vox--2020-08-14--Kamala Harris’s foreign policy, explained

When it comes to foreign policy , Sen. Kamala Harris is very much the “ simpatico ” running mate Joe Biden was looking for .
Based on her Senate record , answers to questionnaires when she was a presidential candidate , debate remarks , and interviews with those who know her , many of Harris ’ s foreign policy views fall right in line with Biden ’ s .
She views America ’ s alliances and partnerships as crucial to solving global problems such as the coronavirus pandemic and climate change .
She would prioritize diplomacy , human rights , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rule of law — meaning that , among other things , she would push China to stop persecuting Uighur Muslims and cracking down on free speech in Hong Kong .
And she ’ d focus on rebuilding economic strength and easing social tensions in the US so that the country could present a stronger , more united front abroad .
Harris , then , would staunchly bolster Biden ’ s global vision while in the White House .
“ In general , she is an internationalist , ” said Halie Soifer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate from January 2017 to May 2018 .
“ She would be a champion for rebuilding those alliances , partnerships , and America ’ s credibility in the world.
” The question some have is whether Harris would aim to exert as much power over foreign policy as previous vice presidents , such as Dick Cheney — or Biden himself .
Most people I spoke to don ’ t believe so .
“ I don ’ t see her as much of a foreign policy leader , ” Justin Logan , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of America , told me .
“ She obviously has very limited experience in the field , ” Emma Ashford , a research fellow in defense and foreign policy at the CATO Institute , said .
But she could still make a splash as Biden ’ s No .
2 : Harris is a critic of autocratic regimes , namely Russia and Saudi Arabia , and would certainly continue her rebukes .
She remains a firm backer of Israel , to the chagrin of many progressive activists , and may reject calls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country .
As a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee , Harris gained an appreciation for defending against foreign election interference and the dangers of cyberspace .
Yet she ’ s been open about wanting to cut defense spending — usually an unpopular stance in US politics , and one that President Donald Trump has already seized upon as a means of attacking her .
“ She wants to slash funds for our military at a level that nobody has — can even believe , ” Trump said during a press conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration would undoubtedly be led primarily by Biden himself , yet Harris still has the potential to be an impactful vice president on the world stage .
“ Democrats certainly have confidence in Harris ’ s abilities to give her more space on foreign policy issues , ” said Zachary Hosford , who worked with the senator ’ s office on global issues as an adviser to Sen. Edward Markey ( D-MA ) .
“ I certainly would have confidence in her abilities there.
” Biden has spent decades working on foreign policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be loath to relinquish control of that area to Harris .
Indeed , that she ’ s not known for her global vision may be one reason he chose her as his running mate .
“ I ’ d say that Joe Biden didn ’ t pick her for foreign policy credentials .
He already has that angle covered , ” said CATO ’ s Ashford .
“ She ’ s as likely to be steered by his foreign policy views as the other way around.
” That may be true , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic ticket share remarkably similar foreign policy views .
Here are the three main ones .
Since the end of World War II , Democrats and Republicans have pursued largely similar approaches to US foreign policy .
Presidents from both parties have used America ’ s power to underwrite and maintain what ’ s called the “ liberal international order , ” which basically means the set of economic and political rules and values that help the world function .
The US never did this out of the goodness of its heart .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ meant to provide America with markets to sell goods to and countries with which to build alliances against adversaries .
It was never a perfect system , and the US made many , many errors along the way .
But overall , that grand strategy helped the US maintain its position as the world ’ s preeminent power .
That , in a nutshell , is the world Biden and Harris want to restore and protect .
“ For the past seven decades , the choices we have made — particularly the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have steered our world down a clear path , ” Biden said in a speech at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in January 2017 , just two days before leaving office as vice president .
“ In recent years it has become evident that the consensus upholding this system is facing increasing pressures , from within and from without .
It ’ s imperative that we act urgently to defend the liberal international order.
” Compare that with an answer Harris gave to the Council on Foreign Relations while she was running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign policy accomplishment has been the post-war community of international institutions , laws , and democratic nations we helped to build.
” Harris believes America keeping its commitments to allies helps bolster the nation ’ s power .
“ Part of the strength of who we are as a nation — and therefore , an extension of our ability to be secure — is not only that we have a vibrant military , but that when we walk in any room around the globe , we are respected because we keep to our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak truth , and we are loyal , ” Harris said during a Democratic presidential debate in November 2019 .
Those views are key to understanding how Harris sees the world , those who know her told me .
“ She understands the importance of partnerships and alliances when it comes to our national security , ” Rebecca Bill Chavez , a top member of Harris ’ s presidential campaign foreign policy team , said .
Those close to Biden told me he ’ ll make human rights an important aspect of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reprimanding Saudi Arabia for the murder of dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi or pushing China to end the internment of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang , Biden plans to spend ample time on those and similar issues .
Harris would be fully on board with that agenda , people who worked with her said .
“ The issue of human rights is incredibly important to her , ” said Soifer , the senator ’ s former national security adviser .
She ’ s already made defending human rights a significant part of her work in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harris voted to block arms sales to Riyadh to punish Saudi Arabia for Khashoggi ’ s murder as well as for the war it leads in Yemen , which has seen thousands killed and millions displaced .
Harris also voted to end US support for that war earlier the same year — a war Biden has also vowed to pull America out of .
In the Council on Foreign Relations questionnaire , she also floated the idea of downgrading US-Saudi ties .
“ [ W ] e need to fundamentally reevaluate our relationship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stand up for American values and interests , ” Harris answered , though she acknowledged that there are areas — such as counterterrorism — on which the two nations could still cooperate .
Harris has also been very outspoken about China ’ s human rights abuses .
She and 55 other senators co-sponsored the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019 , which would end the special relationship between the US and the city Beijing aims to take over completely .
And she joined 65 of her colleagues as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act of 2020 , which President Donald Trump signed into law in June .
The law imposes sanctions on foreign individuals and entities involved in abuses in Xinjiang ; it also requires the president to “ periodically report to Congress a list identifying foreign individuals and entities responsible for such human rights abuses.
” Whether Harris maintains her staunch human rights defense while making complicated foreign policy deals with tough global leaders will be one of the more challenging dynamics of her time in office .
Biden has promised that , as president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Paris climate agreement from which Trump withdrew .
During her presidential campaign , Harris pledged the same .
She also said she ’ d make climate change a central focus of America ’ s relationships abroad .
“ Governments around the world should be bringing dangerous coal-fired power plants offline , not bringing new plants online , and underscoring that necessity should be front and center in every one of our bilateral relationships , ” she told the Council on Foreign Relations .
“ We should also play a leadership role in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to end subsidies for dirty fuel.
” As a senator from California — a heavily Democratic state that has experienced extreme wildfires and flooded rivers , among other effects connected to climate change — it ’ s no surprise that Harris has made this a big priority .
In her 2019 book The Truths We Hold : An American Journey , she spent considerable time detailing the risks climate change poses to the world : Put together , Harris will be in lockstep with Biden on some of his major foreign policy stances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in office to focus on some additional areas of particular interest to her — and potentially garner both positive and negative attention for doing so .
Where Harris might make a foreign policy name for herself Many experts say Harris could carve out a role for herself — somewhat independent of Biden , but still with his blessing — on three key foreign policy areas .
As a freshman senator , Harris got the rare opportunity to serve on the Senate Intelligence Committee , where she delved deeply into the myriad national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee members “ are privy to some of the most clear threats the US has , ” a person familiar with her views told me , speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak on behalf of the Biden campaign .
One of the main threats Harris focused was Russian election interference , the former aide said .
It ’ s something she speaks about often .
“ When they influenced our elections , they diminished in some ways the integrity of our election system , and therefore their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Lesbians Who Tech & Allies virtual Pride Summit in June .
“ And they did it through technology.
” Mandating paper ballots on Election Day , Harris has proposed , is one way to help strengthen the security of US elections .
California is home to Silicon Valley , and many of Harris ’ s most powerful constituents are intensely focused on securing their technologies against attacks from Russia , as well as from China , North Korea , and Iran .
She ’ s clearly soaked up a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ silent warfare , ” she wrote in her 2019 book .
“ I sometimes refer to it as a war without blood : There are no soldiers in the field , no bullets and bombs .
But the reality is cyber warfare aims to weaponize infrastructure and , at its worst , could result in casualties.
” As a younger , more tech-savvy politician than Biden , it ’ s possible Harris could take a bigger role in safeguarding America ’ s electoral system and US-made technologies .
Back in June , Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the national defense budget — which is currently over $ 700 billion — to pay for other priorities , including health care , education , and investment in new jobs .
It was a controversial amendment to a defense bill that failed multiple times in Congress , and Harris voted against the measure .
Yet she made clear she backed the general thinking behind it .
“ I unequivocally agree with the goal of reducing the defense budget and redirecting funding to communities in need , but it must be done strategically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on her decision to oppose the amendment .
“ I remain supportive of the effort , and am hopeful that with the benefit of additional time , future efforts will more specifically address these complicated issues and earn my enthusiastic support.
” Harris ’ s hesitance to vote for such a large cut makes sense : California has the largest population of military members and their families in the US — a fact she explicitly noted in her statement — and such a constituency certainly cares about the size of the US defense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against another increase to the budget in July , and has long said some of the money the military usually gets could go to diplomats and investments in other parts of the federal budget , such as technological innovation , education , and environmental protection .
Cutting the defense budget will certainly meet stiff resistance from most Republicans and some Democrats , should Biden and Harris both agree it ’ s a good idea ( those close to Biden told me he ’ d likely push to cut the defense budget ) .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in the Senate to lobby allies to vote for a cut , which would place her squarely in the center of a major initiative of the Biden administration .
Progressive Democrats in recent years have called for a reevaluation of America ’ s decades-long close relationship with Israel , concerned about the rightward shift in Israeli politics under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government ’ s policies toward the Palestinians .
Many progressives weren ’ t happy to see Biden become the likely nominee — and they ’ re not likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his running mate .
Simply put , she ’ s been unequivocal about standing by Israel .
Her first foreign policy vote in January 2017 was to criticize the UN for condemning the country on its settlements in Palestinian territories .
Later that year , she spoke at the annual conference of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee ( AIPAC ) , a US lobbying group that advocates for a strong US-Israel relationship .
“ I believe the bonds between the United States and Israel are unbreakable .
And we can never let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” she said .
“ [ The ] first resolution I cosponsored as a United States senator was to combat anti-Israel bias at the United Nations and reaffirm that the United States seeks a just , secure , and sustainable two-state solution , ” she told the crowd , though she didn ’ t highlight that many other Democrats also signed on to the bipartisan resolution .
In 2018 , she attended the conference again , this time giving an off-the-record address that was recorded and shared on social media by several attendees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a surprising revelation : “ As a child , I never sold Girl Scout cookies , I went around with a JNFUSA box collecting funds to plant trees in Israel.
” JNFUSA stands for the Jewish National Fund-USA , the US branch of a nonprofit organization founded in 1901 with the express mission of purchasing land in Ottoman-controlled Palestine to be used to form a future Jewish state .
The organization played a major role in pushing Palestinians out of their lands to make way for the state of Israel .
To raise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world over collected coins in iconic JNF Blue Boxes , purchasing land and planting trees until ultimately , their dream of a Jewish homeland was a reality , ” the JNF notes on its website .
In more recent times , the JNF has courted controversy over allegations that it funds development projects in Jewish settlements in the Israeli-occupied West Bank — settlements that are illegal under international law and that have been opposed by both Democratic and Republican US administrations .
And while she skipped the 2019 conference , as many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hosted California AIPAC members in her Senate office that March to discuss , among other things , “ the need for a strong U.S.-Israel alliance ” and “ the right of Israel to defend itself.
” Soifer , the former national security adviser who is now the executive director of the Jewish Democratic Council of America , told me that Harris ’ s views on Israel “ go beyond just the security relationship , of which she ’ s very supportive.
” She pointed me to Harris ’ s November 2017 trip to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and watched Harris try to improve ties between California and Israel ’ s technology sectors .
What most struck Harris , Soifer said , was how Israeli companies had made strides in conserving water , an issue California has struggled with and that the senator is deeply interested in .
In her 2019 book , Harris wrote about a subsequent trip she took to Israel to delve deeper into water conservation issues : Harris received a lot of criticism for her 2017 Israel trip , mainly because she met with Netanyahu .
Soifer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether Harris liked him or not , Netanyahu was the elected leader of the country .
“ They had a good meeting , a lengthy meeting , ” she told me , noting Harris pushed Netanyahu not to unilaterally annex any territory .
Soifer said that trip , and Harris ’ s decision to meet with Netanyahu despite the criticism , is a testament to the senator ’ s fearlessness on the world stage .
“ She ’ s truly a leader and does what she thinks is right and is not persuaded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she told me .
Still , Harris will have to walk a fine line between maintaining the US-Israel relationship and keeping certain Democratic activists happy by pushing back on Netanyahu ’ s anti-Palestinian policies .
Of course , Harris has many more foreign policy stances .
Like Biden , she aims to end the war in Afghanistan , reenter the Iran nuclear deal as long as Tehran is in compliance with it , keep North Korea from advancing its nuclear arsenal , allow more refugees in from places like Venezuela , and much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major agreements with Biden — and the other areas where Harris might gain attention , both good and bad — where her foreign policy views most matter .
She may not be a very powerful vice president when it comes to global affairs , but she ’ ll likely make her views heard , one way or the other .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

When it comes to foreign policy, Sen. Kamala Harris is very much the “simpatico” running mate Joe Biden was looking for.
Based on her Senate record, answers to questionnaires when she was a presidential candidate, debate remarks, and interviews with those who know her, many of her foreign policy views fall right in line with Biden’s.
Harris views America’s alliances and partnerships as crucial to solving global problems such as the coronavirus pandemic and climate change. She would prioritize diplomacy, human rights, and the promotion of democratic values like the rule of law — meaning that, among other things, she would push China to stop persecuting Uighur Muslims and cracking down on free speech in Hong Kong. And she’d focus on rebuilding economic strength and easing social tensions in the US so that the country could present a stronger, more united front abroad.
Harris, then, would staunchly bolster Biden’s global vision while in the White House. “In general, she is an internationalist,” said Halie Soifer, Harris’s national security adviser in the Senate from January 2017 to May 2018. “She would be a champion for rebuilding those alliances, partnerships, and America’s credibility in the world.”
The question some have is whether Harris would aim to exert as much power over foreign policy as previous vice presidents, such as Dick Cheney — or Biden himself. Most people I spoke to don’t believe so. “I don’t see her as much of a foreign policy leader,” Justin Logan, a US foreign policy expert at the Catholic University of America, told me.
“She obviously has very limited experience in the field,” Emma Ashford, a research fellow in defense and foreign policy at the CATO Institute, said.
But she could still make a splash as Biden’s No. 2: Harris is a critic of autocratic regimes, namely Russia and Saudi Arabia, and would certainly continue her rebukes. She remains a firm backer of Israel, to the chagrin of many progressive activists, and may reject calls to weaken America’s relationship with the country.
As a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Harris gained an appreciation for defending against foreign election interference and the dangers of cyberspace. Yet she’s been open about wanting to cut defense spending — usually an unpopular stance in US politics, and one that President Donald Trump has already seized on as a means of attacking her.
“She wants to slash funds for our military at a level that nobody has — can even believe,” Trump said during a press conference Tuesday.
Foreign policy in a Biden administration would undoubtedly be led primarily by Biden himself, yet Harris still has the potential to be an impactful vice president on the world stage.
“Democrats certainly have confidence in Harris’s abilities to give her more space on foreign policy issues,” said Zachary Hosford, who worked with the senator’s office on global issues as an adviser to Sen. Edward Markey (D-MA). “I certainly would have confidence in her abilities there.”
Biden and Harris have similar worldviews
Biden has spent decades working on foreign policy, and many believe he’d be loath to relinquish control of that area to Harris. Indeed, that she’s not known for her global vision may be one reason he chose her as his running mate.
“I’d say that Joe Biden didn’t pick her for foreign policy credentials. He already has that angle covered,” said CATO’s Ashford. “She’s as likely to be steered by his foreign policy views as the other way around.”
That may be true, but it helps that both candidates on the Democratic ticket share remarkably similar foreign policy views. Here are the three main ones.
Alliances
Since the end of World War II, Democrats and Republicans have pursued largely similar approaches to US foreign policy. Presidents from both parties have used America’s power to underwrite and maintain what’s called the “liberal international order,” which basically means the set of economic and political rules and values that help the world function.
The US never did this out of the goodness of its heart. Promoting free trade and liberal democracy was meant to provide America with markets to sell goods to and countries with which to build alliances against adversaries. It was never a perfect system, and the US made many, many errors along the way. But overall, that grand strategy helped the US maintain its position as the world’s preeminent power.
That, in a nutshell, is the world Biden and Harris want to restore and protect.
“For the past seven decades, the choices we have made — particularly the United States and our allies in Europe — have steered our world down a clear path,” Biden said in a speech at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in January 2017, just two days before leaving office as vice president. “In recent years it has become evident that the consensus upholding this system is facing increasing pressures, from within and from without. It’s imperative that we act urgently to defend the liberal international order.”
Compare that with an answer Harris gave to the Council on Foreign Relations while she was running for president: “The greatest US foreign policy accomplishment has been the post-war community of international institutions, laws, and democratic nations we helped to build.”
Harris believes America keeping its commitments to allies helps bolster the nation’s power. “Part of the strength of who we are as a nation — and therefore, an extension of our ability to be secure — is not only that we have a vibrant military, but that when we walk in any room around the globe, we are respected because we keep to our word, we are consistent, we speak truth, and we are loyal,” Harris said during a Democratic presidential debate in November 2019.
Those views are key to understanding how Harris sees the world, those who know her told me. “She understands the importance of partnerships and alliances when it comes to our national security,” Rebecca Bill Chavez, a top member of Harris’s presidential campaign foreign policy team, said.
Human rights
Those close to Biden told me he’ll make human rights an important aspect of his foreign policy. Whether it’s reprimanding Saudi Arabia for the murder of dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi or pushing China to end the internment of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang, Biden plans to spend ample time on those and similar issues.
Harris would be fully on board with that agenda, people who worked with her said. “The issue of human rights is incredibly important to her,” said Soifer, the senator’s former national security adviser.
She’s already made defending human rights a significant part of her work in the Senate.
In June 2019, Harris voted to block arms sales to Riyadh to punish Saudi Arabia for Khashoggi’s murder as well as for the war it leads in Yemen, which has seen thousands killed and millions displaced. Harris also voted to end US support for that war earlier the same year — a war Biden has also vowed to pull America out of.
Saudi Arabia must be held accountable for Jamal Khashoggi's murder and for its human rights abuses in Yemen. The last thing we should do is sell them billions in weapons.
That's why this week I voted to block the sale of weapons to Saudi Arabia. — Kamala Harris (@SenKamalaHarris) June 22, 2019
In the Council on Foreign Relations questionnaire, she also floated the idea of downgrading US-Saudi ties. “[W]e need to fundamentally reevaluate our relationship with Saudi Arabia, using our leverage to stand up for American values and interests,” Harris answered, though she acknowledged that there are areas — such as counterterrorism — on which the two nations could still cooperate.
Harris has also been very outspoken about China’s human rights abuses. She and 55 other senators co-sponsored the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019, which would end the special relationship between the US and the city Beijing aims to take over completely. And she joined 65 of her colleagues as a co-sponsor on the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act of 2020, which President Trump signed into law in June.
The law imposes sanctions on foreign individuals and entities involved in abuses in Xinjiang; it also requires the president to “periodically report to Congress a list identifying foreign individuals and entities responsible for such human rights abuses.”
It's clear that China has no intention of respecting Hong Kong's autonomy and fundamental right to exist as a democracy. The United States cannot stay silent while this egregious attack on democracy continues.
We must stand firm with the people of Hong Kong. https://t.co/fAfZQIudBX — Kamala Harris (@SenKamalaHarris) May 23, 2020
Whether Harris maintains her staunch human rights defense while making complicated foreign policy deals with tough global leaders will be one of the more challenging dynamics of her time in office.
Climate change
Biden has promised that, as president, he would have the US rejoin the Paris climate agreement from which Trump withdrew. During her presidential campaign, Harris pledged the same. She also said she’d make climate change a central focus of America’s relationships abroad.
“Governments around the world should be bringing dangerous coal-fired power plants offline, not bringing new plants online, and underscoring that necessity should be front and center in every one of our bilateral relationships,” she told the Council on Foreign Relations. “We should also play a leadership role in compelling international institutions to use their leverage to end subsidies for dirty fuel.”
As a senator from California — a heavily Democratic state that has experienced extreme wildfires and flooded rivers, among other effects connected to climate change — it’s no surprise that Harris has made this a big priority.
In her 2019 book The Truths We Hold: An American Journey, she spent considerable time detailing the risks climate change poses to the world:
[C]limate change will lead to droughts. Droughts will lead to famine. Famine will drive desperate people to leave their homes in search of sustenance. Massive flows of displaced people will lead to refugee crises. Refugee crisis will lead to tension and instability across borders. ... The hard truth is that climate change is going to cause terrible instability and desperation, and that will put American national security at risk.
More wildfires.
Stronger hurricanes.
Rising sea levels.
Flooded rivers.
Let’s be clear– climate change is here and we must act now. — Kamala Harris (@SenKamalaHarris) October 18, 2019
We’re not talking nearly enough about what climate change will mean for our health. Children, older adults, pregnant women, people with chronic illnesses and allergies all face risk of greater health complications if we don’t act. Climate change is a public health emergency. — Kamala Harris (@SenKamalaHarris) October 12, 2019
Put together, Harris will be in lockstep with Biden on some of his major foreign policy stances.
But she could also use her time in office to focus on some additional areas of particular interest to her — and potentially garner both positive and negative attention for doing so.
Where Harris might make a foreign policy name for herself
Many experts say Harris could carve out a role for herself — somewhat independent of Biden, but still with his blessing — on three key foreign policy areas.
Election interference and technology
As a freshman senator, Harris got the rare opportunity to serve on the Senate Intelligence Committee, where she delved deeply into the myriad national security threats facing the US.
Intelligence Committee members “are privy to some of the most clear threats the US has,” a person familiar with her views told me, speaking on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak on behalf of the Biden campaign. One of the main threats Harris focused was Russian election interference, the former aide said.
It’s something she speaks about often. “When they influenced our elections, they diminished in some ways the integrity of our election system, and therefore their goal was accomplished,” Harris said at the Lesbians Who Tech & Allies virtual Pride Summit in June. “And they did it through technology.” Mandating paper ballots on Election Day, Harris has proposed, is one way to help strengthen the security of US elections.
California is home to Silicon Valley, and many of Harris’s most powerful constituents are intensely focused on securing their technologies against attacks from Russia, as well as from China, North Korea, and Iran.
She’s clearly soaked up a lot of their concerns. “Cyber warfare is silent warfare,” she wrote in her 2019 book. “I sometimes refer to it as a war without blood: There are no soldiers in the field, no bullets and bombs. But the reality is cyber warfare aims to weaponize infrastructure and, at its worst, could result in casualties.”
As a younger, more tech-savvy politician than Biden, Harris could potentially take a bigger role in safeguarding America’s electoral system and US-made technologies.
Defense spending
In June, Sen. Bernie Sanders proposed a 10 percent cut to the national defense budget — which is currently over $700 billion — to pay for other priorities, including health care, education, and investment in new jobs. It was a controversial amendment to a defense bill that failed multiple times in Congress, and Harris voted against the measure.
Yet she made clear she backed the general thinking behind it. “I unequivocally agree with the goal of reducing the defense budget and redirecting funding to communities in need, but it must be done strategically,” Harris said in a statement on her decision to oppose the amendment. “I remain supportive of the effort, and am hopeful that with the benefit of additional time, future efforts will more specifically address these complicated issues and earn my enthusiastic support.”
Harris’s hesitance to vote for such a large cut makes sense: California has the largest population of military members and their families in the US — a fact she explicitly noted in her statement — and such a constituency certainly cares about the size of the US defense budget.
However, Harris did vote against another increase to the budget in July, and has long said some of the money the military usually gets could go to diplomats and investments in other parts of the federal budget, such as technological innovation, education, and environmental protection.
Cutting the defense budget will certainly meet stiff resistance from most Republicans and some Democrats, should Biden and Harris both agree it’s a good idea (those close to Biden told me he’d likely push to cut the defense budget). Harris could use her relationships from her time in the Senate to lobby allies to vote for a cut, which would place her squarely in the center of a major initiative of the Biden administration.
Israel
Progressive Democrats in recent years have called for a reevaluation of America’s decades-long close relationship with Israel, concerned about the rightward shift in Israeli politics under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government’s policies toward the Palestinians.
Many progressives weren’t happy to see Biden become the likely nominee — and they’re not likely to be any happier with Harris as his running mate.
Simply put, she’s been unequivocal about standing by Israel.
Her first foreign policy vote in January 2017 was to criticize the UN for condemning the country on its settlements in Palestinian territories. Later that year, she spoke at the annual conference of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), a US lobbying group that advocates for a strong US-Israel relationship. “I believe the bonds between the United States and Israel are unbreakable. And we can never let anyone drive a wedge between us,” she said.
“[The] first resolution I co-sponsored as a United States senator was to combat anti-Israel bias at the United Nations and reaffirm that the United States seeks a just, secure, and sustainable two-state solution,” she told the crowd, though she didn’t highlight that many other Democrats also signed on to the bipartisan resolution.
In 2018, she attended the conference again, this time giving an off-the-record address that was recorded and shared on social media by several attendees. In her speech, she made a surprising revelation: “As a child, I never sold Girl Scout cookies, I went around with a JNFUSA box collecting funds to plant trees in Israel.”
JNFUSA stands for the Jewish National Fund-USA, the US branch of a nonprofit organization founded in 1901 with the express mission of purchasing land in Ottoman-controlled Palestine to be used to form a future Jewish state. The organization played a major role in pushing Palestinians out of their lands to make way for the state of Israel.
To raise money for this effort, “Jews the world over collected coins in iconic JNF Blue Boxes, purchasing land and planting trees until ultimately, their dream of a Jewish homeland was a reality,” the JNF notes on its website.
In more recent times, the JNF has courted controversy over allegations that it funds development projects in Jewish settlements in the Israeli-occupied West Bank — settlements that are illegal under international law and that have been opposed by both Democratic and Republican US administrations.
And while Harris skipped the 2019 conference, as many Democratic presidential hopefuls did, she still hosted California AIPAC members in her Senate office that March to discuss, among other things, “the need for a strong U.S.-Israel alliance” and “the right of Israel to defend itself.”
Great to meet today in my office with California AIPAC leaders to discuss the need for a strong U.S.-Israel alliance, the right of Israel to defend itself, and my commitment to combat anti-Semitism in our country and around the world. pic.twitter.com/83Yrrbw4Q8 — Kamala Harris (@SenKamalaHarris) March 25, 2019
Soifer, the former national security adviser who is now the executive director of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, told me that Harris’s views on Israel “go beyond just the security relationship, of which she’s very supportive.”
She pointed me to Harris’s November 2017 trip to Israel. Soifer was with the senator and watched Harris try to improve ties between California and Israel’s technology sectors. What most struck Harris, Soifer said, was how Israeli companies had made strides in conserving water, an issue California has struggled with and that the senator is deeply interested in.
In her 2019 book, Harris wrote about a subsequent trip she took to Israel to delve deeper into water conservation issues:
There’s a lot we can learn from friends and partners who have already made such investments—especially Israel, a global leader on water security issues. In February 2018, I traveled to Israel and toured its Sorek desalination plant, which uses reverse osmosis to produce clean drinking water from the sea. I had a glass. It tasted as good as any water I’ve ever had.
Harris received a lot of criticism for her 2017 Israel trip, mainly because she met with Netanyahu. Soifer said Harris took the meeting because, whether Harris liked him or not, Netanyahu was the elected leader of the country. “They had a good meeting, a lengthy meeting,” she told me, noting Harris pushed Netanyahu not to unilaterally annex any territory.
Today I met with Senator @KamalaHarris of California. We discussed the potential for deepening cooperation in water management, agriculture, cyber security, and more. I expressed my deep appreciation for America's commitment to Israel's security. pic.twitter.com/L5qdcgwWG0 — Benjamin Netanyahu (@netanyahu) November 20, 2017
Soifer said that trip, and Harris’s decision to meet with Netanyahu despite the criticism, is a testament to the senator’s fearlessness on the world stage. “She’s truly a leader and does what she thinks is right and is not persuaded by what other people think,” she told me. Still, Harris will have to walk a fine line between maintaining the US-Israel relationship and keeping certain Democratic activists happy by pushing back on Netanyahu’s anti-Palestinian policies.
Of course, Harris has many more foreign policy stances. Like Biden, she aims to end the war in Afghanistan, reenter the Iran nuclear deal as long as Tehran is in compliance with it, keep North Korea from advancing its nuclear arsenal, allow more refugees in from places like Venezuela, and much more.
But it’s her major agreements with Biden — and the other areas where Harris might gain attention, both good and bad — where her foreign policy views matter most. She may not be a very powerful vice president when it comes to global affairs, but she’ll likely make her views heard, one way or the other.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-14--A record number of women could be elected to the House this fall

Share All sharing options for : A record number of women could be elected to the House this fall In 2018 , 102 women won their House races , setting a new record .
And in 2020 , that record could well be broken again .
That ’ s thanks to a surge of primary wins by Democratic women of color like Candace Valenzuela , who could be elected the first Afro-Latina member of Congress this fall , and a huge uptick in victories by Republican women , many of whom were motivated to run after seeing the “ blue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ was very much the year of the women on the left .
If they can do it , so can we , ” Olivia Perez-Cubas , a spokesperson for the Republican action fund Winning for Women , previously told Vox .
In the more than 30 states that have held primaries so far , more women have already secured their party ’ s House nominations than did last cycle .
As of earlier this week , 243 women had won House primaries this year , including 169 Democrats and 74 Republicans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Politics at Rutgers University .
That ’ s outpacing the 2018 results , when 196 women — 152 Democrats and 44 Republicans — won after the same states had voted .
( These numbers don ’ t include the updated figures from the most recent August 11 primaries or runoffs . )
All told , 234 women were major-party House nominees in 2018 .
This data indicates that more women could win seats in the House this cycle than in 2018 , according to Rutgers political science professor Kelly Dittmar .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” she tells Vox , adding that specific matchups in 2020 will be important to watch .
For example , many of the Democratic women who won battleground districts in 2018 are also among those who are most vulnerable this cycle .
And a record number of districts will see races with women candidates on both sides of the aisle , which is notable in itself but could mean that the number of women in the House won ’ t go up as much .
Still , the sustained number of women candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women have filed to run for a House seat in total , compared to 476 who did the same in 2018 .
And there ’ s been a major surge in the number of women of color running this cycle .
In 2020 , 248 women of color have filed as candidates , an increase from the 167 who ran during the midterms , according to CAWP .
In 2018 , “ I saw women who looked like their communities , who acted like their communities stepping in to lead , and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who ’ s running as the Democratic House nominee in Texas ’ s 24th Congressional District .
This year ’ s gains indicate that 2018 , which some dubbed the “ Year of the Woman , ” was no isolated spike .
The fact that even more women are running this year — including on the Republican side — marks a continuation of the energy that emerged during the midterms , and suggests that it ’ s here to stay .
This year , there have been gains in women candidates on both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican women are running in record numbers in 2020 , a key difference from last cycle , when the momentum was significantly skewed .
In 2018 , while Democrats saw their numbers go from 64 to 89 women in the House , Republican women actually saw their numbers decline , from 23 to 13 .
This year , however , Republicans have seen an uptick in women running — and winning their primaries .
Altogether , 227 GOP women have filed to run , versus the 120 who did in the midterms , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been driven by a couple of factors , including significant investment in recruitment by groups such as VIEW Pac , E-PAC , and Winning for Women , some of which mobilized further in the wake of Republicans ’ disastrous midterms showing .
As Rep. Elise Stefanik ( R-NY ) put it , the party was facing a “ crisis level of Republican women in Congress ” following the 2018 election .
Additionally , there ’ s been GOP women motivated to declare their candidacies after seeing how successful Democrats were during the midterms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that they don ’ t feel their perspectives are fully represented by the party at this moment .
For some , that includes pushback toward President Trump , while for others , it includes an effort to run in order to support his policies .
Valerie Ramirez Mukherjee , an investor running in Illinois ’ s 10th Congressional District , thinks the party could be more ideologically inclusive .
“ We can have a variety of voices .
I ’ m a moderate Republican .
Now is a chance for us to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And Vennia Francois , a candidate in Florida ’ s 10th Congressional District , emphasized that she ’ s running , in part , to promote more bipartisanship .
Compared to 2018 , when 44 Republican women had won by this point in the primary , 74 women have advanced this cycle , as of earlier this week , including Mariannette Miller-Meeks in Iowa , Nancy Mace in South Carolina , and Michelle Steel in California .
These wins are a significant sign of the progress Republican women have made in the primaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s often stymied candidates due to a lack of infrastructural support .
But , as CNN reports , many of these candidates are set to face tough general election races and unlikely to get elected to Congress .
Still , it ’ s important that the GOP maintain and increase its focus on growing representation for Congress to ultimately achieve gender equity .
“ If there are going to be significant gains , a prerequisite is that both parties are going to have to be fielding female candidates , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lawless .
A record number of women of color are running for the House Across party lines , a record number of women of color are running for the House .
In 2020 , both Democrats and Republicans are seeing a more diverse pool of women filing for these positions , a nearly 50 percent increase from the number of women of color who did in 2018 .
Democrats , however , still far surpass Republicans on this front , with 162 Democratic women of color filing to run , compared to 86 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Based on how candidates self-identify , CAWP found there are a record number of Black , Latinx , Asian American and Pacific Islander , and Native American women who are running for the House this year .
“ 2020 is already the year of women of color , ” Aimee Allison , the founder of She the People , told Vox .
“ We are on the front lines defending democracy and fighting for justice in the face of the immense challenges during the pandemic to our collective physical , mental , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are likely influenced by the gains that women of color made in 2018 : That year , Reps. Deb Haaland and Sharice Davids became the first Native American women elected to Congress , and Reps. Jahana Hayes and Ayanna Pressley were the first Black women from their states elected to Congress .
Congress is still very far from gender parity , but these steady gains represent key increases Despite the wins in 2018 , congressional numbers on gender parity are unfortunately still quite dismal — today , about 23 percent of the House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , though , mark steady progress : Between 2016 and 2018 , the number of women in the House increased by nearly 20 percent , from 87 to 102 .
And while many of this year ’ s candidates won ’ t be elected to Congress , they ’ re still making other notable inroads : Even if they lose , these candidates have now established stronger infrastructure for another campaign down the line and helped further normalize women ’ s candidacies for these roles .
“ As more women run , more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s a plausible path for them , ” Notre Dame political science professor Christina Wolbrecht told Vox in 2018 .
The presence of women — as both candidates and elected officials — could well have a multiplier effect that further increases the number of women who seek office in the future .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Share All sharing options for: A record number of women could be elected to the House this fall
In 2018, 102 women won their House races, setting a new record. And in 2020, that record could well be broken again.
That’s thanks to a surge of primary wins by Democratic women of color like Candace Valenzuela, who could be elected the first Afro-Latina member of Congress this fall, and a huge uptick in victories by Republican women, many of whom were motivated to run after seeing the “blue wave” during the midterms.
2018 “was very much the year of the women on the left. If they can do it, so can we,” Olivia Perez-Cubas, a spokesperson for the Republican action fund Winning for Women, previously told Vox.
In the more than 30 states that have held primaries so far, more women have already secured their party’s House nominations than did last cycle.
As of earlier this week, 243 women had won House primaries this year, including 169 Democrats and 74 Republicans, according to the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. That’s outpacing the 2018 results, when 196 women — 152 Democrats and 44 Republicans — won after the same states had voted. (These numbers don’t include the updated figures from the most recent August 11 primaries or runoffs.)
All told, 234 women were major-party House nominees in 2018.
This data indicates that more women could win seats in the House this cycle than in 2018, according to Rutgers political science professor Kelly Dittmar.
“It seems likely but not guaranteed,” she tells Vox, adding that specific matchups in 2020 will be important to watch. For example, many of the Democratic women who won battleground districts in 2018 are also among those who are most vulnerable this cycle. And a record number of districts will see races with women candidates on both sides of the aisle, which is notable in itself but could mean that the number of women in the House won’t go up as much.
Still, the sustained number of women candidates is significant. Thus far, 583 women have filed to run for a House seat in total, compared to 476 who did the same in 2018. And there’s been a major surge in the number of women of color running this cycle. In 2020, 248 women of color have filed as candidates, an increase from the 167 who ran during the midterms, according to CAWP.
In 2018, “I saw women who looked like their communities, who acted like their communities stepping in to lead, and that empowered me,” says Valenzuela, who’s running as the Democratic House nominee in Texas’s 24th Congressional District.
This year’s gains indicate that 2018, which some dubbed the “Year of the Woman,” was no isolated spike. The fact that even more women are running this year — including on the Republican side — marks a continuation of the energy that emerged during the midterms, and suggests that it’s here to stay.
This year, there have been gains in women candidates on both sides of the aisle
Both Democratic and Republican women are running in record numbers in 2020, a key difference from last cycle, when the momentum was significantly skewed. In 2018, while Democrats saw their numbers go from 64 to 89 women in the House, Republican women actually saw their numbers decline, from 23 to 13.
This year, however, Republicans have seen an uptick in women running — and winning their primaries. Altogether, 227 GOP women have filed to run, versus the 120 who did in the midterms, a party record.
The shift has been driven by a couple of factors, including significant investment in recruitment by groups such as VIEW Pac, E-PAC, and Winning for Women, some of which mobilized further in the wake of Republicans’ disastrous midterms showing.
As Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-NY) put it, the party was facing a “crisis level of Republican women in Congress” following the 2018 election. Additionally, there’s been GOP women motivated to declare their candidacies after seeing how successful Democrats were during the midterms.
Republican women have said, too, that they don’t feel their perspectives are fully represented by the party at this moment. For some, that includes pushback toward President Trump, while for others, it includes an effort to run in order to support his policies.
Valerie Ramirez Mukherjee, an investor running in Illinois’s 10th Congressional District, thinks the party could be more ideologically inclusive. “We can have a variety of voices. I’m a moderate Republican. Now is a chance for us to rebuild,” she told Vox. And Vennia Francois, a candidate in Florida’s 10th Congressional District, emphasized that she’s running, in part, to promote more bipartisanship.
Compared to 2018, when 44 Republican women had won by this point in the primary, 74 women have advanced this cycle, as of earlier this week, including Mariannette Miller-Meeks in Iowa, Nancy Mace in South Carolina, and Michelle Steel in California.
These wins are a significant sign of the progress Republican women have made in the primaries — a contest in the election cycle that’s often stymied candidates due to a lack of infrastructural support. But, as CNN reports, many of these candidates are set to face tough general election races and unlikely to get elected to Congress.
Still, it’s important that the GOP maintain and increase its focus on growing representation for Congress to ultimately achieve gender equity. “If there are going to be significant gains, a prerequisite is that both parties are going to have to be fielding female candidates,” says University of Virginia political science professor Jennifer Lawless.
A record number of women of color are running for the House
Across party lines, a record number of women of color are running for the House.
In 2020, both Democrats and Republicans are seeing a more diverse pool of women filing for these positions, a nearly 50 percent increase from the number of women of color who did in 2018. Democrats, however, still far surpass Republicans on this front, with 162 Democratic women of color filing to run, compared to 86 who did on the GOP side.
Based on how candidates self-identify, CAWP found there are a record number of Black, Latinx, Asian American and Pacific Islander, and Native American women who are running for the House this year.
“2020 is already the year of women of color,” Aimee Allison, the founder of She the People, told Vox. “We are on the front lines defending democracy and fighting for justice in the face of the immense challenges during the pandemic to our collective physical, mental, and economic health.”
The records this year are likely influenced by the gains that women of color made in 2018: That year, Reps. Deb Haaland and Sharice Davids became the first Native American women elected to Congress, and Reps. Jahana Hayes and Ayanna Pressley were the first Black women from their states elected to Congress.
Congress is still very far from gender parity, but these steady gains represent key increases
Despite the wins in 2018, congressional numbers on gender parity are unfortunately still quite dismal — today, about 23 percent of the House is composed of women.
Recent victories, though, mark steady progress: Between 2016 and 2018, the number of women in the House increased by nearly 20 percent, from 87 to 102.
And while many of this year’s candidates won’t be elected to Congress, they’re still making other notable inroads: Even if they lose, these candidates have now established stronger infrastructure for another campaign down the line and helped further normalize women’s candidacies for these roles.
“As more women run, more women get interested in politics and think it’s a plausible path for them,” Notre Dame political science professor Christina Wolbrecht told Vox in 2018. The presence of women — as both candidates and elected officials — could well have a multiplier effect that further increases the number of women who seek office in the future.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-14--The dystopian tech that companies are selling to help schools reopen sooner

Thousands of schools nationwide will not be reopening this fall .
But in Las Vegas , the private K-12 Meadows School plans to use an artificial intelligence-powered thermal screening system to keep students safe as they return to classes .
The system will scan for signs that students have elevated temperatures — an indication they might have Covid-19 — as they enter buildings for their classes .
If they ’ re flagged , the students will be asked to wait separately for about 10 minutes , and then get their temperature taken again .
If the result is within a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to start their day .
If not , they ’ ll be sent home .
“ Things are strange enough .
Kids are going to be coming to school with masks .
They ’ re going to be meeting friends with masks , ” Jeremy Gregersen , the head of school at Meadows , told Recode .
“ They ’ re going to be meeting their teachers for the first time in person in strange new ways , and what we want is for kids to feel welcome and to normalize their arrival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supplying the technology is an artificial intelligence company called Remark Holdings .
The company , which also sells facial recognition systems , has been providing a thermal scanning system — which also takes attendance — to more than 100 schools in China for over a year and is now repurposing its tech to assist semi-public places reopening amid the pandemic .
Remark Holdings is not the only company doing so .
A slew of firms , many of which already sold surveillance products , are adjusting their technology to the pandemic .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programs that can identify whether or not a student is wearing a mask to artificial intelligence that measures how well people are social distancing .
Sometimes , these capabilities are sold together as a package .
Ultimately , these companies and their clients hope that the return to class can be made a little safer .
Although many schools have delayed their plans to restart in-person classes , some experts discourage putting too much faith in these tools when students do go back to school .
“ It ’ s important that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns around some of these technologies , it ’ s useful and saves time to take a step back and just ask whether it works , ” Amelia Vance , the director of education privacy at the Future of Privacy Forum , told Recode .
Using thermal imaging to screen for temperatures is a good example .
While companies like Remark defend their tech , not everyone who has Covid-19 gets a fever , and not every high temperature is caused by an illness .
Vance also says the science behind the technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , while there might be some value in collecting different types of data amid the pandemic , these new technologies can also cause new problems and endanger children ’ s privacy .
Here ’ s what we know so far about how schools are trying to strike a balance .
One new surveillance tool being retrofitted for the pandemic is artificial intelligence that can measure social distancing by using software to recognize human beings in images , and then measure how close together they are .
The goal is to identify “ hot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can help school leaders adjust how they set up the flow of people .
Some of that AI is being offered by companies that already have close relationships with schools .
Among them is Avigilon , a company owned by Motorola Solutions that sells a wide variety of artificial intelligence-surveillance tools .
The company already has relationships with thousands of schools , as the Wall Street Journal recently reported , and has now adjusted its video analytics to measure social distancing .
Actuate is also getting into pandemic-era school surveillance .
The company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school security video feeds for signs of a brandished weapon — an anti-gun violence measure — but is now offering AI that measures how well people are social distancing .
Ben Ziomek , Actuate ’ s co-founder and CTO , told Recode that 900 schools are interested in the tech for when they reopen , and another 100 are interested in the tech it built specifically for Covid-19 .
“ It ’ s pretty easy to have AI identify when a person is in video , and then , when we look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positions of the people , ” he told Recode .
“ We use those relative positions of people to calculate : ‘ Are they within 6 feet of each other ?
’ ‘ How long were they there ?
’ ‘ How many people are there ?
’ We can also count people ; we can show how people move through space.
” Airports and other public spaces have started using similar tech .
Meanwhile , some companies are integrating wearables that are meant to stop infractions of social distancing rules .
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an electronic beacon that could measure how well people are social distancing , as well as aid with contact tracing efforts .
A potential privacy benefit to this approach is that the surveillance systems don ’ t always directly involve cameras .
There are other wearables , however , that are already causing privacy debates .
For instance , at Oakland University in Michigan , students are being offered a health monitoring device called a “ BioButton ” that would stick to their chest during in-person classes and track vital signs .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if someone seems like they might have Covid-19 .
Originally , the device was mandatory , but following pushback from students , the school made wearing the BioButton optional .
A slightly different implementation of AI-powered software can quickly determine whether people are wearing personal protective equipment .
This technology is being offered by a variety of companies , including Avigilon and Remark Holdings ; it ’ s even being used in the Paris metro system .
Now , some companies want to bring the mask-spotting tech to schools .
PreciTaste , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food industry , has designed a kiosk called “ AI Welcome Center.
” The sensor-laden display offers a voice-activated health quiz and performs temperature checks .
The device also uses AI to tell if the person at the kiosk is wearing a face covering .
“ We trained it with images of our staff wearing different assorted masks , and the algorithm can just reliably detect whether or not a masked face is present or not , ” Charlie Pynnonen , an engineer at PreciTaste , told Recode .
“ It takes no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is being tested with some restaurant clients in New York and Munich , the company is hoping to install the kiosks in schools .
The idea is that the system could be deployed at the entrance to dorms or other buildings .
PreciTaste says it ’ s had interest from some schools in the United States , including a school district in Kentucky .
Actuate , the company using AI to measure social distancing , is also working on similar mask-spotting tech .
The idea is to detect automatically whether people are wearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a given location over time without the need for a human to constantly monitor several video feeds .
This mask-detecting software is distinct from new facial recognition technology that ’ s designed to identify people while they ’ re wearing masks , which is an increasingly important pandemic-era feature for some security systems .
Covid-19 apps are cheap and easy to deploy Amid advanced hardware like AI-powered cameras and wearables , one of the most common tools we should expect to see in the weeks to come are apps — and lots of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tracing apps specifically built for schools , as universities , including Columbia and Duke , are encouraging some students to download apps that allow students to report symptoms .
In New York , schools are being encouraged to take periodical surveys about Covid-19 testing and recent travel history , a task that can be completed with an app .
Experts warn that these new apps come with privacy concerns , and that schools and app providers often aren ’ t as upfront about the way data is collected by the apps as they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t know how that information is being protected by the company .
We don ’ t know how it ’ s being used by the school , ” said Vance , from the Future of Privacy Forum .
“ There hasn ’ t been a lot of transparency.
” Whether all this technology works as intended is still unclear .
Many schools are being encouraged to delay their reopening while others have already committed to remote learning for the foreseeable future .
So while companies selling this somewhat dystopian technology stand ready and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be infeasible at the moment , and it ’ s hard to know just how many schools that are reopening are actually installing such devices .
But that doesn ’ t mean some of this tech isn ’ t already at work .
Even in empty schools , Acutate ’ s Ben Ziomek says his company ’ s artificial intelligence is measuring whether people are entering closed campuses and buildings .
Usually , it ’ s just kids vandalizing school property .
After all , they ’ re very , very bored , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been to school in months .
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network .
All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Thousands of schools nationwide will not be reopening this fall. But in Las Vegas, the private K-12 Meadows School plans to use an artificial intelligence-powered thermal screening system to keep students safe as they return to classes.
The system will scan for signs that students have elevated temperatures — an indication they might have Covid-19 — as they enter buildings for their classes. If they’re flagged, the students will be asked to wait separately for about 10 minutes, and then get their temperature taken again. If the result is within a normal range, they’re cleared to start their day. If not, they’ll be sent home.
“Things are strange enough. Kids are going to be coming to school with masks. They’re going to be meeting friends with masks,” Jeremy Gregersen, the head of school at Meadows, told Recode. “They’re going to be meeting their teachers for the first time in person in strange new ways, and what we want is for kids to feel welcome and to normalize their arrival at school as early as possible.”
Supplying the technology is an artificial intelligence company called Remark Holdings. The company, which also sells facial recognition systems, has been providing a thermal scanning system — which also takes attendance — to more than 100 schools in China for over a year and is now repurposing its tech to assist semi-public places reopening amid the pandemic.
Remark Holdings is not the only company doing so. A slew of firms, many of which already sold surveillance products, are adjusting their technology to the pandemic. The suite of products includes everything from computer programs that can identify whether or not a student is wearing a mask to artificial intelligence that measures how well people are social distancing. Sometimes, these capabilities are sold together as a package.
Ultimately, these companies and their clients hope that the return to class can be made a little safer. Although many schools have delayed their plans to restart in-person classes, some experts discourage putting too much faith in these tools when students do go back to school.
“It’s important that, even perhaps before talking about the privacy concerns around some of these technologies, it’s useful and saves time to take a step back and just ask whether it works,” Amelia Vance, the director of education privacy at the Future of Privacy Forum, told Recode.
Using thermal imaging to screen for temperatures is a good example. While companies like Remark defend their tech, not everyone who has Covid-19 gets a fever, and not every high temperature is caused by an illness. Vance also says the science behind the technology itself is somewhat “rocky.”
Overall, while there might be some value in collecting different types of data amid the pandemic, these new technologies can also cause new problems and endanger children’s privacy. Here’s what we know so far about how schools are trying to strike a balance.
Computer vision and wearables can measure social distancing
One new surveillance tool being retrofitted for the pandemic is artificial intelligence that can measure social distancing by using software to recognize human beings in images, and then measure how close together they are. The goal is to identify “hot spots” full of traffic, which can help school leaders adjust how they set up the flow of people.
Some of that AI is being offered by companies that already have close relationships with schools. Among them is Avigilon, a company owned by Motorola Solutions that sells a wide variety of artificial intelligence-surveillance tools. The company already has relationships with thousands of schools, as the Wall Street Journal recently reported, and has now adjusted its video analytics to measure social distancing.
Actuate is also getting into pandemic-era school surveillance. The company normally sells artificial intelligence that mines through school security video feeds for signs of a brandished weapon — an anti-gun violence measure — but is now offering AI that measures how well people are social distancing. Ben Ziomek, Actuate’s co-founder and CTO, told Recode that 900 schools are interested in the tech for when they reopen, and another 100 are interested in the tech it built specifically for Covid-19.
“It’s pretty easy to have AI identify when a person is in video, and then, when we look at video footage, we extract the relative positions of the people,” he told Recode. “We use those relative positions of people to calculate: ‘Are they within 6 feet of each other?’ ‘How long were they there?’ ‘How many people are there?’ We can also count people; we can show how people move through space.”
Airports and other public spaces have started using similar tech.
Meanwhile, some companies are integrating wearables that are meant to stop infractions of social distancing rules. One school in Ohio is planning to pilot an electronic beacon that could measure how well people are social distancing, as well as aid with contact tracing efforts. A potential privacy benefit to this approach is that the surveillance systems don’t always directly involve cameras.
There are other wearables, however, that are already causing privacy debates. For instance, at Oakland University in Michigan, students are being offered a health monitoring device called a “BioButton” that would stick to their chest during in-person classes and track vital signs. It’s meant to alert university staff if someone seems like they might have Covid-19. Originally, the device was mandatory, but following pushback from students, the school made wearing the BioButton optional.
AI hall monitors detect when people are wearing masks
A slightly different implementation of AI-powered software can quickly determine whether people are wearing personal protective equipment. This technology is being offered by a variety of companies, including Avigilon and Remark Holdings; it’s even being used in the Paris metro system. Now, some companies want to bring the mask-spotting tech to schools.
PreciTaste, which usually sells artificial intelligence tools to the food industry, has designed a kiosk called “AI Welcome Center.” The sensor-laden display offers a voice-activated health quiz and performs temperature checks. The device also uses AI to tell if the person at the kiosk is wearing a face covering.
“We trained it with images of our staff wearing different assorted masks, and the algorithm can just reliably detect whether or not a masked face is present or not,” Charlie Pynnonen, an engineer at PreciTaste, told Recode. “It takes no personally identifying information.”
While the system is being tested with some restaurant clients in New York and Munich, the company is hoping to install the kiosks in schools. The idea is that the system could be deployed at the entrance to dorms or other buildings. PreciTaste says it’s had interest from some schools in the United States, including a school district in Kentucky.
Actuate, the company using AI to measure social distancing, is also working on similar mask-spotting tech. The idea is to detect automatically whether people are wearing masks, and track mask compliance in a given location over time without the need for a human to constantly monitor several video feeds. This mask-detecting software is distinct from new facial recognition technology that’s designed to identify people while they’re wearing masks, which is an increasingly important pandemic-era feature for some security systems.
Covid-19 apps are cheap and easy to deploy
Amid advanced hardware like AI-powered cameras and wearables, one of the most common tools we should expect to see in the weeks to come are apps — and lots of them.
Some companies are launching contract tracing apps specifically built for schools, as universities, including Columbia and Duke, are encouraging some students to download apps that allow students to report symptoms. In New York, schools are being encouraged to take periodical surveys about Covid-19 testing and recent travel history, a task that can be completed with an app.
Experts warn that these new apps come with privacy concerns, and that schools and app providers often aren’t as upfront about the way data is collected by the apps as they should be.
“We don’t know how that information is being protected by the company. We don’t know how it’s being used by the school,” said Vance, from the Future of Privacy Forum. “There hasn’t been a lot of transparency.”
Whether all this technology works as intended is still unclear. Many schools are being encouraged to delay their reopening while others have already committed to remote learning for the foreseeable future. So while companies selling this somewhat dystopian technology stand ready and waiting, reopening many schools seems to be infeasible at the moment, and it’s hard to know just how many schools that are reopening are actually installing such devices.
But that doesn’t mean some of this tech isn’t already at work. Even in empty schools, Acutate’s Ben Ziomek says his company’s artificial intelligence is measuring whether people are entering closed campuses and buildings. Usually, it’s just kids vandalizing school property. After all, they’re very, very bored, he says. They haven’t been to school in months.
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network. All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-14--A police officer killed my father 27 years ago and went unpunished. It changed my life forever.

A familiar numbness occupied my body when I learned George Floyd ’ s 6-year-old daughter , Gianna , had asked her mom why people were saying her daddy ’ s name .
I was relieved to know she wasn ’ t given the graphic details of Floyd ’ s death .
But I knew one day , she ’ d find out exactly what happened and would be forced to face the trauma that comes with losing a father to police violence .
I was once in her shoes .
When I was just 4 months old , my father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
To protect my innocence , my family spared me the truth until I was around Gianna ’ s age .
I ’ ll never forget how fast my breath escaped my body when I learned what really happened .
I was confused and unable to decipher what it meant that the police , the people I ’ d grown up thinking were here to protect me , had taken my father ’ s life .
My views of safety were shattered .
Beyond that , I couldn ’ t bring my father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ space that would remain unfilled .
As I grew older , this emptiness became fear , avoidance , anxiety , anger , and sometimes self-pity .
Today , it fuels me .
He is unable to speak for himself , so I ’ ll speak for both of us .
Steven Deaton forever changed my life when he shot and killed my father 27 years ago on April 15 , 1993 .
Deaton , who ’ d been an officer with the Austin police for two and a half years , was dispatched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ robbery with two other officers .
When they arrived at Quail Run Apartments , they suspected my 23-year-old father , Paul Monroe , was involved .
According to an incident report my family obtained from the Austin Police Department , the officers approached my father as he walked toward them .
They gave him directions to drop a duffle bag .
He dropped the bag .
After he was told to get on the ground , Deaton shot him in the abdomen .
Another officer handcuffed my father as he lay helpless in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
My father asked for water but his request was denied .
When EMS arrived , they had to request he be unhandcuffed to treat him .
He was rushed to the hospital and after losing too much blood , he died in the ICU the next morning .
The medical examiner ruled his death as a homicide .
Eleven days after Deaton fatally shot my father , a Travis County grand jury decided against indicting him , claiming the shooting was justified .
“ Until the moment I pulled the trigger , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deaton said in a 1993 Austin American Statesman article about killing my father .
“ It ’ s something I ’ m going to have to think about for the rest of my life.
” Deaton may have been stuck with the memory , but I ’ ve had to live with the actual consequences of his actions .
I ’ ve lived my whole life without my dad .
Twenty-seven birthdays , countless holidays , basketball games , father-daughter dances , and graduations — that ’ s what Deaton took from me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claimed my father ’ s life .
I ’ ve longed to say “ Dad ” and hear a reply from my father , to know the sound of his voice , embrace him , hear him laugh , or simply just see his face .
But unfortunately , all I have to rely on is my imagination and frequent reminders from my family about the amazing father he would ’ ve been if he was here .
My only way of knowing him has been through the eyes of others .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respected in his East Austin community , taking care of youth who didn ’ t have families .
He was a funny guy and a hustler who would give the shirt off his back at the drop of a dime .
His proudest accomplishment was being my father .
He called me his “ star.
” Knowing this gives me endless comfort and happiness I can ’ t explain .
Yet , when I think about him , I always find myself drifting back to the fear he must have felt in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — “ you shot me , I need water , I can ’ t see , I can ’ t feel my legs ” — show he was scared and confused .
His life was more than tragedy and death , but for me the most unforgettable image of my father is of him lying in a casket .
I stumbled upon this photo as a teen who spent hours occupied in storage closets , fumbling my way through boxes and boxes of family scrapbooks and photo albums , reflecting on happy family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an album dedicated to my father , chronicling his life from birth to death .
Scattered among his memorial photos were news clips : “ Man ’ s death brings confusion ” and “ When police officers fire , lives are changed forever.
” I remember reading and re-reading Deaton ’ s chilling words — “ The thing about the shooting , it was instinct , it was what the police academy trained you for ” — over and over again before closing the album .
I didn ’ t visit the album @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had always had a desire to tell my father ’ s story — in fact , I chose to become a journalist so I could .
Working for my university ’ s independent student-run newspaper in 2014 , I ’ d given myself an assignment to cover the death of 18-year-old Michael Brown , who was fatally shot by white police officer Darren Wilson , in Ferguson , Missouri .
I was motivated by the national anger over police brutality , hopeful that the movement could spur outrage about the way my father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knew that to the mainstream media nothing was newsworthy about a Black man who was killed by a white police officer decades ago .
It ’ s hard to convince an industry that is so heavily driven by , and consumed through , a white lens of the importance of telling stories like mine outside of fires , shattered glass , and national unrest .
But five years later , in August 2019 , I received a text message from my mother with a link to an article with the headline “ Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to publicly address sexist images posted on Facebook by one of his top officers.
” “ Isn ’ t this the cop who killed your father ?
” her text read .
I sped to the next red light and frantically scrolled up and down , past the graphic images throughout the story .
It was as eerie as it was gut-wrenching .
The article , from the Southern Poverty Law Center , reported that Deaton had shared racist photos in a Facebook post depicting a Black football player figurine lying in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by a white Santa elf doll with a chainsaw , while an American flag dangles above them .
Deaton ’ s post , a reference to Colin Kaepernick kneeling during the national anthem to protest police brutality against Black people , was captioned : “ And here ’ s the start… ... Our Patriotic elf grew angrier all season .
He finally snapped and decided to show the NFL how he goes about taking knees for not standing during our national anthem .
# thankavet.
” Here was my father ’ s killer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with protests of police brutality .
And that wasn ’ t even the only sickening post he had shared .
Other photos depicted elf dolls sexually assaulting Barbies .
A survivor of sexual assault who lived in the city his department serves reported she was retraumatized by his posts .
As I looked at Deaton ’ s grin in the photo at the top of another news article , I too was blanketed by a sense of anxiety .
This familiar feeling surfaces at the sight or sound of anything involving law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one to police violence .
It comes up during the simplest of times , while driving or even walking past a police officer in public .
I tell myself : Don ’ t speak , don ’ t make eye contact , don ’ t make any sudden moves .
An officer might “ fear for their life , ” and I ’ ll be next .
But I couldn ’ t help but notice that in the coverage of the Facebook posts there was no reporting on the fact that he ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ father didn ’ t make it into the news , what other countless stories might not have been reported ?
Like many officers who kill and get away with it , Deaton ’ s career thrived after he shot my father .
He stayed with Austin police for 26 years , rising to the rank of assistant chief .
Despite other widely publicized inappropriate behavior and departmental violations , he was able to move to Williamson County Sheriff ’ s office , where he served until he resigned after the Facebook posts .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagery and rhetoric that encouraged violence against Black people confirmed my belief about his lack of remorse and concern for the life he took from me 27 years ago .
It confirmed my belief about his complete removal from the pain and suffering of victims of police brutality and their families .
It shows what likely was in his heart the moment he fired the bullets that killed my father , and it proved what my family and I have believed all along — he murdered my father .
I ’ ve fought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s story .
Unfortunately , there are so many others like me who never will .
There are countless children who were sat down and told their father , or their mother , was killed for reasons they couldn ’ t quite comprehend , unaware that this truth would impact them throughout their entire lives .
I ’ m not sure I have the right words to comfort them .
But I know this much : Our stories matter .
Every day when we wake up and look in the mirror , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who were taken from us .
We are their legacies .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it , too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

A familiar numbness occupied my body when I learned George Floyd’s 6-year-old daughter, Gianna, had asked her mom why people were saying her daddy’s name.
I was relieved to know she wasn’t given the graphic details of Floyd’s death. But I knew one day, she’d find out exactly what happened and would be forced to face the trauma that comes with losing a father to police violence. I was once in her shoes.
When I was just 4 months old, my father was killed by a white police officer. To protect my innocence, my family spared me the truth until I was around Gianna’s age. I’ll never forget how fast my breath escaped my body when I learned what really happened. I was confused and unable to decipher what it meant that the police, the people I’d grown up thinking were here to protect me, had taken my father’s life. My views of safety were shattered. Beyond that, I couldn’t bring my father back. I was left with a space that would remain unfilled.
As I grew older, this emptiness became fear, avoidance, anxiety, anger, and sometimes self-pity. Today, it fuels me. My father is unable to speak for himself, so I’ll speak for both of us.
Steven Deaton forever changed my life when he shot and killed my father 27 years ago on April 15, 1993. Deaton, who’d been an officer with the Austin police for two and a half years, was dispatched to the scene of an alleged armed robbery with two other officers. When they arrived at Quail Run Apartments, they suspected my 23-year-old father, Paul Monroe, was involved.
According to an incident report my family obtained from the Austin Police Department, the officers approached my father as he walked toward them. They gave him directions to drop a duffle bag. He dropped the bag. After he was told to get on the ground, Deaton shot him in the abdomen.
Another officer handcuffed my father as he lay helpless in his own blood until the ambulance came. My father asked for water, but his request was denied. When EMS arrived, they had to request he be unhandcuffed so they could treat him. He was rushed to the hospital, and after losing too much blood, he died in the ICU the next morning. The medical examiner ruled his death as a homicide. Eleven days after Deaton fatally shot my father, a Travis County grand jury decided against indicting him, claiming the shooting was justified.
“Until the moment I pulled the trigger, it was another police call,” Deaton said in a 1993 Austin American-Statesman article about killing my father. “It’s something I’m going to have to think about for the rest of my life.”
Deaton may have been stuck with the memory, but I’ve had to live with the actual consequences of his actions. I’ve lived my whole life without my dad. Twenty-seven birthdays, countless holidays, basketball games, father-daughter dances, and graduations — that’s what Deaton took from me the day he fired the bullets that claimed my father’s life.
I’ve longed to say “Dad” and hear a reply from my father, to know the sound of his voice, embrace him, hear him laugh, or simply just see his face. But unfortunately, all I have to rely on is my imagination and frequent reminders from my family about the amazing father he would’ve been if he was here.
My only way of knowing him has been through the eyes of others. His friends and family say he was highly respected in his East Austin community, taking care of youth who didn’t have families. He was a funny guy and a hustler who would give the shirt off his back at the drop of a dime. His proudest accomplishment was being my father. He called me his “star.” Knowing this gives me endless comfort and happiness I can’t explain.
Yet when I think about him, I always find myself drifting back to the fear he must have felt in his final moments. His last recorded words — “you shot me, I need water, I can’t see, I can’t feel my legs” — show he was scared and confused.
His life was more than tragedy and death, but for me, the most unforgettable image of my father is of him lying in a casket.
I stumbled upon this photo as a teen who spent hours occupied in storage closets, fumbling my way through boxes and boxes of family scrapbooks and photo albums, reflecting on happy family memories. One day, I found an album dedicated to my father, chronicling his life from birth to death. Scattered among his memorial photos were news clips: “Man’s death brings confusion” and “When police officers fire, lives are changed forever.” I remember reading and rereading Deaton’s chilling words — “The thing about the shooting, it was instinct, it was what the police academy trained you for” — over and over again before closing the album. I didn’t visit the album again until years later.
But I had always had a desire to tell my father’s story — in fact, I chose to become a journalist so I could. Working for my university’s independent student-run newspaper in 2014, I’d given myself an assignment to cover the death of 18-year-old Michael Brown, who was fatally shot by white police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri.
I was motivated by the national anger over police brutality, hopeful that the movement could spur outrage about the way my father was executed too. However, I knew that to the mainstream media, nothing was newsworthy about a Black man who was killed by a white police officer decades ago. It’s hard to convince an industry that is so heavily driven by, and consumed through, a white lens of the importance of telling stories like mine outside of fires, shattered glass, and national unrest.
But five years later, in August 2019, I received a text message from my mother with a link to an article with the headline “Texas sheriff who stars on reality show fails to publicly address sexist images posted on Facebook by one of his top officers.” “Isn’t this the cop who killed your father?” her text read.
I sped to the next red light and frantically scrolled up and down, past the graphic images throughout the story. It was as eerie as it was gut-wrenching. The article, from the Southern Poverty Law Center, reported that Deaton had shared racist photos in a Facebook post depicting a Black football player figurine lying in a pool of blood, his knees amputated by a white Santa elf doll with a chainsaw, while an American flag dangles above them. Deaton’s post, a reference to Colin Kaepernick kneeling during the national anthem to protest police brutality against Black people, was captioned: “And here’s the start…...Our Patriotic elf grew angrier all season. He finally snapped and decided to show the NFL how he goes about taking knees for not standing during our national anthem. #thankavet.”
Here was my father’s killer so boldly and fearlessly expressing his discontent with protests of police brutality. And that wasn’t even the only sickening post he had shared. Other photos depicted elf dolls sexually assaulting Barbies. A survivor of sexual assault who lived in the city his department serves reported she was retraumatized by his posts.
As I looked at Deaton’s grin in the photo at the top of another news article, I too was blanketed by a sense of anxiety. This familiar feeling surfaces at the sight or sound of anything involving law enforcement — a repercussion of losing a loved one to police violence. It comes up during the simplest of times, while driving or even walking past a police officer in public. I tell myself: Don’t speak, don’t make eye contact, don’t make any sudden moves. An officer might “fear for their life,” and I’ll be next.
But I couldn’t help but notice that in the coverage of the Facebook posts, there was no reporting on the fact that he’d killed my father. If my father didn’t make it into the news, what other countless stories might not have been reported?
Like many officers who kill and get away with it, Deaton had a thriving career after he shot my father. He stayed with Austin police for 26 years, rising to the rank of assistant chief. Despite other widely publicized inappropriate behavior and departmental violations, he was able to move to the Williamson County Sheriff’s Office, where he served until he resigned after the Facebook posts.
Seeing my father’s killer share imagery and rhetoric that encouraged violence against Black people confirmed my belief about his lack of remorse and concern for the life he took from me 27 years ago. It confirmed my belief about his complete removal from the pain and suffering of victims of police brutality and their families. It shows what likely was in his heart the moment he fired the bullets that killed my father, and it proved what my family and I have believed all along — he murdered my father.
I’ve fought for so long to tell my father’s story. Unfortunately, there are so many others like me who never will. There are countless children who were sat down and told their father, or their mother, was killed for reasons they couldn’t quite comprehend, unaware that this truth would impact them throughout their entire lives.
I’m not sure I have the right words to comfort them. But I know this much: Our stories matter. Every day when we wake up and look in the mirror, we see a reflection of the parents who were taken from us. We are their legacies.
Montinique Monroe is a photojournalist in Austin, Texas.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.