vox--2020-01-29--What will Palestinians do now?

What will Palestinians do now?

It took almost no time for Palestinian leaders to reject President Donald Trump ’ s Israel-Palestine peace plan .
“ After the nonsense that we heard today we say a thousand no ’ s to the ‘ deal of the century , ’ ” said Mahmoud Abbas , president of the Palestinian Authority , which governs the West Bank , at a news conference shortly after the proposal ’ s unveiling Tuesday .
“ We are certain that our Palestinian people will not let these conspiracies pass .
So , all options are open.
” What those options are , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s still unclear just what Palestinian leaders plan to do going forward , especially if they continue to refuse to negotiate with the Trump administration .
Will Abbas try to gain international support for his views instead of Trump ’ s , or will he simply try to wait out the American president ’ s time in office ?
What of the terrorist group Hamas , which governs the Gaza Strip , and therefore plays an important role in defining next steps ?
And how about the millions of Palestinians directly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Will they choose to demonstrate peacefully , violently , or not at all ?
To get a better sense of what might happen , I called Ghaith al-Omari , who ’ s a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy think tank .
A former adviser to Abbas and the Palestinian negotiating team during the peace process , he has a deep insight into what leaders in the West Bank and Gaza are thinking right now .
The one thing he ’ s sure about ?
Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might still want to chart a diplomatic path .
“ It devalues the Palestinian Authority ’ s paradigm of diplomacy and negotiation and will reinforce the Hamas paradigm of violence and terror , ” he told me .
Our conversation , edited for length and clarity , is below .
How will Palestinians respond to the peace plan ?
They ’ ve already rejected the plan .
They also called for an Arab League meeting on Saturday with the idea of getting support from Arab countries .
I have to say that Israeli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ push for annexation of parts of the West Bank and the clear inclinations of the Trump administration will make the Palestinians ’ job much easier .
No Arab country can accept unilateral annexation .
Should we assume that the peace plan is dead on arrival , then ?
In diplomatic terms , it ’ s dead .
Once the Palestinians and the Arab states take a clear position , then the Europeans will follow suit , and the Russians would come on board , and in the end we ’ re likely going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is only truly supported by the US and Israel , and maybe some marginal countries .
Now , what does the plan mean for changes on the ground ?
That ’ s really up to the Israelis .
Are they going to go for extensive annexation ?
Would this lead to a collapse of the Palestinian Authority , et cetera ?
We have to wait and see .
As you alluded to , Netanyahu has said his cabinet will vote on annexing 30 percent of the West Bank .
What do you make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ precious .
Annexing any parts of the West Bank or any parts of the Jordan Valley will create a very strong Arab reaction .
Not only Palestinian , but also Jordanian , because Jordan has said annexation would have dire consequences in terms of the relations with Israel .
A situation like that would certainly make it impossible for the United States to build any international support for the plan .
What should Palestinian leaders do if diplomacy is dead ?
The Palestinians are playing the long game .
Their concern is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of reference .
The way that they would counter that is by creating wall-to-wall international consensus against this plan .
They would go to the Arab League and get a resolution .
They would go to the European Union and try to get a resolution .
If that doesn ’ t work , they will get support for their side through bilateral agreements with key states , and then they ’ ll go to the UN Security Council .
They would surely garner an American veto there on a resolution , but that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they get the other 14 countries on the panel to sign on to it .
So we ’ re going to see a very intensive diplomatic effort to create an international consensus that they hope will outlive Trump .
On the ground , if there is an annexation , then the Palestinians will find it very hard to continue their security cooperation with Israel .
And if that ends , then the possibilities for deterioration and instability become extremely worrying .
To be clear , what would going to the UN or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those important steps for Palestinians to take at this point ?
Because from the Palestinian point of view , they think that they can wait out Trump heading into the US presidential election in November .
They want to be in a position where they have a new US administration and the international consensus remains within the old parameters .
Then they ’ ll hope that the new administration will revert back to the traditional US position .
If history is any guide , this can very quickly turn into a crisis Not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right course of action .
One could argue the Trump administration ’ s plan is a gift to hardliners who want to pursue a new course .
How do you expect the intra-Palestinian struggle to play out ?
It ’ s playing out as we speak .
Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas convened a meeting , and Hamas and the Islamic Jihad were at the meeting .
These two actors will continue pushing for more violence .
Ironically , they will push for it in the West Bank , but not where they govern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they will advocate is to cut security cooperation with the Israelis because security cooperation has really limited Hamas ’ s ability to operate in the West Bank .
But they will go back to what they always do , which is engage in terror , engage in destabilization .
They are trying to corner Abbas , and part of that is dictating the agenda with terror .
They feel politically very empowered and Abbas really is in a very difficult place to reject their inclusion .
This crisis will not lead to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think , to Hamas being empowered in the West Bank .
So you ’ re saying the Trump administration ’ s peace plan proposal might give Hamas a bit more power within Palestinian leadership ?
Absolutely .
It devalues the Palestinian Authority ’ s paradigm of diplomacy and negotiation and will reinforce the Hamas paradigm of violence and terror .
There was a lot of worry that if the US moved its embassy to Jerusalem , there ’ d be a lot of violence .
There was some , but it didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What should we expect the popular reaction to be to this plan ?
That ’ s the biggest unknown .
The lack of violence after the Jerusalem embassy move was partly because the public was tired and partly because the Palestinian security forces were coordinating with the Israelis to keep demonstrations away from friction points .
Today , it ’ s clear the Palestinian public is checked out .
But if history is any guide , this can very quickly turn into a crisis .
We have volatility , but simply no way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to react .
Keep in mind that the Palestinian public is not only fed up with the Israeli diplomacy , but also with their own leadership .
So would they respond to Hamas ’ s calls for violence or not ?
This is truly an ongoing concern , and I think this is what ’ s keeping the Israeli and Palestinian security folks awake at night .
Surely some will worry that a declining change of diplomacy means the possibility of a major conflict — or at least a bigger conflict — grows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justified ?
Yes , I think that fear is justified .
Again , I wouldn ’ t go for doom and gloom because we have no certainty , but I think it increases the likelihood and increases the volatility of the situation .
What needs to happen for this situation to improve , then ?
In the short term , I believe the priority is to ensure that things don ’ t devolve into a security problem .
Here , the Arab countries can play an important role in convincing Abbas to maintain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I think the real battle is whether the Trump administration manages to turn this into the new international terms of reference , in which case the Palestinians will only become weaker .
If that happens , Palestinians might manage to isolate themselves from the American and Israeli positions .
So far , though , I have to say that the Trump administration ’ s diplomatic performance has been extremely lackluster .
So for the Palestinians , the way they see it is : Wait out this administration and see what comes next @

It took almost no time for Palestinian leaders to reject President Donald Trump’s Israel-Palestine peace plan.
“After the nonsense that we heard today we say a thousand no’s to the ‘deal of the century,’” said Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority, which governs the West Bank, at a news conference shortly after the proposal’s unveiling Tuesday. “We are certain that our Palestinian people will not let these conspiracies pass. So, all options are open.”
What those options are, though, remains an important question. It’s still unclear just what Palestinian leaders plan to do going forward, especially if they continue to refuse to negotiate with the Trump administration.
Will Abbas try to gain international support for his views instead of Trump’s, or will he simply try to wait out the American president’s time in office? What of the terrorist group Hamas, which governs the Gaza Strip, and therefore plays an important role in defining next steps? And how about the millions of Palestinians directly affected by the US and Israeli-backed plan? Will they choose to demonstrate peacefully, violently, or not at all?
To get a better sense of what might happen, I called Ghaith al-Omari, who’s a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy think tank. A former adviser to Abbas and the Palestinian negotiating team during the peace process, he has a deep insight into what leaders in the West Bank and Gaza are thinking right now.
The one thing he’s sure about? Trump’s plan strengthened hardliners and weakened those who might still want to chart a diplomatic path. “It devalues the Palestinian Authority’s paradigm of diplomacy and negotiation and will reinforce the Hamas paradigm of violence and terror,” he told me.
Our conversation, edited for length and clarity, is below.
Alex Ward
How will Palestinians respond to the peace plan?
Ghaith al-Omari
They’ve already rejected the plan. They also called for an Arab League meeting on Saturday with the idea of getting support from Arab countries. I have to say that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s immediate push for annexation of parts of the West Bank and the clear inclinations of the Trump administration will make the Palestinians’ job much easier. No Arab country can accept unilateral annexation.
Alex Ward
Should we assume that the peace plan is dead on arrival, then?
Ghaith al-Omari
In diplomatic terms, it’s dead. Once the Palestinians and the Arab states take a clear position, then the Europeans will follow suit, and the Russians would come on board, and in the end we’re likely going to end up with a plan that is only truly supported by the US and Israel, and maybe some marginal countries.
Now, what does the plan mean for changes on the ground? That’s really up to the Israelis. Are they going to go for extensive annexation? Would this lead to a collapse of the Palestinian Authority, et cetera? We have to wait and see.
Alex Ward
As you alluded to, Netanyahu has said his cabinet will vote on annexing 30 percent of the West Bank. What do you make of that news?
Ghaith al-Omari
The timing is precious. Annexing any parts of the West Bank or any parts of the Jordan Valley will create a very strong Arab reaction. Not only Palestinian, but also Jordanian, because Jordan has said annexation would have dire consequences in terms of the relations with Israel.
A situation like that would certainly make it impossible for the United States to build any international support for the plan.
Alex Ward
What should Palestinian leaders do if diplomacy is dead?
Ghaith al-Omari
The Palestinians are playing the long game. Their concern is that the Trump plan becomes their new terms of reference. The way that they would counter that is by creating wall-to-wall international consensus against this plan. They would go to the Arab League and get a resolution. They would go to the European Union and try to get a resolution.
If that doesn’t work, they will get support for their side through bilateral agreements with key states, and then they’ll go to the UN Security Council. They would surely garner an American veto there on a resolution, but that’s fine for them as long as they get the other 14 countries on the panel to sign on to it.
So we’re going to see a very intensive diplomatic effort to create an international consensus that they hope will outlive Trump. On the ground, if there is an annexation, then the Palestinians will find it very hard to continue their security cooperation with Israel. And if that ends, then the possibilities for deterioration and instability become extremely worrying.
Alex Ward
To be clear, what would going to the UN or the EU really do? Why are those important steps for Palestinians to take at this point?
Ghaith al-Omari
Because from the Palestinian point of view, they think that they can wait out Trump heading into the US presidential election in November. They want to be in a position where they have a new US administration and the international consensus remains within the old parameters. Then they’ll hope that the new administration will revert back to the traditional US position.
If history is any guide, this can very quickly turn into a crisis
Alex Ward
Not all Palestinian leaders agree diplomacy is the right course of action. One could argue the Trump administration’s plan is a gift to hardliners who want to pursue a new course. How do you expect the intra-Palestinian struggle to play out?
Ghaith al-Omari
It’s playing out as we speak. Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas convened a meeting, and Hamas and the Islamic Jihad were at the meeting. These two actors will continue pushing for more violence. Ironically, they will push for it in the West Bank, but not where they govern, in Gaza.
The main line that they will advocate is to cut security cooperation with the Israelis because security cooperation has really limited Hamas’s ability to operate in the West Bank. But they will go back to what they always do, which is engage in terror, engage in destabilization.
They are trying to corner Abbas, and part of that is dictating the agenda with terror. They feel politically very empowered and Abbas really is in a very difficult place to reject their inclusion. This crisis will not lead to unity. But this will lead, I think, to Hamas being empowered in the West Bank.
Alex Ward
So you’re saying the Trump administration’s peace plan proposal might give Hamas a bit more power within Palestinian leadership?
Ghaith al-Omari
Absolutely. It devalues the Palestinian Authority’s paradigm of diplomacy and negotiation and will reinforce the Hamas paradigm of violence and terror.
Alex Ward
There was a lot of worry that if the US moved its embassy to Jerusalem, there’d be a lot of violence. There was some, but it didn’t become a big thing. What should we expect the popular reaction to be to this plan?
Ghaith al-Omari
That’s the biggest unknown. The lack of violence after the Jerusalem embassy move was partly because the public was tired and partly because the Palestinian security forces were coordinating with the Israelis to keep demonstrations away from friction points. Today, it’s clear the Palestinian public is checked out. But if history is any guide, this can very quickly turn into a crisis.
We have volatility, but simply no way of predicting how the public is going to react. Keep in mind that the Palestinian public is not only fed up with the Israeli diplomacy, but also with their own leadership. So would they respond to Hamas’s calls for violence or not? This is truly an ongoing concern, and I think this is what’s keeping the Israeli and Palestinian security folks awake at night.
Alex Ward
Surely some will worry that a declining change of diplomacy means the possibility of a major conflict — or at least a bigger conflict — grows. Do you think that fear is justified?
Ghaith al-Omari
Yes, I think that fear is justified. Again, I wouldn’t go for doom and gloom because we have no certainty, but I think it increases the likelihood and increases the volatility of the situation.
Alex Ward
What needs to happen for this situation to improve, then?
Ghaith al-Omari
In the short term, I believe the priority is to ensure that things don’t devolve into a security problem. Here, the Arab countries can play an important role in convincing Abbas to maintain security control.
In the longer term, I think the real battle is whether the Trump administration manages to turn this into the new international terms of reference, in which case the Palestinians will only become weaker. If that happens, Palestinians might manage to isolate themselves from the American and Israeli positions.
So far, though, I have to say that the Trump administration’s diplomatic performance has been extremely lackluster. So for the Palestinians, the way they see it is: Wait out this administration and see what comes next.


vox--2020-01-29--Will Ferrell and Julia Louis-Dreyfus were finishing each other’s sentences by the end of Downhill

I had to take a funicular up a steep mountain slope to a luxury resort hotel to talk to Julia Louis-Dreyfus and Will Ferrell about their new movie , Downhill .
Appropriately , the film premiered amid the snowy peaks of Park City , Utah , at the Sundance Film Festival .
It felt a bit like I was being fully immersed in the movie , which centers on an American family of four who travel to Austria for a ski vacation .
Downhill is a remake of the 2014 Swedish film Force Majeure — which , years after its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sorts of parties over whether it is a drama or a comedy .
( It ’ s a comedy , obviously . )
The tale of a couple who bring their children on a ski trip , nearly get swallowed by an avalanche , and then watch as fractures in their marriage become gaping maws won the hearts of both critics and people who love very darkly funny movies , and Downhill retains some of its predecessor ’ s weird humor while injecting a sensibility of its own .
Louis-Dreyfus has been attached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fox Searchlight executives approached her and Enough Said producer Anthony Bregman about remaking Force Majeure , which was then a recent release .
They spent the next five years trying to get Downhill made .
The film went through several iterations , but in its final form it boasts a screenplay by Succession ’ s Jesse Armstrong and writer/director duo Jim Rash and Nat Faxon ( who also made The Descendants and The Way , Way Back ) .
Force Majeure ’ s director , Ruben Östlund — who in 2017 won the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his subsequent film , The Square — makes pitch-black comedies about the absurdities inherent in human societies and relationships .
The film won a loyal following for its starkly funny , hilariously uncomfortable take on a marriage on the brink of disaster .
Downhill is a different animal , of course , not least because it stars two comedians with loyal American followings among audiences who wouldn ’ t necessarily be attracted to a bleak Swedish movie .
Downhill follows similar story beats as the original , but with a slightly different feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grim as Force Majeure , and it ’ s more focused on the married couple as characters rather than types .
By phone , Rash and Faxon told me they thought of their movie as more of a “ riff ” on the original — it ’ s an “ homage ” to Force Majeure .
Despite being two of the most famous comedic actors on the planet , Ferrell and Louis-Dreyfus had never met before they got together to talk about Ferrell joining the project .
But their portrayal of Pete and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teenage sons , feels lived-in and familiar .
As in Force Majeure , an avalanche , and Pete ’ s reaction to it , lights a fire under a long-simmering pot of resentments and disappointments .
And Pete and Billie keep exploding at each other , in the presence of both an uncomfortably friendly stranger named Charlotte ( Miranda Otto ) and Pete ’ s work friend Zach ( Zach Woods ) and Zach ’ s girlfriend Rosie ( Zoe Chao ) .
Once I found my way from the funicular , Ferrell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the long road to making the movie , their experiences juggling family and work on set in Austria , and what they ate for lunch on the country ’ s snowy slopes .
Our conversation has been lightly edited for clarity .
There must have been a lot of laughter on this set .
We would pile into these crazy Sno-Cats .
We got on some laughing jag coming down one of them .
It must have been a loopy , punchy end of the day .
I don ’ t even remember @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been shooting for 18 hours … We didn ’ t have hours like that , because we were very dependent on sunlight .
But what we did have to do was get up super early in the morning .
Oh !
It was those lovely Irish hairdressers .
Orla , that ’ s what we got on a laugh about , because she ’ s like , “ Did , you bring your cap widja ?
” Widja — “ with you.
” And I ’ m like , “ No .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” She ’ s like , “ No , widja , with you , with you.
” You can start your story with that .
“ If this is any indication of what to expect in the movie … ” Well , I did actually want to start by asking about comedy in this movie .
It definitely resembles the film it ’ s based on , which is arguably a comedy , but not exactly the kind that people laugh at .
It ’ s bleak .
I laughed watching Downhill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dark .
You ’ re both comedians — how did you think about that comedy/drama divide ?
Well , I think of it more as a drama with comedic elements , comedic beats .
So that ’ s why it was so appealing to me to take this project on .
I think Will feels the same way .
We really wanted to exercise that muscle .
There are plenty of comedic moments within , but it ’ s driven by drama .
So do you prepare for a dramatic role differently than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broadest of broad [ comedy ] we ’ ve done , we always approach it from sincerity , from a truthful place .
And that makes it even funnier in a way .
So with this , we approach it the same way ; it just happens to be more “ real.
” And more awkward , and more tense .
So depending on who you are , you ’ re going to be like , “ Hahahahaha , I ’ m laughing because I don ’ t like it.
” I feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do watching this movie is kind of rueful , like a laugh of recognition .
I ’ ve been married for 13 years , and I was like , I recognize that .
So were you both drawing on your own experiences for this ?
We both know what it ’ s like to be in a marriage over a long period of time , and we both have children , so we could draw on that , sort of .
Shared turf there , in terms of the day-to-day working dynamic of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve never had a horrible fight like that in either of our relationships .
Right ?
You haven ’ t had , right ?
Sorry .
I was just thinking about the scene where we ’ re in the bedroom , and we ’ re sitting there eating fries , and drinking wine .
I don ’ t remember when in the schedule we shot that , but that to me felt very real : a married couple treating themselves to room service , on the bed .
It feels indulgent to them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other very well over this period of time .
We were sharing stories of our lives together .
We were lucky it worked .
I would commiserate often with Julia , because my wife was manning the fort while I was gone , and I ’ d get calls .
I ’ d be like , “ Listen to this : Our high schooler wants to do X.
” My kids are older , so I ’ d be like , “ Yeah , we ’ ve been there.
” How long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t quite tell whether the shoot would have felt cozy or whether it was a physically demanding movie to shoot .
It was so physically demanding .
We were outside the bulk of the picture .
A lot of times we were on skis , with an incredibly nimble athletic second unit who was following us and skiing backward with hydraulic cameras on their backs .
It was crazy .
Not breaking for lunch sometimes .
Or you get like a 15-minute lunch , and that would be like a hot cup of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a cup ] I have pictures on my phone of us sitting in folding chairs set up in snow .
There was no trailer .
It added to the experience .
It was kind of super fun .
You knew what you were signing up for , and that was the beauty of it .
Were you both competent skiers coming into it ?
Yes , we were .
The actors playing your kids as well ?
Ammon [ Jacob Ford ] was learning for the first time .
Julian [ Grey ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ picked it up so quickly that he actually had to … In that scene where we ’ re waiting for him to ski down the hill , he had to act like a bad skier , because at that point he was actually ripping down the same runs as everyone else .
Part of what I love about that shot is that it ’ s wide .
By the way , that ’ s a moment where it felt like we were a couple ... ... Because we were finishing each other ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like , “ Jesus , hurry up.
” “ You got it , buddy.
” “ Looking good.
” “ Don ’ t make a big deal out of it … ” “ Keep him in the game.
” “ Please don ’ t indulge him.
” We both have boys , and we know the dynamic .
If you say one thing the wrong way … It ’ s always on family vacation when all your worst fights happen as a family .
They sure can .
This movie is similar in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of course it ’ s different .
It ’ s more American , and the story beats are different .
What would you say is the most notable difference ?
Well , Force Majeure is an absolute work of art , obviously .
[ Force Majeure director ] Ruben Östlund was very excited for us to do an American adaptation , and knew that we would be sort of riffing on what he did .
But it ’ s definitely different by virtue of the fact that we are an American family in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with that element right out of the gate .
But it never becomes National Lampoon ’ s Ski Vacation , or anything like that .
Good .
That was very intentional .
The original is very stark , in an effective way and in a beautiful way .
And it ’ s very Swedish , in a wonderful way .
This film is not .
I think also this film opens up the character of the wife to make her more of a flawed human being , which was also very intentional .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ lady .
[ Note : Otto plays a mysterious woman at the ski resort who befriends Billie and challenges Billie ’ s self-image . ]
Is she just an apparition ?
We didn ’ t even know .
At the end it ’ s almost like , “ Did she exist ?
Where does she work ?
Does she work here ?
What is happening ?
” Those are all the things that were messed around with .
I also feel like there ’ s a sweetness to Downhill that maybe isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I had a little more hope that this family would make it .
Whereas in the original , they ’ re left on a road to nowhere .
Although I don ’ t know that it ’ s a definite thing at the end of our film .
I think there ’ s an ambiguity in place .
I can see how you might walk away from this film thinking , “ Hmm.
” Like , is [ what happened between the couple near the end ] just a stopgap measure ?
Do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this experience that you ’ re taking with you into future projects ?
I remember talking to my manager literally after the movie wrapped , and he was like , “ How ’ d it go ?
” I was like , “ It was like the perfect creative thing to do at this point in my life .
It just felt like it was a great group of people .
It was so much fun .
It was super hard at times , physically , mentally , all of the above .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the cooler things I ’ ll ever get to work on.
” Julia , you were also a producer on Downhill , right ?
That seems like a lot , when you ’ re also starring and you ’ re on skis all the time .
Yes , it is .
In addition to also — [ to Julia ] if I can brag about you — working a 12-hour day , and then also looking at cuts of [ the final season of ] Veep and giving notes .
Oh , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was just eating a cheeseburger back in my room .
That ’ s too hard .
I don ’ t know how she did that , but she was incredible .
I had never produced film like this before .
I produced a documentary once , but with Downhill I learned a lot about pre-production and post-production — although , to be honest with you , I knew a lot about that already , because Veep was essentially half-hour films , and I was very much involved with all of that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get this thing done .
There were , frankly , over five years , a number of sort of false starts .
Are we going to do it ?
It looks like we ’ re going to do it .
No , we ’ re not .
So you had to sort of power through those frustrations and see them through .
So I guess I have a heartier sense of stick-to-itiveness than I did before .
I thought it was firmly in place before , but now even more so .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is long .
But that happens to a lot of films .
It ’ s not an anomaly .
I imagine it also isn ’ t the easiest movie to pitch to people — to explain what it is and how it ’ s different from the original .
So if you could pick another movie that you think would be great as an American remake , what would you pick ?
Well .
One of my favorite foreign films of all time is Cinema Paradiso .
As an American remake ?
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Also , we ’ ve gone down the road with this , though I don ’ t think it ’ s going to happen now , with a remake of another movie .
It was a book that was made into a movie called The 100 Year-Old Man Who Climbed Out the Window and Disappeared , and we were going to try and do an adaptation here .
But it ’ s not happening .
I think what we ’ re trying to say is it ’ s just really hard to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done .
Downhill premiered at the Sundance Film Festival on January 26 , and opens in theaters on February 14 .

I had to take a funicular up a steep mountain slope to a luxury resort hotel to talk to Julia Louis-Dreyfus and Will Ferrell about their new movie, Downhill. Appropriately, the film premiered amid the snowy peaks of Park City, Utah, at the Sundance Film Festival. It felt a bit like I was being fully immersed in the movie, which centers on an American family of four who travel to Austria for a ski vacation.
Downhill is a remake of the 2014 Swedish film Force Majeure — which, years after its premiere, still sparks arguments at certain sorts of parties over whether it is a drama or a comedy. (It’s a comedy, obviously.) The tale of a couple who bring their children on a ski trip, nearly get swallowed by an avalanche, and then watch as fractures in their marriage become gaping maws won the hearts of both critics and people who love very darkly funny movies, and Downhill retains some of its predecessor’s weird humor while injecting a sensibility of its own.
Louis-Dreyfus has been attached to Downhill from the start, when Fox Searchlight executives approached her and Enough Said producer Anthony Bregman about remaking Force Majeure, which was then a recent release. They spent the next five years trying to get Downhill made. The film went through several iterations, but in its final form it boasts a screenplay by Succession’s Jesse Armstrong and writer/director duo Jim Rash and Nat Faxon (who also made The Descendants and The Way, Way Back).
Force Majeure’s director, Ruben Östlund — who in 2017 won the Palme d’Or at Cannes for his subsequent film, The Square — makes pitch-black comedies about the absurdities inherent in human societies and relationships. The film won a loyal following for its starkly funny, hilariously uncomfortable take on a marriage on the brink of disaster.
Downhill is a different animal, of course, not least because it stars two comedians with loyal American followings among audiences who wouldn’t necessarily be attracted to a bleak Swedish movie. Downhill follows similar story beats as the original, but with a slightly different feel; it’s not quite as grim as Force Majeure, and it’s more focused on the married couple as characters rather than types. By phone, Rash and Faxon told me they thought of their movie as more of a “riff” on the original — it’s an “homage” to Force Majeure.
Despite being two of the most famous comedic actors on the planet, Ferrell and Louis-Dreyfus had never met before they got together to talk about Ferrell joining the project. But their portrayal of Pete and Billie, a long-married pair with two teenage sons, feels lived-in and familiar. As in Force Majeure, an avalanche, and Pete’s reaction to it, lights a fire under a long-simmering pot of resentments and disappointments. And Pete and Billie keep exploding at each other, in the presence of both an uncomfortably friendly stranger named Charlotte (Miranda Otto) and Pete’s work friend Zach (Zach Woods) and Zach’s girlfriend Rosie (Zoe Chao).
Once I found my way from the funicular, Ferrell, Louis-Dreyfus, and I chatted about the long road to making the movie, their experiences juggling family and work on set in Austria, and what they ate for lunch on the country’s snowy slopes. Our conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Alissa Wilkinson
There must have been a lot of laughter on this set.
Will Ferrell
We would pile into these crazy Sno-Cats. We got on some laughing jag coming down one of them.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
We did?
Will Ferrell
Didn’t we?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Probably.
Will Ferrell
It must have been a loopy, punchy end of the day. I don’t even remember.
Alissa Wilkinson
Well, when you’ve been shooting for 18 hours …
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
We didn’t have hours like that, because we were very dependent on sunlight. But what we did have to do was get up super early in the morning.
Will Ferrell
Oh! It was those lovely Irish hairdressers.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Yes, Orla and Lynn.
Will Ferrell
Orla, that’s what we got on a laugh about, because she’s like, “Did, you bring your cap widja?” Widja — “with you.” And I’m like, “No. What’s a ‘cap widja’?” She’s like, “No, widja, with you, with you.”
You can start your story with that. “If this is any indication of what to expect in the movie …”
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
“Of the intellect …”
Alissa Wilkinson
Well, I did actually want to start by asking about comedy in this movie. It definitely resembles the film it’s based on, which is arguably a comedy, but not exactly the kind that people laugh at. It’s bleak. I laughed watching Downhill, but it’s still pretty dark. You’re both comedians — how did you think about that comedy/drama divide?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Well, I think of it more as a drama with comedic elements, comedic beats.
Will Ferrell
Yeah.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
So that’s why it was so appealing to me to take this project on. I think Will feels the same way. We really wanted to exercise that muscle. There are plenty of comedic moments within, but it’s driven by drama.
Alissa Wilkinson
So do you prepare for a dramatic role differently than a comedic one?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
It’s not different.
Will Ferrell
Even in the broadest of broad [comedy] we’ve done, we always approach it from sincerity, from a truthful place. And that makes it even funnier in a way. So with this, we approach it the same way; it just happens to be more “real.”
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Right.
Will Ferrell
And more awkward, and more tense. So depending on who you are, you’re going to be like, “Hahahahaha, I’m laughing because I don’t like it.”
Alissa Wilkinson
I feel like a lot of the laughing you do watching this movie is kind of rueful, like a laugh of recognition. I’ve been married for 13 years, and I was like, I recognize that.
Will Ferrell
Yeah. You identify.
Alissa Wilkinson
So were you both drawing on your own experiences for this?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
We both know what it’s like to be in a marriage over a long period of time, and we both have children, so we could draw on that, sort of.
Will Ferrell
Shared turf there, in terms of the day-to-day working dynamic of a couple. Fortunately, we’ve never had a horrible fight like that in either of our relationships. Right? You haven’t had, right?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Sorry. I was just thinking about the scene where we’re in the bedroom, and we’re sitting there eating fries, and drinking wine. I don’t remember when in the schedule we shot that, but that to me felt very real: a married couple treating themselves to room service, on the bed.
Will Ferrell
It feels indulgent to them.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Yeah. And it’s cozy.
Will Ferrell
They’re on vacation. It’s cozy.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Will and I got to know each other very well over this period of time. We were sharing stories of our lives together. We were lucky it worked.
Will Ferrell
I would commiserate often with Julia, because my wife was manning the fort while I was gone, and I’d get calls. I’d be like, “Listen to this: Our high schooler wants to do X.”
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
My kids are older, so I’d be like, “Yeah, we’ve been there.”
Alissa Wilkinson
How long was the shoot?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
A couple of months.
Alissa Wilkinson
I couldn’t quite tell whether the shoot would have felt cozy or whether it was a physically demanding movie to shoot.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
It was so physically demanding.
Will Ferrell
Yes.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
We were outside the bulk of the picture. A lot of times we were on skis, with an incredibly nimble athletic second unit who was following us and skiing backward with hydraulic cameras on their backs. It was crazy.
Will Ferrell
Not breaking for lunch sometimes. Or you get like a 15-minute lunch, and that would be like a hot cup of … [mimes spooning food out of a cup]
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Holding a thing and eating it.
Will Ferrell
Very much a European portion lunch.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Trying to stay warm.
Will Ferrell
Some sort of stew?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
I have pictures on my phone of us sitting in folding chairs set up in snow. There was no trailer.
Will Ferrell
It added to the experience.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
It was kind of super fun.
Will Ferrell
You knew what you were signing up for, and that was the beauty of it.
Alissa Wilkinson
Were you both competent skiers coming into it?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Yes, we were.
Alissa Wilkinson
The actors playing your kids as well?
Will Ferrell
Ammon [Jacob Ford] was learning for the first time. Julian [Grey] knew how to ski. And Ammon picked it up so quickly that he actually had to …
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Dial it back.
Will Ferrell
In that scene where we’re waiting for him to ski down the hill, he had to act like a bad skier, because at that point he was actually ripping down the same runs as everyone else.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Part of what I love about that shot is that it’s wide.
Will Ferrell
By the way, that’s a moment where it felt like we were a couple ...
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
... Because we were finishing each other’s sentences.
Will Ferrell
We’re both like, “Jesus, hurry up.” “You got it, buddy.” “Looking good.”
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
“Don’t make a big deal out of it …”
Will Ferrell
“Keep him in the game.”
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
“Please don’t indulge him.” We both have boys, and we know the dynamic.
Will Ferrell
If you say one thing the wrong way …
Alissa Wilkinson
It’s always on family vacation when all your worst fights happen as a family.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
They can.
Will Ferrell
They sure can.
Alissa Wilkinson
This movie is similar in some ways to Force Majeure, but of course it’s different. It’s more American, and the story beats are different. What would you say is the most notable difference?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Well, Force Majeure is an absolute work of art, obviously. [Force Majeure director] Ruben Östlund was very excited for us to do an American adaptation, and knew that we would be sort of riffing on what he did.
Will Ferrell
But it’s definitely different by virtue of the fact that we are an American family in Europe, so we have to deal with that element right out of the gate.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
The fish-out-of-water thing.
Alissa Wilkinson
But it never becomes National Lampoon’s Ski Vacation, or anything like that.
Will Ferrell
No.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Good. That was very intentional.
Will Ferrell
The original is very stark, in an effective way and in a beautiful way.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
And it’s very Swedish, in a wonderful way. This film is not. I think also this film opens up the character of the wife to make her more of a flawed human being, which was also very intentional.
Will Ferrell
And Miranda [Otto]’s character, also.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Yeah. Kind of a whacked-out German lady. [Note: Otto plays a mysterious woman at the ski resort who befriends Billie and challenges Billie’s self-image.]
Will Ferrell
Is she just an apparition? We didn’t even know. At the end it’s almost like, “Did she exist? Where does she work? Does she work here? What is happening?” Those are all the things that were messed around with.
Alissa Wilkinson
I also feel like there’s a sweetness to Downhill that maybe isn’t as present in Force Majeure. I had a little more hope that this family would make it.
Will Ferrell
Whereas in the original, they’re left on a road to nowhere.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Although I don’t know that it’s a definite thing at the end of our film.
Will Ferrell
That’s true.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
I think there’s an ambiguity in place. I can see how you might walk away from this film thinking, “Hmm.”
Will Ferrell
Like, is [what happened between the couple near the end] just a stopgap measure?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Troubles ahead.
Alissa Wilkinson
Do you feel like you learned anything from this experience that you’re taking with you into future projects?
Will Ferrell
I remember talking to my manager literally after the movie wrapped, and he was like, “How’d it go?” I was like, “It was like the perfect creative thing to do at this point in my life. It just felt like it was a great group of people. It was so much fun. It was super hard at times, physically, mentally, all of the above. But wow, it was just one of the cooler things I’ll ever get to work on.”
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
That’s so nice, Will.
Alissa Wilkinson
Julia, you were also a producer on Downhill, right? That seems like a lot, when you’re also starring and you’re on skis all the time.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Yes, it is.
Will Ferrell
In addition to also — [to Julia] if I can brag about you — working a 12-hour day, and then also looking at cuts of [the final season of] Veep and giving notes.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Oh, yeah. I forgot about that.
Will Ferrell
I was just eating a cheeseburger back in my room. That’s too hard. I don’t know how she did that, but she was incredible.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Hey, don’t sell yourself short.
Will Ferrell
She was incredible.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
I had never produced film like this before. I produced a documentary once, but with Downhill I learned a lot about pre-production and post-production — although, to be honest with you, I knew a lot about that already, because Veep was essentially half-hour films, and I was very much involved with all of that.
But it took a lot of stick-to-itiveness to get this thing done. There were, frankly, over five years, a number of sort of false starts. Are we going to do it? It looks like we’re going to do it. No, we’re not. So you had to sort of power through those frustrations and see them through.
So I guess I have a heartier sense of stick-to-itiveness than I did before. I thought it was firmly in place before, but now even more so.
Alissa Wilkinson
Five years is so long.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
It is long. But that happens to a lot of films. It’s not an anomaly.
Alissa Wilkinson
I imagine it also isn’t the easiest movie to pitch to people — to explain what it is and how it’s different from the original.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
Right.
Alissa Wilkinson
So if you could pick another movie that you think would be great as an American remake, what would you pick?
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
[long pause] Oh, god.
Will Ferrell
Well. One of my favorite foreign films of all time is Cinema Paradiso. As an American remake? I don’t know. You could.
Also, we’ve gone down the road with this, though I don’t think it’s going to happen now, with a remake of another movie. It was a book that was made into a movie called The 100 Year-Old Man Who Climbed Out the Window and Disappeared, and we were going to try and do an adaptation here. But it’s not happening.
I think what we’re trying to say is it’s just really hard to get anything done.
Julia Louis-Dreyfus
To get anything done.
Downhill premiered at the Sundance Film Festival on January 26, and opens in theaters on February 14.


vox--2020-01-30--The Trump administration has started sending Brazilian asylum seekers back to Mexico

The Trump administration announced Wednesday that it is sending Brazilian migrants arriving at the southern border back to Mexico to wait for decisions on their asylum applications in the US .
It ’ s part of the Department of Homeland Security ’ s efforts to expand the “ Remain in Mexico ” program , officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols , under which the administration has already sent some 60,000 asylum seekers to Mexico to wait for their court dates in the US , often for months at a time .
Trump administration officials have touted the program as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approximately 75 percent decline in apprehensions at the southern border since last May .
But the Trump administration acknowledges that there remains a humanitarian crisis along the border — one that immigrant advocates say has only been exacerbated by MPP .
Until recently , most immigrant advocates had thought that only Spanish-speaking migrants would be subject to MPP .
But the Department of Homeland Security clarified in a statement Wednesday that there is no such limit on the program .
Indeed , citizens of Trinidad and Tobago and Albania have also been sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Brazilians , according to Mexico ’ s National Institute of Migration .
The rationale behind sending only Spanish speaking-populations to Mexico for prolonged periods is that they would be better able to assimilate in local society and find work .
Brazilians who only speak Portuguese , by contrast , will face additional economic hardship , threats to their personal safety and difficulty securing legal representation .
It ’ s not clear at this point how many Brazilians have been sent back to Mexico under MPP .
Some have been returned to Ciudad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border from El Paso , Texas .
Like other migrants who have been sent back to Mexico under MPP , they face the dangers of extortion , rape and kidnapping at the hands of drug cartels and other criminal actors .
“ Their vulnerability to kidnapping is greater [ because ] of their lack of Spanish skills , ” Taylor Levy , one of the few immigration attorneys representing migrants affected by MPP , tweeted Wednesday .
Levy said that she did not know of any attorneys in the Ciudad Juárez area who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether either the US or Mexican government will provide translators to Brazilians .
The number of Brazilians arrested by US Customs and Border Protection spiked last year to around 18,000 , up from just 1,600 the year before .
The catalyst may have been the 2018 election of Brazil ’ s far-right President Jair Bolsonaro , whose tenure has been characterized by high unemployment , a series of corruption scandals and increased crime .
DHS touted the decision to expand MPP to Brazilians on Wednesday as a means of discouraging unauthorized immigration .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the program shows that the Department , along with its Mexican counterparts , have always sought to expand the program in a safe and responsible manner , ” DHS said in a statement .
Before MPP , both those who waited in line at the border and those who were apprehended between ports of entry would have been held at a US Customs and Border Protection processing facility until a border agent determined whether they should be released , transferred to immigration detention , or deported .
But now , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have only been allowed to enter the US to attend their immigration court hearings .
They have been waiting in Mexican border cities where some migrants are lucky to find housing in shelters , hotels , or rooms for rent .
But for more than 5,000 others , only colorful tents and tarps , some held up by only sticks and stones , stand between them and the elements , even as temperatures drop below freezing .
The encampments are clustered around bridges linked to US ports of entry along the Rio Grande @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basic necessities like clean drinking water and warm clothes .

The Trump administration announced Wednesday that it is sending Brazilian migrants arriving at the southern border back to Mexico to wait for decisions on their asylum applications in the US.
It’s part of the Department of Homeland Security’s efforts to expand the “Remain in Mexico” program, officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), under which the administration has already sent some 60,000 asylum seekers to Mexico to wait for their court dates in the US, often for months at a time.
Trump administration officials have touted the program as one of the primary drivers of the approximately 75 percent decline in apprehensions at the southern border since last May. But the Trump administration acknowledges that there remains a humanitarian crisis along the border — one that immigrant advocates say has only been exacerbated by MPP.
Until recently, most immigrant advocates thought that only Spanish-speaking migrants would be subject to MPP. But the Department of Homeland Security clarified in a statement Wednesday that there is no such limit on the program. Indeed, citizens of Trinidad and Tobago and Albania have also been sent back to Mexico under MPP in addition to Brazilians, according to Mexico’s National Institute of Migration.
The rationale behind sending only Spanish speaking-populations to Mexico for prolonged periods is that they would be better able to assimilate into local society and find work. Brazilians who only speak Portuguese, by contrast, will face additional economic hardship, threats to their personal safety, and difficulty securing legal representation.
It’s not clear at this point how many Brazilians have been sent back to Mexico under MPP. Some have been returned to Ciudad Juárez, which is right across the border from El Paso, Texas. Like other migrants who have been sent back to Mexico under MPP, they face the dangers of extortion, rape, and kidnapping at the hands of drug cartels and other criminal actors.
“Their vulnerability to kidnapping is greater [because] of their lack of Spanish skills,” Taylor Levy, one of the few immigration attorneys representing migrants affected by MPP, tweeted Wednesday.
Levy said she did not know of any attorneys in the Ciudad Juárez area who speak Portuguese. It’s unclear whether either the US or Mexican government will provide translators to Brazilian migrants.
The number of Brazilians arrested by US Customs and Border Protection spiked last year to around 18,000, up from just 1,600 the year before. The catalyst may have been the 2018 election of Brazil’s far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, whose tenure has been characterized by high unemployment, a series of corruption scandals, and increased crime.
DHS touted the decision to expand MPP to Brazilians on Wednesday as a means of discouraging unauthorized immigration.
“The fact that Brazilians are now part of the program shows that the Department, along with its Mexican counterparts, have always sought to expand the program in a safe and responsible manner,” DHS said in a statement.
Before MPP, both those who waited in line at the border and those who were apprehended between ports of entry would have been held at a US Customs and Border Protection processing facility until a border agent determined whether they should be released, transferred to immigration detention, or deported. But now, they are mostly sent back to Mexico and have only been allowed to enter the US to attend their immigration court hearings.
They have been waiting in Mexican border cities where some migrants are lucky to find housing in shelters, hotels, or rooms for rent. But for more than 5,000 others, only colorful tents and tarps, some held up by only sticks and stones, stand between them and the elements, even as temperatures drop below freezing. The encampments are clustered around bridges linked to US ports of entry along the Rio Grande, where they rely on volunteers for basic necessities like clean drinking water and warm clothes.


vox--2020-01-30--Drug overdose deaths fell in 2018 — but were still near record highs

American drug overdose deaths fell for the first time in 28 years in 2018 but remain near record highs , according to a new report released by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on Thursday .
The report put total drug overdose deaths at more than 67,000 in 2018 , down 4 percent from over 70,000 in 2017 .
That adds up 20.7 drug overdose deaths per 100,000 people in 2018 , compared to 21.7 in 2017 .
It ’ s the first recorded fall in overdose deaths since America ’ s opioid epidemic began in the 1990s .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ year for drug overdose deaths in US history .
The rate of drug overdose deaths is still more than three times what it was in 1999 , and overdose deaths are still higher than deaths due to gun violence , car crashes , or HIV/AIDS at its peak .
Life expectancy at birth among Americans also increased slightly — by 0.1 years , from 78.6 years in 2016 to 78.7 years in 2018 .
That was partially attributable to the dip in drug overdose deaths .
But that ’ s still below the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the CDC noted .
The overdose death rate was highest in West Virginia ( 51.5 per 100,000 ) , Delaware ( 43.8 ) , Maryland ( 37.2 ) , Pennsylvania ( 36.1 ) , Ohio ( 35.9 ) , and New Hampshire ( 35.8 ) .
Overdose deaths fell in 14 states in 2018 , including Ohio , Pennsylvania , and West Virginia .
They increased in five : California , Delaware , Missouri , New Jersey , and South Carolina .
The opioid epidemic began in the 1990s , as the proliferation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patients but among teens rummaging through their parents ’ medicine cabinets , friends and family , and the black market — led to a spike in opioid addiction and overdoses .
That first wave was followed by two others as drug cartels capitalized on the rise of addiction , through first the rise of cheap , potent heroin and then the spread of even cheaper and more potent fentanyl .
With each of the three waves of the opioid epidemic , addiction cases and overdose deaths increased .
The CDC numbers suggest that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decades , the opioid crisis may be getting better .
But overdose deaths remain historically high — and there are red flags in the data that should invite caution before anyone declares victory over the opioid epidemic .
It ’ s too early to celebrate the end of the opioid epidemic The good news in drug overdose deaths was buoyed largely by a drop in overdose deaths linked to opioid painkillers — perhaps a result of government and other efforts to cut back on opioid prescriptions ( though the US still generally prescribes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world ) .
Still , there were significant increases in some kinds of drug overdoses , particularly those involving illicit synthetic opioids like fentanyl , cocaine , and stimulants like meth .
The age-adjusted overdose death rate for synthetic opioids excluding methadone increased by 10 percent from 2017 to 2018 .
The rate for cocaine increased by nearly 5 percent , while the rate for stimulants like meth increased by nearly 22 percent — though stimulant overdose deaths in general were still dwarfed by opioid overdose deaths .
This is where advocates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the new numbers : It ’ s entirely possible that as opioid painkiller deaths plateau or fall , other drug overdose deaths will rise and overcome any gains .
That wouldn ’ t be unprecedented : Drug overdose deaths appeared to plateau around 2012 before reaching new record highs in the ensuing years .
A recent report by the RAND Corporation , for one , warned that fentanyl could expand to parts of the US where it hasn ’ t reached illicit drug markets yet — potentially leading to a spike in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potent and relatively less dangerous heroin .
Separately , experts have warned about a possible stimulant epidemic .
As Stanford drug policy expert Keith Humphreys previously told me , “ Every opioid epidemic in American history has been followed by a stimulant epidemic.
” Part of this reflects the lopsided efforts that the US has taken in response to the opioid crisis .
Government and public health officials have taken several steps to cut back on the overprescription of opioids , with some success in recent years .
At the same time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ near enough to build up its addiction treatment infrastructure — either in terms of investing the tens of billions of dollars experts argue is necessary or by ensuring the treatment system is using evidence-based practices .
Despite President Donald Trump ’ s campaign promises to “ spend the money ” necessary to fight the opioid epidemic , he hasn ’ t delivered .
The US also hasn ’ t done enough to embrace harm reduction practices that can save lives .
Although the opioid overdose antidote naloxone has proliferated in the past decade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world in needle exchanges , supervised consumption sites , and prescription heroin .
And the country still seems to struggle with underlying conditions that experts say are fueling “ deaths of despair.
” That ’ s not just drug overdoses but also suicides , which increased in 2018 , and alcohol-related deaths , which have doubled in the past two decades .
Research by Princeton economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton has pinned these deaths of despair on various issues , including the collapse of economic opportunities in much of the country , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and untreated mental health issues .
“ If all of these social factors were there , and we didn ’ t have the supply of drugs , of course people would not be dying of overdoses , ” Nora Volkow , director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse , previously told me .
“ But it is the confluence of the widespread markets of drugs — that are very accessible and very potent — and the social-cultural factors that are making people despair and seek out these drugs as a way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vulnerable to increases in drug addiction cases and overdose deaths , even as it sees some gains due to drops in opioid prescriptions and related deaths .
But , at least in 2018 , the US saw a rare drop in drug overdose deaths .

American drug overdose deaths fell for the first time in 28 years in 2018 but remain near record highs, according to a new report released by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on Thursday.
The report put total drug overdose deaths at more than 67,000 in 2018, down 4 percent from over 70,000 in 2017. That adds up 20.7 drug overdose deaths per 100,000 people in 2018, compared to 21.7 in 2017. It’s the first recorded fall in overdose deaths since America’s opioid epidemic began in the 1990s.
But that still makes 2018 the second-worst year for drug overdose deaths in US history. The rate of drug overdose deaths is still more than three times what it was in 1999, and overdose deaths are still higher than deaths due to gun violence, car crashes, or HIV/AIDS at its peak.
Life expectancy at birth among Americans also increased slightly — by 0.1 years, from 78.6 years in 2016 to 78.7 years in 2018. That was partially attributable to the dip in drug overdose deaths. But that’s still below the peak of 78.9 years in 2014, the CDC noted.
The overdose death rate was highest in West Virginia (51.5 per 100,000), Delaware (43.8), Maryland (37.2), Pennsylvania (36.1), Ohio (35.9), and New Hampshire (35.8). Overdose deaths fell in 14 states in 2018, including Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. They increased in five: California, Delaware, Missouri, New Jersey, and South Carolina.
The Rehab Racket is Vox’s investigation into America’s notoriously opaque addiction treatment industry. We’re crowdsourcing patients’ and families’ rehab stories, with an emphasis on the cost of treatment and quality of care. If you’d like to help our reporting by sharing your story, please fill out this survey.
The opioid epidemic began in the 1990s, as the proliferation of opioid painkillers — not just for patients but among teens rummaging through their parents’ medicine cabinets, friends and family, and the black market — led to a spike in opioid addiction and overdoses. That first wave was followed by two others as drug cartels capitalized on the rise of addiction, through first the rise of cheap, potent heroin and then the spread of even cheaper and more potent fentanyl. With each of the three waves of the opioid epidemic, addiction cases and overdose deaths increased.
The CDC numbers suggest that, for the first time in three decades, the opioid crisis may be getting better. But overdose deaths remain historically high — and there are red flags in the data that should invite caution before anyone declares victory over the opioid epidemic.
It’s too early to celebrate the end of the opioid epidemic
The good news in drug overdose deaths was buoyed largely by a drop in overdose deaths linked to opioid painkillers — perhaps a result of government and other efforts to cut back on opioid prescriptions (though the US still generally prescribes far more opioids than the rest of the world).
Still, there were significant increases in some kinds of drug overdoses, particularly those involving illicit synthetic opioids like fentanyl, cocaine, and stimulants like meth. The age-adjusted overdose death rate for synthetic opioids excluding methadone increased by 10 percent from 2017 to 2018. The rate for cocaine increased by nearly 5 percent, while the rate for stimulants like meth increased by nearly 22 percent — though stimulant overdose deaths in general were still dwarfed by opioid overdose deaths.
This is where advocates and experts call for caution in regards to the new numbers: It’s entirely possible that as opioid painkiller deaths plateau or fall, other drug overdose deaths will rise and overcome any gains. That wouldn’t be unprecedented: Drug overdose deaths appeared to plateau around 2012 before reaching new record highs in the ensuing years.
A recent report by the RAND Corporation, for one, warned that fentanyl could expand to parts of the US where it hasn’t reached illicit drug markets yet — potentially leading to a spike in overdose deaths in areas accustomed to less potent and relatively less dangerous heroin.
Separately, experts have warned about a possible stimulant epidemic. As Stanford drug policy expert Keith Humphreys previously told me, “Every opioid epidemic in American history has been followed by a stimulant epidemic.”
Part of this reflects the lopsided efforts that the US has taken in response to the opioid crisis. Government and public health officials have taken several steps to cut back on the overprescription of opioids, with some success in recent years.
At the same time, the US hasn’t done anywhere near enough to build up its addiction treatment infrastructure — either in terms of investing the tens of billions of dollars experts argue is necessary or by ensuring the treatment system is using evidence-based practices. Despite President Donald Trump’s campaign promises to “spend the money” necessary to fight the opioid epidemic, he hasn’t delivered.
The US also hasn’t done enough to embrace harm reduction practices that can save lives. Although the opioid overdose antidote naloxone has proliferated in the past decade, the country still lags the developed world in needle exchanges, supervised consumption sites, and prescription heroin.
And the country still seems to struggle with underlying conditions that experts say are fueling “deaths of despair.” That’s not just drug overdoses but also suicides, which increased in 2018, and alcohol-related deaths, which have doubled in the past two decades. Research by Princeton economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton has pinned these deaths of despair on various issues, including the collapse of economic opportunities in much of the country, a growing sense of social isolation, and untreated mental health issues.
“If all of these social factors were there, and we didn’t have the supply of drugs, of course people would not be dying of overdoses,” Nora Volkow, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, previously told me. “But it is the confluence of the widespread markets of drugs — that are very accessible and very potent — and the social-cultural factors that are making people despair and seek out these drugs as a way of escaping.”
All of that leaves America vulnerable to increases in drug addiction cases and overdose deaths, even as it sees some gains due to drops in opioid prescriptions and related deaths.
But, at least in 2018, the US saw a rare drop in drug overdose deaths.


vox--2020-01-30--Pam Bondi’s been a punchline during the impeachment trial. But her role speaks to something importan

Pam Bondi’s been a punchline during the impeachment trial. But her role speaks to something important.

Former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi has become something of a punchline during President Donald Trump ’ s impeachment trial in her role as the defense team ’ s Hunter Biden specialist .
Over the course of 10 hours of testimony on Wednesday , she only spoke once , but the halting and deliberate manner in which she pushed conspiracy theories aimed at shifting attention from Trump to the Biden family went viral and became the subject of a Daily Show video .
Things went downhill for her again on Thursday when she stumbled through an allegation about how Hunter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fishing trips together was purportedly evidence of corruption .
The point of Bondi ’ s remarks seemed to be that Hunter was in close touch with Joe Biden , and therefore that his father must ’ ve been in the loop about his work for Burisma , a Ukrainian gas company that has been accused of corruption .
But there ’ s no evidence that Hunter ’ s work influenced the Obama administration ’ s foreign policy , or that Joe Biden pulled strings to get Hunter his position .
Hunter selling his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not in and of itself corrupt .
Bondi ’ s arguments have nothing to do with the two charges against Trump under the articles of impeachment — abuse of power over withholding taxpayer-funded military aid to Ukraine in exchange for the personal political favor of investigating the Hunter Biden , and contempt of Congress charges for failing to comply with the investigation .
Instead , her job is to change the subject ; she wants to make it seem like it ’ s the Bidens who have a corruption problem .
But Bondi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figure to serve the role of the “ corruption ” expert .
Let ’ s review Bondi ’ s own very spotty record on the subject .
Bondi decided not to sue Trump University after she got a donation from Trump , among other unseemly things Bondi ’ s relationship with Trump dates back to 2013 , when as Florida attorney general , she announced she was considering joining a lawsuit that New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman was filing against Trump University for scamming students .
But four days later , Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reelection campaign a check for $ 25,000 .
Lo and behold , Bondi never ended up joining the lawsuit .
While still serving as Florida attorney general in August 2018 , Bondi raised eyebrows by serving as co-host of Fox News ’ s The Five for three straight days .
She didn ’ t end up running for reelection .
Bondi has been attacking Hunter Biden for serving in a well-compensated role despite having questionable credentials , but after leaving office in Florida , a firm she worked for was paid $ 115,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Qatari government .
She left that role to join Trump ’ s legal team .
In the months leading up to the impeachment trial , she ’ s served as one of Trump ’ s TV surrogates — a role in which she ’ s mangled basic facts surrounding the Ukraine scandal .
If all of this seems to point toward Bondi being a less than ideal choice to make the case for Trump about purported Biden corruption , you ’ d be right .
The shamelessness is the point Bondi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Trump could ’ ve picked for her role .
But the fact that she ’ s in that position anyway speaks to a broader shamelessness .
A key part of Trump ’ s defense has been to argue that the most personally corrupt president in modern American history is actually a principled opponent of corruption .
Trump has claimed to not know fixers who worked with Rudy Giuliani to carry out his Ukraine scheme , despite video of them hanging out together at his Mar-a-Lago resort .
He ’ s repeatedly pushed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the timeline of the Ukraine scandal in order to make it seem like Democrats have just had it out for him .
Meanwhile , Trump ’ s Republican defenders have complained about Democrats not presenting new evidence during the impeachment trial , ignoring that the reason they ’ ve been unable to because Republicans voted to block them from being able to do so .
And as new evidence of Trump ’ s misconduct has emerged , Trump ’ s defenders in the Senate and on his legal team have moved the goalposts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pro quo ” to “ corrupt quid pro quos aren ’ t impeachable.
” So shamelessness is a feature of Trumpism , not a bug .
And while Pam Bondi ’ s performance may seem laughable to most , it ’ s been sufficient for Senate Republicans — and as far as Trump ’ s fate during the impeachment trial is concerned , that ’ s good enough .
The news moves fast .
To stay updated , follow Aaron Rupar on Twitter , and read more of Vox ’ s policy and @ @ @

Former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi has become something of a punchline during President Donald Trump’s impeachment trial in her role as the defense team’s Hunter Biden specialist.
Over the course of 10 hours of testimony on Wednesday, she only spoke once, but the halting and deliberate manner in which she pushed conspiracy theories aimed at shifting attention from Trump to the Biden family went viral and became the subject of a Daily Show video.
Thank you @cspan for all the camera coverage pic.twitter.com/oJBM1hcJDs — The Daily Show (@TheDailyShow) January 30, 2020
Things went downhill for her again on Thursday when she stumbled through an allegation about how Hunter and his father Joe Biden going on fishing trips together was purportedly evidence of corruption.
Here's Pam Bondi accusing Hunter Biden of going "on a fishing trip with Joe Biden's family in Norway," seemingly oblivious to the fact that as Joe Biden's son, Hunter is in fact part of said family ♂ pic.twitter.com/obCYV28aST — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) January 30, 2020
The point of Bondi’s remarks seemed to be that Hunter was in close touch with Joe Biden, and therefore that his father must’ve been in the loop about his work for Burisma, a Ukrainian gas company that has been accused of corruption. But there’s no evidence that Hunter’s work influenced the Obama administration’s foreign policy, or that Joe Biden pulled strings to get Hunter his position. Hunter selling his family name, while unseemly, is not in and of itself corrupt.
Bondi’s arguments have nothing to do with the two charges against Trump under the articles of impeachment — abuse of power over withholding taxpayer-funded military aid to Ukraine in exchange for the personal political favor of investigating the Hunter Biden, and contempt of Congress charges for failing to comply with the investigation. Instead, her job is to change the subject; she wants to make it seem like it’s the Bidens who have a corruption problem.
But Bondi herself is a bit of a strange figure to serve the role of the “corruption” expert. Let’s review Bondi’s own very spotty record on the subject.
Bondi decided not to sue Trump University after she got a donation from Trump, among other unseemly things
Bondi’s relationship with Trump dates back to 2013, when as Florida attorney general, she announced she was considering joining a lawsuit that New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman was filing against Trump University for scamming students.
But four days later, Trump’s foundation cut Bondi’s reelection campaign a check for $25,000. Lo and behold, Bondi never ended up joining the lawsuit.
While still serving as Florida attorney general in August 2018, Bondi raised eyebrows by serving as co-host of Fox News’s The Five for three straight days. She didn’t end up running for reelection.
Bondi has been attacking Hunter Biden for serving in a well-compensated role despite having questionable credentials, but after leaving office in Florida, a firm she worked for was paid $115,000 a month for work she did lobbying for the Qatari government.
She left that role to join Trump’s legal team. In the months leading up to the impeachment trial, she’s served as one of Trump’s TV surrogates — a role in which she’s mangled basic facts surrounding the Ukraine scandal.
"He’s the Ambassador to Ukraine" -- here's Pam Bondi, special adviser to Trump on the impeachment inquiry, falsely referring to Gordon Sondland as Trump's ambassador to Ukraine on CBS This Morning pic.twitter.com/1URYGVK2RY — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) November 20, 2019
If all of this seems to point toward Bondi being a less than ideal choice to make the case for Trump about purported Biden corruption, you’d be right.
The shamelessness is the point
Bondi is just about the inappropriate person possible that Trump could’ve picked for her role. But the fact that she’s in that position anyway speaks to a broader shamelessness.
A key part of Trump’s defense has been to argue that the most personally corrupt president in modern American history is actually a principled opponent of corruption. Trump has claimed to not know fixers who worked with Rudy Giuliani to carry out his Ukraine scheme, despite video of them hanging out together at his Mar-a-Lago resort. He’s repeatedly pushed a number of easily debunkable lies about the timeline of the Ukraine scandal in order to make it seem like Democrats have just had it out for him.
Meanwhile, Trump’s Republican defenders have complained about Democrats not presenting new evidence during the impeachment trial, ignoring that the reason they’ve been unable to because Republicans voted to block them from being able to do so. And as new evidence of Trump’s misconduct has emerged, Trump’s defenders in the Senate and on his legal team have moved the goalposts from “there was no corrupt quid pro quo” to “corrupt quid pro quos aren’t impeachable.”
So shamelessness is a feature of Trumpism, not a bug. And while Pam Bondi’s performance may seem laughable to most, it’s been sufficient for Senate Republicans — and as far as Trump’s fate during the impeachment trial is concerned, that’s good enough.
The news moves fast. To stay updated, follow Aaron Rupar on Twitter, and read more of Vox’s policy and politics coverage.


vox--2020-01-30--Amazon now has more than 150 million Prime members across the world

Amazon is facing government investigations and activist protests across the globe , from the US to Europe to India .
And yet the engine behind its online retail domination just keeps getting stronger .
CEO Jeff Bezos announced on Thursday that the company ’ s Amazon Prime membership program now boasts more than 150 million paying customers across the globe .
Amazon ’ s stock price jumped more than 10 percent on the Prime news and the company ’ s broader earnings report for the holiday season .
For Bezos personally , that jump amounted to a reported $ 13.2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ announced that Prime had surpassed 100 million paying members .
For an annual fee of $ 119 in the US , the shipping and entertainment program offers a growing assortment of perks , including one-day shipping on millions of products , free grocery delivery , and access to a large online library of movies and TV shows .
“ Prime membership continues to get better for customers year after year .
And customers are responding — more people joined Prime this quarter than ever before , and we now have over 150 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Bezos said in a statement .
“ We ’ ve made Prime delivery faster — the number of items delivered to U.S. customers with Prime ’ s free one-day and same-day delivery more than quadrupled this quarter compared to last year.
” The program , which launched in 2005 , has evolved into the main competitive advantage that keeps Amazon customers locked in and competitors from stealing market share from the Seattle-based tech giant .
Prime customers shop more frequently and spend more on Amazon than non-Prime members do .
Some studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compare less as well .
On a call with reporters , Amazon Chief Financial Officer Brian Olsavsky said that Prime ’ s shift last year from two-day shipping to one-day shipping on millions of items was one reason for continued growth .
Amazon also this fall dropped the additional monthly fee for grocery delivery from Amazon Fresh or Whole Foods , boosting adoption of that service among Prime members .
Yet , Prime ’ s growth has meant that Amazon has had to aggressively expand its own warehouse and delivery operations .
Several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this demand has led to above-normal injury rates for Amazon warehouse workers , and sacrificing driving safety in the name of speedy delivery .
Amazon has said the warehouse injury numbers reflect the company being more diligent than competitors in recording injuries .
The company has also maintained that safety is a top priority within its delivery network .
Amazon is also facing increased regulatory scrutiny across the globe , with active government investigations into the company ’ s business practices in the US , Europe , and India , one of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the US , the House of Representatives antitrust subcommittee launched an investigation into Amazon , Apple , Facebook , and Google last spring to determine whether the companies ’ road to domination has included anticompetitive practices , or whether antitrust law needs to change .
The antitrust committee ’ s most recent public hearing on the topic included the CEOs of companies like Sonos and PopSockets testifying about alleged Amazon unfair business practices .
Amazon has disputed their claims .
The Federal Trade Commission has also privately interviewed Amazon sellers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held discussions with Amazon competitors about topics including whether the Prime bundle of services unfairly undercuts competitors on price , as Recode previously reported .
Amazon ’ s business practices have also incited employee protest , most publicly around the company ’ s impact on the environment .
Earlier this week , the Amazon Employees for Climate Justice group persuaded more than 350 employees to simultaneously violate Amazon ’ s communications policy .
The protest came in the wake of Amazon ’ s threat to fire employees who spoke to the press without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ practices .

Amazon is facing government investigations and activist protests across the globe, from the US to Europe to India. And yet the engine behind its online retail domination just keeps getting stronger.
CEO Jeff Bezos announced on Thursday that the company’s Amazon Prime membership program now boasts more than 150 million paying customers across the globe. Amazon’s stock price jumped more than 10 percent on the Prime news and the company’s broader earnings report for the holiday season. For Bezos personally, that jump amounted to a reported $13.2 billion. In April 2018, Bezos announced that Prime had surpassed 100 million paying members.
For an annual fee of $119 in the US, the shipping and entertainment program offers a growing assortment of perks, including one-day shipping on millions of products, free grocery delivery, and access to a large online library of movies and TV shows.
“Prime membership continues to get better for customers year after year. And customers are responding — more people joined Prime this quarter than ever before, and we now have over 150 million paid Prime members around the world,” Bezos said in a statement. “We’ve made Prime delivery faster — the number of items delivered to U.S. customers with Prime’s free one-day and same-day delivery more than quadrupled this quarter compared to last year.”
The program, which launched in 2005, has evolved into the main competitive advantage that keeps Amazon customers locked in and competitors from stealing market share from the Seattle-based tech giant. Prime customers shop more frequently and spend more on Amazon than non-Prime members do. Some studies have also shown that Prime members price compare less as well.
On a call with reporters, Amazon Chief Financial Officer Brian Olsavsky said that Prime’s shift last year from two-day shipping to one-day shipping on millions of items was one reason for continued growth. Amazon also this fall dropped the additional monthly fee for grocery delivery from Amazon Fresh or Whole Foods, boosting adoption of that service among Prime members.
Yet, Prime’s growth has meant that Amazon has had to aggressively expand its own warehouse and delivery operations. Several recent investigations by media outlets allege that this demand has led to above-normal injury rates for Amazon warehouse workers, and sacrificing driving safety in the name of speedy delivery. Amazon has said the warehouse injury numbers reflect the company being more diligent than competitors in recording injuries. The company has also maintained that safety is a top priority within its delivery network.
Amazon is also facing increased regulatory scrutiny across the globe, with active government investigations into the company’s business practices in the US, Europe, and India, one of its most important international markets for future growth.
In the US, the House of Representatives antitrust subcommittee launched an investigation into Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Google last spring to determine whether the companies’ road to domination has included anticompetitive practices, or whether antitrust law needs to change. The antitrust committee’s most recent public hearing on the topic included the CEOs of companies like Sonos and PopSockets testifying about alleged Amazon unfair business practices. Amazon has disputed their claims.
The Federal Trade Commission has also privately interviewed Amazon sellers to learn about their dependence on Amazon and held discussions with Amazon competitors about topics including whether the Prime bundle of services unfairly undercuts competitors on price, as Recode previously reported.
Amazon’s business practices have also incited employee protest, most publicly around the company’s impact on the environment. Earlier this week, the Amazon Employees for Climate Justice group persuaded more than 350 employees to simultaneously violate Amazon’s communications policy. The protest came in the wake of Amazon’s threat to fire employees who spoke to the press without company approval about Amazon’s business practices.