vox--2020-10-17--A new study shows malaria’s often neglected toll on a vulnerable population: Pregnant women

Malaria kills hundreds of thousands of people every year , especially young children .
It ’ s also exceptionally dangerous to another at-risk group : pregnant women .
Researchers have estimated that 10 to 20 percent of maternal mortality in countries where malaria is endemic is malaria-related .
That ’ s almost 30,000 women every year .
Pregnancy loss , and long-term disability caused by exposure to malaria in utero , are even more common .
And many drugs that are used to save people dying of malaria are not safe to use during pregnancy , or are not widely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A new study published in The Lancet : Child and Adolescent Health offers a comprehensive account of just how much this deadly disease affects pregnant women — and suggests that changing treatment options could significantly improve the situation .
Even as we ’ ve fought to combat malaria deaths overall , we haven ’ t done as much as we could for pregnant women — and the total toll of malaria is much larger than we might realize , when its effects on pregnancy loss are fully considered .
Malaria is caused by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mosquito bites .
Last year , there were more than 200 million cases of malaria , and at least 400,000 deaths , mostly among young children .
It is still one of the world ’ s deadliest killers .
The good news is that public health efforts have made a big difference in reducing malaria deaths : Insecticide-treated bednets and seasonal preventative malaria treatment both have a strong , well-supported track record , and have saved hundreds of thousands of lives .
Addressing malaria is one of the world ’ s most cost-effective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve often recommended here at Vox .
But the official numbers may underestimate malaria ’ s toll , because they mostly do not include stillbirths , neonatal deaths from low birth weight , and late-term pregnancy loss .
Malaria causes all of these problems , the Lancet study argues .
“ [ Malaria ] infection at delivery is associated with some 200,000 stillbirths per year in sub-Saharan Africa , ” the paper says .
It adds , “ Up to 100,000 infant deaths each year are attributable to low birthweight caused by maternal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Africa.
” Malaria during pregnancy is overwhelmingly common in parts of Africa where malaria is endemic : One modeling study estimates that in 2010 , 40 percent “ of women in malaria endemic areas in Africa in 2010 had placental malaria at some stage during pregnancy.
” That ’ s an astonishingly large number .
And while most people who live in malaria-endemic areas have acquired immunity to malaria by the time they are adults , this immunity doesn ’ t fully transfer to the fetus .
The result is that when women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a significantly elevated risk of miscarriage ( which , the paper notes , in low-income countries is often defined as any pregnancy loss before 28 weeks , well past the cutoff to be considered a stillbirth in high-income countries ) and an elevated risk of stillbirth or neonatal death due to preterm birth or low birth weight .
The complications of treating pregnant women for malaria There are a lot of difficulties in delivering good malarial treatments to pregnant women .
Many of the infections that cause miscarriages , stillbirths , low birth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; it can be hard to persuade people to take medications they don ’ t notice they need when they don ’ t feel sick , especially when the medications have substantial side effects .
Additionally , most malaria-endemic areas are very low-income and don ’ t have adequate prenatal care of any kind .
But there is reason to prioritize malaria treatments for pregnant women , despite these complications .
Pregnancy loss is devastating , and preventing it is an important public health priority .
When babies are born prematurely or with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a much-elevated risk of death and lifelong problems , which can be solved by protecting their mothers from malaria .
And we ’ re learning more about which treatments are effective .
In malaria-affected areas , the World Health Organization ( WHO ) recommends chemoprophylaxis — taking antimalarial drugs while healthy to avoid becoming sick — for pregnant women .
However , the paper argues , the existing recommendations have some problems .
First , they aren ’ t widely adhered to : In many at-risk areas , women don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the drugs might interfere with fetal development if taken in the first trimester , so they don ’ t provide full coverage throughout pregnancy .
Even worse , resistance to the drugs is developing among malaria parasites .
Overall , the paper argues , “ Intermittent preventive treatment of malaria in pregnancy with sulfadoxine–pyrimethamine is not providing the expected reduction in the risk of malaria infection and the subsequent impact of malaria , despite efforts to improve uptake of this strategy.
” In other words , giving pregnant women occasional doses of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting the job done .
There are other drug regimens that might work better .
In particular , the WHO has not historically recommended artemisinin-based combination therapies for women to take throughout pregnancy .
( Those are a different , more effective set of antimalarial drugs . )
This , the paper argues , is a mistake ; at first we didn ’ t know if those drugs caused any pregnancy complications , but recent research suggests those drugs are safe even in the first trimester and last longer in the body , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ catch malaria during gaps in coverage once the drugs wear off .
Such therapies , the paper argues , “ should be recommended for pregnant women in the first trimester without further delay.
” The headline numbers for malaria — hundreds of thousands of children dead every year — are bad enough .
It ’ s sobering to realize that in many ways , those numbers don ’ t capture the scale of the losses , because they don ’ t count hundreds of thousands more children who are stillborn or die because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that is ultimately attributable to malaria .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Malaria kills hundreds of thousands of people every year, especially young children. It’s also exceptionally dangerous to another at-risk group: pregnant women.
Researchers have estimated that 10 to 20 percent of maternal mortality in countries where malaria is endemic is malaria-related. That’s almost 30,000 women every year. Pregnancy loss, and long-term disability caused by exposure to malaria in utero, are even more common. And many drugs that are used to save people dying of malaria are not safe to use during pregnancy, or are not widely used even though they are safe.
A new study published in The Lancet: Child and Adolescent Health offers a comprehensive account of just how much this deadly disease affects pregnant women — and suggests that changing treatment options could significantly improve the situation.
Even as we’ve fought to combat malaria deaths worldwide, we haven’t done as much as we could for pregnant women — and the overall toll of malaria is much larger than we might realize, when its effects on pregnancy loss are fully considered.
Malaria’s effects on pregnancy, explained
Malaria is caused by parasites that are transmitted to people from mosquito bites. Last year, there were more than 200 million cases of malaria, and at least 400,000 deaths, mostly among young children. It is still one of the world’s deadliest killers.
The good news is that public health efforts have made a big difference in reducing malaria deaths: Insecticide-treated bed nets and seasonal preventative malaria treatment both have a strong, well-supported track record, and have saved hundreds of thousands of lives. Addressing malaria is one of the world’s most cost-effective giving opportunities, and one we’ve often recommended here at Vox.
But the official numbers may underestimate malaria’s toll, because they mostly do not include stillbirths, neonatal deaths from low birth weight, and late-term pregnancy loss. Malaria causes all of these problems, the Lancet study argues.
“[Malaria] infection at delivery is associated with some 200,000 stillbirths per year in sub-Saharan Africa,” the paper says. It adds, “Up to 100,000 infant deaths each year are attributable to low birthweight caused by maternal infection with P falciparum during pregnancy in Africa.”
Malaria during pregnancy is overwhelmingly common in parts of Africa where malaria is endemic: One modeling study estimates that in 2010, 40 percent “of women in malaria endemic areas in Africa in 2010 had placental malaria at some stage during pregnancy.” That’s an astonishingly large number.
And while most people who live in malaria-endemic areas have acquired immunity to malaria by the time they are adults, this immunity doesn’t fully transfer to the fetus. The result is that when women contract malaria while pregnant, they face a significantly elevated risk of miscarriage (which, the paper notes, in low-income countries is often defined as any pregnancy loss before 28 weeks, well past the cutoff to be considered a stillbirth in high-income countries) and an elevated risk of stillbirth or neonatal death due to preterm birth or low birth weight.
The complications of treating pregnant women for malaria
There are a lot of difficulties in delivering good malarial treatments to pregnant women. Many of the infections that cause miscarriages, stillbirths, low birth weight, and premature birth are asymptomatic; it can be hard to persuade people to take medications they don’t notice they need when they don’t feel sick, especially when the medications have substantial side effects. Additionally, most malaria-endemic areas are very low-income and don’t have adequate prenatal care of any kind.
But there is reason to prioritize malaria treatments for pregnant women, despite these complications. Pregnancy loss is devastating, and preventing it is an important public health priority. When babies are born prematurely or with low birth weight, they’re at a much-elevated risk of death and lifelong problems, which can be solved by protecting their mothers from malaria. And we’re learning more about which treatments are effective.
In malaria-affected areas, the World Health Organization (WHO) recommends chemoprophylaxis — taking antimalarial drugs while healthy to avoid becoming sick — for pregnant women.
However, the paper argues, the existing recommendations have some problems. First, they aren’t widely adhered to: in many at-risk areas, women don’t have access to the drugs. Second, the drugs might interfere with fetal development if taken in the first trimester, so they don’t provide full coverage throughout pregnancy. Even worse, resistance to the drugs is developing among malaria parasites.
Overall, the paper argues, “Intermittent preventive treatment of malaria in pregnancy with sulfadoxine–pyrimethamine is not providing the expected reduction in the risk of malaria infection and the subsequent impact of malaria, despite efforts to improve uptake of this strategy.” In other words, giving pregnant women occasional doses of the standard antimalarial just isn’t getting the job done.
There are other drug regimens that might work better. In particular, the WHO has not historically recommended artemisinin-based combination therapies for women to take throughout pregnancy. (Those are a different, more effective set of antimalarial drugs.) This, the paper argues, is a mistake; at first we didn’t know if those drugs caused any pregnancy complications, but recent research suggests those drugs are safe even in the first trimester and last longer in the body, making it less likely that people will catch malaria during gaps in coverage once the drugs wear off.
Such therapies, the paper argues, “should be recommended for pregnant women in the first trimester without further delay.”
The headline numbers for malaria — hundreds of thousands of children dead every year — are bad enough. It’s sobering to realize that in many ways, those numbers don’t capture the scale of the losses, because they don’t count hundreds of thousands more children who are stillborn or die because of low birth weight or premature birth that is ultimately attributable to malaria.


vox--2020-10-17--Polls: Senate races in Alaska and South Carolina are surprisingly competitive for Democrats

A pair of new Senate polls from the New York Times and Siena College this week show Democrats pressing for an advantage in two traditionally conservative states — Alaska and South Carolina — as November 3 closes in .
In Alaska , the Times/Siena poll found independent Senate candidate Al Gross — who is running as the Democratic nominee — trailing incumbent Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan by about 8 percentage points , with third-party candidate John Howe ’ s support at 10 percent .
And in South Carolina , the Siena pollsters found that Senate Judiciary Chair Lindsey Graham continues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected , with Democrat Jaime Harrison just 6 percentage points behind his rival and riding a wave of momentum .
In 2014 , by comparison , Graham won reelection by more than 15 percentage points .
Though Republican incumbents are still the favorites to win in Alaska and South Carolina , challengers Gross and Harrison have seen major influxes of campaign cash in recent weeks — Harrison set an all-time record by raising $ 57 million in a single quarter .
Data for Progress ’ s Sean McElwee recently told Vox ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too late for campaigns to use large cash injections — meaning these large fundraising hauls could affect the final outcome of each race .
And other recent polls show much tighter races in both states .
One Alaska poll released this week , from Harstad Strategic Research , found Gross leading Sullivan by 1 percentage point , though that ’ s well within the 4 percentage point margin of error .
A survey taken slightly before Harstad ’ s , Alaska Survey Research ’ s September 25 to October 4 poll , found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This close polling is reflected in experts ’ predictions of the outcome in the state : On Tuesday , Cook Political Report shifted its Alaska Senate race outlook from Likely R to Lean R. And J .
Miles Coleman , associate editor at Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball , told Vox ’ s Ella Nilsen in August , “ I wouldn ’ t sleep on the Senate race.
” Cook also now rates South Carolina as an outright toss up , and Data for Progress found Harrison with a 2 percentage point edge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the poll ’ s 3.5 percent margin of error .
A Quinnipiac University poll taken in late September found Harrison and Graham tied , while a CBS News poll taken in the same period found Graham to have a 1 percentage point lead .
That either Democratic candidate is even remotely close to their Republican rival with just 17 days until the election is striking .
The results of both elections won ’ t necessarily shake out the way polling suggests , but the fact Alaska and South Carolina are in play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic path to a potential Senate majority has grown .
Democratic chances of a Senate majority are looking up To gain the majority outright , Democrats need to pick up four seats in a chamber currently controlled by the GOP , 53 seats to 47 ( including independent Sens .
Bernie Sanders and Angus King , who caucus with the Democrats ) .
The work of pollsters and forecasters suggest a Democratic majority in 2021 is looking like an increasingly realistic outcome : According to FiveThirtyEight ’ s Senate forecast , Democrats are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa , Maine , and North Carolina against Republican incumbents ; Montana and Kansas — in addition to Alaska and South Carolina — could be in play as well .
In total , Cook Political Report ’ s Jessica Taylor says that Democrats could pick up as many as seven seats if everything breaks their way on November 3 .
In some states , this optimism is being reflected in spending .
In Colorado , for example , the National Republican Senatorial Committee is scaling back its investment in incumbent Republican Sen. Cory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than $ 150,000 in the state through the first half of October , according to the Denver Post , compared to millions spent in Iowa , Montana , and elsewhere .
And one Democratic PAC is also pulling its investment in Colorado — for the opposite reason .
That group , Senate Majority PAC , is reportedly so confident in Democratic Senate nominee John Hickenlooper , who is leading by a comfortable margin stretching into the double digits , it is moving funding it allocated for the state to other races .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however .
In Alabama , where Democratic Sen. Doug Jones won an improbable victory against Republican Roy Moore in 2018 , Republicans are favored to unseat the Democratic incumbent .
And the race in Michigan , where Democratic Sen. Gary Peters is up for reelection , is also shaping up to be competitive .
Though unseating President Donald Trump is Democrats ’ top priority , control of the Senate could prove nearly as important heading into 2020 .
Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell — who is expected to win reelection in November — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” of the US Senate .
And if Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden takes office in January with McConnell still majority leader , marquee Democratic priorities — like health care , climate change , and voting rights — are likely dead on arrival .
The good news for Democrats is that Gross and Harrison aren ’ t the only Democratic candidates swimming in money .
From July 1 through the end of September , the Democratic fundraising platform ActBlue processed $ 1.5 billion in donations , ensuring the party ’ s slate of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the last three weeks of the race .
These current polling and fundraising successes have some Republicans sounding the alarm : Republican pollster David Flaherty told the Denver Post this week that “ the train wreck and implosion of the president will bring a historic number of other Republican candidates down , and if you don ’ t believe that then you have your head in the sand.
” And Texas Sen. Ted Cruz raised the specter of “ a bloodbath of Watergate proportions ” for his party on CNBC last Friday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ephemeral — they ’ re a snapshot in time , not a forecast of how the race will shake out on Election Day .
Things can change , and suddenly .
But there ’ s not much time left in the race , and the current state of affairs has many Democrats feeling confident about their chances at the Senate majority .
Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world : Contribute today from as @ @ @ @ @

A pair of new Senate polls from the New York Times and Siena College this week show Democrats pressing for an advantage in two traditionally conservative states — Alaska and South Carolina — as November 3 closes in.
In Alaska, the Times/Siena poll found independent Senate candidate Al Gross — who is running as the Democratic nominee — trailing incumbent Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan by about 8 percentage points, with third-party candidate John Howe’s support at 10 percent.
And in South Carolina, the Siena pollsters found that Senate Judiciary Chair Lindsey Graham continues to face a far closer race than expected, with Democrat Jaime Harrison just 6 percentage points behind his rival and riding a wave of momentum. In 2014, by comparison, Graham won reelection by more than 15 percentage points.
Though Republican incumbents are still the favorites to win in Alaska and South Carolina, challengers Gross and Harrison have seen major influxes of campaign cash in recent weeks — Harrison set an all-time record by raising $57 million in a single quarter. Data for Progress’s Sean McElwee recently told Vox’s Matthew Yglesias that it isn’t too late for campaigns to use large cash injections — meaning these large fundraising hauls could affect the final outcome of each race. And other recent polls show much tighter races in both states.
One Alaska poll released this week, from Harstad Strategic Research, found Gross leading Sullivan by 1 percentage point, though that’s well within the 4 percentage point margin of error. A survey taken slightly before Harstad’s, Alaska Survey Research’s September 25 to October 4 poll, found Sullivan ahead by 4 percentage points.
This close polling is reflected in experts’ predictions of the outcome in the state: On Tuesday, Cook Political Report shifted its Alaska Senate race outlook from Likely R to Lean R.
And J. Miles Coleman, associate editor at Sabato’s Crystal Ball, told Vox’s Ella Nilsen in August, “I wouldn’t sleep on the Senate race.”
Cook also now rates South Carolina as an outright toss up, and Data for Progress found Harrison with a 2 percentage point edge over Graham in early October — again within the poll’s 3.5 percent margin of error. A Quinnipiac University poll taken in late September found Harrison and Graham tied, while a CBS News poll taken in the same period found Graham to have a 1 percentage point lead.
That either Democratic candidate is even remotely close to their Republican rival with just 17 days until the election is striking. The results of both elections won’t necessarily shake out the way polling suggests, but the fact Alaska and South Carolina are in play for Democrats underscores just how broad the Democratic path to a potential Senate majority has grown.
Democratic chances of a Senate majority are looking up
To gain the majority outright, Democrats need to pick up four seats in a chamber currently controlled by the GOP, 53 seats to 47 (including independent Sens. Bernie Sanders and Angus King, who caucus with the Democrats).
The work of pollsters and forecasters suggest a Democratic majority in 2021 is looking like an increasingly realistic outcome: According to FiveThirtyEight’s Senate forecast, Democrats are favored outright in Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Maine, and North Carolina against Republican incumbents; Montana and Kansas — in addition to Alaska and South Carolina — could be in play as well.
In total, Cook Political Report’s Jessica Taylor says that Democrats could pick up as many as seven seats if everything breaks their way on November 3.
In some states, this optimism is being reflected in spending.
In Colorado, for example, the National Republican Senatorial Committee is scaling back its investment in incumbent Republican Sen. Cory Gardner. The group has spent less than $150,000 in the state through the first half of October, according to the Denver Post, compared to millions spent in Iowa, Montana, and elsewhere.
And one Democratic PAC is also pulling its investment in Colorado — for the opposite reason. That group, Senate Majority PAC, is reportedly so confident in Democratic Senate nominee John Hickenlooper, who is leading by a comfortable margin stretching into the double digits, it is moving funding it allocated for the state to other races.
There are some areas of concern for Democrats, however. In Alabama, where Democratic Sen. Doug Jones won an improbable victory against Republican Roy Moore in 2018, Republicans are favored to unseat the Democratic incumbent. And the race in Michigan, where Democratic Sen. Gary Peters is up for reelection, is also shaping up to be competitive.
Joe Biden’s agenda might rest on a Democratic Senate majority
Though unseating President Donald Trump is Democrats’ top priority, control of the Senate could prove nearly as important heading into 2020.
Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell — who is expected to win reelection in November — prizes his title as “Grim Reaper” of the US Senate. And if Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden takes office in January with McConnell still majority leader, marquee Democratic priorities — like health care, climate change, and voting rights — are likely dead on arrival.
The good news for Democrats is that Gross and Harrison aren’t the only Democratic candidates swimming in money. From July 1 through the end of September, the Democratic fundraising platform ActBlue processed $1.5 billion in donations, ensuring the party’s slate of candidates will be very well funded heading into the last three weeks of the race.
These current polling and fundraising successes have some Republicans sounding the alarm: Republican pollster David Flaherty told the Denver Post this week that “the train wreck and implosion of the president will bring a historic number of other Republican candidates down, and if you don’t believe that then you have your head in the sand.” And Texas Sen. Ted Cruz raised the specter of “a bloodbath of Watergate proportions” for his party on CNBC last Friday.
As always, polls can be ephemeral — they’re a snapshot in time, not a forecast of how the race will shake out on Election Day. Things can change, and suddenly. But there’s not much time left in the race, and the current state of affairs has many Democrats feeling confident about their chances at the Senate majority.


vox--2020-10-17--In 2017, women marched against Trump. Now they’re marching to get rid of him.

Share All sharing options for : In 2017 , women marched against Trump .
Now they ’ re marching to get rid of him .
Almost four years ago , millions of people gathered in Washington , DC , and around the world for the first-ever Women ’ s March , a historic demonstration against the rhetoric and positions of President Donald Trump that was , at that time , probably the largest single-day protest in American history .
And on Saturday , Americans gathered again in the nation ’ s capital and in cities around the country to protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and call for progressive change .
You could still spot pink “ pussy ” hats in the crowd in Washington , a sometimes-criticized homage to Trump ’ s boast on the Access Hollywood tape that he could grab women “ by the pussy.
” But marchers also carried signs with messages like “ Scare ‘ em on Halloween , bury ‘ em on Election Day , ” “ We will remember on the 3rd of November , ” and “ See you at the polls.
” The emphasis on the election — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event , held as early voting has already begun in many states — is a long time coming for the Women ’ s March .
The group , founded by some of the organizers of the original march , has been through change and controversy since January 2017 , including allegations that some of its founders made anti-Semitic statements ( the group has denied the allegations ) .
But especially leading up to the 2018 midterm elections , it began to focus its energies more squarely on electoral politics .
And Saturday found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could carry it through 2020 and beyond : a vehicle for women ’ s power at the ballot box .
That power hasn ’ t always been a force for progressive change .
As many have pointed out — including some at the first Women ’ s March in 2017 — 53 percent of white women who voted in the 2016 election cast their ballots for Donald Trump .
And while the Women ’ s March grew out of opposition to Trump ’ s election , it now has a more difficult job @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has to bring women together as a multiracial voting bloc for progressive candidates .
To that end , the group ’ s activities on Saturday included a mass textathon , with attendees gathering in a socially distanced grid on the National Mall to text voters in swing states .
The day also included a golf cart parade in The Villages retirement community in Florida , and more than 400 marches in all 50 states .
These events clearly showed the Women ’ s March can still bring people together in the streets .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring women together to vote .
“ Women are going to be the driving force in American politics , ” the group ’ s executive director , Rachel O ’ Leary Carmona , told Vox .
“ We can not be divided and we can not be distracted.
” The Women ’ s March has faced controversy over the years The first Women ’ s March took place on January 21 , 2017 , the day after the inauguration of President Trump .
The events in Washington and across the country drew between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or about 1 percent of the entire population of the US , according to one estimate .
The crowds in Washington appeared much larger than those at Trump ’ s inauguration , reportedly sending the new president into a rage .
But that march , initially planned by white women before a group that included organizers Tamika Mallory , Linda Sarsour , and Carmen Perez took the helm , also faced criticism .
In particular , many wondered whether the many white women in attendance were prepared to do the hard work necessary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to convince friends and family members not to vote for more politicians like Trump .
A viral photo from the event captured many of the criticisms : in it , political strategist Angela Peoples holds a sign reading , “ Don ’ t forget : White women voted for Trump.
” In the months and years that followed , the Women ’ s March worked to counter the idea that it was focused on white women and their concerns .
At a convention hosted by the group in October 2017 , for example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a panel titled “ Confronting White Womanhood , ” which discussed the roles white women can play in racism .
But the group also faced new controversy , including allegations that Mallory and Perez made anti-Semitic comments at a 2016 planning meeting for the original march .
Representatives for the group have said those comments didn ’ t happen , but Mallory and two other members of its leadership stepped down in 2019 , and the group added a large slate of new board members , including Rabbi Tamara Cohen , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Jewish identity , and Lucy Flores , a former Democratic state assembly member from Nevada who has said that Joe Biden planted an inappropriate kiss on her head at a campaign event in 2014 .
The fourth annual marches in January 2020 were the group ’ s smallest yet , leading some to wonder whether it still had a role to play in the political landscape .
But Carmona , who became executive director in August , says the group still has a lot of work to do , whether that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic , or spearheading a program to counter online misinformation around the election .
“ We ’ ve been trying to respond to the political moment , ” she said .
“ Where women are and where the issues are , that ’ s where we need to be.
” But organizers say it ’ s going strong — and focused on 2020 After the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in September , the group found another role to play .
The Women ’ s March began organizing vigils for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of people on social media were calling for marches , Carmona said .
So the group helped to organize the Washington event and hundreds of sister events around the country .
“ We kind of see ourselves as the air traffic controllers directing support , expertise , tools , resources , across the ecosystem of organizations and groups that share a commitment to building the power of women , ” Carmona said .
The events on Saturday are in part a protest against Republicans ’ drive to replace Ginsburg before the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many fear will oppose abortion access , LGBTQ anti-discrimination protections , and voting rights .
Many in attendance held signs opposing Barrett ’ s nomination , including one depicting Ginsburg and other female justices with the words , “ Dear Amy , you can ’ t sit with us.
” But Saturday is also squarely about the election .
“ The through-line for us for the last year has really been how we get from the energy of the march from 2017 , and the momentum from the wins of the 2018 midterms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After a midday rally , protesters marched to the National Mall , where some would spend several hours texting voters in swing states .
“ We looked at the iconic photos of the first Women ’ s March in January 2017 — everyone marching had their sign in one hand and their phone in the other , ” Carmona wrote in a memo in advance of the event .
“ We are capitalizing on that with a mass , Jerry Lewis style text-a-thon into the swing states that matter most.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where protesters can sign up for more events , including vote-tripling drives where volunteers get the word out to three women in their networks .
And though Carmona is clear that “ our goal is to build a multiracial mass movement , ” a significant portion of that work is bringing white women into the fold .
“ While Women ’ s March has always been an organization run by women of color , we have always also had a significantly white base of about 70 percent white women , ” Carmona said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are also new to activism .
Part of the work of the Women ’ s March , now and in the future , is “ to provide a really strong political education and orient people to this moment in time , ” she said .
“ Across the board , because of Trump and because of his congressional enablers , women are sicker , women are poorer , women are terrified , and we ’ re without a safety net or a helping hand.
” Such messages might be resonating with women voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not voted as a bloc , with Republican women choosing to vote with their party and white women often siding with white men rather than women of color .
But that could be changing , with huge gender gaps in polling going into the 2018 election , and Biden up an eye-popping 23 percent among women in a recent nationwide poll ( he and Trump were tied among men ) .
It ’ s too soon to tell whether the white women who cast their votes for Trump in 2016 will make a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Women ’ s March is betting that they will , and that it can be part of driving that change , this year and beyond .
“ We have never been more united , both across the movement and inside of our organization , towards a common goal , ” Carmona said .
Will you help keep Vox free for all ?
The United States is in the middle of one of the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes .
It ’ s essential that all Americans are able to access clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the election could mean for their lives , and the lives of their families and communities .
That is our mission at Vox .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone understand this presidential election : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Share All sharing options for: In 2017, women marched against Trump. Now they’re marching to get rid of him.
Almost four years ago, millions of people gathered in Washington, DC, and around the world for the first-ever Women’s March, a historic demonstration against the rhetoric and positions of President Donald Trump that was, at that time, probably the largest single-day protest in American history.
And on Saturday, Americans gathered again in the nation’s capital and in cities around the country to protest the possibility of a Trump second term and call for progressive change. You could still spot pink “pussy” hats in the crowd in Washington, a sometimes-criticized homage to Trump’s boast on the Access Hollywood tape that he could grab women “by the pussy.”
But marchers also carried signs with messages like “Scare ’em on Halloween, bury ’em on Election Day,” “We will remember on the 3rd of November,” and “See you at the polls.”
The emphasis on the election — a major focus for the organizers of the event, held as early voting has already begun in many states — is a long time coming for the Women’s March. The group, founded by some of the organizers of the original march, has been through change and controversy since January 2017, including allegations that some of its founders made anti-Semitic statements (the group has denied the allegations). But especially leading up to the 2018 midterm elections, it began to focus its energies more squarely on electoral politics. And Saturday found the group settling into an identity that could carry it through 2020 and beyond: a vehicle for women’s power at the ballot box.
That power hasn’t always been a force for progressive change. As many have pointed out — including some at the first Women’s March in 2017 — 53 percent of white women who voted in the 2016 election cast their ballots for Donald Trump. And while the Women’s March grew out of opposition to Trump’s election, it now has a more difficult job than protesting any one president: It has to bring women together as a multiracial voting bloc for progressive candidates.
To that end, the group’s activities on Saturday included a mass textathon, with attendees gathering in a socially distanced grid on the National Mall to text voters in swing states. The day also included a golf cart parade in The Villages retirement community in Florida, and more than 400 marches in all 50 states. These events clearly showed the Women’s March can still bring people together in the streets. Now the question is whether it can bring women together to vote.
“Women are going to be the driving force in American politics,” the group’s executive director, Rachel O’Leary Carmona, told Vox. “We cannot be divided and we cannot be distracted.”
The Women’s March has faced controversy over the years
The first Women’s March took place on January 21, 2017, the day after the inauguration of President Trump. The events in Washington and across the country drew between 3 million and 5 million people, or about 1 percent of the entire population of the US, according to one estimate. The crowds in Washington appeared much larger than those at Trump’s inauguration, reportedly sending the new president into a rage.
But that march, initially planned by white women before a group that included organizers Tamika Mallory, Linda Sarsour, and Carmen Perez took the helm, also faced criticism. In particular, some wondered whether the many white women in attendance were prepared to do the hard work necessary to stay involved in activism — and to convince friends and family members not to vote for more politicians like Trump.
A viral photo from the event captured many of the criticisms: in it, political strategist Angela Peoples holds a sign reading, “Don’t forget: White women voted for Trump.”
In the months and years that followed, the Women’s March worked to counter the idea that it was focused on white women and their concerns. At a convention hosted by the group in October 2017, for example, one of the most popular events was a panel titled “Confronting White Womanhood,” which discussed the roles white women can play in racism.
But the group also faced new controversy, including allegations that Mallory and Perez made anti-Semitic comments at a 2016 planning meeting for the original march. Representatives for the group have said those comments didn’t happen, but Mallory and two other members of its leadership stepped down in 2019, and the group added a large slate of new board members, including Rabbi Tamara Cohen, who works with a group focused on teens and Jewish identity, and Lucy Flores, a former Democratic state assembly member from Nevada who has said that Joe Biden planted an inappropriate kiss on her head at a campaign event in 2014.
The fourth annual marches in January 2020 were the group’s smallest yet, leading some to wonder whether it still had a role to play in the political landscape.
But Carmona, who became executive director in August, says the group still has a lot of work to do, whether that’s supporting women essential workers during the pandemic or spearheading a program to counter online misinformation around the election. “We’ve been trying to respond to the political moment,” she said. “Where women are and where the issues are, that’s where we need to be.”
But organizers say it’s going strong — and focused on 2020
After the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in September, the group found another role to play. The Women’s March began organizing vigils for the justice around the country, but thousands of people on social media were calling for marches, Carmona said. So the group helped to organize the Washington event and hundreds of sister events around the country.
“We kind of see ourselves as the air traffic controllers directing support, expertise, tools, resources, across the ecosystem of organizations and groups that share a commitment to building the power of women,” Carmona said.
The events on Saturday are in part a protest against Republicans’ drive to replace Ginsburg before the election — with Amy Coney Barrett, who many fear will oppose abortion access, LGBTQ anti-discrimination protections, and voting rights. Many in attendance held signs opposing Barrett’s nomination, including one depicting Ginsburg and other female justices with the words, “Dear Amy, you can’t sit with us.”
But Saturday is also squarely about the election. “The through-line for us for the last year has really been how we get from the energy of the march from 2017, and the momentum from the wins of the 2018 midterms, to 2020,” Carmona said.
After a midday rally, protesters marched to the National Mall, where some would spend several hours texting voters in swing states. “We looked at the iconic photos of the first Women’s March in January 2017 — everyone marching had their sign in one hand and their phone in the other,” Carmona wrote in a memo in advance of the event. “We are capitalizing on that with a mass, Jerry Lewis style text-a-thon into the swing states that matter most.”
The group has also created a volunteer hub where protesters can sign up for more events, including vote-tripling drives where volunteers get the word out to three women in their networks.
And though Carmona is clear that “our goal is to build a multiracial mass movement,” a significant portion of that work is bringing white women into the fold. “While Women’s March has always been an organization run by women of color, we have always also had a significantly white base of about 70 percent white women,” Carmona said.
A lot of those white women are new to activism. Part of the work of the Women’s March, now and in the future, is “to provide a really strong political education and orient people to this moment in time,” she said. “Across the board, because of Trump and because of his congressional enablers, women are sicker, women are poorer, women are terrified, and we’re without a safety net or a helping hand.”
Such messages might be resonating with women voters this year. Historically, women have not voted as a bloc, with Republican women choosing to vote with their party and white women often siding with white men rather than women of color. But that could be changing, with huge gender gaps in polling going into the 2018 election, and Biden up an eye-popping 23 percent among women in a recent nationwide poll (he and Trump were tied among men).
It’s too soon to tell whether the white women who cast their votes for Trump in 2016 will make a different choice this year. But the Women’s March is betting that they will, and that it can be part of driving that change, this year and beyond.
“We have never been more united, both across the movement and inside of our organization, towards a common goal,” Carmona said.


vox--2020-10-17--Thailand’s protest movement gains momentum amid a government crackdown

In Bangkok , Thailand , on Saturday , tens of thousands took part in continuing pro-democracy protests following a government crackdown Friday , which saw riot police unleash water cannons containing a chemical irritant on crowds calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha .
Protests against the prime minister began in March this year , following the dissolution of a popular pro-democracy party , but have dramatically increased in size this week , with crowds numbering in the tens of thousands .
The government responded to these growing protests with an emergency decree on Thursday , which banned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gave police the authority to make areas of Bangkok off limits to protesters .
Along with this new measure have come the arrests of protesters , including a human rights lawyer and several student activists .
The protesters have released several demands , chief among them that the prime minister resign .
A former general , Prayuth seized power in a 2014 military coup .
A new constitution was put in place by military leaders three years later that sets aside parliament seats for military officials — so many that protesters argue the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the outcome of elections .
As Panu Wongcha-um reported for Reuters , protesters made three demands in July : “ the dissolution of parliament , an end to harassment of government critics , and amendments to the military-written constitution.
” Demonstrators are still working towards those goals , but increasingly , protesters are demanding changes to the country ’ s monarchy as well .
As Richard Bernstein has explained for Vox , citizens of Thailand have traditionally avoided statements that could be seen as critical of the royal family , which is currently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the country ’ s “ lèse-majesté laws , which outlaw ‘ defaming , insulting , or threatening ’ of a member of the royal family.
” That has changed : For example , at an August protest , a student protest leader gave a speech accusing the government of “ fooling us by saying that people born into the royal family are incarnations of gods and angels , ” and asking , “ Are you sure that angels or gods have this kind of personality ?
” The king , who ascended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rules largely from Europe , but has nevertheless spent extravagantly and “ steadily amassed power ” in a way that harks back to the bygone days of Thailand ’ s absolute monarchy , according to the Economist .
His support for the prime minister has frustrated Prayuth ’ s critics , and his successful efforts to bring royal wealth and military forces under his direct control have led some protesters to call for new limits on the monarchy ’ s powers .
Arrests for breaching the country ’ s lèse-majesté laws have continued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charged under an obscure law for “ an act of violence against the queen ’ s liberty , ” — in this case , for yelling near Queen Suthida Vajiralongkorn Na Ayudhya ’ s motorcade .
The two protesters face a potential sentence of life in prison for “ endangering the royal family.
” These charges — as well as threats from the prime minister — have not deterred the protesters .
After Friday ’ s police offensive , the demonstrations that continued Saturday appear to have remained largely peaceful — and were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transit .
As many as 23,000 people turned out at several locations around the city , according to a police estimate reported by the Bangkok Post .
“ The goal is to change the whole political system , including the monarchy and the prime minister , ” one Bangkok student told the New York Times .
As Vox ’ s Zeeshan Aleem explained in August , Thailand ’ s protests hinge on the tenuous legitimacy of the current government .
Though current prime minister Prayuth ostensibly won another mandate in 2019 , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Since then , a major opposition party has been disbanded by the courts , and pro-democracy activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit was reported as disappeared in Cambodia , possibly taken on the orders of the Thai government .
Wanchalearm hasn ’ t been seen since his abduction in June , and Jakrapob Penkair , another dissident living in exile , told the BBC in July that Wanchalearm , also known as Tar , was likely dead .
“ I think the message is : ‘ Let ’ s kill these folks .
These are outsiders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from us and they should be killed in order to bring Thailand back to normalcy , ’ ” Jakrapob said .
“ But nothing could be more wrong in that interpretation .
I believe their decision to kidnap and murder Tar , and others before him , has been subconsciously radicalizing the people.
” The protest movement has been fueled by student activism , but lacks defined leadership , according to the BBC .
That ’ s by design — activists have reportedly drawn inspiration from decentralized pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In part in order to circumvent restrictions on speech , activists have also relied on pop culture symbolism at protests .
According to Aleem , The Thai government ’ s crackdown on protesters has been condemned by multiple international organizations .
Human Rights Watch , for instance , argued that the ban on protests , as well as other new restrictions , meant that “ rights to freedom of speech and holding peaceful , public assemblies are on the chopping block from a government that is now showing its truly dictatorial nature.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters as an intimidation tactic .
It ’ s unlikely that the protest movement will stop soon , though — even if the government ’ s response begins to echo the violent anti-protest crackdowns Bangkok saw in the 1970s .
“ The dictatorship must be confronted by the people , even under the threat of arrest , ” activist Panupong Jadnok told the Washington Post .
“ We won ’ t step back .
We will fight until our death.
” Will you help keep Vox free for all ?
The United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes .
It ’ s essential that all Americans are able to access clear , concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives , and the lives of their families and communities .
That is our mission at Vox .
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In Bangkok, Thailand, on Saturday, tens of thousands took part in continuing pro-democracy protests following a government crackdown Friday, which saw riot police unleash water cannons containing a chemical irritant on crowds calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha.
Protests against the prime minister began in March this year, following the dissolution of a popular pro-democracy party, but have dramatically increased in size this week, with crowds numbering in the tens of thousands.
The government responded to these growing protests with an emergency decree on Thursday, which banned groups of more than five people and gave police the authority to make areas of Bangkok off limits to protesters. Along with this new measure have come the arrests of protesters, including a human rights lawyer and several student activists.
The protesters have released several demands, chief among them that the prime minister resign. A former general, Prayuth seized power in a 2014 military coup. A new constitution was put in place by military leaders three years later that sets aside parliament seats for military officials — so many that protesters argue the prime minister will maintain power regardless of the outcome of elections.
As Panu Wongcha-um reported for Reuters, protesters made three demands in July: “the dissolution of parliament, an end to harassment of government critics, and amendments to the military-written constitution.”
Demonstrators are still working towards those goals, but increasingly, protesters are demanding changes to the country’s monarchy as well.
As Richard Bernstein has explained for Vox, citizens of Thailand have traditionally avoided statements that could be seen as critical of the royal family, which is currently led by King Maha Vajiralongkorn, due to the country’s “lèse-majesté laws, which outlaw ‘defaming, insulting, or threatening’ of a member of the royal family.”
That has changed: For example, at an August protest, a student protest leader gave a speech accusing the government of “fooling us by saying that people born into the royal family are incarnations of gods and angels,” and asking, “Are you sure that angels or gods have this kind of personality?”
The king, who ascended to the throne four years ago, rules largely from Europe, but has nevertheless spent extravagantly and “steadily amassed power” in a way that harks back to the bygone days of Thailand’s absolute monarchy, according to the Economist. His support for the prime minister has frustrated Prayuth’s critics, and his successful efforts to bring royal wealth and military forces under his direct control have led some protesters to call for new limits on the monarchy’s powers.
Arrests for breaching the country’s lèse-majesté laws have continued, and Friday, two protesters were charged under an obscure law for “an act of violence against the queen’s liberty,” — in this case, for yelling near Queen Suthida Vajiralongkorn Na Ayudhya’s motorcade. The two protesters face a potential sentence of life in prison for “endangering the royal family.”
These charges — as well as threats from the prime minister — have not deterred the protesters. After Friday’s police offensive, the demonstrations that continued Saturday appear to have remained largely peaceful — and were well-attended despite a shutdown of Bangkok public transit. As many as 23,000 people turned out at several locations around the city, according to a police estimate reported by the Bangkok Post.
If the police crackdown on Friday night was supposed to put an end to the anti-government protests for good, tonight's events appear to suggest that attempt has failed, or even backfired. #ม็อบ17ตุลา #WhatsHappeninglnThailand #PrayuthGetOut #Thailand #KE pic.twitter.com/fdl2EexN2R — Khaosod English (@KhaosodEnglish) October 17, 2020
“The goal is to change the whole political system, including the monarchy and the prime minister,” one Bangkok student told the New York Times.
A democratic legitimacy crisis
As Vox’s Zeeshan Aleem explained in August, Thailand’s protests hinge on the tenuous legitimacy of the current government.
Though current prime minister Prayuth ostensibly won another mandate in 2019, the results of that election are disputed. Since then, a major opposition party has been disbanded by the courts, and pro-democracy activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit was reported as disappeared in Cambodia, possibly taken on the orders of the Thai government.
Wanchalearm hasn’t been seen since his abduction in June, and Jakrapob Penkair, another dissident living in exile, told the BBC in July that Wanchalearm, also known as Tar, was likely dead.
“I think the message is: ‘Let’s kill these folks. These are outsiders, these are people who are different from us and they should be killed in order to bring Thailand back to normalcy,’” Jakrapob said. “But nothing could be more wrong in that interpretation. I believe their decision to kidnap and murder Tar, and others before him, has been subconsciously radicalizing the people.”
The protest movement has been fueled by student activism, but lacks defined leadership, according to the BBC. That’s by design — activists have reportedly drawn inspiration from decentralized pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong in order to maintain momentum amid arrests.
In part in order to circumvent restrictions on speech, activists have also relied on pop culture symbolism at protests. According to Aleem,
Protesters have used creative methods drawn from the world of popular fiction to veil their criticism of the government and mitigate charges for violating restrictions on political speech. For example, some protesters have dressed up as characters from Harry Potter in order to advance their arguments against the government and monarchy. Other pro-democracy protesters display three-finger salutes inspired by the Hunger Games series.
The Thai government’s crackdown on protesters has been condemned by multiple international organizations. Human Rights Watch, for instance, argued that the ban on protests, as well as other new restrictions, meant that “rights to freedom of speech and holding peaceful, public assemblies are on the chopping block from a government that is now showing its truly dictatorial nature.” Amnesty International has decried the arrests of protesters as an intimidation tactic.
It’s unlikely that the protest movement will stop soon, though — even if the government’s response begins to echo the violent anti-protest crackdowns Bangkok saw in the 1970s.
“The dictatorship must be confronted by the people, even under the threat of arrest,” activist Panupong Jadnok told the Washington Post. “We won’t step back. We will fight until our death.”


vox--2020-10-17--New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern wins historic reelection

New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has been hailed around the world for her government ’ s quick action on Covid-19 , which has helped New Zealand avoid the mass infections and deaths that have devastated the US and Europe .
Now , voters in the country have responded to her leadership by handing Ardern and her Labour Party their biggest election victory in 50 years .
Ardern , 40 , gained international attention when she became prime minister in 2017 , then one of the world ’ s youngest female leaders .
At the beginning of this year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tight election due to a lack of progress on issues it had promised to prioritize , like housing and reducing child poverty , CNN reported .
Then came Covid-19 .
Ardern responded swiftly , with an early lockdown that essentially eliminated spread of the virus .
She also spoke directly to New Zealanders with a warmth and empathy that ’ s been lacking in other world leaders , helping to soothe New Zealanders ’ anxieties and getting them on board with coronavirus restrictions .
To date , New Zealand has reported fewer than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 .
In Saturday ’ s election , Ardern ’ s party is on track to win 64 of the 120 seats in the country ’ s parliament , according to Reuters .
That would give the Labour Party decisive control of the government , allowing it to govern without having to form a coalition , and granting Ardern and her allies more power than ever to chart New Zealand ’ s course through the pandemic and beyond .
“ We will build back better from the Covid crisis , ” Ardern said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evoking a slogan also used by former US Vice President Joe Biden ’ s presidential campaign .
“ This is our opportunity.
” Ardern has always been popular abroad .
Now she has a mandate at home .
Ardern has maintained a high profile around the world since she was elected , as Damien Cave reports at the New York Times .
It wasn ’ t just her youth that drew attention — she also became the first world leader in nearly 30 years to give birth while in office in 2018 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ groundbreaking , showing the importance of paid leave for parents at a time when many — especially in the US — struggle to access this benefit .
( In New Zealand , new parents can access up to 26 weeks of paid leave funded by the government . )
But Ardern hasn ’ t always been as successful at home as she was popular abroad .
Leading a coalition with the nationalist New Zealand First Party , she has struggled to deliver on progressive promises like making housing more affordable and tackling climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changed everything .
Ardern was praised not just around the world but in New Zealand , where her quick action meant that many children could go back to school , and adults could return to work , while countries like the US saw a surge in infections .
Meanwhile , her personal addresses amid the pandemic to New Zealanders were lauded for their directness and warmth .
In April , for example , she reassured the country ’ s children that both the tooth fairy and the Easter bunny were considered essential workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many ways the embodiment of one of her leadership mantras : “ Be strong , be kind.
” Ardern ’ s effectiveness , alongside strong responses by Germany ’ s Angela Merkel , Taiwan ’ s Tsai Ing-wen , and others , even led some to wonder if female leaders were better at handling the pandemic than male leaders .
And now , her constituents have voted to keep her at the helm as New Zealand continues to weather Covid-19 .
With a majority in the country ’ s parliament , Labour will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that may give Ardern greater ability to deliver on her priorities than she ’ s had in the past .
Despite this mandate , Ardern ’ s second term will bring new challenges including repairing an economy weakened by successive lockdowns , and ensuring her majority is able to deliver on its campaign promises .
“ She has significant political capital , ” Jennifer Curtin , director of the Public Policy Institute at the University of Auckland , told the Times .
“ She ’ s going to have to fulfill her promises @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ s ready to get to work .
The campaign slogan that carried her to victory was simple : “ Let ’ s keep moving.
” Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has been hailed around the world for her government’s quick action on Covid-19, which has helped New Zealand avoid the mass infections and deaths that have devastated the US and Europe. Now, voters in the country have responded to her leadership by handing Ardern and her Labour Party their biggest election victory in 50 years.
Ardern, 40, gained international attention when she became prime minister in 2017, then one of the world’s youngest female leaders. At the beginning of this year, her center-left party looked set for a tight election due to a lack of progress on issues it had promised to prioritize, like housing and reducing child poverty, CNN reported.
Then came Covid-19. Ardern responded swiftly, with an early lockdown that essentially eliminated spread of the virus. She also spoke directly to New Zealanders with a warmth and empathy that’s been lacking in other world leaders, helping to soothe New Zealanders’ anxieties and getting them on board with coronavirus restrictions. To date, New Zealand has reported fewer than 2,000 cases and 25 deaths due to Covid-19.
In Saturday’s election, Ardern’s party is on track to win 64 of the 120 seats in the country’s parliament, according to Reuters. That would give the Labour Party decisive control of the government, allowing it to govern without having to form a coalition, and granting Ardern and her allies more power than ever to chart New Zealand’s course through the pandemic and beyond.
“We will build back better from the Covid crisis,” Ardern said in her acceptance speech on Saturday, evoking a slogan also used by former US Vice President Joe Biden’s presidential campaign. “This is our opportunity.”
Ardern has always been popular abroad. Now she has a mandate at home.
Ardern has maintained a high profile around the world since she was elected, as Damien Cave reports at the New York Times. It wasn’t just her youth that drew attention — she also became the first world leader in nearly 30 years to give birth while in office in 2018. Her six-week parental leave was hailed as groundbreaking, showing the importance of paid leave for parents at a time when many — especially in the US — struggle to access this benefit. (In New Zealand, new parents can access up to 26 weeks of paid leave funded by the government.)
But Ardern hasn’t always been as successful at home as she was popular abroad. Leading a coalition with the nationalist New Zealand First Party, she has struggled to deliver on progressive promises like making housing more affordable and tackling climate change, Cave reports.
Covid-19 then changed everything. Ardern was praised not just around the world but in New Zealand, where her quick action meant that many children could go back to school, and adults could return to work, while countries like the US saw a surge in infections.
Meanwhile, her personal addresses amid the pandemic to New Zealanders were lauded for their directness and warmth. In April, for example, she reassured the country’s children that both the tooth fairy and the Easter bunny were considered essential workers.
Ardern’s response was in many ways the embodiment of one of her leadership mantras: “Be strong, be kind.” Ardern’s effectiveness, alongside strong responses by Germany’s Angela Merkel, Taiwan’s Tsai Ing-wen, and others, even led some to wonder if female leaders were better at handling the pandemic than male leaders.
And now, her constituents have voted to keep her at the helm as New Zealand continues to weather Covid-19. With a majority in the country’s parliament, Labour will be able to form a single-party government that may give Ardern greater ability to deliver on her priorities than she’s had in the past.
Despite this mandate, Ardern’s second term will bring new challenges including repairing an economy weakened by successive lockdowns, and ensuring her majority is able to deliver on its campaign promises. “She has significant political capital,” Jennifer Curtin, director of the Public Policy Institute at the University of Auckland, told the Times. “She’s going to have to fulfill her promises with more substance.”
But Ardern says she’s ready to get to work. The campaign slogan that carried her to victory was simple: “Let’s keep moving.”


vox--2020-10-17--Why Trump flip-flopped on California disaster relief

President Donald Trump approved a disaster declaration for California on Friday , clearing the way for the state to receive federal aid as it continues to battle a series of historic wildfires .
Usually , that would be unremarkable — as of Saturday , the Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) listed 98 major disaster declarations this year , including in California .
But Friday ’ s declaration by Trump comes after his Thursday decision to deny federal aid to the state .
Though California has suffered five of the six largest wildfires in recorded state history in recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the August Complex Fire , which has already burned more than 1 million acres — FEMA said in a statement Friday to CNN that California ’ s “ early September fires were not of such severity and magnitude to exceed the combined capabilities of the state , affected local governments , voluntary agencies and other responding federal agencies.
” California Gov .
Gavin Newsom responded to this announcement by tweeting , “ We are appealing this , ” and followed that message with a call with Trump .
Republican lawmakers also reportedly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy , who represents California ’ s 23rd District in Congress , and state Sen. Andreas Borgeas , whose district was affected by the Creek Fire , making appeals .
Following these conversations , Trump reversed course .
The disaster declaration means that California residents in the path of the fires are eligible for various types of federal aid , including “ grants for temporary housing and home repairs , low-cost loans to cover uninsured property losses , and other programs to help individuals and business owners recover from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ declaration also frees up federal funding for “ emergency protective ” and “ hazard mitigation ” measures in California .
The costs of these initiatives will be shared with the state government , as well as tribal and local governments in California .
According to Cal Fire ’ s daily update , there are 21 active wildfires in the state — and a red flag warning remains in effect for northern California .
To date , more than 4.1 million acres have burned in 2020 , killing at least 31 people and destroying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disaster relief often involve a balancing act Despite his quick reversal , Trump ’ s initial refusal to approve the California disaster declaration is in line with his longtime posture toward the state .
As Vox ’ s Catherine Kim reported last year , Trump previously threatened to withhold “ $ $ $ help ” from the state , and just this week the president tweeted that “ California is going to hell .
Vote Trump !
” According to one former administration official — Miles Taylor , who served in the Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his stance toward California even more clear in private .
“ [ Trump ] told us to stop giving money to people whose houses had burned down from a wildfire because he was so rageful that people in the state of California didn ’ t support him , and that politically it wasn ’ t a base for him , ” Taylor said in a video endorsing Trump ’ s opponent , Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden .
Trump ’ s antipathy toward California has meant Newsom , a Democrat , has often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in his relationship with Trump to ensure California gets the help it needs , for wildfires and the Covid-19 pandemic alike .
Newsom isn ’ t alone in that balancing act .
As the pandemic and natural disasters from fires to hurricanes leave states in desperate need of federal help , staying on Trump ’ s good side has essentially become an imperative for Democratic governors seeking federal aid .
In March , the president told Fox News that Democratic governors seeking federal help “ have to treat us well.
” Following that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic leaders have worked to maintain the appearance of doing so .
In April , for example , New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo praised Trump ’ s pandemic response , saying that “ he has delivered for New York.
” But the relationship between the president and Democratic governors has not always been smooth ; in April Trump called for people to “ LIBERATE ” Democratic-run states like Virginia and Minnesota .
And Michigan Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer , who has criticized Trump ’ s Covid-19 response , has become the target @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unabated even after a far-right alleged kidnapping plot against her was revealed earlier this month .
Democratic governors like Newsom — and Louisiana Gov .
John Bel Edwards , who has sought federal help for hurricane recovery — however , have found ways to craft measured approaches that neither alienate the president or their bases , largely escaping the president ’ s ire and ensuring federal aid flows to their states .
“ What essentially is happening is that Newsom is having to be , in a way , a sacrificial lamb , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told the AP in September after Newsom met with Trump .
“ He ’ s the one who has to be very gentle with the president , even though I have no doubt that he disagrees with him on just about everything.
” Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what ’ s happening in the news , from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is , quite possibly , the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes .
Our mission has never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this moment : to empower you through understanding .
But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources .
Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers , your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work .
If you have already contributed , thank you .
If you haven ’ t , please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world : Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

President Donald Trump approved a disaster declaration for California on Friday, clearing the way for the state to receive federal aid as it continues to battle a series of historic wildfires.
Usually, that would be unremarkable — as of Saturday, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) listed 98 major disaster declarations this year, including in California. But Friday’s declaration by Trump comes after his Thursday decision to deny federal aid to the state.
Though California has suffered five of the six largest wildfires in recorded state history in recent weeks — including a “gigafire,” the August Complex Fire, which has already burned more than 1 million acres — FEMA said in a statement Friday to CNN that California’s “early September fires were not of such severity and magnitude to exceed the combined capabilities of the state, affected local governments, voluntary agencies and other responding federal agencies.”
California Gov. Gavin Newsom responded to this announcement by tweeting, “We are appealing this,” and followed that message with a call with Trump. Republican lawmakers also reportedly put pressure on the president, with House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, who represents California’s 23rd District in Congress, and state Sen. Andreas Borgeas, whose district was affected by the Creek Fire, making appeals.
Following these conversations, Trump reversed course.
The disaster declaration means that California residents in the path of the fires are eligible for various types of federal aid, including “grants for temporary housing and home repairs, low-cost loans to cover uninsured property losses, and other programs to help individuals and business owners recover from the effects of the disaster.”
The declaration also frees up federal funding for “emergency protective” and “hazard mitigation” measures in California. The costs of these initiatives will be shared with the state government, as well as tribal and local governments in California.
According to Cal Fire’s daily update, there are 21 active wildfires in the state — and a red flag warning remains in effect for northern California. To date, more than 4.1 million acres have burned in 2020, killing at least 31 people and destroying thousands of structures.
The politics of disaster relief often involve a balancing act
Despite his quick reversal, Trump’s initial refusal to approve the California disaster declaration is in line with his longtime posture toward the state.
As Vox’s Catherine Kim reported last year, Trump previously threatened to withhold “$$$ help” from the state, and just this week the president tweeted that “California is going to hell. Vote Trump!”
..Every year, as the fire’s rage & California burns, it is the same thing-and then he comes to the Federal Government for $$$ help. No more. Get your act together Governor. You don’t see close to the level of burn in other states...But our teams are working well together in..... — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 3, 2019
According to one former administration official — Miles Taylor, who served in the Department of Homeland Security — Trump has made his stance toward California even more clear in private.
“[Trump] told us to stop giving money to people whose houses had burned down from a wildfire because he was so rageful that people in the state of California didn’t support him, and that politically it wasn’t a base for him,” Taylor said in a video endorsing Trump’s opponent, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden.
Trump’s antipathy toward California has meant Newsom, a Democrat, has often had to maintain a delicate balancing act in his relationship with Trump to ensure California gets the help it needs, for wildfires and the Covid-19 pandemic alike.
As CalMatters’s Laurel Rosenhall wrote in September:
Newsom has repeatedly praised Trump’s disaster aid for California, saying he wants to put political differences aside when problems need to be solved. But it’s involved a bit of whiplash. He recently called their relationship “very effective” in responding to emergencies — just the day after he dissed Trump for saying California wildfires were due to insufficient forest raking. He talked last week about a productive phone call with Trump, even as he criticized the federal government for a lack of action on climate change.
Newsom isn’t alone in that balancing act. As the pandemic and natural disasters from fires to hurricanes leave states in desperate need of federal help, staying on Trump’s good side has essentially become an imperative for Democratic governors seeking federal aid.
In March, the president told Fox News that Democratic governors seeking federal help “have to treat us well.” Following that pronouncement — and others like it — Democratic leaders have worked to maintain the appearance of doing so.
In April, for example, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo praised Trump’s pandemic response, saying that “he has delivered for New York.”
But the relationship between the president and Democratic governors has not always been smooth; in April Trump called for people to “LIBERATE” Democratic-run states like Virginia and Minnesota. And Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, who has criticized Trump’s Covid-19 response, has become the target of unceasing vitriol from the president, unabated even after a far-right alleged kidnapping plot against her was revealed earlier this month.
Democratic governors like Newsom — and Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards, who has sought federal help for hurricane recovery — however, have found ways to craft measured approaches that neither alienate the president or their bases, largely escaping the president’s ire and ensuring federal aid flows to their states.
“What essentially is happening is that Newsom is having to be, in a way, a sacrificial lamb,” California Sierra Club director Kathryn Phillips told the AP in September after Newsom met with Trump. “He’s the one who has to be very gentle with the president, even though I have no doubt that he disagrees with him on just about everything.”


vox--2020-10-18--SNL takes on dueling Trump and Biden town halls in its cold open

If the two town halls — one with President Donald Trump and one with Democratic nominee Joe Biden — on Thursday weren ’ t enough for you , October 17 ’ s Saturday Night Live cold open reprised the action .
And it threw in a Wrestlemania-style folding chair , as well as a bit of Bob Ross , for good measure .
The skit , called “ Dueling Town Halls , ” featured Mikey Day as ABC ’ s George Stephanopoulos and Kate McKinnon as NBC ’ s Savannah Guthrie , while Alec Baldwin and Jim Carrey reprised their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We now present a rebroadcast of those town halls the way most Americans watched them , ” a narrator intoned before opening on Day as Stephanopoulous .
“ Flipping back and forth , trying to decide between a Hallmark movie and an alien autopsy.
” Day opened the skit by warning , “ The vibe we ’ re going for tonight is ‘ poorly attended college lecture , ’ ” before an aviator-wearing Carrey appeared to make finger guns at the crowd .
After a rambling Carrey answer ended with a vaccine-related math @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , show your work , ” the skit flipped over to McKinnon , as she introduced herself as “ surprise bad-ass Savannah Guthrie.
” “ If you were angry at NBC for doing this town hall , ” McKinnon says before teeing up questions about white supremacy and QAnon , “ Just let me get a few questions in and I think you ’ ll thank me.
” Satirizing Trump ’ s refusal to fully condemn QAnon at the real debate , Baldwin rebuffed McKinnon ’ s questions about the conspiracy theory .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats are a cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles , and that I ’ m their messiah ?
” Baldwin tells McKinnon .
“ I don ’ t know anything about them at all , no.
” McKinnon responded by taking a line almost verbatim from the real-life Guthrie , telling Baldwin , “ You can ’ t just do things like that , you ’ re not just someone ’ s crazy uncle.
” From there , the skit cut back and forth between the town halls , featuring Carrey talking to God and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conan O ’ Brien.
” Maya Rudolph ’ s Kamala Harris also made a brief appearance to tell an enthusiastically nodding Black woman in the background of Baldwin ’ s answer on Roe v. Wade — in reality , a onetime pro-Trump congressional candidate named Mayra Joli — that “ I only nod that much when a waiter asks if I ’ ll be having mimosas at brunch.
” Poking fun at senior Trump adviser Mercedes Schlapp ’ s characterization of Biden ’ s town hall — which in reality was a staid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ episode of Mister Rodgers Neighborhood [ sic ] , ” when the skit turns back to Carrey , he begins singing “ Won ’ t you be my neighbor ?
” while donning a cardigan .
His next appearance is as painter Bob Ross in front of an easel with a nature scene .
McKinnon ’ s next appearance in the skit , on the other hand , featured her distracting Baldwin before leveling him with a folding chair to the face .
As the town halls wrap up , soaring music swells @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the nation , ” Carrey said .
“ If elected , I promise I won ’ t tweet once — because I don ’ t know how.
” Baldwin , meanwhile , abandoned his closing pitch to voters .
“ All right then , just try and take me alive !
” he yells as the rest of the cast rushes in to start the show .
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If the two town halls — one with President Donald Trump and one with Democratic nominee Joe Biden — on Thursday weren’t enough for you, October 17’s Saturday Night Live cold open reprised the action. And it threw in a WrestleMania-style folding chair and a bit of Bob Ross for good measure.
The skit, called “Dueling Town Halls,” featured Mikey Day as ABC’s George Stephanopoulos and Kate McKinnon as NBC’s Savannah Guthrie, while Alec Baldwin and Jim Carrey reprised their roles as Trump and Biden, respectively.
“We now present a rebroadcast of those town halls the way most Americans watched them,” a narrator intoned before opening on Day as Stephanopoulos. “Flipping back and forth, trying to decide between a Hallmark movie and an alien autopsy.”
Day opened the skit by warning, “The vibe we’re going for tonight is ‘poorly attended college lecture,’” before an aviator-wearing Carrey appeared to make finger guns at the crowd.
After a rambling Carrey answer ended with a vaccine-related math problem and an entreaty to “please, show your work,” the skit flipped over to McKinnon as she introduced herself as “surprise badass Savannah Guthrie.”
“If you were angry at NBC for doing this town hall,” McKinnon says before teeing up questions about white supremacy and QAnon, “just let me get a few questions in and I think you’ll thank me.”
Satirizing Trump’s refusal to fully condemn QAnon at the real town hall, Baldwin rebuffed McKinnon’s questions about the conspiracy theory.
“You mean the group that thinks Democrats are a cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles, and that I’m their messiah?” Baldwin tells McKinnon. “I don’t know anything about them at all, no.”
McKinnon responded by taking a line almost verbatim from the real-life Guthrie, telling Baldwin, “You can’t just do things like that, you’re not just someone’s crazy uncle.”
From there, the skit cut back and forth between the town halls, featuring Carrey talking to God and Baldwin holding forth on Judge “Amy Conan O’Brien.”
Maya Rudolph’s Kamala Harris also made a brief appearance to tell an enthusiastically nodding Black woman in the background of Baldwin’s answer on Roe v. Wade — in reality, a onetime pro-Trump congressional candidate named Mayra Joli — that “I only nod that much when a waiter asks if I’ll be having mimosas at brunch.”
When the skit turns back to Carrey, he begins singing “Won’t You Be My Neighbor?” while donning a cardigan, poking fun at senior Trump adviser Mercedes Schlapp’s characterization of Biden’s town hall — which in reality was a staid, wonky affair — as “an episode of Mister Rodgers Neighborhood [sic]”. He next appears as painter Bob Ross in front of an easel featuring a nature scene.
McKinnon’s next appearance in the skit, on the other hand, featured her distracting Baldwin before leveling him with a folding chair to the face.
As the town halls wrap up, soaring music swells: “We have to restore sanity to the nation,” Carrey said. “If elected, I promise I won’t tweet once — because I don’t know how.”
Baldwin, meanwhile, abandoned his closing pitch to voters.
“All right then, just try and take me alive!” he yells as the rest of the cast rushes in to start the show.
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vox--2020-10-18--John Cornyn becomes the latest Senate Republican to ramp up criticism of Trump

Texas Sen. John Cornyn is among a growing number of Senate Republicans who ’ ve begun to highlight their disagreements with President Donald Trump amid surprisingly competitive reelection races .
“ When I have had differences of opinion , which I have , [ I ] do that privately , ” Cornyn said in an interview with the Fort Worth Star-Telegram editorial board released on Sunday , claiming that he ’ s previously clashed with Trump on border security and budget deficits .
Cornyn ’ s interview comes shortly after leaked audio captured Sen. Ben Sasse ( R-NE ) criticizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week .
“ I don ’ t think the way he ’ s led through Covid has been reasonable or responsible or right , ” Sasse said in audio obtained by the Washington Examiner .
“ The United States now regularly sells out our allies under his leadership , the way he treats women , spends like a drunken sailor.
” And both follow comments by Sen. Martha McSally ( R-AZ ) — who avoided saying whether she was “ proud ” of her support for Trump at an October debate , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ R-ME ) — who has consistently declined to say who she ’ s voting for in November .
As a whole , these remarks speak to a broader trend of Republicans doing what many GOP lawmakers have long been unwilling to do : signal a break with Trump .
These efforts to create distance between themselves and the president come as voters ’ aversion to Trump appears to be threatening key Republican-held Senate seats .
Cornyn , Sasse , McSally , and Collins are all running for reelection .
Of the four , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as safe , partially because Trump has pushed more moderate Republicans away from the party in several battleground states .
Even states like Cornyn ’ s that are viewed as Republican strongholds present opportunities for Democrats : Cornyn , for example , is facing a competitive race against Air Force veteran MJ Hegar that Cook Political Report has rated as “ Lean Republican.
” This has left some members of the GOP apparently more willing to speak out against some of the president ’ s policy positions as they fight for their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be reelected begin to waver , more Republicans seem to be planning for what comes next .
“ Y ’ all have a good chance of winning the White House , ” Sen. Lindsey Graham ( R-SC ) , a close Trump ally , told his Democratic colleagues during last week ’ s confirmation hearing for Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett .
Republicans who are now speaking out against Trump — as well as those like Sens .
Ted Cruz ( R-TX ) and Rand Paul ( R-KY ) who are leaning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and bucking Trump ’ s calls for a more expansive stimulus bill — could well be setting themselves up for a post-Trump party .
Swing-state Republicans could be hurt by their Trump ties Many swing-state Republicans in places including Arizona , Iowa , and Colorado have faced a tricky balancing act : They ’ ve had to align themselves closely with Trump to win the support of their conservative base , but these very ties are now hurting them in the general election as independents — and even some moderate Republicans — move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for example , Trump ’ s approval ratings have slipped , and his disapproval has gone from 35 percent to 48 percent since January 2017 , according to a Morning Consult tracker .
Over the same time period in Iowa , Trump ’ s disapproval rating went from 40 percent to 51 percent , and in Colorado , it ’ s increased from 44 percent to 55 percent .
As a result , some Republicans may view it as beneficial to their campaigns if they demonstrate some separation from Trump , particularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the pandemic continue .
Whether this will be enough remains to be seen .
While Cornyn is currently ahead of Hegar in polling averages , other Republican senators are faring poorly — according to averages from RealClearPolitics , Collins , for instance , is is 4.2 percentage points behind her rival , and McSally is trailing her Democratic opponent by 8.3 percentage points .
Sasse , in his remarks , did not seem optimistic about the GOP ’ s chances , and argued that negative sentiment toward Trump could lead to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some Republicans could also be offering a look at the messaging they ’ d use post-Trump Trump is also not doing well in polls — Democratic nominee Joe Biden has led him by double digits in some recent surveys .
These numbers have led the president to begin musing publicly about losing the election .
As Bloomberg ’ s Steven Dennis has written , Republican lawmakers including Sasse and Cruz seem to be among those setting themselves up for a potential Biden presidency in which they would be vocal fiscal hawks .
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have done so in recent months is by becoming more outspoken in their opposition to additional pandemic stimulus spending , shutting down Trump ’ s recent demands to “ go big ” and putting forth their own narrow bill for a floor vote this week .
Republicans ’ movement in this direction hints at the possibility that they could more strongly embrace fiscal conservatism once again if Biden becomes president .
As endangered Republican Sen. Thom Tillis recently told Politico , “ The best check on a Biden presidency is for Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” But , attempts to distance themselves from Trump or not , that majority currently appears to be in serious jeopardy .
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It ’ s essential that all Americans are able to access clear , concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives , and the lives of their families and communities .
That is our mission at Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalism takes resources .
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Texas Sen. John Cornyn is among a growing number of Senate Republicans who’ve begun to highlight their disagreements with President Donald Trump amid surprisingly competitive reelection races.
“When I have had differences of opinion, which I have, [I] do that privately,” Cornyn said in an interview with the Fort Worth Star-Telegram editorial board released on Sunday, claiming that he’s previously clashed with Trump on border security and budget deficits. Cornyn’s interview comes shortly after leaked audio captured Sen. Ben Sasse (R-NE) criticizing Trump in a conversation with constituents this week.
“I don’t think the way he’s led through Covid has been reasonable or responsible or right,” Sasse said in audio obtained by the Washington Examiner. “The United States now regularly sells out our allies under his leadership, the way he treats women, spends like a drunken sailor.”
And both follow comments by Sen. Martha McSally (R-AZ), who avoided saying whether she was “proud” of her support for Trump at an October debate, and long-standing statements from Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME), who has consistently declined to say who she’s voting for in November.
As a whole, these remarks speak to a broader trend of Republicans doing what many GOP lawmakers have long been unwilling to do: signal a break with Trump.
These efforts to create distance between themselves and the president come as voters’ aversion to Trump appears to be threatening key Republican-held Senate seats. Cornyn, Sasse, McSally, and Collins are all running for reelection. Of the four, only Sasse’s seat is seen as safe, partially because Trump has pushed more moderate Republicans away from the party in several battleground states.
Even states like Cornyn’s that are viewed as Republican strongholds present opportunities for Democrats: Cornyn, for example, is facing a competitive race against Air Force veteran MJ Hegar that Cook Political Report has rated as “Lean Republican.” This has left some members of the GOP apparently more willing to speak out against some of the president’s policy positions as they fight for their own reelection.
As expectations that Trump will be reelected waver, more Republicans seem to be planning for what comes next.
“Y’all have a good chance of winning the White House,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), a close Trump ally, told his Democratic colleagues during last week’s confirmation hearing for Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett.
Republicans who are now speaking out against Trump — as well as those like Sens. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Rand Paul (R-KY) who are leaning into their fiscal conservative bona fides and bucking Trump’s calls for a more expansive stimulus bill — could well be setting themselves up for a post-Trump party.
Swing-state Republicans could be hurt by their Trump ties
Many swing-state Republicans in places including Arizona, Iowa, and Colorado have faced a tricky balancing act: They’ve had to align themselves closely with Trump to win the support of their conservative base, but these very ties are now hurting them in the general election as independents — and even some moderate Republicans — move away from the president.
In Arizona, for example, Trump’s approval ratings have slipped, and his disapproval has gone from 35 percent to 48 percent since January 2017, according to a Morning Consult tracker. Over the same time period in Iowa, Trump’s disapproval rating went from 40 percent to 51 percent, and in Colorado, it’s increased from 44 percent to 55 percent.
As a result, some Republicans may view it as beneficial to their campaigns if they demonstrate some separation from Trump, particularly as the public health and economic fallout from the pandemic continue.
Whether this will be enough remains to be seen. While Cornyn is currently ahead of Hegar in polling averages, other Republican senators are faring poorly. According to averages from RealClearPolitics, Collins, for instance, is 4.2 percentage points behind her rival, and McSally is trailing her Democratic opponent by 8.3 percentage points.
Sasse, in his remarks, did not seem optimistic about the GOP’s chances, and argued that negative sentiment toward Trump could lead to a “Republican bloodbath” this fall.
Some Republicans could also be offering a look at the messaging they’d use post-Trump
Trump is also not doing well in polls, where Democratic nominee Joe Biden has led him by double digits in some recent surveys. These numbers have led the president to begin musing publicly about losing the election.
As Bloomberg’s Steven Dennis has written, Republican lawmakers including Sasse and Cruz seem to be among those setting themselves up for a potential Biden presidency in which they would be vocal fiscal hawks.
One way they, and other Senate Republicans, have done so in recent months is by becoming more outspoken in their opposition to additional pandemic stimulus spending, shutting down Trump’s recent demands to “go big” and putting forth their own narrow bill for a floor vote this week. Republicans’ movement in this direction hints at the possibility that they could more strongly embrace fiscal conservatism once again if Biden becomes president.
As endangered Republican Sen. Thom Tillis recently told Politico, “The best check on a Biden presidency is for Republicans to have a majority in the Senate.” But, attempts to distance themselves from Trump or not, that majority currently appears to be in serious jeopardy.