vox--2020-08-10--College football’s coronavirus crisis, explained

On Sunday night , something historic happened in college football .
No , it wasn ’ t the season getting canceled — yet .
Instead , players from college football ’ s five major conferences — including Clemson quarterback Trevor Lawrence , one of the sport ’ s biggest names — put out a joint statement .
They emphasized their desire to play this season , but with conditions that would make playing safer .
They were bridging a critical divide between players who wanted to see their needs met before they took the field this season and players willing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chance at the NFL or just their love of the sport , even during a pandemic .
It was a historic step — players from across the elite tier of college football , working together to organize on behalf of student-athletes and their safety .
And it comes in the midst of the equally historic fallout from the coronavirus pandemic , and the financial — and cultural — toll it has taken on college football , a multibillion-dollar industry .
At least five big-time college football players have decided to forgo the season @ @ @ @ @ @ @ citing concerns about coronavirus transmission .
One Division I university , the University of Connecticut , was the first to cancel its 2020 college football season , with entire conferences expected to do so this week .
Multiple schools have experienced breakouts of the virus that necessitated two-week suspensions of workouts , just days before the season is expected to — maybe — begin in early September .
Again , the season is itself in doubt .
On Monday , some sources reported presidents of the Big Ten universities would be meeting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether the season would be canceled .
As Yahoo Sports reporter Pete Thamel put it last week , “ The downward spiral for college football shutting down in 2020 has begun.
” That ’ s a big , big problem for college football programs that have become the financial backbone of university athletic departments .
For example , Oregon State University ’ s football team generates 80 percent of the athletic department ’ s revenue .
And the fallout could go far beyond individual universities — the Big Ten , for instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ESPN , and Fox worth an estimated $ 2.64 billion .
The Pac 12 has gone so far as to pursue a massive loan , promising roughly $ 84 million to each member school to make up for lost revenue in case the season is canceled .
But one entity critical to college football is highly unlikely to receive a bailout : the players themselves .
In response , players in two conferences ( the Pac 12 and the Big Ten ) have formed unity groups , asking for better Covid-19 testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ # WeAreUnited , the Pac 12 group , they also stated a willingness to boycott workouts and games unless their demands are met .
The entire apparatus of one of the country ’ s most popular sports depends on college students who are not compensated for their work , college students who find themselves at risk of long-term injury and now a potentially deadly virus while their coaches and administrators make millions .
But in the wake of a coronavirus shake-up , players across the country are starting to stand up and say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the high end of college athletics , it ’ s hard to overstate how big a business it is ” There are multiple levels of college football , and each has different power dynamics internally between players and the school , and externally with fans and corporations .
But the so-called “ Power Five ” — a group of five major Division I conferences whose schools can compete for entry into the College Football Playoff , made up of big-name conferences like the Southeastern Conference ( SEC ) and the Big Ten , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the elite tier .
And schools within the Power Five conferences generate a gargantuan amount of money from football , which they then use to support so-called “ non-revenue ” sports like track and field or rowing , that make far less money from ticket sales .
How much money ?
From 2017 to 2018 , the University of Oklahoma football program generated $ 102.3 million , and the University of Georgia a hefty $ 129 million , leaving the department with $ 84.1 million in revenue after operating expenses were accounted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes that kind of money , many college athletic departments are highly dependent on those funds .
It ’ s also worth noting that university athletic departments are nonprofit organizations , so that revenue generated is not taxed .
That means the potential financial hit from a college football-free autumn — or even a season played without fans in stadiums — would be immense , for small and large schools alike .
I spoke with Matt Brown , a college football writer who runs the independent newsletter Extra Points , who told me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far beyond ticket sales ( which for smaller universities , like the University of Memphis , can bring in as much as $ 4.5 million , and for bigger schools , like Ohio State , as much as $ 60 million ) .
“ They make money by charging 30 bucks to park your car , they make money selling you a $ 4 bottle of water , and six bucks for a hot dog , ” he said .
“ A midlevel Power Five school could make close to 10 million dollars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tickets and game-day revenue over the course of a football season .
The bigger the stadium , the more money is at risk.
” And for major powers , like the University of Alabama , Clemson University , or the University of Texas , Brown told me there ’ s far more at stake .
“ For big schools , there ’ s also tens of millions of dollars in potential broadcast revenue , that requires games to be played .
There ’ s money tied up in apparel contracts , multimedia rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more.
” For example , the University of Texas has a $ 250 million apparel deal with Nike , and in the 2019 fiscal year the football program alone generated nearly $ 50 million in contributions from alumni .
Brown told me that while many teams are cutting salaries and laying off athletic department staff , that likely won ’ t help if there is no college football season this year , and schools will likely have to cut some sports altogether .
Some , like Stanford , already have , dropping 11 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ 21 school year because , as the school ’ s press office put it , “ Stanford Athletics can not support 36 varsity sports at a championship level while also remaining financially sustainable.
” Brown reiterated that the drive to have a college football season of some kind was led in part by how critical college football — and the money it brings in — is , not just to athletic departments but to universities and entire communities .
The population of Ann Arbor , home of the University of Michigan , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 110,000 attend football games ( I went to Michigan , and many of my most foolish purchases have been tied to the school ’ s football program ) .
Football isn ’ t a part of the brand of many high-level universities involved in college football — it is their brand .
“ At the high end of college athletics , it ’ s hard to overstate how big a business it is , and how important athletics is to the brand and business operation of the actual university , ” Brown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might have a billion-dollar budget and do a ton of stuff that has nothing to do with football , but for the state lawmakers , and the general public , the biggest way they interface with this school isn ’ t their agriculture extension campus , or the cool art museum on campus .
It ’ s football.
” But college football isn ’ t played by professional athletes .
It ’ s played by college students , or “ student-athletes , ” as the NCAA refers to them .
And while professional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been ensconced in “ bubbles ” intended to isolate them and protect them from Covid-19 as the season restart has begun — so far , successfully — college football players have not .
“ I have to set my wishes aside for the wellness of my family , community and beyond ” The NCAA has issued some guidance to member conferences and universities regarding Covid-19 and student-athletes .
The governing body of college sports has said schools should allow athletes to opt out of participating in sports over Covid-19 concerns without losing their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ask athletes to waive their legal rights ( as in , refuse to sue their schools ) in order to play their sport .
But the NCAA has largely left enforcement of any of these suggested policies to conferences and individual schools , with predictably mixed results .
While some schools are testing players multiple times a week , others are only testing players who exhibit symptoms .
And despite NCAA guidance , some schools are allegedly demanding players sign liability waivers in order to play .
As one parent of a player @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ It just seems like everyone ’ s freelancing .
The NCAA has rules and guidelines for everything under the sun .
... How are they not making any rules for this ?
” When I spoke to Nicole Auerbach , a college football writer for the Athletic , she told me that because college sports aren ’ t creating a “ bubble ” environment in which athletes are tested daily and isolated from others , “ there were always going to be serious concerns about how much schools/leagues can do.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns from players about their fellow students returning , too.
” That can even include athletes in other sports .
For example , classes haven ’ t even begun at the University of Louisville , but an August 1 party attended by members of the men ’ s and women ’ s soccer programs , the volleyball team , and the field hockey team led to 29 Covid-19 cases and a temporary shutdown of workouts and practices .
And those are athletes being regularly tested for the coronavirus — regular students at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , both of which will be holding at least some in-person classes , won ’ t be .
Several high-level college football players have contracted the coronavirus , and they ’ ve shared what the experience was like on social media .
LSU senior linebacker Travez Moore tweeted that he lost 27 pounds as a result of the virus , and was still having trouble eating because he had lost his sense of taste .
University of Houston junior defensive lineman Sedrick Williams posted on Facebook that after contracting the coronavirus over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ his ] heart ” and would be opting out of playing during the 2020 season .
Auburn defensive back Traivon Leonard made a similar announcement on Instagram .
Those experiences have led other high-level players to decide to opt out of the season , like Minnesota wide receiver Rashod Bateman , expected to be a top pick in next year ’ s NFL draft .
“ Unfortunately , in light of the uncertainty around health and safety in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic , I have to set my wishes aside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community and beyond , ” he said in a video posted on Twitter .
Auerbach said , “ There ’ s no way to ensure anything ; the best [ schools ] can do is mitigate risk and mitigate spread the best they can .
For a lot of athletes , as we ’ re getting closer to the actual start of the season , we ’ re seeing them realize that ’ s not enough.
” And that ’ s not to mention programs that may be urging players to not report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time .
At Colorado State University , for example , players and staff have alleged that the athletic department is doctoring contact tracing reports and asking players not to tell trainers if they have exhibited symptoms .
One player who spoke on condition of anonymity told the Fort Collins Coloradoan , “ I believe there is a cover-up going on at CSU , but they could only cover it up so long and now that we have so many cases across athletics , they can ’ t cover it up anymore .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety of the players but about just trying to make money off the players.
’ ’ CSU did not respond to a request for comment .
It ’ s the money behind college football — billions of dollars in revenue poured into universities , sponsors , and individual coaches — that has widened the gap not just between big programs and small programs , but between coaches who make millions of dollars and players who are expected to maintain the “ amateur ” ideal the NCAA purports to uphold .
After all , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the way several professional sports leagues have effectively done .
College football administrators could , for example , construct a “ bubble ” for players , like the NFL and NBA , to isolate them from their classmates and allow them to play without risking contracting the coronavirus .
But that would mean finally seeing the large , markedly quiet elephant in the room : that college football is a sport played by a highly professionalized workforce , one that could be unionized ( though that might prove challenging legally ) , able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when , and where they play , and perhaps even receive compensation for their work .
As the Ringer ’ s Rodger Sherman wrote Monday , the entire construct of college football is based on the idea that elite college football players are actually normal college students .
He wrote , “ The NCAA doesn ’ t even allow schools to build residence halls for athletes without those also housing at least 51 percent general population students so as not to provide ‘ special treatment.
’ ” But the imaginary ideal of amateurism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organizing around .
To be clear , it ’ s not just the coronavirus : Just like the rest of the country , college football players ( who , in Division I , are predominantly black ) are also responding to racism on and off campus .
But the growth of a players movement in college football , one more willing to speak out and demand change than perhaps ever before , was accelerated by the coronavirus crisis that has put the very sport — and billions of dollars — at risk .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have ] heard how important it is to have a college football season this fall , how much money is at stake .
They ’ ve seen the dollar figures , ” Auerbach said .
“ Well , those dollar figures mean leverage , and they ’ ve never had more of it than they do now.
” Over the summer , a group of Pac-12 college football players joined forces on group texts and Zoom calls to put together a list of demands , asking the Pac-12 Conference to ensure safer playing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to racial inequality in the sport .
They were led by Cal offensive lineman Jake Curhan , who read a CBS Sports piece in which a computer scientist explained that he expected to see a 30 to 50 percent infection rate of the approximately 13,000 players playing college football this fall , with at least three deaths .
As Auerbach explained to me , Curhan began talking to teammates , who then started speaking with players at other Pac-12 schools , holding Zoom calls and creating a GroupMe group chat that now includes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Using the hashtag # WeAreUnited , players posted a list of those demands on the website the Player ’ s Tribune on August 2 : The players added that if their demands were not met , they would “ opt-out of Pac-12 fall camp and game participation ” due to concerns about Covid-19 and the virus ’ s potential risks .
Those players were followed by a group of Big Ten athletes , who posted their own proposal for the upcoming season in the Player ’ s Tribune on August 5 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ players — using the hashtag # BigTenUnited — did not include any asks regarding compensation , and emphasized that they were looking to work with the conference .
But they criticized the NCAA ’ s coronavirus approach in stark terms , writing , “ The NCAA — which is known for its zeal for regulations and enforcement — has had ample time to prepare for the safe return of its athletes to competition , yet it has done nothing .
Its laissez-faire approach is forcing each conference and each school to create its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , procedures and protocols.
” Auerbach told me that players uniting to speak out for better and safer playing conditions “ honestly feels incredibly overdue , ” given the longstanding power divide between players and their coaches in the sport .
And it ’ s worth noting that of some players who did not sign onto the # WeAreUnited letter , several did so not because they didn ’ t agree with the message , but because they needed to play in order to get to the NFL and support their families .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Twitter that he agreed with the movement but he had people he needed to support financially .
“ so if the NCAA wants to use me as a lab rat it is what it is.
” Bomani Jones , who wrote about the Pac-12 movement for the sports website the Undefeated , told me that the coronavirus pandemic and the reemergence of the Black Lives Matter movement coalesced into one big opportunity for athletic activism — “ all of these things are absolutely connected , ” he said .
And Jones , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ESPN , emphasized in his conversations with players that none of them had an “ ax to grind ” with coaches , and recognized that their coaches and staff cared about them .
But the players “ just don ’ t think this is safe , they don ’ t think [ this season ] is feasible , and they have more information than individual coaches or administrations.
” He noted that players were in constant communication with players at other Pac-12 universities , and were well aware that while Stanford , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protocols , other schools might not be .
Some college football players appeared to respond to the twin movements with some hesitancy , using the hashtag # WeWantToPlay to emphasize their desire to play this season regardless of the pandemic .
But what unified them was a desire to get their voices heard , and they joined forces to do so .
On Sunday night , players from each Power Five conference , including Pac-12 players , alongside Clemson quarterback Trevor Lawrence , Ohio State quarterback Justin Fields , and Michigan cornerback Hunter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ # BigTenUnited ) , got together on a Zoom call to unify on common demands and a common message , including the desire to ultimately create a college football players association .
With the help of Washington State defensive lineman Dallas Hobbs , they designed a graphic that players in every Power Five conference could share on social media .
In an interview with Yahoo Sports , Reynolds said one of the points of emphasis for the Zoom call was that players do , in fact , want to play football , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contracting the coronavirus .
“ There ’ s kind of been this sentiment that if a player spoke out about wanting better procedures , better safety standards , that he didn ’ t want to play , ” Reynolds said .
“ Or if a player opted out , that he or she didn ’ t want to play .
... As college athletes , we put hours , we put years into honing our craft in our sport .
We all do want to play .
We just want to play safely.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The college football season hangs in the balance , with a majority of Big Ten university presidents voting over the weekend to postpone or cancel the 2020 season .
That ’ s gotten a response from some politicians , like Sen. Kelly Loeffler ( R-GA ) , Rep. Jim Jordan ( R-OH ) , and Sen. Marco Rubio ( R-FL ) , who tweeted that this is all part of an effort to “ end the game , ” and that those urging universities to cancel the sport for the fall had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
College football is , after all , a big business , and universities — and politicians — recognize that the loss of a season would be a massive financial hit .
It would be a massive loss for players , too , in almost every possible way .
For thousands of college football players , football is a lifeline — as Clemson ’ s Lawrence tweeted over the weekend , “ Football is a safe haven for so many people .
We are more likely to get the virus in everyday life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also noted , in order to do so there have to be uniform policies protecting players and ensuring that they don ’ t lose their scholarships or risk their futures by either playing this season or deciding not to .
And interestingly , while Sens .
Loeffler and Rubio appear to support # WeWantToPlay , neither have noted that the players behind the hashtag want mandated universal safety protocols ( the types of which GOP politicians have stood against during the pandemic ) and a players association permitting players to organize on their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multibillion-dollar industry built on a fallacy — that college football players can be mere “ amateurs ” and typical college students while everyone around them profits from their labor , from touchdowns and sacks and hours and hours and hours of pain and long-lasting health effects .
But while the coronavirus has put the football season at risk , for some players it has given them a new opportunity : for activism and change , and , for the first time on the national level , perhaps a real voice in the process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
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The Big Ten and Pac-12 conferences have canceled all fall sports for 2020, including college football. So far, other major conferences’ football seasons (the SEC, for example) aren’t canceled — yet.
The decision came amid general scrutiny of the multibillion-dollar industry’s Covid-19 response, and unprecedented organizing among players for better safety standards. On Sunday, players from college football’s five major conferences — including Clemson quarterback Trevor Lawrence, one of the sport’s biggest names — put out a joint statement. They emphasized their desire to play this season, but with conditions that would make playing safer.
It was a historic step — players from across the elite tier of college football, working together to organize on behalf of student-athletes and their safety. It was also one that President Donald Trump seemed to support — without having read the players’ actual demands.
Monday afternoon, Trump retweeted Lawrence’s statement, adding, “The student-athletes have been working too hard for their season to be cancelled” (though he did not comment on the statement’s demands for universal safety protocols or for the creation of a players’ association). He then tweeted, “Play College Football!” and a video using the #WeWanttoPlay hashtag being used by some players and coaches.
The student-athletes have been working too hard for their season to be cancelled. #WeWantToPlay https://t.co/lI3CCKZ4ID — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 10, 2020
Then, in an interview with Fox Sports on Tuesday, Trump said that college football games should be played, incorrectly asserting that Covid-19 “just attacks old people, especially old people with bad hearts, diabetes, or some kind of physical problem.” He added, “These football players are very young strong people ... you’re not going to see people dying.”
Players have gotten seriously ill, however. And at least five big-time college football players have decided to forgo the season to prepare for the NFL draft, citing concerns about coronavirus transmission. Multiple schools have experienced breakouts of the virus that necessitated two-week suspensions of workouts, just days before the season is expected to — maybe — begin in early September. One Division I university, the University of Connecticut, was the first to cancel its 2020 college football season, joined by the University of Massachusetts on Tuesday.
And in the biggest domino to fall so far, the Big Ten Conference announced Tuesday that it would be postponing all fall sports for the 2020 season, with the (remote) possibility of play resuming in those sports in the spring. In a statement, Big Ten Commissioner Kevin Warren said, “As time progressed and after hours of discussion with our Big Ten Task Force for Emerging Infectious Diseases and the Big Ten Sports Medicine Committee, it became abundantly clear that there was too much uncertainty regarding potential medical risks to allow our student-athletes to compete this fall.”
Other conferences could follow. As Yahoo Sports reporter Pete Thamel put it last week, “The downward spiral for college football shutting down in 2020 has begun.”
That’s a big, big problem for college football programs that have become the financial backbone of university athletic departments. For example, Oregon State University’s football team generates 80 percent of the athletic department’s revenue. And the fallout could go far beyond individual universities — the Big Ten, for instance, has a media rights deal with CBS, ESPN, and Fox worth an estimated $2.64 billion. The Pac-12 has gone so far as to pursue a massive loan, promising roughly $84 million to each member school to make up for lost revenue in case the season is canceled.
But one entity critical to college football is highly unlikely to receive a bailout: the players themselves, several of which have contracted Covid-19 and suffered serious physical consequences. In response, players in two conferences (the Pac-12 and the Big Ten) have formed unity groups, asking for better Covid-19 testing and protection. In the case of #WeAreUnited, the Pac-12 group, they also stated a willingness to boycott workouts and games unless their demands are met.
The entire apparatus of one of the country’s most popular sports depends on college students who are not compensated for their work, college students who find themselves at risk of long-term injury and now a potentially deadly virus while their coaches and administrators make millions. But in the wake of a coronavirus shake-up, players across the country are starting to stand up and say: not so fast.
“At the high end of college athletics, it’s hard to overstate how big a business it is”
There are multiple levels of college football, and each has different power dynamics internally between players and the school, and externally with fans and corporations. But the so-called “Power Five” — a group of five major Division I conferences whose schools can compete for entry into the College Football Playoff, made up of big-name conferences like the Southeastern Conference (SEC) and the Big Ten, and individual powerhouses like Notre Dame — is the elite tier.
And schools within the Power Five conferences generate a gargantuan amount of money from football, which they then use to support so-called “non-revenue” sports like track and field or rowing, that make far less money from ticket sales. How much money? From 2017 to 2018, the University of Oklahoma football program generated $102.3 million, and the University of Georgia a hefty $129 million, leaving the department with $84.1 million in revenue after operating expenses were accounted for. While clearly not every program makes that kind of money, many college athletic departments are highly dependent on those funds. It’s also worth noting that university athletic departments are nonprofit organizations, so that revenue generated is not taxed.
That means the potential financial hit from a college football-free autumn — or even a season played without fans in stadiums — would be immense, for small and large schools alike.
Matt Brown, a college football writer who runs the independent newsletter Extra Points, told me that the money college football generates goes far beyond ticket sales (which for smaller universities, like the University of Memphis, can bring in as much as $4.5 million, and for bigger schools, like Ohio State, as much as $60 million).
“They make money by charging 30 bucks to park your car, they make money selling you a $4 bottle of water, and six bucks for a hot dog,” he said. “A midlevel Power Five school could make close to 10 million dollars, if not more, just from tickets and game-day revenue over the course of a football season. The bigger the stadium, the more money is at risk.”
And for major powers, like the University of Alabama, Clemson University, or the University of Texas, Brown told me there’s far more at stake. “For big schools, there’s also tens of millions of dollars in potential broadcast revenue, that requires games to be played. There’s money tied up in apparel contracts, multimedia rights, alumni donations, sponsorships, and more.” For example, the University of Texas has a $250 million apparel deal with Nike, and in the 2019 fiscal year the football program alone generated nearly $50 million in contributions from alumni.
Brown told me that while many teams are cutting salaries and laying off athletic department staff, that likely won’t help if there is no college football season this year, and schools will likely have to cut some sports altogether. Some, like Stanford, already have, dropping 11 sports at the end of the 2020-’21 school year because, as the school’s press office put it, “Stanford Athletics cannot support 36 varsity sports at a championship level while also remaining financially sustainable.”
Brown reiterated that the drive to have a college football season of some kind was led in part by how critical college football — and the money it brings in — is, not just to athletic departments but to universities and entire communities. The population of Ann Arbor, home of the University of Michigan, doubles every single football Saturday as more than 110,000 attend football games (I went to Michigan, and many of my most foolish purchases have been tied to the school’s football program). Football isn’t a part of the brand of many high-level universities involved in college football — it is their brand.
“At the high end of college athletics, it’s hard to overstate how big a business it is, and how important athletics is to the brand and business operation of the actual university,” Brown told me. “Ohio State University might have a billion-dollar budget and do a ton of stuff that has nothing to do with football, but for the state lawmakers, and the general public, the biggest way they interface with this school isn’t their agriculture extension campus, or the cool art museum on campus. It’s football.”
But college football isn’t played by professional athletes. It’s played by college students, or “student-athletes,” as the NCAA refers to them.
Student and athlete — a day in the life. pic.twitter.com/KBLa1gBLnq — NCAA (@NCAA) March 17, 2019
And while professional athletes in the NBA and WNBA have been ensconced in “bubbles” intended to isolate them and protect them from Covid-19 as the season restart has begun — so far, successfully — college football players have not.
“I have to set my wishes aside for the wellness of my family, community and beyond”
The NCAA has issued some guidance to member conferences and universities regarding Covid-19 and student-athletes. The governing body of college sports has said schools should allow athletes to opt out of participating in sports over Covid-19 concerns without losing their scholarships, and schools can’t ask athletes to waive their legal rights (as in, refuse to sue their schools) in order to play their sport.
But the NCAA has largely left enforcement of any of these suggested policies to conferences and individual schools, with predictably mixed results. While some schools are testing players multiple times a week, others are only testing players who exhibit symptoms. And despite NCAA guidance, some schools are allegedly demanding players sign liability waivers in order to play. As one parent of a player at Notre Dame told the Washington Post, “It just seems like everyone’s freelancing. The NCAA has rules and guidelines for everything under the sun. ... How are they not making any rules for this?”
Nicole Auerbach, a college football writer for the Athletic, told me that because college sports aren’t creating a “bubble” environment in which athletes are tested daily and isolated from others, “there were always going to be serious concerns about how much schools/leagues can do.”
She added, “There are real concerns from players about their fellow students returning, too.” That can even include athletes in other sports. For example, classes haven’t even begun at the University of Louisville, but an August 1 party attended by members of the men’s and women’s soccer programs, the volleyball team, and the field hockey team led to 29 Covid-19 cases and a temporary shutdown of workouts and practices. And those are athletes being regularly tested for the coronavirus — regular students at the University of Oregon or Michigan State University, both of which will be holding at least some in-person classes, won’t be.
Several high-level college football players have contracted the coronavirus, and they’ve shared what the experience was like on social media — and contrary to President Trump, the aftereffects of the virus have been extremely serious. LSU senior linebacker Travez Moore tweeted that he lost 27 pounds as a result of the virus, and was still having trouble eating because he had lost his sense of taste.
Bro coronavirus is real .. i was 256 now I’m 229 because i lost my appetite and it’s hard to eat plus you can barley breath. You can’t smell food you can’t taste food or taste any liquids.. stay y’all ass in the house https://t.co/GU66rkau0v — vezz (@moore_travez) August 4, 2020
University of Houston junior defensive lineman Sedrick Williams posted on Facebook that after contracting the coronavirus over the summer, he had “complications with [his] heart” and would be opting out of playing during the 2020 season. Auburn defensive back Traivon Leonard made a similar announcement on Instagram.
Auburn DB Traivon Leonard says on Instagram that he is also opting out of the 2020 season.
The senior says he contracted COVID-19 two weeks ago and has “an underlying condition that will not allow me to participate at the best of my ability throughout the season.” pic.twitter.com/EJMHD6xm3u — Justin Ferguson (@JFergusonAU) August 7, 2020
Those experiences have led other high-level players to decide to opt out of the season, like Minnesota wide receiver Rashod Bateman, expected to be a top pick in next year’s NFL draft. “Unfortunately, in light of the uncertainty around health and safety in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, I have to set my wishes aside for the wellness of my family, community and beyond,” he said in a video posted on Twitter.
Auerbach said, “There’s no way to ensure anything; the best [schools] can do is mitigate risk and mitigate spread the best they can. For a lot of athletes, as we’re getting closer to the actual start of the season, we’re seeing them realize that’s not enough.” And that’s not to mention programs that may be urging players to not report coronavirus symptoms or risk losing valuable playing time.
At Colorado State University, for example, players and staff have alleged that the athletic department is doctoring contact tracing reports and asking players not to tell trainers if they have exhibited symptoms. One player who spoke on condition of anonymity told the Fort Collins Coloradoan, “I believe there is a cover-up going on at CSU, but they could only cover it up so long and now that we have so many cases across athletics, they can’t cover it up anymore. It’s not about the health and safety of the players but about just trying to make money off the players.’’ In response to a request for comment, CSU associate athletic director Kyle Neaves directed me to previous statements and said that the university “does not intend to comment further” until an investigation was completed.
It’s the money behind college football — billions of dollars in revenue poured into universities, sponsors, and individual coaches — that has widened the gap not just between big programs and small programs, but between coaches who make millions of dollars and players who are expected to maintain the “amateur” ideal the NCAA purports to uphold.
After all, the sport could protect players in much the way several professional sports leagues have effectively done. College football administrators could, for example, construct a “bubble” for players, like the NFL and NBA, to isolate them from their classmates and allow them to play without risking contracting the coronavirus.
But that would mean finally seeing the large, markedly quiet elephant in the room: that college football is a sport played by a highly professionalized workforce, one that could be unionized (though that might prove challenging legally), able to negotiate the terms of how, when, and where they play, and perhaps even receive compensation for their work.
Reminder: Every CFB conference could build a bubble, but it would require admitting players are workers, and that would hurt the NCAA in court when it defends "amateurism." So instead, CFB's trying something that appears to be more dangerous and less likely to succeed https://t.co/QzcbTUtuOd — Alex Kirshner (@alex_kirshner) August 5, 2020
As the Ringer’s Rodger Sherman wrote Monday, the entire construct of college football is based on the idea that elite college football players are actually normal college students. He wrote, “The NCAA doesn’t even allow schools to build residence halls for athletes without those also housing at least 51 percent general population students so as not to provide ‘special treatment.’” But the imaginary ideal of amateurism is an elephant the players are increasingly organizing around.
To be clear, it’s not just the coronavirus: Just like the rest of the country, college football players (who, in Division I, are predominantly black) are also responding to racism on and off campus. But the growth of a players movement in college football, one more willing to speak out and demand change than perhaps ever before, was accelerated by the coronavirus crisis that has put the very sport — and billions of dollars — at risk.
“For four months, [players have] heard how important it is to have a college football season this fall, how much money is at stake. They’ve seen the dollar figures,” Auerbach said. “Well, those dollar figures mean leverage, and they’ve never had more of it than they do now.”
#WeAreUnited, #BigTenUnited, and #WeWantToPlay
Over the summer, a group of Pac-12 college football players joined forces on group texts and Zoom calls to put together a list of demands, asking the Pac-12 Conference to ensure safer playing conditions, economic equality, an end to racial inequality in the sport.
They were led by Cal offensive lineman Jake Curhan, who read a CBS Sports piece in which a computer scientist explained that he expected to see a 30 to 50 percent infection rate of the approximately 13,000 players playing college football this fall, with at least three deaths. As Auerbach explained to me, Curhan began talking to teammates, who then started speaking with players at other Pac-12 schools, holding Zoom calls and creating a GroupMe group chat that now includes more than 400 players from Pac-12 schools.
Using the hashtag #WeAreUnited, players posted a list of those demands on the website the Player’s Tribune on August 2:
Because NCAA sports exploit college athletes physically, economically and academically, and also disproportionately harm Black college athletes, #WeAreUnited. In rejecting the NCAA’s claim that #BlackLivesMatter while also systematically exploiting Black athletes nationwide, #WeAreUnited. Because we are being asked to play college sports in a pandemic in a system without enforced health and safety standards, and without transparency about COVID cases on our teams, the risks to ourselves, our families, and our communities, #WeAreUnited.
The players added that if their demands were not met, they would “opt-out of Pac-12 fall camp and game participation” due to concerns about Covid-19 and the virus’s potential risks.
Those players were followed by a group of Big Ten athletes, who posted their own proposal for the upcoming season in the Player’s Tribune on August 5. Unlike the Pac-12 group, Big 10 players — using the hashtag #BigTenUnited — did not include any asks regarding compensation, and emphasized that they were looking to work with the conference.
But they criticized the NCAA’s coronavirus approach in stark terms, writing, “The NCAA — which is known for its zeal for regulations and enforcement — has had ample time to prepare for the safe return of its athletes to competition, yet it has done nothing. Its laissez-faire approach is forcing each conference and each school to create its own plan, resulting in inconsistent policies, procedures and protocols.”
Auerbach told me that players uniting to speak out for better and safer playing conditions “honestly feels incredibly overdue,” given the longstanding power divide between players and their coaches in the sport. And it’s worth noting that of some players who did not sign onto the #WeAreUnited letter, several did so not because they didn’t agree with the message, but because they needed to play in order to get to the NFL and support their families.
Washington State defensive lineman Lamonte McDougle posted on Twitter that he agreed with the movement but he had people he needed to support financially. “so if the NCAA wants to use me as a lab rat it is what it is.”
I agree with everything this movement is fighting especially the health concerns but not playing this season isn’t an option for me I got ppl that need to eat. so if the NCAA wants to use me as a lab rat it is what it is. — Lamonte McDougle (@ninetheslime) August 2, 2020
Bomani Jones, who wrote about the Pac-12 movement for the sports website the Undefeated, told me that the coronavirus pandemic and the reemergence of the Black Lives Matter movement coalesced into one big opportunity for athletic activism — “all of these things are absolutely connected,” he said.
And Jones, also a sportswriter and radio host with ESPN, emphasized in his conversations with players that none of them had an “ax to grind” with coaches, and recognized that their coaches and staff cared about them. But the players “just don’t think this is safe, they don’t think [this season] is feasible, and they have more information than individual coaches or administrations.”
He noted that players were in constant communication with players at other Pac-12 universities, and were well aware that while Stanford, for example, might be following coronavirus safety protocols, other schools might not be.
Some college football players appeared to respond to the twin movements with some hesitancy, using the hashtag #WeWantToPlay to emphasize their desire to play this season regardless of the pandemic. But what unified them was a desire to get their voices heard, and they joined forces to do so. On Sunday night, players from each Power Five conference, including Pac-12 players, alongside Clemson quarterback Trevor Lawrence, Ohio State quarterback Justin Fields, and Michigan cornerback Hunter Reynolds (one of the leaders of #BigTenUnited), got together on a Zoom call to unify on common demands and a common message, including the desire to ultimately create a college football players association. With the help of Washington State defensive lineman Dallas Hobbs, they designed a graphic that players in every Power Five conference could share on social media.
In an interview with Yahoo Sports, Reynolds said one of the points of emphasis for the Zoom call was that players do, in fact, want to play football, but want to do so without fear of contracting the coronavirus.
“There’s kind of been this sentiment that if a player spoke out about wanting better procedures, better safety standards, that he didn’t want to play,” Reynolds said. “Or if a player opted out, that he or she didn’t want to play. ... As college athletes, we put hours, we put years into honing our craft in our sport. We all do want to play. We just want to play safely.”
They might not get a chance. The college football season hangs in the balance, with a majority of Big Ten university presidents voting over the weekend to postpone or cancel the 2020 season. That’s gotten a response from some politicians, like Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-GA), Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH), and Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL), who tweeted that this is all part of an effort to “end the game,” and that those urging universities to cancel the sport for the fall had “no interest” in another possibility. College football is, after all, a big business, and universities — and politicians — recognize that the loss of a season would be a massive financial hit.
Even before #COVID19 many of those pushing to cancel #CollegeFootball have spent years trying to kill youth & high school football as a way to end the game.
They have no interest in getting to yes. Or in an honest cost-benefit analysis of playing versus not playing. — Marco Rubio (@marcorubio) August 10, 2020
It would be a massive loss for players, too, in almost every possible way. For thousands of college football players, football is a lifeline — as Clemson’s Lawrence tweeted over the weekend, “Football is a safe haven for so many people. We are more likely to get the virus in everyday life than playing football.”
People are at just as much, if not more risk, if we don’t play. Players will all be sent home to their own communities where social distancing is highly unlikely and medical care and expenses will be placed on the families if they were to contract covid19 (1) — Trevor Lawrence (@Trevorlawrencee) August 9, 2020
But as Lawrence also noted, in order to do so there have to be uniform policies protecting players and ensuring that they don’t lose their scholarships or risk their futures by either playing this season or deciding not to. And interestingly, while Sens. Loeffler and Rubio appear to support #WeWantToPlay, neither have noted that the players behind the hashtag want mandated universal safety protocols (the types of which GOP politicians have stood against during the pandemic) and a players association permitting players to organize on their own behalf.
College football is a multibillion-dollar industry built on a fallacy — that college football players can be mere “amateurs” and typical college students while everyone around them profits from their labor, from touchdowns and sacks and hours and hours and hours of pain and long-lasting health effects. But while the coronavirus has put the football season at risk, for some players it has given them a new opportunity: for activism and change, and, for the first time on the national level, perhaps a real voice in the process.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-10--Lebanon’s entire government has resigned after a weekend of violent protests

Lebanon ’ s entire government , including its prime minister , has resigned amid public outrage over the explosion in Beirut last week that killed more than 200 people — throwing the country into even more chaos than it ’ s already in .
Lebanese citizens directly blame the government for allowing nearly 3,000 tons of an explosive substance to remain in a warehouse near the port for six years until a fire detonated it last week .
People are also angry at the current government for plunging the nation into a deep economic crisis .
The country saw violent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clashed with police , took over Lebanon ’ s Foreign Ministry building and other government agency headquarters , and displayed banners reading “ resign or hang.
” The outrage clearly had an impact .
By Monday morning , four Cabinet ministers and nine members of Parliament had resigned .
Rumors started to swirl that the nation ’ s government would soon fall , and hours later it did , with Lebanon ’ s health minister telling reporters following a Cabinet meeting that the entire Cabinet had resigned .
Prime Minister Hassan Diab formally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time .
Until a new government is formed , Lebanon will be led by a “ caretaker government , ” which can ’ t propose laws or executive measures .
The move has its pros and cons , experts say .
On one hand , having no leadership with a political mandate will make it harder to steer a national recovery from the blast , the collapsing economy , and the worsening coronavirus outbreak .
On the other , weakening a government with Hezbollah — a Shia Muslim party and militant group with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considers a terrorist organization — as a key player may help bring in much-needed foreign assistance and quell local unrest .
On Sunday , world leaders pledged nearly $ 300 million in aid for Lebanon during a virtual conference , but wouldn ’ t offer more funds until the Lebanese government has instituted significant reforms .
“ There is just a recognition that to attract international support and avoid a breakdown in domestic security , the reset button needs to be pressed , ” said Faysal Itani , a Lebanon expert at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington .
But that same reset button was pressed less than a year ago : Last October , Lebanon saw mass protests against government corruption and austerity measures , leading to the then-prime minister ’ s resignation .
Now , as Prime Minster Hassan Diab steps down along with other top officials , Lebanon will have to find its third political leader in under a year .
Whoever eventually takes the job will face an immense set of challenges , including handling simultaneous spiraling economic and public health crises and trying restore the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elite that has long failed them .
That ’ s much easier said than done .
The nation ’ s leaders mismanaged the economy for decades with a Ponzi-like scheme whisking away the hard-earned money of Lebanese people from banks to keep the government afloat , pay off public debts , and line the pockets of those in charge .
The troubled policy screeched to a halt after the country ’ s banks simply ran out of money last year — meaning Lebanese workers lost savings they ’ d stored in accounts and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And the big explosion that rocked Beirut last week , likely set off by 2,700 tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a port warehouse for six years , showed how Lebanon ’ s leadership didn ’ t bother to remove a dangerous substance despite plenty of time and ample warning .
Which means the new government , whenever it assumes power , has no time to waste to put the pieces of Lebanon back together .
“ There are many difficult decisions to be made , ” Itani told me .
“ Lebanon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ formation , ” though it ’ s unclear when or exactly how that will happen .
Few , however , expect much to change after the mass resignations .
Corruption runs deep among the nation ’ s elites , experts say , and the fact that those in charge during the blast have left government means they may escape culpability in the long run .
This moment , then , may just be a big bump in an otherwise predetermined course .
How Lebanon ’ s government squandered the public ’ s money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into this economic mess , you need to understand two things : 1 ) why Lebanon pegged its currency to the US dollar , and 2 ) how the government siphoned , and eventually lost , the money of Lebanese citizens from local banks .
Let ’ s start with the lira-dollar connection .
As Washington-based Lebanese American commentator Hussain Abdul-Hussain explained it to me , Lebanon ’ s big economic play after its 15-year civil war ended in 1990 was to attract investors and tourists , and bolster its services sector .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ big enough to have agricultural or industrial prowess , but it did have an educated population , skilled labor , and lovely sights for foreigners to visit .
Pegging Lebanon ’ s lira to the US dollar , which the government did in 1997 , was meant to show the world Lebanon was a safe investment — but it wasn ’ t .
Israel occupied southern Lebanon until 2000 , and Hezbollah proceeded to fight with Israel many times , most prominently engaging in a month-long war in 2006 .
That kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , thus hindering growth over the long term .
Yet through all of this , Lebanon ’ s Central Bank kept the same exchange rate : 1,507 lira to $ 1 .
Lebanon is heavily dependent on imports — for example , about 80 percent of the food in the country is brought in from elsewhere , per the United Nations ’ Food and Agriculture Organization .
Adhering to the fixed exchange rate kept those prices down , thereby making products cheaper for Lebanese people to buy .
That worked for a time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from expats and loans from countries like Saudi Arabia dried up , while government dysfunction and corruption depleted what resources Lebanon had left .
Private banks tried to fill Beirut ’ s coffers with loans , which came mostly from US dollars Lebanese workers put into their accounts ( people in Lebanon can pay for goods and services with either the lira or US dollars , and many carry both currencies in their wallets ) .
Most knew this was happening , but they were convinced not to withdraw their cash with promises @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rates up to 15 percent .
“ Hence , ” Abdul-Hussain said , “ the Ponzi scheme.
” Simply put , the government ’ s mismanagement saw it run out of funds , which in turn led private banks to lend it more dollars , which meant the bank ’ s customers saw their deposits run out .
Repeat that process over and over and over again , and it was always likely nothing would be left for the government to borrow .
That long-predicted outcome came true last September as banks saw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to government figures .
That , among other reasons , caused the lira ’ s exchange rate to spike , and the Central Bank was out of options ( read : other people ’ s money ) with which to bring it back down .
Now the local currency is pretty much worthless .
In the past month or so , the lira has lost about 60 percent of its value , and about 80 percent total since October .
That ’ s made purchasing necessities like food difficult as those prices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As an example , the cost of two pounds of meat is now equivalent to around $ 33 — a figure so high that Lebanon ’ s Army stopped purchasing meat for its soldiers .
Such an economic crisis is bad at any point .
But to have one rage well before a deadly blast decimates sections of the nation ’ s capital has put Lebanon in a really tight spot .
Only international support could help at this point , but Beirut struggled mightily to attract any .
For example , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders derail its economy for years , and in June the Central Bank saw about $ 49 billion disappear from its coffers — equivalent to about 91 percent of Lebanon ’ s 2019 economic output .
Between that and having Hezbollah basically in charge of the country ’ s government , there was simply little appetite at the IMF to send much-needed billions in assistance to Beirut .
Now with the government in a caretaker role — weakening Hezbollah in the process — it ’ s possible Lebanon will get the help it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to recover from the crises On Sunday , world leaders vowed to give $ 298 million in aid for Lebanon during a virtual conference .
French President Emmanuel Macron , who has taken on a global leadership role in helping Lebanon to bounce back , said during the gathering that “ Lebanon ’ s future was at stake.
” ( It ’ s worth noting that France controlled Lebanon from 1920 to 1945 , which explains Macron ’ s deep interest in the country and the Lebanese public ’ s general acceptance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t be conditional on what Lebanon ’ s government looks like or any reforms it would have to implement .
Further support , Macron noted , would be conditional .
Still , the initial monetary injection is a start , even though it falls short of the billions required .
In the meantime , that money could be put to use in four key areas identified by humanitarian groups .
About 80 percent of Lebanon ’ s imports came in through Beirut , and the port in Tripoli , which brought in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t scale up .
Some nourishment can come in via cargo planes , but that will increase the prices of the goods .
The country ’ s economic crisis has already made most food items expensive for the everyday Lebanese person to buy , so the need to alleviate mass hunger is immediate .
It doesn ’ t help that the explosion also took out all but a month ’ s worth of grain stores .
Beirut ’ s hospitals are already overrun with those wounded in the blast , while others sustained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safely treat patients .
People seeking professional medical attention , whether for explosion-related injuries or coronavirus symptoms , are being turned away in droves .
“ The situation is a disaster , ” Pamela Makhoul , a nurse at St. George Hospital in Beirut , told CBS News last Wednesday .
“ There ’ s nothing left.
” It ’ s why Bujar Hoxha , the Lebanon country director for the aid group CARE , told me last week that aid groups in the capital are working overtime to set up field hospitals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to treat patients .
About 300,000 people have been displaced and now live without basic accommodations .
Local groups are working to set up tents and other makeshift homes to keep the affected out of the elements and families together .
Lebanon was already in the midst of multiple crises : an economic one , a public health one amid the pandemic , and a political one .
The blast has compounded the hardship , and many will need help to cope with it all .
“ These people were already facing immense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to what they were feeling , ” said Hoxha .
“ I don ’ t know how much more they can take.
” As the future of Lebanese politics gets sorted out , then , humanitarian workers plead that support keep pouring in to fill the void .
“ It ’ s important to continue to support Lebanon and its civil society , ” said CARE ’ s Hoxha .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making @ @ @ @ @ @

Lebanon’s entire government, including its prime minister, has resigned amid public outrage over the explosion in Beirut last week that killed more than 200 people — throwing the country into even more chaos than it’s already in.
Lebanese citizens directly blame the government for allowing nearly 3,000 tons of an explosive substance to remain in a warehouse near the port for six years until a fire detonated it last week. People are also angry at the current government for plunging the nation into a deep economic crisis.
The country saw violent protests over the weekend in which demonstrators clashed with police, took over Lebanon’s Foreign Ministry building and other government agency headquarters, and displayed banners reading “resign or hang.”
The outrage clearly had an impact. By Monday morning, four Cabinet ministers and nine members of Parliament had resigned. Rumors started to swirl that the nation’s government would soon fall, and hours later it did, with Lebanon’s health minister telling reporters following a Cabinet meeting that the entire Cabinet had resigned. Prime Minister Hassan Diab formally announce his resignation at 7:30 pm local time.
Until a new government is formed, Lebanon will be led by a “caretaker government,” which can’t propose laws or executive measures.
The move has its pros and cons, experts say. On one hand, having no leadership with a political mandate will make it harder to steer a national recovery from the blast, the collapsing economy, and the worsening coronavirus outbreak. On the other, weakening a government with Hezbollah — a Shia Muslim party and militant group with close ties to Iran that the US considers a terrorist organization — as a key player may help bring in much-needed foreign assistance and quell local unrest.
On Sunday, world leaders pledged nearly $300 million in aid for Lebanon during a virtual conference, but wouldn’t offer more funds until the Lebanese government has instituted significant reforms.
“There is just a recognition that to attract international support and avoid a breakdown in domestic security, the reset button needs to be pressed,” said Faysal Itani, a Lebanon expert at the Center for Global Policy think tank in Washington.
But that same reset button was pressed less than a year ago: Last October, Lebanon saw mass protests against government corruption and austerity measures, leading to the then-prime minister’s resignation. Now, as Prime Minster Hassan Diab steps down along with other top officials, Lebanon will have to find its third political leader in under a year.
Whoever eventually takes the job will face an immense set of challenges, including handling simultaneous spiraling economic and public health crises and trying restore the public’s faith in a governmental elite that has long failed them. That’s much easier said than done.
The nation’s leaders mismanaged the economy for decades with a Ponzi-like scheme whisking away the hard-earned money of Lebanese people from banks to keep the government afloat, pay off public debts, and line the pockets of those in charge. The troubled policy screeched to a halt after the country’s banks simply ran out of money last year — meaning Lebanese workers lost savings they’d stored in accounts and expected to be available when needed.
And the big explosion that rocked Beirut last week, likely set off by 2,700 tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a port warehouse for six years, showed how Lebanon’s leadership didn’t bother to remove a dangerous substance despite plenty of time and ample warning.
Which means the new government, whenever it assumes power, has no time to waste to put the pieces of Lebanon back together. “There are many difficult decisions to be made,” Itani told me. “Lebanon should be hoping for a quick Cabinet formation,” though it’s unclear when or exactly how that will happen.
Few, however, expect much to change after the mass resignations. Corruption runs deep among the nation’s elites, experts say, and the fact that those in charge during the blast have left government means they may escape culpability in the long run. This moment, then, may just be a big bump in an otherwise predetermined course.
How Lebanon’s government squandered the public’s money and trust
To understand how Lebanon got into this economic mess, you need to understand two things: 1) why Lebanon pegged its currency to the US dollar, and 2) how the government siphoned, and eventually lost, the money of Lebanese citizens from local banks.
Let’s start with the lira-dollar connection. As Washington-based Lebanese American commentator Hussain Abdul-Hussain explained it to me, Lebanon’s big economic play after its 15-year civil war ended in 1990 was to attract investors and tourists, and bolster its services sector. After all, Lebanon wasn’t big enough to have agricultural or industrial prowess, but it did have an educated population, skilled labor, and lovely sights for foreigners to visit.
Pegging Lebanon’s lira to the US dollar, which the government did in 1997, was meant to show the world Lebanon was a safe investment — but it wasn’t. Israel occupied southern Lebanon until 2000, and Hezbollah proceeded to fight with Israel many times, most prominently engaging in a month-long war in 2006. That kind of instability scared off multinationals and other investors, thus hindering growth over the long term.
Yet through all of this, Lebanon’s Central Bank kept the same exchange rate: 1,507 lira to $1. Lebanon is heavily dependent on imports — for example, about 80 percent of the food in the country is brought in from elsewhere, per the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization. Adhering to the fixed exchange rate kept those prices down, thereby making products cheaper for Lebanese people to buy.
That worked for a time. But in recent years, remittances from expats and loans from countries like Saudi Arabia dried up, while government dysfunction and corruption depleted what resources Lebanon had left. Private banks tried to fill Beirut’s coffers with loans, which came mostly from US dollars Lebanese workers put into their accounts (people in Lebanon can pay for goods and services with either the lira or US dollars, and many carry both currencies in their wallets).
Most knew this was happening, but they were convinced not to withdraw their cash with promises of a great return thanks to interest rates up to 15 percent. “Hence,” Abdul-Hussain said, “the Ponzi scheme.”
Simply put, the government’s mismanagement saw it run out of funds, which in turn led private banks to lend it more dollars, which meant the bank’s customers saw their deposits run out. Repeat that process over and over and over again, and it was always likely nothing would be left for the government to borrow.
That long-predicted outcome came true last September as banks saw up to $100 billion disappear, according to government figures. That, among other reasons, caused the lira’s exchange rate to spike, and the Central Bank was out of options (read: other people’s money) with which to bring it back down.
Now the local currency is pretty much worthless. In the past month or so, the lira has lost about 60 percent of its value, and about 80 percent total since October. That’s made purchasing necessities like food difficult as those prices have gone up about 200 percent. As an example, the cost of two pounds of meat is now equivalent to around $33 — a figure so high that Lebanon’s Army stopped purchasing meat for its soldiers.
Such an economic crisis is bad at any point. But to have one rage well before a deadly blast decimates sections of the nation’s capital has put Lebanon in a really tight spot. Only international support could help at this point, but Beirut struggled mightily to attract any.
For example, the International Monetary Fund watched Lebanon’s leaders derail its economy for years, and in June the Central Bank saw about $49 billion disappear from its coffers — equivalent to about 91 percent of Lebanon’s 2019 economic output. Between that and having Hezbollah basically in charge of the country’s government, there was simply little appetite at the IMF to send much-needed billions in assistance to Beirut.
Now with the government in a caretaker role — weakening Hezbollah in the process — it’s possible Lebanon will get the help it so desperately needs.
What Lebanon requires to recover from the crises
On Sunday, world leaders vowed to give $298 million in aid for Lebanon during a virtual conference. French President Emmanuel Macron, who has taken on a global leadership role in helping Lebanon to bounce back, said during the gathering that “Lebanon’s future was at stake.” (It’s worth noting that France controlled Lebanon from 1920 to 1945, which explains Macron’s deep interest in the country and the Lebanese public’s general acceptance of the help.)
That money wouldn’t be conditional on what Lebanon’s government looks like or any reforms it would have to implement. Further support, Macron noted, would be conditional.
Still, the initial monetary injection is a start, even though it falls short of the billions required. In the meantime, that money could be put to use in four key areas identified by humanitarian groups.
Food
About 80 percent of Lebanon’s imports came in through Beirut, and the port in Tripoli, which brought in the other 20 percent, can’t scale up. Some nourishment can come in via cargo planes, but that will increase the prices of the goods. The country’s economic crisis has already made most food items expensive for the everyday Lebanese person to buy, so the need to alleviate mass hunger is immediate.
It doesn’t help that the explosion also took out all but a month’s worth of grain stores.
Tripoli's port authority trying to allay fears of a food crisis in #Lebanon after the country's grain silos were destroyed in #BeirutBlast, says shipment of 5500 tons of wheat coming in from Ukraine today.https://t.co/gw9vxJ7FEl — Leila Molana-Allen (@Leila_MA) August 6, 2020
Medical care
Beirut’s hospitals are already overrun with those wounded in the blast, while others sustained so much damage they can’t safely treat patients. People seeking professional medical attention, whether for explosion-related injuries or coronavirus symptoms, are being turned away in droves. “The situation is a disaster,” Pamela Makhoul, a nurse at St. George Hospital in Beirut, told CBS News last Wednesday. “There’s nothing left.”
It’s why Bujar Hoxha, the Lebanon country director for the aid group CARE, told me last week that aid groups in the capital are working overtime to set up field hospitals and bring in needed medicines and disinfectants to treat patients.
Shelter
About 300,000 people have been displaced and now live without basic accommodations. Local groups are working to set up tents and other makeshift homes to keep the affected out of the elements and families together.
Mental health support
Lebanon was already in the midst of multiple crises: an economic one, a public health one amid the pandemic, and a political one. The blast has compounded the hardship, and many will need help to cope with it all. “These people were already facing immense trauma, but this adds more fuel to what they were feeling,” said Hoxha. “I don’t know how much more they can take.”
What a catastrophe. Not a single person I know in Beirut and around wasn't affected somehow. Broken glass, destroyed rooms, narrow escapes and many many losses. This is so hard to process. — Karl Sharro ***** ***** ***** **** (@KarlreMarks) August 4, 2020
I can’t remember the last time I stayed awake all night like that, traumatized, alert, shaken, hurting. People I know are dead, injured. The devastation is indescribable. Beirut is broken. #BeirutBlast — Dalal Mawadدلال معوض (@dalalmawad) August 5, 2020
As the future of Lebanese politics gets sorted out, then, humanitarian workers plead that support keep pouring in to fill the void. “It’s important to continue to support Lebanon and its civil society,” said CARE’s Hoxha.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-10--The global coffee crisis is coming

The global coffee crisis is coming

Nearly 500 billion cups of coffee are consumed every year , making it easily one of the most popular goods @ @ @ @ @ ’ s cultivated in dozens of countries by nearly 25 million farmers who depend on @ @ @ @ @ .
But coffee is becoming harder to grow .
It ’ s a notoriously picky @ @ @ @ @ conditions to grow .
And as climate change warms the planet , the places that @ @ @ @ @ shrinking .
A recent study estimates that by 2050 , the amount of land that @ @ @ @ @ fallen by 50 percent .
But while there may be time to save the coffee @ @ @ @ @ already arrived for coffee farmers .
Deteriorating conditions and plummeting prices have made it difficult @ @ @ @ @ coffee , not to mention invest in measures to adapt to climate change .
This @ @ @ @ @ the coming coffee crisis and what coffee farmers need to survive it .
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Nearly 500 billion cups of coffee are consumed every year, making it easily one of the most popular goods in the world. It’s cultivated in dozens of countries by nearly 25 million farmers who depend on it to make a living.
But coffee is becoming harder to grow. It’s a notoriously picky plant that requires very specific conditions to grow. And as climate change warms the planet, the places that can sustain the plant are shrinking. A recent study estimates that by 2050, the amount of land that can sustain coffee will have fallen by 50 percent.
But while there may be time to save the coffee plant, the crisis has already arrived for coffee farmers. Deteriorating conditions and plummeting prices have made it difficult to make a living growing coffee, not to mention invest in measures to adapt to climate change.
This episode of Vox Atlas explains the coming coffee crisis and what coffee farmers need to survive it.
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vox--2020-08-10--A devastating indictment of the Republican Party from a GOP insider

For 30 years , Stuart Stevens was one of the most influential operatives in Republican politics .
He was Mitt Romney ’ s top strategist in 2012 , served in key roles on both of George W. Bush ’ s presidential campaigns , and worked on dozens of congressional and gubernatorial campaigns — building one of the best winning records in politics .
Then Stevens watched his party throw its support behind a man who stood against everything he believed in , or thought he believed in .
Most dissidents from Trumpism take a familiar line : They didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican Party left them .
But for Stevens , Trump forced a more fundamental rethinking : The problem , he believes , is not that the GOP became something it wasn ’ t ; it ’ s that many of those within it — including him — failed to see what it actually was .
In Stevens ’ s new book , It Was All a Lie , he delivers a searing indictment of the party he helped build , and his role in it .
This is a conversation about the Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and future .
Stevens and I discuss the differences between the Democratic and Republican coalitions , whether party elites could have prevented Trump ’ s rise , the power the GOP base holds , the relationship between tax cuts for the rich and white identity politics for the poor , where the party can and can ’ t go after Trump , the GOP operatives trying to put Kanye West on the 2020 ballot , how Stevens played the race card in his first campaigns , why Romney lost while Trump won , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our discussion by streaming it here , or by subscribing to The Ezra Klein Show wherever you get your podcasts .
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Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
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Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

For 30 years, Stuart Stevens was one of the most influential operatives in Republican politics. He was Mitt Romney’s top strategist in 2012, served in key roles on both of George W. Bush’s presidential campaigns, and worked on dozens of congressional and gubernatorial campaigns — building one of the best winning records in politics. Then Stevens watched his party throw its support behind a man who stood against everything he believed in, or thought he believed in.
Most dissidents from Trumpism take a familiar line: They didn’t leave the Republican Party, the Republican Party left them. But for Stevens, Trump forced a more fundamental rethinking: The problem, he believes, is not that the GOP became something it wasn’t; it’s that many of those within it — including him — failed to see what it actually was. In Stevens’s new book, It Was All a Lie, he delivers a searing indictment of the party he helped build, and his role in it.
This is a conversation about the Republican Party’s past, present, and future. Stevens and I discuss the differences between the Democratic and Republican coalitions, whether party elites could have prevented Trump’s rise, the power the GOP base holds, the relationship between tax cuts for the rich and white identity politics for the poor, where the party can and can’t go after Trump, the GOP operatives trying to put Kanye West on the 2020 ballot, how Stevens played the race card in his first campaigns, why Romney lost while Trump won, and more.
You can listen to our discussion by streaming it here, or by subscribing to The Ezra Klein Show wherever you get your podcasts.
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