vox--2020-04-30--Many world leaders have seen double-digit polling surges amid coronavirus. Trump isn’t one of them.

In early April , President Donald Trump ’ s job approval reached 46 percent in FiveThirtyEight ’ s poll aggregator — its highest level since January 25 , 2017 , and a 6-point increase since early November .
It has since drifted back down to 43 percent .
If Trump received any bump from his handling of the coronavirus outbreak , it was unusually small and short-lived .
International comparison is useful here .
Leaders in most peer countries saw 10- to 20-point increases in their Morning Consult polling numbers by mid-April compared to a month earlier , when the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Canada ’ s Justin Trudeau has seen a 16-point bump ; Scott Morrison of Australia a 25-point increase ; even the largely unpopular French Prime Minister Emmanuel Macron has seen his job approval rise 8 points .
These across-the-board increases are examples of what political scientists call the “ rally-round-the-flag effect , ” a term used to describe the temporary boost in popularity that leaders get during a crisis .
But it ’ s not only heads of state who have seen their citizens rally around them — Democratic and Republican state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increases in popularity as well , many upward of 15 points in various polls , compared to a Morning Consult baseline at the end of 2019 .
This raises an important question : Why has Trump ’ s approval bump been so small relative to most other leaders at home and abroad ?
One theory is that the Trump administration ’ s late and botched response to the coronavirus has dragged down the president ’ s popularity .
There ’ s some data behind this intuition : According to two recent polls , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump did not take Covid-19 “ seriously enough at the beginning ” or that he was “ too slow to take major steps ” to address the situation .
But plenty of other leaders have had huge popularity boosts despite their own flailing responses .
New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo ’ s overall favorability is up 27 points despite criticism for his hesitance to push for more drastic measures early in the crisis .
The UK ’ s Boris Johnson , who came under fire for his government ’ s infamous “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has seen an 18-point bump .
Even Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte , whose initial response has been viewed as a cautionary tale of what other countries should avoid , saw his administration ’ s approval rating shoot up from 27 to 71 percent .
As my colleague Matt Yglesias points out , “ If anything , European data seems to suggest bigger bounces for leaders with less effective responses.
” ( One major unknown is Spain , for which there is currently no good polling data . )
However , it does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lasts .
A common thread among Cuomo , Johnson , and Conte : Despite fumbling their initial responses to Covid-19 , they quickly changed course and began implementing clear , focused public health measures informed by scientific consensus .
Voters might forgive an initial display of incompetence in the face of a novel threat if their leaders quickly adapt and steer the ship in the right direction .
Trump , it seems , has not earned much forgiveness .
After denying the severity of the outbreak well into March , Trump looked as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But then he reversed once again .
He began saying that the cure of social distancing was “ worse than the problem itself , ” claiming the country would reopen by Easter , and endorsing unproven ( and possibly dangerous ) therapeutics .
Last week , he even suggested that injecting people with bleach might be a potential treatment ( seemingly prompting hundreds of calls to poison centers seeking guidance ) .
Florida Gov .
Ron DeSantis offers a useful point of comparison here .
As the Tampa Bay Times reports , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismissed advice from health experts , spread misinformation , refused to schedule regular public briefings , and shut down his state unusually late .
So far , voters have treated him the same way they ’ ve treated Trump : DeSantis has also been denied a pandemic bounce , with different surveys ranging from a 5-point drop to a 1-point bump in his job approval .
“ I can ’ t tell you what will happen in November , ” Vanderbilt political scientist John Sides says .
“ What I can tell you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get a large approval bump means that Republicans have left a lot on the table .
That ’ s probably going to hurt them.
” Trump ’ s fumbling response has been compounded by divisive rhetoric Behind the polling bumps that leaders get in times of crisis is the support of political elites who normally oppose them .
During a war or after a terrorist attack , opposition party leaders will often join with the president or prime minister in a show of national unity — and that ’ s a signal to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too .
We live in a polarized political era , but structural polarization is probably not the primary factor driving down Trump ’ s approval bump .
A new nationwide survey found that residents in all 50 states thought their governors were doing a better job of handling the coronavirus outbreak than Trump .
And governors in deeply divided purple states — like Gretchen Whitmer in Michigan , Tony Evers in Wisconsin , Roy Cooper in North Carolina , and Mike DeWine in Ohio — have seen some of the largest surges in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be seen through less partisan lenses than presidents , which could explain some of the difference , ” said Patrick Murray , the director of the Monmouth Polling Institute .
“ However , the amount of movement [ in approval ratings ] we ’ re seeing for governors no matter what state they are in suggests the lack of movement for Trump is unique to him.
” What ’ s been striking about Trump ’ s political response to the coronavirus is how little he has done to try to foster any sort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Trump has called House Speaker Nancy Pelosi a “ sick puppy ” and lashed out at Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer .
He ’ s initiated Twitter spats with state governors .
He ’ s blamed former President Obama for the testing failures and shortage of medical supplies .
He ’ s insulted reporters who dare to ask him basic questions at press briefings as “ third rate , ” “ horrid , ” and “ a disgrace.
” He ’ s called Whitmer “ Half Whitmer ” and said she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” After the passage of the bipartisan CARES Act , Trump broke with both traditional and accepted political best practice and only invited Republican leaders to the signing ceremony .
Given a chance to visually take credit for bringing both sides together to deliver much-needed help to unemployed Americans and struggling businesses , he chose to construct a visual that omitted any Democratic backing for the bill he was signing .
“ The vast majority of what is causing the lack of movement in Trump ’ s approval rating comes down to who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me .
“ You can ’ t imagine any other person who could have gotten up day after day playing so strongly to his base or criticizing in schoolyard terms other officials around the country.
” There ’ s been a lot of focus on how the Trump administration was technically and strategically unprepared for this crisis — and that ’ s true .
But there ’ s also a way in which Trump himself was not temperamentally or ideologically prepared for it either .
Trump built his political career atop fracture , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s just collided with a crisis that demands solidarity , unity , and mutuality .
“ If there ’ s any president I would expect no rally effect for , it would be Trump , ” said Adam Berinsky , a political scientist at MIT whose research focuses on public opinion during wartime .
“ I would bet a considerable amount of money that if we had Marco Rubio as president , things would look differently.
” Economic collapse tends to be a disaster for incumbent presidents , especially if it occurs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are witnessing a pace of economic disintegration so staggering that only the Great Depression can compare .
There is some evidence that the link between the economy and presidential approval has become “ increasingly untethered , ” as a study by several political scientists put it last year .
But that ’ s the case in ordinary times — and what we are living through is anything but ordinary .
“ When we ’ re in normal economic times , it ’ s easy for partisans to engage in motivated reasoning about political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a political scientist at Appalachian State University and one of the authors of the aforementioned study , said in an email .
“ However ... when the economy is performing unambiguously well or unambiguously poorly , it ’ s a lot harder to engage in these biased evaluations.
” Experts forecast that GDP could fall 30 , 40 , even 50 percent this quarter , any of which would be unprecedented in the history of the measurement .
In a conversation with my colleague Ezra Klein , Scott Gottlieb , the former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it clear that even if we do everything right — from scaling up mass testing to surging health care capacity and more — the best we can hope for is an “ 80 percent economy ” until a vaccine emerges .
That sounds like a hopeful number , but it still represents an economic downfall of Great Depression-like proportions — the political implications of which could be devastating .
The fact that Trump has received such a small bump at the outset of this crisis — when approval ratings tend to rise most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , amid a worse economy , difficult .
“ This doesn ’ t mean Trump will for sure lose ” in November , Sides says .
“ But we will be able to say he had an opportunity to change a historically low approval rating — and he failed to do that.
” Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Share All sharing options for: Many world leaders have seen double-digit polling surges amid coronavirus. Trump isn’t one of them.
In early April, President Donald Trump’s job approval reached 46 percent in FiveThirtyEight’s poll aggregator — its highest level since January 25, 2017, and a 6-point increase since early November. It has since drifted back down to 43 percent. If Trump received any bump from his handling of the coronavirus outbreak, it was unusually small and short-lived.
International comparison is useful here. Leaders in most peer countries saw big increases in their Morning Consult polling numbers by mid-April compared to a month earlier, when the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a pandemic. Canada’s Justin Trudeau has seen a 16-point bump; Scott Morrison of Australia a 25-point increase; even the largely unpopular French Prime Minister Emmanuel Macron has seen his job approval rise 8 points.
These across-the-board increases are examples of what political scientists call the “rally-round-the-flag effect,” a term used to describe the temporary boost in popularity that leaders get during a crisis. But it’s not only heads of state who have seen their citizens rally around them — Democratic and Republican state governors across the US have seen big increases in popularity as well, many upward of 15 points in various polls, compared to a Morning Consult baseline at the end of 2019.
This raises an important question: Why has Trump’s approval bump been so small relative to most other leaders at home and abroad?
One theory is that the Trump administration’s late and botched response to the coronavirus has dragged down the president’s popularity. There’s some data behind this intuition: According to two recent polls, 65 percent of Americans say either that Trump did not take Covid-19 “seriously enough at the beginning” or that he was “too slow to take major steps” to address the situation.
But plenty of other leaders have had huge popularity boosts despite their own flailing responses. New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s overall favorability is up 27 points despite criticism for his hesitance to push for more drastic measures early in the crisis. The UK’s Boris Johnson, who came under fire for his government’s infamous “herd immunity” strategy in mid-March, has seen an 18-point bump. Even Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, whose initial response has been viewed as a cautionary tale of what other countries should avoid, saw his administration’s approval rating shoot up from 27 to 71 percent.
As my colleague Matt Yglesias points out, “If anything, European data seems to suggest bigger bounces for leaders with less effective responses.” (One major unknown is Spain, for which there is currently no good polling data.)
However, it does seem to matter how long that ineffectiveness lasts. A common thread among Cuomo, Johnson, and Conte: Despite fumbling their initial responses to Covid-19, they quickly changed course and began implementing clear, focused public health measures informed by scientific consensus. Voters might forgive an initial display of incompetence in the face of a novel threat if their leaders quickly adapt and steer the ship in the right direction.
Trump, it seems, has not earned much forgiveness. After denying the severity of the outbreak well into March, Trump looked as though he was beginning to change course. But then he reversed once again. He began saying that the cure of social distancing was “worse than the problem itself,” claiming the country would reopen by Easter, and endorsing unproven (and possibly dangerous) therapeutics. Last week, he even suggested that injecting people with bleach might be a potential treatment (seemingly prompting hundreds of calls to poison centers seeking guidance).
"The disinfectant, where it knocks it out in a minute, and is there a way we can do something like that by injection inside, or almost a cleaning. It gets in the lungs" -- Trump seems to suggests that injecting disinfectant inside people could be a treatment for the coronavirus pic.twitter.com/amis9Rphsm — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) April 23, 2020
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis offers a useful point of comparison here. As the Tampa Bay Times reports, DeSantis has pushed unproven coronavirus therapeutics, dismissed advice from health experts, spread misinformation, refused to schedule regular public briefings, and shut down his state unusually late. So far, voters have treated him the same way they’ve treated Trump: DeSantis has also been denied a pandemic bounce, with different surveys ranging from a 5-point drop to a 1-point bump in his job approval.
“I can’t tell you what will happen in November,” Vanderbilt political scientist John Sides says. “What I can tell you is that Trump’s failure to get a large approval bump means that Republicans have left a lot on the table. That’s probably going to hurt them.”
Trump’s fumbling response has been compounded by divisive rhetoric
Behind the polling bumps that leaders get in times of crisis is the support of political elites who normally oppose them. During a war or after a terrorist attack, opposition party leaders will often join with the president or prime minister in a show of national unity — and that’s a signal to their voters to get in line, too.
We live in a polarized political era, but structural polarization is probably not the primary factor driving down Trump’s approval bump. A new nationwide survey found that residents in all 50 states thought their governors were doing a better job of handling the coronavirus outbreak than Trump. And governors in deeply divided purple states — like Gretchen Whitmer in Michigan, Tony Evers in Wisconsin, Roy Cooper in North Carolina, and Mike DeWine in Ohio — have seen some of the largest surges in popularity.
“Governors do tend to be seen through less partisan lenses than presidents, which could explain some of the difference,” said Patrick Murray, the director of the Monmouth Polling Institute. “However, the amount of movement [in approval ratings] we’re seeing for governors no matter what state they are in suggests the lack of movement for Trump is unique to him.”
What’s been striking about Trump’s political response to the coronavirus is how little he has done to try to foster any sort of unity. Since the coronavirus outbreak, Trump has called House Speaker Nancy Pelosi a “sick puppy” and lashed out at Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. He’s initiated Twitter spats with state governors. He’s blamed former President Obama for the testing failures and shortage of medical supplies. He’s insulted reporters who dare to ask him basic questions at press briefings as “third rate,” “horrid,” and “a disgrace.” He’s called Whitmer “Half Whitmer” and said she’s “way in over her head.”
I love Michigan, one of the reasons we are doing such a GREAT job for them during this horrible Pandemic. Yet your Governor, Gretchen “Half” Whitmer is way in over her head, she doesn’t have a clue. Likes blaming everyone for her own ineptitude! #MAGA — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) March 28, 2020
LIBERATE VIRGINIA, and save your great 2nd Amendment. It is under siege! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) April 17, 2020
After the passage of the bipartisan CARES Act, Trump broke with both traditional and accepted political best practice and only invited Republican leaders to the signing ceremony. Given a chance to visually take credit for bringing both sides together to deliver much-needed help to unemployed Americans and struggling businesses, he chose to construct a visual that omitted any Democratic backing for the bill he was signing.
“The vast majority of what is causing the lack of movement in Trump’s approval rating comes down to who Donald Trump is,” Murray told me. “You can’t imagine any other person who could have gotten up day after day playing so strongly to his base or criticizing in schoolyard terms other officials around the country.”
There’s been a lot of focus on how the Trump administration was technically and strategically unprepared for this crisis — and that’s true. But there’s also a way in which Trump himself was not temperamentally or ideologically prepared for it either. Trump built his political career atop fracture, conflict, and polarization. But he’s just collided with a crisis that demands solidarity, unity, and mutuality.
“If there’s any president I would expect no rally effect for, it would be Trump,” said Adam Berinsky, a political scientist at MIT whose research focuses on public opinion during wartime. “I would bet a considerable amount of money that if we had Marco Rubio as president, things would look differently.”
Looking toward November
Economic collapse tends to be a disaster for incumbent presidents, especially if it occurs in an election year — and we are witnessing a pace of economic disintegration so staggering that only the Great Depression can compare.
There is some evidence that the link between the economy and presidential approval has become “increasingly untethered,” as a study by several political scientists put it last year. But that’s the case in ordinary times — and what we are living through is anything but ordinary.
“When we’re in normal economic times, it’s easy for partisans to engage in motivated reasoning about political and economic performance,” Ellen Key, a political scientist at Appalachian State University and one of the authors of the aforementioned study, said in an email. “However ... when the economy is performing unambiguously well or unambiguously poorly, it’s a lot harder to engage in these biased evaluations.”
Experts forecast that GDP could fall 30, 40, even 50 percent this quarter, any of which would be unprecedented in the history of the measurement. In a conversation with my colleague Ezra Klein, Scott Gottlieb, the former Food and Drug Administration commissioner, made it clear that even if we do everything right — from scaling up mass testing to surging health care capacity and more — the best we can hope for is an “80 percent economy” until a vaccine emerges. That sounds like a hopeful number, but it still represents an economic downfall of Great Depression-like proportions — the political implications of which could be devastating.
The fact that Trump has received such a small bump at the outset of this crisis — when approval ratings tend to rise most rapidly — will make a later recovery, amid a worse economy, difficult.
“This doesn’t mean Trump will for sure lose” in November, Sides says. “But we will be able to say he had an opportunity to change a historically low approval rating — and he failed to do that.”


vox--2020-04-30--Trump is keeping meatpacking plants open — but employees are scared to show up for work

President Donald Trump issued an executive order on Tuesday to keep America ’ s meat and poultry plants open , but employees are afraid to go back to work absent additional efforts to mitigate the spread of the coronavirus in the facilities , which have been a source of major outbreaks .
More than 3,000 meat processing workers across the country have tested positive for the virus in recent weeks , leading to additional spread in their communities , and more than 15 have died .
Dozens of facilities have been forced to close temporarily or indefinitely .
Executives at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ processing companies have warned of disastrous consequences for consumers should these facilities stay closed : Tyson Foods chair John Tyson said on Sunday that the “ food supply chain is breaking.
” Livestock prices have plunged because farmers have nowhere to send their animals for slaughter , while the price of consumer-ready meat has spiked .
While supply chain experts don ’ t anticipate a nationwide shortage of meat in light of the recent closures , they say there could be spot shortages at local grocery stores of certain types or cuts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come at great cost to their workers , who assert that their companies are doing too little to protect them from the virus .
They say companies are failing to enforce social distancing on the production line and only recently beginning to offer additional protective equipment , if they do so at all .
Many employees also say they don ’ t have paid sick leave , health benefits , or substantial savings , offering them little assurance should they get infected and incentivizing them to work while sick .
“ Workers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they face an inexcusable choice of going to work and exposing themselves to this pandemic or not going to work and losing their income , ” Hunter Ogletree , a co-executive director of the Western North Carolina Workers Center , which is advocating for workers in local poultry plants , said in a press call on Wednesday .
Trump ’ s executive order instructs the Department of Agriculture to ensure that meat and poultry plants can continue operating uninterrupted as much as possible while abiding by guidance for Covid-19 preparedness issued by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Occupational Safety and Health Administration .
The executive order leaves room for the agency to provide personal protective equipment to workers or issue additional regulations concerning worker safety — but it doesn ’ t explicitly provide any additional worker protections .
“ This administration needs to step up and issue a federal emergency safety standard to protect all workers , rather than protect the profits of corporate cronies , ” Debbie Berkowitz , program director for worker safety and health with the National Employment Law Project , said in a statement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ action sends a signal to meatpacking companies that workers ’ health and ultimately public health doesn ’ t matter.
” How meatpacking plants have placed workers at risk The coronavirus has ripped through meatpacking plants across the country .
Earlier this month , more than 640 workers tested positive at a processing facility in Sioux Falls , South Dakota , operated by Smithfield Foods , one of the United States ’ largest pork producers .
Last week , Tyson shut down its biggest pork processing facility in Waterloo , Iowa , after more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 52 cases cropped up at a Butterball plant in Duplin County , North Carolina , as of Tuesday .
The workers in these plants are often low-income — one Smithfield employee reported making $ 17.70 an hour , though workers have been offered a $ 500 bonus if they don ’ t miss any shifts in April .
Nearly half of them are immigrants , according to the left-leaning think tank New American Economy , and many of those immigrants aren ’ t eligible for unemployment benefits or government stimulus money through one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Their work is physically taxing even in the best of times , as they lift and slice through heavy cuts of meat .
Now , it ’ s also potentially life-threatening : A 64-year-old Smithfield worker was among the reported industry deaths .
The rapid spread of the coronavirus through meat processing plants is particularly concerning given that facilities are highly sanitized and contained even under normal circumstances due to federal requirements for pathogen control and food safety .
Julie Anna Potts , president and CEO of the North American Meat Institute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the facilities every night after the last shift .
Workers have to wear hard hats , safety goggles , frocks , and boots .
Now they ’ re also wearing masks and face shields — at least when the plants can obtain them — and they have been practicing social distancing where possible in cafeterias and places where the workers put on their protective equipment .
Tyson Foods said it has also started taking employees ’ temperatures either by hand or through infrared scanners .
But on the processing floor , they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have protested the lack of safe working conditions .
Dozens of workers at a Perdue Farms facility in Kathleen , Georgia , staged a walkout in late March .
An anonymous employee at a Smithfield plant in Milan , Missouri , also filed a lawsuit against the company claiming that it had not provided enough protective equipment to its employees and that they were discouraged from taking sick leave .
The company has denied the allegations , but a federal judge ordered it to abide by OSHA safety guidelines earlier this week .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ asked me to risk my life just by showing up — until this pandemic , ” the employee wrote in an April 24 op-ed in the Washington Post .
“ Now just coming to work puts us at risk of exposure to a virus that ’ s killing thousands of people every single day.
” Current and former workers at a Case Farms poultry processing plant in Morganton , North Carolina , who asked not to be identified by name for fear of retaliation , said in a press call on Wednesday that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adequate social distancing .
One worker who had quit her job in early April over the lack of protection said the plant had previously refused to provide face masks or gloves .
It only started providing face masks last week and plastic face shields that cover workers ’ eyes on Tuesday .
Still , workers remain only one foot apart in the production area , and in the cafeteria , five people can sit at a single table with a plastic shield between them .
Another worker said she had to stop working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and had to go to the hospital .
“ They did not want to pay me for those two weeks even though I was sick , and now they want me to come to work without protecting us since we don ’ t know who is carrying the disease , ” she said .
Case Farms said in a statement on Thursday , however , that the safety of their employees is their top priority , and that they remain in discussions with local county health directors to ensure they ’ re taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taking the COVID-19 pandemic very seriously and have several measures in place — all of which have been reviewed by directors of local health departments , ” the company said .
“ We are committed to continue producing food for our nation ’ s food supply , while taking additional safety measures to protect our employees , our company and our customers.
” How the Trump administration could protect meatpacking workers Working conditions in meatpacking plants have drawn scrutiny from members of Congress , including Rep. Joaquín Castro , the chair of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote a letter to the Trump administration on Wednesday requesting that the conditions be investigated .
“ Numerous companies across the meatpacking industry have not taken the necessary precautions they need to protect workers , ” the caucus wrote .
“ While some companies were early actors in providing personal protective equipment , the callous inaction of others has reportedly led to multiple deaths and thousands of sick workers , as well as the death of two inspectors from the Department of Agriculture.
” In the meantime , workers are demanding that Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and well-being .
Hundreds of workers ’ rights groups have urged Congress to pass a bill that would require OSHA to issue an emergency temporary standard to prevent the spread of coronavirus in the workplace .
Berkowitz said the administration should force meatpacking plants to adopt the latest CDC recommendations , which include altering the alignment of production lines so that workers can remain at least 6 feet apart .
It should also issue new guidance on sanitation and protective gear , as well as how to enforce social distancing in break rooms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ necessary and common-sense protective measures , Covid-19 will continue to spread in these plants and the communities around them , ” she said .
Ogletree said that workers are also pressing their employers to implement protective measures .
They are requesting that poultry plants in their state provide at least two weeks of sick leave with full pay , distribute enhanced protective equipment , pay workers a “ pandemic premium ” of at least 1.5 times their normal hourly wage , and shield workers from retaliation should they voice concerns about their working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also seeking more transparency about the number of coronavirus cases that have been identified among plant employees .
“ These poultry processing plants are being very secretive around the number of positive cases that are taking place in their plants , ” Ogletree said .
“ We need to know how many and if there are positive cases in the plant because at the moment , it ’ s just rumors , and rumors create fear .
It ’ s not conducive to the health and safety of all workers.
” Every day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

President Donald Trump issued an executive order on Tuesday to keep America’s meat and poultry plants open, but employees are afraid to go back to work absent additional efforts to mitigate the spread of the coronavirus in the facilities, which have been a source of major outbreaks.
More than 3,000 meat processing workers across the country have tested positive for the virus in recent weeks, leading to additional spread in their communities, and more than 15 have died. Dozens of facilities have been forced to close temporarily or indefinitely.
Executives at America’s largest meat and poultry processing companies have warned of disastrous consequences for consumers should these facilities stay closed: Tyson Foods chair John Tyson said on Sunday that the “food supply chain is breaking.” Livestock prices have plunged because farmers have nowhere to send their animals for slaughter, while the price of consumer-ready meat has spiked.
While supply chain experts don’t anticipate a nationwide shortage of meat in light of the recent closures, they say there could be spot shortages at local grocery stores of certain types or cuts of meat.
But reopening the plants could come at great cost to their workers, who assert that their companies are doing too little to protect them from the virus. They say companies are failing to enforce social distancing on the production line and only recently beginning to offer additional protective equipment, if they do so at all.
Many employees also say they don’t have paid sick leave, health benefits, or substantial savings, offering them little assurance should they get infected and incentivizing them to work while sick.
“Workers are scared to go to work, but they face an inexcusable choice of going to work and exposing themselves to this pandemic or not going to work and losing their income,” Hunter Ogletree, a co-executive director of the Western North Carolina Workers Center, which is advocating for workers in local poultry plants, said in a press call on Wednesday.
Trump’s executive order instructs the Department of Agriculture to ensure that meat and poultry plants can continue operating uninterrupted as much as possible while abiding by guidance for Covid-19 preparedness issued by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration. The executive order leaves room for the agency to provide personal protective equipment to workers or issue additional regulations concerning worker safety — but it doesn’t explicitly provide any additional worker protections.
“This administration needs to step up and issue a federal emergency safety standard to protect all workers, rather than protect the profits of corporate cronies,” Debbie Berkowitz, program director for worker safety and health with the National Employment Law Project, said in a statement. “Unfortunately, the President’s action sends a signal to meatpacking companies that workers’ health and ultimately public health doesn’t matter.”
How meatpacking plants have placed workers at risk
The coronavirus has ripped through meatpacking plants across the country. Earlier this month, more than 640 workers tested positive at a processing facility in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, operated by Smithfield Foods, one of the United States’ largest pork producers. Last week, Tyson shut down its biggest pork processing facility in Waterloo, Iowa, after more than 180 workers tested positive. Another 52 cases cropped up at a Butterball plant in Duplin County, North Carolina, as of Tuesday.
The workers in these plants are often low-income — one Smithfield employee reported making $17.70 an hour, though workers have been offered a $500 bonus if they don’t miss any shifts in April. Nearly half of them are immigrants, according to the left-leaning think tank New American Economy, and many of those immigrants aren’t eligible for unemployment benefits or government stimulus money through one of the coronavirus relief bills recently passed.
Their work is physically taxing even in the best of times, as they lift and slice through heavy cuts of meat. Now, it’s also potentially life-threatening: A 64-year-old Smithfield worker was among the reported industry deaths.
The rapid spread of the coronavirus through meat processing plants is particularly concerning given that facilities are highly sanitized and contained even under normal circumstances due to federal requirements for pathogen control and food safety. Julie Anna Potts, president and CEO of the North American Meat Institute, said there is complete disinfection of the facilities every night after the last shift. Workers have to wear hard hats, safety goggles, frocks, and boots.
Now they’re also wearing masks and face shields — at least when the plants can obtain them — and they have been practicing social distancing where possible in cafeterias and places where the workers put on their protective equipment. Tyson Foods said it has also started taking employees’ temperatures either by hand or through infrared scanners. But on the processing floor, they’re standing shoulder to shoulder.
Employees have protested the lack of safe working conditions. Dozens of workers at a Perdue Farms facility in Kathleen, Georgia, staged a walkout in late March.
An anonymous employee at a Smithfield plant in Milan, Missouri, also filed a lawsuit against the company claiming that it had not provided enough protective equipment to its employees and that they were discouraged from taking sick leave. The company has denied the allegations, but a federal judge ordered it to abide by OSHA safety guidelines earlier this week.
“[M]anagers never blatantly asked me to risk my life just by showing up — until this pandemic,” the employee wrote in an April 24 op-ed in the Washington Post. “Now just coming to work puts us at risk of exposure to a virus that’s killing thousands of people every single day.”
Current and former workers at a Case Farms poultry processing plant in Morganton, North Carolina, who asked not to be identified by name for fear of retaliation, said in a press call on Wednesday that their employer still hasn’t enforced adequate social distancing.
One worker who had quit her job in early April over the lack of protection said the plant had previously refused to provide face masks or gloves. It only started providing face masks last week and plastic face shields that cover workers’ eyes on Tuesday. Still, workers remain only one foot apart in the production area, and in the cafeteria, five people can sit at a single table with a plastic shield between them.
Another worker said she had to stop working two weeks ago because she got sick and had to go to the hospital.
“They did not want to pay me for those two weeks even though I was sick, and now they want me to come to work without protecting us since we don’t know who is carrying the disease,” she said.
Case Farms said in a statement on Thursday, however, that the safety of their employees is their top priority, and that they remain in discussions with local county health directors to ensure they’re taking the necessary precautions.
“We are taking the COVID-19 pandemic very seriously and have several measures in place — all of which have been reviewed by directors of local health departments,” the company said. “We are committed to continue producing food for our nation’s food supply, while taking additional safety measures to protect our employees, our company and our customers.”
How the Trump administration could protect meatpacking workers
Working conditions in meatpacking plants have drawn scrutiny from members of Congress, including Rep. Joaquín Castro, the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. The CHC consequently wrote a letter to the Trump administration on Wednesday requesting that the conditions be investigated.
“Numerous companies across the meatpacking industry have not taken the necessary precautions they need to protect workers,” the caucus wrote. “While some companies were early actors in providing personal protective equipment, the callous inaction of others has reportedly led to multiple deaths and thousands of sick workers, as well as the death of two inspectors from the Department of Agriculture.”
In the meantime, workers are demanding that Congress take legislative action to protect their health and well-being. Hundreds of workers’ rights groups have urged Congress to pass a bill that would require OSHA to issue an emergency temporary standard to prevent the spread of coronavirus in the workplace.
Berkowitz said the administration should force meatpacking plants to adopt the latest CDC recommendations, which include altering the alignment of production lines so that workers can remain at least 6 feet apart. It should also issue new guidance on sanitation and protective gear, as well as how to enforce social distancing in break rooms and locker rooms.
“Without these necessary and common-sense protective measures, Covid-19 will continue to spread in these plants and the communities around them,” she said.
Ogletree said that workers are also pressing their employers to implement protective measures. They are requesting that poultry plants in their state provide at least two weeks of sick leave with full pay, distribute enhanced protective equipment, pay workers a “pandemic premium” of at least 1.5 times their normal hourly wage, and shield workers from retaliation should they voice concerns about their working conditions during the pandemic.
They are also seeking more transparency about the number of coronavirus cases that have been identified among plant employees.
“These poultry processing plants are being very secretive around the number of positive cases that are taking place in their plants,” Ogletree said. “We need to know how many and if there are positive cases in the plant because at the moment, it’s just rumors, and rumors create fear. It’s not conducive to the health and safety of all workers.”


vox--2020-04-30--My PTSD can be a weight. But in this pandemic, it feels like a superpower.

I ’ m in line outside a grocery store .
A woman plucks an apple from the sidewalk bins , then turns to us and asks , “ What ’ s going on ?
” “ Only 10 people in the store at a time , ” a gentleman wearing a mask responds .
Her face darkens in fury , and she hurls the apple back before storming off .
I am unsurprised .
Everywhere I turn , I see expressions of anger , sadness , and fear .
People skitter , paranoid , away from anyone who passes them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ witness a man unboxing 25 pounds of heirloom beans , while people who ’ ve lost their jobs sob about not being able to get through to the unemployment office .
Even friends with jobs lament their inability to work , because does advertising or teaching or editing a video about cool cars mean anything anymore ?
My most seemingly well-adjusted friends show up to our Zoom calls in bed , puffy-eyed , obsessive about the future .
For the first time , it seems , the entire world knows what it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I have complex post-traumatic stress disorder , a form of PTSD that occurs from being subjected to trauma over and over again for years .
Symptoms include trouble regulating one ’ s emotions , difficulty trusting others , and bouts of aggression , anxiety , and depression .
It ’ s a weird flex , but even as everyone around me posts about their panic attacks , I ’ m strangely calm these days .
Turns out I ’ m an old hand at dealing with world-collapsing terror .
I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Things that used to bother me , like tersely worded work emails , don ’ t faze me at all .
I ’ m looking at scary things in the face and processing them by deciding which parts are reasonable to be frightened about and which parts are okay to let go of .
Then I go about my day .
I ’ m actually being pretty productive .
And I am finding myself uniquely equipped to help others who are struggling .
Because of all the hard work I ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with my fear , I ’ m shockingly emerging from this as a valuable resource .
I used to think my complex PTSD was a disability .
In crisis , I ’ m recognizing that it is a superpower .
Lots of people who ’ ve experienced mental illness and trauma are in excruciating pain right now , I want to be clear .
Social distancing may be triggering them or distancing them from ways they were able to cope : with friends , exercise , even AA meetings or in-person therapy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ their real , legitimate pain .
But other , usually tender individuals are marveling at their ability to cope with a pandemic with comparative grace .
Part of our odd success may be because we ’ re used to this .
We ’ ve dealt with everyday terror in our brains and bodies for years , and we pushed through to hold down our jobs , go to back-to-school night , make birthday cakes .
And part of it is something else , a feeling that is harder to name but deeply healing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shame .
It ’ s the summer of 2018 , and I am supposed to be having a meeting with a hotshot businessman , but he is running quite late .
I should be sitting in the fancy cafe , which serves mostly coffee but still has cloth napkins and leather chairs .
But instead I am pacing outside , calling my boyfriend over and over .
I am convinced he has killed himself .
This is nuts .
I know this is nuts .
We had a small fight that morning , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up his phone .
Not exactly indicators that he must be dead .
And yet .
He always picks up .
So I call .
And call .
Eventually , I hear his disoriented voice on the line .
“ Hey , what ’ s up ?
” he says .
“ I was taking a nap.
” Embarrassment floods me .
Oh , it ’ s fine , nothing , I say , okay , and I hang up .
I take a couple of big breaths , and the businessman shows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his warm , dry hand .
That ’ s my C-PTSD in action .
And even though an incident of this magnitude is rare , it does make me catastrophize over small things .
For a long time , I thought this was everyday anxiety and depression .
But when I was diagnosed with C-PTSD at 30 , I recognized I had something much more , well , complex .
Complex PTSD can occur when people are exposed to repeated trauma .
Those likely to be diagnosed include prisoners of war or people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my case was caused by child abuse and neglect .
After I was diagnosed , the symptom list I Googled read like a biography : the tendency to trust the wrong people , the dismal self-loathing , the unhealthy relationship with one ’ s abuser .
Altogether , the textbook definition of C-PTSD conjured an image of a very specific kind of person — cruel and unpredictable , exhausting to care for .
They are far more likely to have alcoholism or addiction .
They often can ’ t hold down jobs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I read actually called traumatized people “ a burden to themselves and others ” and “ a minefield many would prefer to avoid.
” This explained everything .
I thought about all the times I had freaked out about small things and texted or called or knocked on people ’ s office doors , looking to them to help soothe me .
They were calm .
I was the messy burden .
Because I didn ’ t see the world correctly , the way everyone else did .
Everywhere I looked , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everyone else saw shadows .
Desperate , I dedicated my life to healing .
I did yoga , hallucinogens , EMDR , saw a psychiatrist and four different therapists , meditated , talked to scientists , and wrote about all of it .
I became a better listener than I was before , better at self-regulation and relaxation .
I summoned a foundational , rewarding trust for my loved ones I never knew I could possess .
I was happier .
Still , whenever I slipped up and snapped at someone or had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shame weighed on me , pulling me down to square one .
“ There ’ s a difference between pain and suffering , ” my therapist , Jacob Ham , told me .
“ Pain is the legitimate , healthy feeling you should experience after a loss or a mistake .
Suffering is the shame that you put on top of it , for feeling the pain in the first place.
” “ Yeah , but now I know I ’ m not supposed to feel the suffering , I feel extra suffering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ returned .
He rolled his eyes at me .
The first thing I noticed was that I went to the store before anyone else , so early that the checkout lady gave me a strange look as I hauled beans and pasta onto the conveyer belt .
I got toilet paper when it was still on the shelves ( a moderate amount , don ’ t worry ) .
I started educating everyone in my household about proper safety protocols and wiping down our door handles .
My family members sighed at me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frozen waffles and canned tomatoes .
But a few weeks later , when the hospitals started to overflow in our neighborhood , they were fully on board , and maybe even a little grateful .
They certainly appreciated the waffles when bread was out at the store .
My therapist used to tell me that PTSD is only a mental illness in times of peace .
Our bodies and brains are consistently attuned to war , so we look paranoid or hypervigilant in peacetime .
But in times of crisis , PTSD is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bodies created to help us adapt .
So in pandemic times , I ’ m not hypervigilant .
I ’ m responsibly vigilant .
My C-PTSD is helping keep my household safe .
I ’ m not the only one who ’ s experiencing this .
I kept hearing from friends who struggled with other conditions like anxiety or OCD , who told me they too were surprised by their own level of chill .
So I reached out to Dr. Ham to ask him about it .
“ Some people thrive in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were previously maladaptive in a ‘ normal ’ world , suddenly become advantageous , ” he replied .
“ If you ’ ve always been suspicious of strangers , and felt isolated from others in some deep psychological sense , well , now that can be adaptive ; everyone else is doing it .
If you ’ ve had a germ phobia that was maladaptive , well , there ’ s no limit to how adaptive it is now !
” But I ’ m not feeling more stable just because I have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well .
That would be selling myself short .
I ’ m also doing well because I ’ ve worked extremely hard to tame that response over the past couple of years , and that work is finally paying off .
I ’ m no longer the one calling my friends crying and asking for comfort .
I ’ m the one teaching friends how to find a therapist to Zoom with .
I ’ m the one validating their feelings and telling them to be gentle with themselves , explaining the brain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relates to what they are experiencing .
I ’ ve had a lot of practice .
I ’ m learning that in my long journey to heal from C-PTSD , I obtained valuable resources that it ’ s my responsibility to share .
Turns out , I ’ m not a burden .
I ’ m not a bad person .
I can be a rock .
I still have days when the news is overwhelming and I sit at my computer sobbing , wondering how to mourn a loss of this breadth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I feel capable of applying that sensitivity and compassion to my feelings .
It ’ s not weak to be upset about thousands of people dying all around me , I know .
It ’ s not paranoid to worry about what the world will look like a few months from now .
Which brings me to the number one reason that I think I ’ m feeling better during this pandemic : I ’ m feeling the pain , but I ’ m not feeling the suffering anymore .
There is no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ else knows exactly what I ’ m going through , too .
“ It ’ s so lonely having C-PTSD , and usually the reasons why you have it are private , personal , and intense , ” says Susan , 33 , who asked that her last name not be used to protect her privacy .
“ A big struggle my whole life is feeling alone in having these feelings.
” Her parents struggled for years to understand her mental illness .
But while being quarantined , they expressed feeling helpless , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Susan told them , That ’ s what it ’ s like to be me all the time .
And something clicked .
“ Even though they don ’ t understand it entirely , they ’ ve come closer to understanding it .
And that ’ s an experience I ’ ve struggled for decades to convey to them , ” she says .
“ It ’ s not something I would ’ ve wished on anybody , but being able to articulate my past experience in ways where I feel understood — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shame , self-punishment , and negative self-talk keeps us feeling isolated from others and elevates the brain ’ s already activated panic response .
For me , the added layer of shame sometimes kept me triggered for days instead of hours .
Without shame , C-PTSD is a force .
Depressive moments are hurdles throughout my day , but I use calming techniques and clear them .
Then I can see C-PTSD ’ s strengths : empathy , kindness , love , good advice , an ability to calm those in crisis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rest of you , those who find yourselves in our shoes for the first time : You ’ re not losing your mind .
Your brain is simply trying to protect you .
Fear floods your brain with stress chemicals , which prepare you to run or play dead or eat more .
These also reduce activity in your prefrontal cortex , the part of your brain that processes logical thinking , decision-making , and moderation .
That ’ s why you may find yourself acting erratically , covered in Cheeto dust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amount of stress chemicals your body produces and shut off the part of your brain that keeps repeating negative narratives .
There ’ s evidence that shows that reading bad news exacerbates these responses , so if you can , limit your input .
And reach out to others for help .
Maybe even us .
I ’ m happy to be able to say to you : Needing help doesn ’ t make you a burden .
People talk about “ after this is all over , ” if and when that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over , we ’ re going to eat so much restaurant food .
We ’ ll throw huge parties .
And we won ’ t be alone and afraid anymore .
Which means that people with mental illness might go back to being odd , jumpy ducks .
Of course , more of us might be anxious than before Covid-19 struck , because it may have triggered difficult things in many people .
Suicide hotlines are overwhelmed .
A study in China reported that up to half of health care workers were experiencing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have struggled as well .
Domestic abuse cases have risen worldwide .
These traumas don ’ t just go away in the light of day .
They ’ ll take time to heal .
So I hope that enduring this terror will allow society to empathize with what those who struggle with mental illness feel like .
I hope it will allow us to destigmatize mental illness and see the value in mental health care .
I hope it recognizes that overactive brains have value in trying times .
And I hope that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and PTSD remember a time when we were powerful .
I hope that when we cure Covid-19 , we are also able to finally cure our shame .
Stephanie Foo is a writer and a journalist working on a book on what it ’ s like to recover from complex PTSD .
She has worked as a producer at This American Life and Snap Judgment , and her stories have aired on shows like Reply All , Radiolab , and 99 % Invisible .
She is also a 2019-2020 Rosalynn Carter Mental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

I’m in line outside a grocery store. A woman plucks an apple from the sidewalk bins, then turns to us and asks, “What’s going on?”
“Only 10 people in the store at a time,” a gentleman wearing a mask responds.
Her face darkens in fury, and she hurls the apple back before storming off.
I am unsurprised. Everywhere I turn, I see expressions of anger, sadness, and fear. People skitter, paranoid, away from anyone who passes them on the sidewalk. Online, I witness a man unboxing 25 pounds of heirloom beans, while people who’ve lost their jobs sob about not being able to get through to the unemployment office. Even friends with jobs lament their inability to work, because does advertising or teaching or editing a video about cool cars mean anything anymore? My most seemingly well-adjusted friends show up to our Zoom calls in bed, puffy-eyed, obsessive about the future.
I recognize this behavior.
For the first time, it seems, the entire world knows what it’s like to live inside my head. I have complex post-traumatic stress disorder, a form of PTSD that occurs from being subjected to trauma over and over again for years. Symptoms include trouble regulating one’s emotions, difficulty trusting others, and bouts of aggression, anxiety, and depression.
It’s a weird flex, but even as everyone around me posts about their panic attacks, I’m strangely calm these days. Turns out I’m an old hand at dealing with world-collapsing terror. I’m not disappearing into food or Netflix binges. Things that used to bother me, like tersely worded work emails, don’t faze me at all. I’m looking at scary things in the face and processing them by deciding which parts are reasonable to be frightened about and which parts are okay to let go of. Then I go about my day. I’m actually being pretty productive.
And I am finding myself uniquely equipped to help others who are struggling. Because of all the hard work I’ve done over the years learning to deal with my fear, I’m shockingly emerging from this as a valuable resource. I used to think my complex PTSD was a disability. In crisis, I’m recognizing that it is a superpower.
Lots of people who’ve experienced mental illness and trauma are in excruciating pain right now, I want to be clear. Social distancing may be triggering them or distancing them from ways they were able to cope: with friends, exercise, even AA meetings or in-person therapy. I don’t want to minimize their real, legitimate pain. But other, usually tender individuals are marveling at their ability to cope with a pandemic with comparative grace.
Part of our odd success may be because we’re used to this. We’ve dealt with everyday terror in our brains and bodies for years, and we pushed through to hold down our jobs, go to back-to-school night, make birthday cakes. And part of it is something else, a feeling that is harder to name but deeply healing. It is a long-awaited respite from shame.
It’s the summer of 2018, and I am supposed to be having a meeting with a hotshot businessman, but he is running quite late. I should be sitting in the fancy cafe, which serves mostly coffee but still has cloth napkins and leather chairs. But instead I am pacing outside, calling my boyfriend over and over. I am convinced he has killed himself.
This is nuts. I know this is nuts. We had a small fight that morning, and now he isn’t picking up his phone. Not exactly indicators that he must be dead. And yet. He always picks up. So I call. And call. Eventually, I hear his disoriented voice on the line. “Hey, what’s up?” he says. “I was taking a nap.” Embarrassment floods me. Oh, it’s fine, nothing, I say, okay, and I hang up. I take a couple of big breaths, and the businessman shows up. I smile brightly and grasp his warm, dry hand.
That’s my C-PTSD in action. And even though an incident of this magnitude is rare, it does make me catastrophize over small things. For a long time, I thought this was everyday anxiety and depression. But when I was diagnosed with C-PTSD at 30, I recognized I had something much more, well, complex.
Complex PTSD can occur when people are exposed to repeated trauma. Those likely to be diagnosed include prisoners of war or people who’ve experienced domestic abuse — my case was caused by child abuse and neglect. After I was diagnosed, the symptom list I Googled read like a biography: the tendency to trust the wrong people, the dismal self-loathing, the unhealthy relationship with one’s abuser. Altogether, the textbook definition of C-PTSD conjured an image of a very specific kind of person — cruel and unpredictable, exhausting to care for. They are far more likely to have alcoholism or addiction. They often can’t hold down jobs, are violent and impulsive. One book I read actually called traumatized people “a burden to themselves and others” and “a minefield many would prefer to avoid.”
This explained everything. I thought about all the times I had freaked out about small things and texted or called or knocked on people’s office doors, looking to them to help soothe me. They were calm. I was the messy burden. Because I didn’t see the world correctly, the way everyone else did. Everywhere I looked, I saw threats and fear and conspiracy where everyone else saw shadows.
Desperate, I dedicated my life to healing. I did yoga, hallucinogens, EMDR, saw a psychiatrist and four different therapists, meditated, talked to scientists, and wrote about all of it. I became a better listener than I was before, better at self-regulation and relaxation. I summoned a foundational, rewarding trust for my loved ones I never knew I could possess. I was happier. Still, whenever I slipped up and snapped at someone or had an anxious spell, a blanket of shame weighed on me, pulling me down to square one.
“There’s a difference between pain and suffering,” my therapist, Jacob Ham, told me. “Pain is the legitimate, healthy feeling you should experience after a loss or a mistake. Suffering is the shame that you put on top of it, for feeling the pain in the first place.”
“Yeah, but now I know I’m not supposed to feel the suffering, I feel extra suffering for feeling the suffering,” I returned. He rolled his eyes at me.
And then Covid-19 happened.
The first thing I noticed was that I went to the store before anyone else, so early that the checkout lady gave me a strange look as I hauled beans and pasta onto the conveyer belt. I got toilet paper when it was still on the shelves (a moderate amount, don’t worry). I started educating everyone in my household about proper safety protocols and wiping down our door handles. My family members sighed at me skeptically when I filled the basement with frozen waffles and canned tomatoes. But a few weeks later, when the hospitals started to overflow in our neighborhood, they were fully on board, and maybe even a little grateful. They certainly appreciated the waffles when bread was out at the store.
My therapist used to tell me that PTSD is only a mental illness in times of peace. Our bodies and brains are consistently attuned to war, so we look paranoid or hypervigilant in peacetime. But in times of crisis, PTSD is an incredible survival mechanism that our genius bodies created to help us adapt.
So in pandemic times, I’m not hypervigilant. I’m responsibly vigilant. My C-PTSD is helping keep my household safe.
I’m not the only one who’s experiencing this. I kept hearing from friends who struggled with other conditions like anxiety or OCD, who told me they too were surprised by their own level of chill. So I reached out to Dr. Ham to ask him about it. “Some people thrive in this situation because their symptoms, which were previously maladaptive in a ‘normal’ world, suddenly become advantageous,” he replied. “If you’ve always been suspicious of strangers, and felt isolated from others in some deep psychological sense, well, now that can be adaptive; everyone else is doing it. If you’ve had a germ phobia that was maladaptive, well, there’s no limit to how adaptive it is now!”
But I’m not feeling more stable just because I have a panic response that’s functioning well. That would be selling myself short. I’m also doing well because I’ve worked extremely hard to tame that response over the past couple of years, and that work is finally paying off. I’m no longer the one calling my friends crying and asking for comfort. I’m the one teaching friends how to find a therapist to Zoom with. I’m the one validating their feelings and telling them to be gentle with themselves, explaining the brain’s panic response and how that relates to what they are experiencing. I’ve had a lot of practice. I’m learning that in my long journey to heal from C-PTSD, I obtained valuable resources that it’s my responsibility to share. Turns out, I’m not a burden. I’m not a bad person. I can be a rock.
I still have days when the news is overwhelming and I sit at my computer sobbing, wondering how to mourn a loss of this breadth. But now more than ever, I feel capable of applying that sensitivity and compassion to my feelings. It’s not weak to be upset about thousands of people dying all around me, I know. It’s not paranoid to worry about what the world will look like a few months from now. Which brings me to the number one reason that I think I’m feeling better during this pandemic: I’m feeling the pain, but I’m not feeling the suffering anymore. There is no extra layer of shame. Because everyone else knows exactly what I’m going through, too.
“It’s so lonely having C-PTSD, and usually the reasons why you have it are private, personal, and intense,” says Susan, 33, who asked that her last name not be used to protect her privacy. “A big struggle my whole life is feeling alone in having these feelings.” Her parents struggled for years to understand her mental illness. But while being quarantined, they expressed feeling helpless, depressed, and panicked. Yeah, Susan told them, That’s what it’s like to be me all the time. And something clicked.
“Even though they don’t understand it entirely, they’ve come closer to understanding it. And that’s an experience I’ve struggled for decades to convey to them,” she says. “It’s not something I would’ve wished on anybody, but being able to articulate my past experience in ways where I feel understood — it reduces a lot of shame.”
Shame, self-punishment, and negative self-talk keeps us feeling isolated from others and elevates the brain’s already activated panic response. For me, the added layer of shame sometimes kept me triggered for days instead of hours. Without shame, C-PTSD is a force. Depressive moments are hurdles throughout my day, but I use calming techniques and clear them. Then I can see C-PTSD’s strengths: empathy, kindness, love, good advice, an ability to calm those in crisis.
So here’s my advice to the rest of you, those who find yourselves in our shoes for the first time: You’re not losing your mind. Your brain is simply trying to protect you. Fear floods your brain with stress chemicals, which prepare you to run or play dead or eat more. These also reduce activity in your prefrontal cortex, the part of your brain that processes logical thinking, decision-making, and moderation. That’s why you may find yourself acting erratically, covered in Cheeto dust.
Basic mindfulness techniques can reduce the amount of stress chemicals your body produces and shut off the part of your brain that keeps repeating negative narratives. There’s evidence that shows that reading bad news exacerbates these responses, so if you can, limit your input. And reach out to others for help. Maybe even us. I’m happy to be able to say to you: Needing help doesn’t make you a burden.
People talk about “after this is all over,” if and when that ever is. After this is all over, we’re going to eat so much restaurant food. We’ll throw huge parties. And we won’t be alone and afraid anymore. Which means that people with mental illness might go back to being odd, jumpy ducks.
Of course, more of us might be anxious than before Covid-19 struck, because it may have triggered difficult things in many people. Suicide hotlines are overwhelmed. A study in China reported that up to half of health care workers were experiencing mental health issues. Essential workers probably have struggled as well. Domestic abuse cases have risen worldwide.
These traumas don’t just go away in the light of day. They’ll take time to heal.
So I hope that enduring this terror will allow society to empathize with what those who struggle with mental illness feel like. I hope it will allow us to destigmatize mental illness and see the value in mental health care. I hope it recognizes that overactive brains have value in trying times.
And I hope that some of us with anxiety, OCD, and PTSD remember a time when we were powerful. I hope that when we cure Covid-19, we are also able to finally cure our shame.
Stephanie Foo is a writer and a journalist working on a book on what it’s like to recover from complex PTSD. She has worked as a producer at This American Life and Snap Judgment, and her stories have aired on shows like Reply All, Radiolab, and 99% Invisible. She is also a 2019-2020 Rosalynn Carter Mental Health Fellow.


vox--2020-05-01--A bioethicist on why reopening states will kill more black people

As of April 28 , the United States surpassed 1 million confirmed coronavirus cases .
But this hasn ’ t stopped more than half of US states from partially reopening or making plans to reopen soon .
Prematurely restarting businesses means that new virus cases will arise , health officials say , especially in the face of insufficient testing .
This puts the country ’ s most vulnerable populations — black , Latinx , poor , elderly , disabled — at greater risk of infection and death .
For the black community , the decision to reopen — despite the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suffering from the disease ( black people make up 30 percent of coronavirus cases , according to the CDC , even though they represent just 13 percent of the US population ) — fuels the community ’ s distrust of government and health leadership .
It harks back to cruel historical practices that used black bodies as scientific Silly Putty .
The event most cited to explain the historical distrust is the US Public Health Service ’ s ( PHS ) syphilis study at the Tuskegee Institute , which began in 1932 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was exposed as ethically unjustified .
The study tracked 399 black men in rural Macon County , Alabama , who had syphilis and another 201 who were supposedly in a control group .
PHS never informed the participants that they had the disease and simply told the men they would be treated for “ bad blood , ” a catchall phrase for various illnesses .
Ultimately , the federal government would surveil the men to determine syphilis ’ s impact on the body ’ s organ systems when left untreated .
As the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center for Bioethics in Research and Health Care , Reuben C. Warren knows this history all too well .
According to Warren , PHS fractured the relationship between the federal government and the black community by lying and withholding treatment — and marring Tuskegee ’ s history in the process , an institution founded by the renowned black educator Booker T. Washington for the academic and vocational training of black professionals .
In 1997 , decades after the study was exposed , Warren , then the associate director of minority health at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 years , was part of a coalition of scientists and public health officials that called on President Bill Clinton for an apology .
Following the apology , the federal government , at the coalition ’ s request , established the center that Warren now heads to ensure that a project like the syphilis study wouldn ’ t happen again .
Warren says that at this moment in the coronavirus pandemic , governors are now choosing “ who shall live ” by reopening states , drawing parallels to moments like the Tuskegee experiment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter of ethics and a false choice between health and economics , as the issue of black distrust only worsens .
( Our interview has been edited and condensed . )
When you first heard about the novel coronavirus , particularly about how it was taking the lives of black people at a disproportionate rate , what was your initial reaction ?
My initial reaction was : “ more of the same.
” I was not surprised .
Nor was I surprised that initially public health officials and political officials did not want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they knew what data would tell them .
You count what you think is important , and you ignore what you don ’ t think is important .
They refused to do something until the demand to collect data grew .
Many people will say black people have a disproportionate burden of disease , like heart disease and diabetes .
All that ’ s true , but the current challenge is black and Hispanic folks continue to be at risk .
They are the workers .
They are the ones who are not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who can ’ t afford to stay home .
In “ The African American Petri Dish , ” my colleague Ronald Braithwaite of the Morehouse School of Medicine and I discuss how African Americans are in high-exposure petri dish positions since they are often the front-line workers and this presents a greater challenge .
So we don ’ t want to get sidelined focusing on the historical issue of health disparities , which is important , but if you look back to move forward , the current conditions we face are worsening the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , based on how you see the coronavirus impacting the black community ?
What does this all mean for the black community ?
The takeaway is devastation , because we know better but we ’ re not doing better , especially when it comes to testing .
Testing is important , but it has to be not only for those who show “ signs ” of infection .
We know now that people can be asymptomatic .
To test only those who have signs is a naïve-at-best , intentional-at-worst effort to not acknowledge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We already know that without testing it is going to disproportionately impact people who are at greatest risk , particularly African American and Hispanic Americans .
Then equally as important are the isolation and the follow-up .
This is a challenge and accessing health care is a challenge .
Black people disproportionately lack access to health care and primary care doctors .
So then there ’ s this fear of going to the emergency room .
This problem is worsening .
Outside of Tuskegee , what else can you point to to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
And how do you see it playing out now ?
It ’ s rampant .
You might have heard the name J. Marion Sims , who is the “ father of gynecology.
” In the late 1800s and early 1900s , Sims tested vascular surgical techniques on enslaved black women — without anesthesia .
He tested and retested them like this — and he ’ s the “ father of gynecology ” !
He even published an article on these women .
There is a study from the early 2000s called “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ethnic Disparities in Health Care ] ” where scientists looked at health care delivery and found that there was a disparate difference between the quality of care given to blacks and whites , even with the same economic status .
“ You count what you think is important , and you ignore what you don ’ t think is important ” Then there ’ s the other classic , the 1985 “ Report of the Secretary ’ s Task Force on Black and Minority Health.
” This documents 60,000 excess deaths in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deaths ” being using the death rate of the white population and comparing it to the death rate of the black population .
There were 60,000 excess deaths each year due to six causes : cardiovascular disease , stroke , cancer , diabetes , unintentional injuries , and infant mortality .
And then in 1992 , HIV and AIDS became the seventh .
Then in 2002 , David Satcher , the former Surgeon General , did this analysis again and found that the excess deaths had increased to about 83,000 .
So , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We need not revisit the problem again and again .
Let us move toward doing what we know can ameliorate the problem .
Let ’ s prioritize resources based upon need , not based upon politics .
Consistently , the black population demonstrates the greatest disparity ; therefore , it ’ s where the greatest resources are to be committed .
But it ’ s not happening .
Georgia , a state where black people are disproportionately infected with and dying from Covid-19 , has reopened during the pandemic despite expert advice that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What parallels do you see between this move and what has happened historically ?
The vulnerability is clear .
There ’ s a 1974 book by [ economist ] Victor R. Fuchs titled Who Shall Live ?
Health , Economics , and Social Choice .
Like the title of the book , we have to decide who shall live .
The historical record and the current practices suggest something very scary .
Some folks who happen to be in power will have to decide who shall live .
There ’ s a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s what they ’ re doing in Sweden .
There are people going about their normal day-to-day with no social distancing .
They ’ ve just accepted that a certain percentage of the population is going to die .
But Sweden has a very different demographic than the United States .
Those who are at greatest risk here are people of color .
They are the most vulnerable to live and also the most likely to die , regardless of income , education .
Across any demographic , the black population disproportionately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t look like those who need to hear the message .
The country asks for trust , and I would argue that until those leaders at whatever level demonstrate trustworthiness , trust will not be forthcoming .
Shift the paradigm from those who are most vulnerable to those who have the most power and authority .
Trustworthiness is the framework , not trust .
Is it ethical for these states to open up now during the pandemic ?
No .
I think it is a priority of health over economics .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s no either/or .
Health is the priority .
Public health ethics is based upon the population as opposed to the individuals , and to resolve public health issues , we look to three constructs .
The first is community engagement .
The second construct is not benevolence but beneficence — what are your intentions and what are you going to do ?
The third is social justice , doing what ’ s in the best interest of the population at the greatest risk .
It ’ s not the whole population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ utilitarian principle or the happiness principle for the greatest good but at the expense of those who are suffering .
That utilitarian principle does not work in a diverse population particularly when subsets of the population have been historically disadvantaged and abused .
And bioethics does not work in this construct .
It is a valuable principle , framework , and concept , but it doesn ’ t work in population-based challenges .
This is a public health challenge , and the response and the resolve have to be embedded in public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the men in the PHS syphilis study at Tuskegee , what are your final thoughts about how the coronavirus is playing out in black communities today ?
Yes , some of the men died from diseases and conditions associated with syphilis .
Some survived .
And some suffered throughout the process — from the disease , if you will , but also from the horror , the embarrassment , the disgrace .
And not only the men but also the families .
A granddaughter of one of the men said she was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The emotional trauma is yet to be fully realized .
There ’ s community trauma , and we have to acknowledge they ’ re moving from blame and shame to honor and glory .
That ’ s a journey .
We ’ re on the way , but we ’ re not fully there yet .
I see the same thing now , in focusing on the disease but not focusing on the condition and the vulnerability as a result of the disease .
We don ’ t know enough , but we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not test broader is unconscionable .
If we don ’ t recognize and acknowledge history and its truth , then we are bound to repeat it .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
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As of April 28, the United States surpassed 1 million confirmed coronavirus cases. But this hasn’t stopped more than half of US states from partially reopening or making plans to reopen soon. Prematurely restarting businesses means new virus cases will arise, health officials say, especially in the face of insufficient testing. This puts the country’s most vulnerable populations — black, Latinx, poor, elderly, disabled — at greater risk of infection and death.
For the black community, the decision to reopen — despite the alarming data that shows they are disproportionately suffering from the disease (black people make up 30 percent of coronavirus cases, according to the CDC, even though they represent just 13 percent of the US population) — fuels the community’s distrust of government and health leadership. It harks back to cruel historical practices that used black bodies as scientific Silly Putty.
The event most cited to explain the historical distrust is the US Public Health Service’s (PHS) syphilis study at the Tuskegee Institute, which began in 1932 and continued for 40 years, until it was exposed as ethically unjustified. The study tracked 399 black men in rural Macon County, Alabama, who had syphilis and another 201 who were supposedly in a control group. PHS never informed the participants that they had the disease and simply told the men they would be treated for “bad blood,” a catchall phrase for various illnesses. Ultimately, the federal government would surveil the men to determine syphilis’s impact on the body’s organ systems when left untreated.
As the director of Tuskegee University’s National Center for Bioethics in Research and Health Care, Reuben C. Warren knows this history all too well. According to Warren, PHS fractured the relationship between the federal government and the black community by lying and withholding treatment — and marring Tuskegee’s history in the process, an institution founded by the renowned black educator Booker T. Washington for the academic and vocational training of black professionals. In 1997, decades after the study was exposed, Warren, then the associate director of minority health at the CDC, a position he held for 20 years, was part of a coalition of scientists and public health officials that called on President Bill Clinton for an apology. Following the apology, the federal government, at the coalition’s request, established the center Warren now heads to ensure that a project like the syphilis study wouldn’t happen again.
Warren says that at this moment in the coronavirus pandemic, governors are now choosing “who shall live” by reopening states, drawing parallels to moments like the Tuskegee syphilis study. Warren explains why this is a matter of ethics and a false choice between health and economics, as the issue of black distrust only worsens. (Our interview has been edited and condensed.)
Fabiola Cineas
When you first heard about the novel coronavirus, particularly about how it was taking the lives of black people at a disproportionate rate, what was your initial reaction?
Reuben C. Warren
My initial reaction was: “more of the same.” I was not surprised. Nor was I surprised that initially public health officials and political officials did not want to collect race and ethnicity data because they knew what data would tell them. You count what you think is important, and you ignore what you don’t think is important. They refused to do something until the demand to collect data grew.
Many people will say black people have a disproportionate burden of disease, like heart disease and diabetes. All that’s true, but the current challenge is black and Hispanic folks continue to be at risk. They are the workers. They are the ones who are not getting PPE. They are the ones who can’t afford to stay home. In “The African American Petri Dish,” my colleague Ronald Braithwaite of the Morehouse School of Medicine and I discuss how African Americans are in high-exposure petri dish positions since they are often the front-line workers, and this presents a greater challenge.
So we don’t want to get sidelined focusing on the historical issue of health disparities, which is important, but if you look back to move forward, the current conditions we face are worsening the problem.
Fabiola Cineas
What are your takeaways now, based on how you see the coronavirus impacting the black community? What does this all mean for the black community?
Reuben C. Warren
The takeaway is devastation, because we know better but we’re not doing better, especially when it comes to testing. Testing is important, but it has to be not only for those who show “signs” of infection. We know now that people can be asymptomatic. To test only those who have signs is a naïve-at-best, intentional-at-worst effort to not acknowledge the depth and breadth of the coronavirus.
We already know that without testing it is going to disproportionately impact people who are at greatest risk, particularly African Americans and Hispanic Americans. Then equally as important are the isolation and the follow-up. This is a challenge, and accessing health care is a challenge. Black people disproportionately lack access to health care and primary care doctors. So then there’s this fear of going to the emergency room. This problem is worsening.
Fabiola Cineas
Outside of Tuskegee, what else can you point to to explain black mistrust of the medical community? And how do you see it playing out now?
Reuben C. Warren
It’s rampant. You might have heard the name J. Marion Sims, who is the “father of gynecology.” In the late 1800s and early 1900s, Sims tested vascular surgical techniques on enslaved black women — without anesthesia. He tested and retested them like this — and he’s the “father of gynecology”! He even published an article on these women.
There is a study from the early 2000s called “Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care” where scientists looked at health care delivery and found that there was a disparate difference between the quality of care given to blacks and whites, even with the same economic status.
“You count what you think is important, and you ignore what you don’t think is important”
Then there’s the other classic, the 1985 “Report of the Secretary’s Task Force on Black and Minority Health.” This documents 60,000 excess deaths in the black population each year, “excess deaths” being using the death rate of the white population and comparing it to the death rate of the black population. There were 60,000 excess deaths each year due to six causes: cardiovascular disease, stroke, cancer, diabetes, unintentional injuries, and infant mortality. And then in 1992, HIV and AIDS became the seventh. Then in 2002, David Satcher, the former surgeon general, did this analysis again and found that the excess deaths had increased to about 83,000.
So, today, the problem is clear. We need not revisit the problem again and again. Let us move toward doing what we know can ameliorate the problem. Let’s prioritize resources based upon need, not based upon politics. Consistently, the black population demonstrates the greatest disparity; therefore, it’s where the greatest resources are to be committed. But it’s not happening.
Fabiola Cineas
Georgia, a state where black people are disproportionately infected with and dying from Covid-19, has reopened during the pandemic despite expert advice that says stay-at-home measures should remain in place. What parallels do you see between this move and what has happened historically?
Reuben C. Warren
The vulnerability is clear. There’s a 1974 book by [economist] Victor R. Fuchs titled Who Shall Live? Health, Economics, and Social Choice. Like the title of the book, we have to decide who shall live. The historical record and the current practices suggest something very scary. Some folks who happen to be in power will have to decide who shall live.
There’s a notion called herd immunity, and that’s what they’re doing in Sweden. There are people going about their normal day-to-day with no social distancing. They’ve just accepted that a certain percentage of the population is going to die. But Sweden has a very different demographic than the United States. Those who are at greatest risk here are people of color. They are the most vulnerable to live and also the most likely to die, regardless of income, education. Across any demographic, the black population disproportionately suffers.
Right now, the messengers don’t look like those who need to hear the message.
The country asks for trust, and I would argue that until those leaders at whatever level demonstrate trustworthiness, trust will not be forthcoming. Shift the paradigm from those who are most vulnerable to those who have the most power and authority. Trustworthiness is the framework, not trust.
Fabiola Cineas
Is it ethical for these states to open up now during the pandemic?
Reuben C. Warren
No. I think it is a priority of health over economics. The decision is that clear — there’s no either/or. Health is the priority. Public health ethics is based upon the population as opposed to the individuals, and to resolve public health issues, we look to three constructs.
The first is community engagement. The second construct is not benevolence but beneficence — what are your intentions and what are you going to do? The third is social justice, doing what’s in the best interest of the population at the greatest risk. It’s not the whole population, as that would instead be the utilitarian principle or the happiness principle for the greatest good but at the expense of those who are suffering.
That utilitarian principle does not work in a diverse population, particularly when subsets of the population have been historically disadvantaged and abused. And bioethics does not work in this construct. It is a valuable principle, framework, and concept, but it doesn’t work in population-based challenges. This is a public health challenge, and the response and the resolve have to be embedded in public health ethics.
Fabiola Cineas
Thinking about what ultimately happened to the men in the PHS syphilis study at Tuskegee, what are your final thoughts about how the coronavirus is playing out in black communities today?
Reuben C. Warren
Yes, some of the men died from diseases and conditions associated with syphilis. Some survived. And some suffered throughout the process — from the disease, if you will, but also from the horror, the embarrassment, the disgrace. And not only the men but also the families. A granddaughter of one of the men said she was called the syphilis kid in school. The emotional trauma is yet to be fully realized. There’s community trauma, and we have to acknowledge they’re moving from blame and shame to honor and glory. That’s a journey. We’re on the way, but we’re not fully there yet.
I see the same thing now, in focusing on the disease but not focusing on the condition and the vulnerability as a result of the disease. We don’t know enough, but we know enough to do better. To not test broader is unconscionable. If we don’t recognize and acknowledge history and its truth, then we are bound to repeat it.