terrifying

When the first trailer for Lovecraft Country , Jordan Peele and Misha Green ’ s upcoming HBO series , dropped in May , it teemed with supernatural scares .
It also strongly hinted at the themes of black identity and racism that won a cult following and critical acclaim for the 2016 horror novel on which the show is based .
But if the first trailer was high on monsters and implied racial allegory , the newest teaser all but strips away the incorporeal monsters in favor of focusing on a much more familiar source of fear : police brutality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black man named Atticus ( Jonathan Majors ) , searches for his father ( Michael K. Williams ) through the eerie Lovecraftian forests of 1950s New England , he ’ s pursued by racist cops who are determined to terrorize him — and , perhaps , much worse .
We get a closer look at Atticus ’ s cross-country journey to find his father and the giant mansion looming at the heart of his search .
The teaser also shows him being forced into terrifying confrontations with cops at every leg of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an inverse of Green Book .
Peele and Green , the series ’ co-creators and showrunners , both like to play with horror as an allegory for racism and other social issues .
But in the wake of nationwide protests over the killing of George Floyd , this teaser ’ s focus on the literal terror of racism couldn ’ t be more appropriate or timely — or , frankly , unsettling .
In particular , the trailer highlights one of the scariest moments in the book , which involves a sunset town @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Jim Crow America were in implicit danger after the sun went down .
When Atticus gets stopped by a local police officer in one such town , the officer gives him just minutes to drive across the county to the border , pursuing him with absolute violent intent the entire way .
As a work of horror fiction , Lovecraft Country is overtly about reclaiming the legendary 20th-century writer H.P .
Lovecraft , an extreme white supremacist and vile racist whose beloved Weird fiction often contained appallingly overt metaphors for his fears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lovecraftian horror , the monsters are always otherworldly , but they ’ re monstrous because they represent and reflect human diversity — essentially what Lovecraft sees as the taint of non-white blood slowly corrupting America .
In the book Lovecraft Country , author Matt Ruff places genre-savvy black characters at the center of a Lovecraftian narrative .
The eerie Lovecraftian horror arises not from any fear of their blackness but from the systemic racism they ’ re perpetually confronted with as black Americans .
So it ’ s significant that almost nothing actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the series .
Almost nothing supernatural needs to happen for the horror to be pervasive and real .
And when the monsters do make brief appearances , they ’ re almost more alarming as a result .
Their sheer superfluousness highlights just how scary Lovecraft Country already is : At one point in the trailer , a group of black travelers is hemmed in by police on all sides , forced to kneel with their hands up .
It ’ s uncomfortably raw .
The foregrounding of Lovecraft Country ’ s racist police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps also a reflection of how unexpectedly necessary Lovecraft Country might feel when it premieres in August — as a depiction of a bygone era that suddenly looms closer than ever .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

When the first trailer for Lovecraft Country, Jordan Peele and Misha Green’s upcoming HBO series, dropped in May, it teemed with supernatural scares. It also strongly hinted at the themes of black identity and racism that won a cult following and critical acclaim for the 2016 horror novel on which the show is based.
But if the first trailer was high on monsters and implied racial allegory, the newest teaser all but strips away the incorporeal monsters in favor of focusing on a much more familiar source of fear: police brutality. As our hero, a young black man named Atticus (Jonathan Majors), searches for his father (Michael K. Williams) through the eerie Lovecraftian forests of 1950s New England, he’s pursued by racist cops who are determined to terrorize him — and, perhaps, much worse.
We get a closer look at Atticus’s cross-country journey to find his father and the giant mansion looming at the heart of his search. The teaser also shows him being forced into terrifying confrontations with cops at every leg of the trip, in what almost feels like an inverse of Green Book.
Peele and Green, the series’ co-creators and showrunners, both like to play with horror as an allegory for racism and other social issues. But in the wake of nationwide protests over the killing of George Floyd, this teaser’s focus on the literal terror of racism couldn’t be more appropriate or timely — or, frankly, unsettling.
In particular, the trailer highlights one of the scariest moments in the book, which involves a sunset town — a town where black citizens living in Jim Crow America were in implicit danger after the sun went down. When Atticus gets stopped by a local police officer in one such town, the officer gives him just minutes to drive across the county to the border, pursuing him with absolute violent intent the entire way.
As a work of horror fiction, Lovecraft Country is overtly about reclaiming the legendary 20th-century writer H.P. Lovecraft, an extreme white supremacist and vile racist whose beloved Weird fiction often contained appallingly overt metaphors for his fears of other races and desegregation. In Lovecraftian horror, the monsters are always otherworldly, but they’re monstrous because they represent and reflect human diversity — essentially what Lovecraft sees as the taint of non-white blood slowly corrupting America.
In the book Lovecraft Country, author Matt Ruff places genre-savvy black characters at the center of a Lovecraftian narrative. The eerie Lovecraftian horror arises not from any fear of their blackness but from the systemic racism they’re perpetually confronted with as black Americans. So it’s significant that almost nothing actually supernatural happens in this latest trailer for the series. Almost nothing supernatural needs to happen for the horror to be pervasive and real.
And when the monsters do make brief appearances, they’re almost more alarming as a result. Their sheer superfluousness highlights just how scary Lovecraft Country already is: At one point in the trailer, a group of black travelers is hemmed in by police on all sides, forced to kneel with their hands up. It’s uncomfortably raw.
The foregrounding of Lovecraft Country’s racist police here is confrontational. It’s perhaps also a reflection of how unexpectedly necessary Lovecraft Country might feel when it premieres in August — as a depiction of a bygone era that suddenly looms closer than ever.