vox--2020-07-07--Sen. Tim Scott on race, police reform, and why ending qualified immunity is a nonstarter for the GOP

Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina , the only Black Republican serving in the US Senate , has an additional , unenviable task beyond his usual legislative portfolio : talking to his colleagues , and Republicans in general , about the issues of race and policing with which he has an intimate familiarity .
“ I , like many other Black Americans , have found myself choking on my own fears and disbelief when faced with the realities of an encounter with law enforcement , ” he wrote in an op-ed in USA Today earlier this year , detailing experiences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have continued into his time in Congress .
Amid the protests over the police killing of George Floyd , he delivered a similar message on the Senate floor , describing a year in which he was stopped by the police seven times .
“ Just because you do not feel the pain , the anguish of another , does not mean it does not exist , ” he told his colleagues .
Scott also led the Republican legislative response to Floyd ’ s death : the JUSTICE Act , the Senate Republican bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bill , which focused on data collection and called for examining what at-risk communities need most , was blocked by Senate Democrats , who argued it didn ’ t go far enough .
Scott is one of the most interesting people in politics : the first Black senator elected from a Southern state since 1881 , the only Black American to have served in both chambers of Congress .
There are only two Black Republicans in Congress — Scott and Rep. Will Hurd — and only three Black senators of either party .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ reform , qualified immunity for officers and why eliminating it is a “ poison pill ” for Republicans , race and racism , and our own family experiences of bad policing .
He told me Floyd ’ s death had launched a “ tectonic shift on the underlying issue ” of police brutality .
“ I hope that we don ’ t miss this opportunity ” to address it , he said .
This interview has been edited for length and clarity .
I want to talk about the JUSTICE Act and some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ ve been helping to spearhead .
But I wanted to start out with a more general question , because I ’ ve been focused on this issue for a long time and focused on how conservatives have talked about criminal justice reform for a long time .
As a senator , as a person involved in this discussion , what do you see as the biggest issue in policing in America ?
I would say the biggest issue in policing in America is probably integrity and/or character , from my perspective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results .
The lack of it produces situations that we all come to regret .
Why is data collection — like requiring state and local agencies to provide data on use of force and no-knock warrants — so central to the JUSTICE Act ?
I think the more information you have , the better your results , because then you ’ re sending your resources in the best direction possible .
If you look at our bill versus the House bill , what you ’ ll find is on data collection .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injury to death , so as to be able to move in directed grants to the places where we need it the most .
Ultimately , what both bills recognize is that you can not change local law enforcement by executive fiat .
One of the reasons why in our bill , as well as in the House bill , [ they ] ban the chokehold on the federal level and not a local level is because we can ’ t .
And so you want to have the data that gets the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the law enforcement agencies on the local level patrol .
So as you mentioned , policing is a local concern , which makes it challenging to take federal action .
But what actions do you think such data collection leads to in the future ?
I think that proper data collection leads to the best practices that other agencies around the country will be able to adopt .
One of the things I would love to have is the best practices from around the country on the variations of the use of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the conclusion that here is a force review board that can bring about the best results .
When that happens , I think you change the culture of law enforcement , as opposed to almost like a knee-jerk reaction on so many topics .
I would rather start collecting enough information so that we are directing resources .
My example is that probably more than two-thirds of departments today have already banned the chokehold , so the truth is the more complete the data becomes , the easier it is for us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things like the chokehold .
And I think that ’ s one of the reasons why we ’ re having success now without even passing legislation .
I have been advocating on behalf of [ body cameras ] for five years .
And the truth is if we had five years of video stored and accessible , there might be more attention on a number of issues that without that those videos we just don ’ t know about .
So a part of data collection is collecting the videos of these instances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can do something about it .
Part of the bill is for the establishment of a commission on the social status of Black men and boys .
And I have a couple of questions on that .
First , why do you think it was important to focus on a community that is arguably overpoliced in many ways and underpoliced in many ways , and not on the people doing the policing ?
Police brutality and police violence is a cross-racial experience .
There have been numerous white and Latino people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unjustifiably killed by police .
So why the focus on this particular community and not on the police doing the policing , so to speak ?
We actually do both .
So we have the commission on the social status of Black men and Black boys , because we look at the groups in our nation — Native Americans and Blacks have the highest poverty rate of any racial group in the country .
So we ’ re not just studying it for the outcomes of law enforcement .
We ’ re trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice perspective , the pipeline from a poverty perspective .
We established , with the support of the NAACP and other civil rights organizations and police organizations , the National Criminal Justice Commission , and that will study police behavior .
And frankly , in South Carolina in 2015 , there was a white teenager , I think he was 19 years old , that was shot by police .
And so you ’ re right , the issues are not simply issues with minority communities , this is an issue that really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s one of the reasons why we have the National Criminal Justice Commission .
Writers like Chris Arnade and others have argued that what many communities experience is simultaneous underpolicing and overpolicing .
So what we learned from the Department of Justice after Ferguson was that you had people who committed small offenses , like a broken taillight or turning without signaling , and received big penalties because those require big fines .
But then if you call 911 , no one responds .
Do you think that there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this issue and talk about this kind of simultaneous challenge ?
I think this is a way for people of good conscience to lead on the issue , not just Republicans .
I say that because all of the issues that you ’ re describing are issues that are literally local issues and most local governments are nonpartisan .
And so your local city council , your mayor , can confront that issue faster than we can from the federal level .
But I do think that it ’ s important for us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies and the practices .
We can do that through our commission .
I would say that no doubt about it , when you look at the tickets written , sometimes you see a disproportionate share [ of Black people being ticketed ] .
All you have to do is go to traffic court around the country and see what you see .
So I get your points there .
But the bottom line is it ’ s an issue that Republicans can address , but it ’ s not actually a Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in communities around the nation .
And most often , those communities are not run by Republicans ; they are either run by Democrats or they ’ re nonpartisan .
We should tackle the issue at which level with the government that ’ s closest to the people .
And that would be your municipal and county governments .
But we certainly will continue to keep a focus on that , because that ’ s certainly my personal experiences , part of the reason why I ’ ve been [ working on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve talked about being pulled over numerous times with your Senate pin .
And I know that ’ s something my dad ’ s dealt with it , you know , getting pulled over because he was driving a Miata and that didn ’ t seem like the right car for him to own .
Exactly , your dad ’ s experience is my experience .
I remember I had my Infiniti G35 sports coupe , all black , tinted windows , four cops surrounding it because the car was “ too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when your grandfather loves his neighbors , doesn ’ t want to move , you go see him wherever he lives , no matter what kind of car you drive .
I wanted to ask one more question about the JUSTICE Act , which is that it contains a provision focused on asking the Department of Justice to create a deescalation training curriculum .
Now , Baltimore has seen success with such a program , but because most states leave trainings up to individual police departments , deescalation isn ’ t commonly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of people at risk .
Because we ’ ve seen time and time again , these incidents happen so quickly and an incident that wasn ’ t threatening can quickly become threatening .
Why do you think these trainings haven ’ t been more widely utilized before ?
Out of the several hundred law enforcement departments in South Carolina , 118 of those departments have less than 10 people .
So when you have fewer than 10 people in a local department , your training , I would imagine , is going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s one of the reasons why I focus on providing more grant dollars so that we can induce or compel the behavior that I think is in the best interest of the citizens within those jurisdictions .
So in South Carolina , we have one [ police ] academy .
And so some of those departments that are too small to train their officers themselves would then be able to access grants and resources .
I think it ’ s a smart approach realizing that most departments are not like Chicago , Detroit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles , Cleveland , Cincinnati ; most offices are much smaller , and their training budgets are infinitely smaller .
And so what I hope to do is take the intelligent approach : figure out the problems , work back to the solution , because that ’ s the fastest way for me to actually help the departments that are willing .
I want to step back a little bit .
How do you think that your peers have shifted on the issues of policing since you joined the Senate in 2013 ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about Walter Scott and then , of course , the shooting in June of 2015 , [ there was ] a lot of sympathy on the floor from Republicans and Democrats but no action from my friends on the other side or my side .
What I saw instantly after [ George Floyd ’ s death ] was a nation ’ s response to it , as almost like a tectonic shift on the underlying issue that some of us had been advocating for the last number of years came into focus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t miss this opportunity that is right in front of them because we ’ re playing for the ability to write the bill you want after the election .
You ’ ve been a leading steward for the GOP on issues of race , whether it ’ s on judicial nominations or even on just talking about your own experiences .
Do you feel in some ways responsible for shepherding your colleagues on some of these issues ?
I know that ’ s something I ’ ve had , even at Vox , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walk people through ideas that they may not have had the chance to experience personally .
I ’ m a believer in divine intervention .
I believe that the Good Lord himself designed every one of us , and I was made Black on purpose and factually as a person of conservative construct , which I think is , by the way , [ similar to ] the vast majority of Black people in America .
I would say that the ability for me to communicate my personal experience to a broader audience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate , I am the only Black Republican , but there are only two Black Democrats in the United States Senate .
You noted that many African Americans hold , I would say , small-c conservative views .
They might be more socially conservative or actually more economically conservative .
Why do you think that has not translated to support for the Republican Party ?
That ’ s a good question .
I think there are several reasons .
Number one was the Southern Strategy from the 1970s and early ’ 80s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race , at least to me , in a divisive manner .
But I would say that when you look at the actual history , we all know about Abraham Lincoln , but frankly during the civil rights era , more Republicans voted for the civil rights-era legislation than Democrats .
So we lost a marketing war in the 1970s and ’ 80s , and we never regained any prominence .
I think that ’ s why the history of who we are and how we vote is critically important as it relates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black people are very diverse .
There ’ s no monolithic group of thinkers in the Black community .
It doesn ’ t exist .
So going back to talking about the JUSTICE Act , you said that limiting qualified immunity was a poison pill for Republicans .
Why ?
The bottom line is everybody has a core constituency and our core constituency includes law enforcement officers .
That ’ s typical for Republicans , and frankly , from a moral hazard perspective , most of us as conservatives are very supportive of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be stereotyped as a Black man , I don ’ t knock on the stereotype of officers as being evil and or racist by default .
One of the things that I saw in qualified immunity , and one of the reasons why [ ending it ] could be seen easily as a poison pill , is if you are going to go after character-driven , highly competent law enforcement officers , with the goal of making them more civil , giving them a higher level of responsibility from a civil perspective , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up in situations where fewer officers are patrolling , as you noted earlier , some of the more challenging communities .
And so if you want to have a conversation about restitution and recourse under the umbrella of qualified immunity , I ’ ve actually said several times , count me in to that conversation , because that ’ s not about an officer ; that ’ s about a culture , and the way that you make a culture more responsible is making the threshold for suing cities and departments easier because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When you make it all about the individual officer , you run good cops out , you make it far more difficult to get anything accomplished , but if the actual conversation is around restitution and recourse , you can change the behavior of all officers , not simply one .
If that ’ s not enough , then I don ’ t think we ’ ll get anything done .
But if you need 99 percent of what you want in order to make a deal , I guess we ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most vulnerable , vulnerable , because 99 percent is too high of a price to pay .
Do you think that there ’ s also some people just waiting for the Supreme Court to handle the issue — because the Supreme Court is the entity that invented qualified immunity ?
Qualified immunity is really the result of judicial rulings , not the law .
So we ’ ve seen Justice Clarence Thomas and others speaking out about the nature of qualified immunity as we see it .
I think you ’ ll have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We learned in 2016 that elections have consequences .
So in 2020 , those consequences might be a majority of people in a position to usher in a brand new approach to police reform that we can ’ t get done .
Now , I would certainly hate to wait seven months to get something done , or you can get 80 percent of what you want now .
And if you do win , you can get the other 20 percent , but let ’ s take baby steps for the communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worry about who gets the victory .
The victory goes to the community , not to Democrats or Republicans , but that ’ s just not how the game is played right now .
We ’ re in the midst of a very strange moment in which this issue that ’ s so important , it has been so important to folks like you and other people who ’ ve been working on this for nearly a decade .
We ’ re also dealing with a pandemic and we ’ re also in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So on the subject of criminal justice reform , what comes next in this conversation ?
The impetus for change in the criminal justice conversation should start with how do we break the pipeline to incarceration .
And to me that starts with education , that starts with poverty , that starts with an awareness and a recognition that we have to get this right 10 years earlier than we are now and not dealing with the outcomes when the cell opens and the inmate leaves .
Getting those conversations going is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the next wave of criminal justice conversations .
And then the private sector , and I am encouraged by the number of private sector companies that have gone toward “ ban the box ” , which I think is better done in the private sector .
So I would once again like to champion causes [ where ] we can produce meaningful change in reasonable time .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution @ @ @ @

Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina, the only Black Republican serving in the US Senate, has an additional, unenviable task beyond his usual legislative portfolio: talking to his colleagues, and Republicans in general, about the issues of race and policing with which he has an intimate familiarity.
“I, like many other Black Americans, have found myself choking on my own fears and disbelief when faced with the realities of an encounter with law enforcement,” he wrote in an op-ed in USA Today earlier this year, detailing experiences that began when he was 21 and have continued into his time in Congress.
Amid the protests over the police killing of George Floyd, he delivered a similar message on the Senate floor, describing a year in which he was stopped by the police seven times. “Just because you do not feel the pain, the anguish of another, does not mean it does not exist,” he told his colleagues.
Scott also led the Republican legislative response to Floyd’s death: the JUSTICE Act, the Senate Republican bill meant to address the crisis. The bill, which focused on data collection and called for examining what at-risk communities need most, was blocked by Senate Democrats, who argued it didn’t go far enough.
Scott is one of the most interesting people in politics: the first Black senator elected from a Southern state since 1881, the only Black American to have served in both chambers of Congress. There are only two Black Republicans in Congress — Scott and Rep. Will Hurd — and only three Black senators of either party.
Sen. Scott and I talked about police reform, qualified immunity for officers and why eliminating it is a “poison pill” for Republicans, race and racism, and our own family experiences of bad policing. He told me Floyd’s death had launched a “tectonic shift on the underlying issue” of police brutality.
“I hope that we don’t miss this opportunity” to address it, he said.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Jane Coaston
I want to talk about the JUSTICE Act and some of the criminal justice reform efforts that you’ve been helping to spearhead. But I wanted to start out with a more general question, because I’ve been focused on this issue for a long time and focused on how conservatives have talked about criminal justice reform for a long time. As a senator, as a person involved in this discussion, what do you see as the biggest issue in policing in America?
Sen. Tim Scott
I would say the biggest issue in policing in America is probably integrity and/or character, from my perspective. Character in law enforcement produces excellent results. The lack of it produces situations that we all come to regret.
Jane Coaston
Why is data collection — like requiring state and local agencies to provide data on use of force and no-knock warrants — so central to the JUSTICE Act?
Sen. Tim Scott
I think the more information you have, the better your results, because then you’re sending your resources in the best direction possible. If you look at our bill versus the House bill, what you’ll find is on data collection. We want [data] from serious bodily injury to death, so as to be able to move in directed grants to the places where we need it the most.
Ultimately, what both bills recognize is that you cannot change local law enforcement by executive fiat. One of the reasons why in our bill, as well as in the House bill, [they] ban the chokehold on the federal level and not a local level is because we can’t. And so you want to have the data that gets the best [information] for the citizens that the law enforcement agencies on the local level patrol.
Jane Coaston
So as you mentioned, policing is a local concern, which makes it challenging to take federal action. But what actions do you think such data collection leads to in the future?
Sen. Tim Scott
I think that proper data collection leads to the best practices that other agencies around the country will be able to adopt. One of the things I would love to have is the best practices from around the country on the variations of the use of force boards. And then you come to the conclusion that here is a force review board that can bring about the best results.
When that happens, I think you change the culture of law enforcement, as opposed to almost like a knee-jerk reaction on so many topics. I would rather start collecting enough information so that we are directing resources. My example is that probably more than two-thirds of departments today have already banned the chokehold, so the truth is the more complete the data becomes, the easier it is for us to cite for local departments to end things like the chokehold. And I think that’s one of the reasons why we’re having success now without even passing legislation.
I have been advocating on behalf of [body cameras] for five years. And the truth is if we had five years of video stored and accessible, there might be more attention on a number of issues that without that those videos we just don’t know about. So a part of data collection is collecting the videos of these instances and having them made available so that we can do something about it.
Jane Coaston
Part of the bill is for the establishment of a commission on the social status of Black men and boys. And I have a couple of questions on that. First, why do you think it was important to focus on a community that is arguably overpoliced in many ways and underpoliced in many ways, and not on the people doing the policing? Police brutality and police violence is a cross-racial experience. There have been numerous white and Latino people who have been, in my view, unjustifiably killed by police. So why the focus on this particular community and not on the police doing the policing, so to speak?
Sen. Tim Scott
We actually do both. So we have the commission on the social status of Black men and Black boys, because we look at the groups in our nation — Native Americans and Blacks have the highest poverty rate of any racial group in the country. So we’re not just studying it for the outcomes of law enforcement. We’re trying to break the pipeline from a criminal justice perspective, the pipeline from a poverty perspective. We established, with the support of the NAACP and other civil rights organizations and police organizations, the National Criminal Justice Commission, and that will study police behavior.
And frankly, in South Carolina in 2015, there was a white teenager, I think he was 19 years old, that was shot by police. And so you’re right, the issues are not simply issues with minority communities, this is an issue that really does cross all racial boundaries, but that’s one of the reasons why we have the National Criminal Justice Commission.
Jane Coaston
Writers like Chris Arnade and others have argued that what many communities experience is simultaneous underpolicing and overpolicing. So what we learned from the Department of Justice after Ferguson was that you had people who committed small offenses, like a broken taillight or turning without signaling, and received big penalties because those require big fines. But then if you call 911, no one responds. Do you think that there’s a way for Republicans to lead on this issue and talk about this kind of simultaneous challenge?
Sen. Tim Scott
I think this is a way for people of good conscience to lead on the issue, not just Republicans. I say that because all of the issues that you’re describing are issues that are literally local issues and most local governments are nonpartisan. And so your local city council, your mayor, can confront that issue faster than we can from the federal level. But I do think that it’s important for us on the federal level to study the policies and the practices. We can do that through our commission. I would say that no doubt about it, when you look at the tickets written, sometimes you see a disproportionate share [of Black people being ticketed]. All you have to do is go to traffic court around the country and see what you see. So I get your points there.
But the bottom line is it’s an issue that Republicans can address, but it’s not actually a Republican or Democrat issue. These are happening in communities around the nation. And most often, those communities are not run by Republicans; they are either run by Democrats or they’re nonpartisan. We should tackle the issue at which level with the government that’s closest to the people. And that would be your municipal and county governments.
But we certainly will continue to keep a focus on that, because that’s certainly my personal experiences, part of the reason why I’ve been [working on this] for quite a while.
Jane Coaston
You’ve talked about being pulled over numerous times with your Senate pin. And I know that’s something my dad’s dealt with it, you know, getting pulled over because he was driving a Miata and that didn’t seem like the right car for him to own.
Sen. Tim Scott
Exactly, your dad’s experience is my experience. I remember I had my Infiniti G35 sports coupe, all black, tinted windows, four cops surrounding it because the car was “too nice for the neighborhood.” But frankly, when your grandfather loves his neighbors, doesn’t want to move, you go see him wherever he lives, no matter what kind of car you drive.
Jane Coaston
I wanted to ask one more question about the JUSTICE Act, which is that it contains a provision focused on asking the Department of Justice to create a deescalation training curriculum. Now, Baltimore has seen success with such a program, but because most states leave trainings up to individual police departments, deescalation isn’t commonly taught, which I think puts a lot of people at risk. Because we’ve seen time and time again, these incidents happen so quickly and an incident that wasn’t threatening can quickly become threatening. Why do you think these trainings haven’t been more widely utilized before?
Sen. Tim Scott
Out of the several hundred law enforcement departments in South Carolina, 118 of those departments have less than 10 people. So when you have fewer than 10 people in a local department, your training, I would imagine, is going to be quite limited. It’s one of the reasons why I focus on providing more grant dollars so that we can induce or compel the behavior that I think is in the best interest of the citizens within those jurisdictions. So in South Carolina, we have one [police] academy. And so some of those departments that are too small to train their officers themselves would then be able to access grants and resources.
I think it’s a smart approach realizing that most departments are not like Chicago, Detroit, Charleston, North Charleston, Los Angeles, Cleveland, Cincinnati; most offices are much smaller, and their training budgets are infinitely smaller. And so what I hope to do is take the intelligent approach: figure out the problems, work back to the solution, because that’s the fastest way for me to actually help the departments that are willing.
Jane Coaston
I want to step back a little bit. How do you think that your peers have shifted on the issues of policing since you joined the Senate in 2013?
Sen. Tim Scott
When I went to the floor to talk about Walter Scott and then, of course, the shooting in June of 2015, [there was] a lot of sympathy on the floor from Republicans and Democrats but no action from my friends on the other side or my side.
What I saw instantly after [George Floyd’s death] was a nation’s response to it, as almost like a tectonic shift on the underlying issue that some of us had been advocating for the last number of years came into focus.
I hope that we don’t miss this opportunity that is right in front of them because we’re playing for the ability to write the bill you want after the election.
Jane Coaston
You’ve been a leading steward for the GOP on issues of race, whether it’s on judicial nominations or even on just talking about your own experiences. Do you feel in some ways responsible for shepherding your colleagues on some of these issues? I know that’s something I’ve had, even at Vox, of just feeling like I need to walk people through ideas that they may not have had the chance to experience personally.
Sen. Tim Scott
I’m a believer in divine intervention. I believe that the Good Lord himself designed every one of us, and I was made Black on purpose and factually as a person of conservative construct, which I think is, by the way, [similar to] the vast majority of Black people in America. I would say that the ability for me to communicate my personal experience to a broader audience is helpful.
When you look at the Senate, I am the only Black Republican, but there are only two Black Democrats in the United States Senate.
Jane Coaston
You noted that many African Americans hold, I would say, small-c conservative views. They might be more socially conservative or actually more economically conservative. Why do you think that has not translated to support for the Republican Party?
Sen. Tim Scott
That’s a good question. I think there are several reasons. Number one was the Southern Strategy from the 1970s and early ’80s where you saw the Republican Party use race, at least to me, in a divisive manner. But I would say that when you look at the actual history, we all know about Abraham Lincoln, but frankly during the civil rights era, more Republicans voted for the civil rights-era legislation than Democrats. So we lost a marketing war in the 1970s and ’80s, and we never regained any prominence.
I think that’s why the history of who we are and how we vote is critically important as it relates to where we go from here. Black people are very diverse. There’s no monolithic group of thinkers in the Black community. It doesn’t exist.
Jane Coaston
So going back to talking about the JUSTICE Act, you said that limiting qualified immunity was a poison pill for Republicans. Why?
Sen. Tim Scott
The bottom line is everybody has a core constituency and our core constituency includes law enforcement officers. That’s typical for Republicans, and frankly, from a moral hazard perspective, most of us as conservatives are very supportive of law enforcement. So not wanting to be stereotyped as a Black man, I don’t knock on the stereotype of officers as being evil and or racist by default.
One of the things that I saw in qualified immunity, and one of the reasons why [ending it] could be seen easily as a poison pill, is if you are going to go after character-driven, highly competent law enforcement officers, with the goal of making them more civil, giving them a higher level of responsibility from a civil perspective, you’re actually going to end up in situations where fewer officers are patrolling, as you noted earlier, some of the more challenging communities.
And so if you want to have a conversation about restitution and recourse under the umbrella of qualified immunity, I’ve actually said several times, count me in to that conversation, because that’s not about an officer; that’s about a culture, and the way that you make a culture more responsible is making the threshold for suing cities and departments easier because of the egregious acts of individuals. When you make it all about the individual officer, you run good cops out, you make it far more difficult to get anything accomplished, but if the actual conversation is around restitution and recourse, you can change the behavior of all officers, not simply one.
If that’s not enough, then I don’t think we’ll get anything done. But if you need 99 percent of what you want in order to make a deal, I guess we’ll just leave the community that’s most vulnerable, vulnerable, because 99 percent is too high of a price to pay.
Jane Coaston
Do you think that there’s also some people just waiting for the Supreme Court to handle the issue — because the Supreme Court is the entity that invented qualified immunity?
Sen. Tim Scott
Qualified immunity is really the result of judicial rulings, not the law. So we’ve seen Justice Clarence Thomas and others speaking out about the nature of qualified immunity as we see it. I think you’ll have lots of rumblings for many years. We learned in 2016 that elections have consequences. So in 2020, those consequences might be a majority of people in a position to usher in a brand new approach to police reform that we can’t get done. Now, I would certainly hate to wait seven months to get something done, or you can get 80 percent of what you want now. And if you do win, you can get the other 20 percent, but let’s take baby steps for the communities that desperately need it now and not worry about who gets the victory. The victory goes to the community, not to Democrats or Republicans, but that’s just not how the game is played right now.
Jane Coaston
We’re in the midst of a very strange moment in which this issue that’s so important, it has been so important to folks like you and other people who’ve been working on this for nearly a decade. We’re also dealing with a pandemic and we’re also in the midst of an election year. So on the subject of criminal justice reform, what comes next in this conversation?
Sen. Tim Scott
The impetus for change in the criminal justice conversation should start with how do we break the pipeline to incarceration. And to me that starts with education, that starts with poverty, that starts with an awareness and a recognition that we have to get this right 10 years earlier than we are now and not dealing with the outcomes when the cell opens and the inmate leaves.
Getting those conversations going is the primary objective, from my perspective, in the next wave of criminal justice conversations. And then the private sector, and I am encouraged by the number of private sector companies that have gone toward “ban the box”, which I think is better done in the private sector. So I would once again like to champion causes [where] we can produce meaningful change in reasonable time.


vox--2020-07-07--Civil rights leaders are still fed up with Facebook over hate speech

Civil rights leaders are fed up with Facebook .
They say the company still allows too much racist , hateful , and violent content to spread on its social media network — and that company executives gave PR “ spin ” rather than meaningful solutions in a meeting on Tuesday about these issues .
In light of recent protests against racial injustice in the US , Facebook is facing a renewed reckoning over how it handles hate speech on its platform .
Civil rights leaders , advertisers , politicians , and even some of Facebook ’ s own employees are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faster progress in its several-years-long “ journey ” of fighting hate speech .
Critics say the company ’ s own executives have held back this progress because they have failed to commit to concrete fixes or timelines .
“ It was abundantly clear in our meeting today that Mark Zuckerberg and the Facebook team are not yet ready to address the vitriolic hate on their platform , ” the Stop Hate for Profit Coalition , a collection of civil rights groups that includes the Anti-Defamation League , the NAACP , Free Press , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement shortly after Tuesday ’ s call .
The group denounced how Zuckerberg “ offered the same old defense of white supremacist , anti-Semitic , islamophobic , and other hateful groups ” that it has “ heard too many times before.
” In a press call on Tuesday following the meeting with Facebook , the Stop Hate for Profit Coalition said the company had not met any of the coalition ’ s 10 outstanding demands , which include having Facebook install a C-suite-level executive with civil rights expertise to make key decisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audits of misinformation and hate speech on the platform ; and to remove Facebook groups promoting things like white nationalism and anti-Semitism .
“ Unfortunately , we got no clarity , no details , no results , ” Jonathan Greenblatt , president of the Anti-Defamation League ( ADL ) , said on the press call .
“ This was disappointing to us .
We expected specifics and this is not what we heard.
” “ This meeting was an opportunity for us to hear from the campaign organizers and reaffirm our commitment to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want Facebook to be free of hate speech and so do we .
That ’ s why it ’ s so important that we work to get this right.
” Facebook noted that it has “ invested billions ” in moderating hate speech , created new policies to prohibit voter suppression , and recently banned 250 white supremacist organizations .
“ We know we will be judged by our actions , not by our words , and are grateful to these groups and many others for their continued engagement , ” the statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , nearly 1,000 companies , including big-name brands like Unilever and Coca Cola , have agreed to join Stop Hate for Profit ’ s boycott , pausing their advertising at least through July because of Facebook ’ s perceived failure to police hate speech on its platforms , whether from everyday users or political figures like Donald Trump .
While this boycott represents a small portion of Facebook ’ s total ad revenue ( which largely comes from small- and medium-sized businesses ) , it ’ s still bad for the company ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in handling hate speech and misinformation on its platform date back a long time .
Many have argued the company ’ s policies and inaction have contributed to the genocide against the Rohingya people in Myanmar , exacerbated political polarization in the lead-up to the 2016 US presidential election , and facilitated the growth of violent extremist groups like the boogaloo movement in the US .
This criticism of Facebook resurfaced after the company refused to moderate recent controversial posts by President Trump on the platform , such as his “ shooting ... @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as inciting violence against Black Lives Matter protesters .
By contrast , Twitter flagged an identical post by Trump on its platform with a warning label for glorifying violence .
In a public note on her Facebook account on Tuesday , Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg defended the progress Facebook has made on this front over the years and said it ’ s continuing to improve .
“ We have clear policies against hate — and we strive constantly to get better and faster at enforcing them , ” Sandberg wrote .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but this work is never finished and we know what a big responsibility Facebook has to get better at finding and removing hateful content.
” On Wednesday , Facebook is expected to publicly release the final results of its two-year external audit on civil rights , which tracked how the company addresses hate speech on its platform .
But the groups in the Stop Profit for Hate campaign say they doubt the report will prompt the kind of change needed , and so they are continuing to pressure the company publicly to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As Facebook has faced pressure to come down harder against hate speech and misinformation , it ’ s emphasized its commitment to free speech principles .
Zuckerberg has repeatedly said he doesn ’ t want to be an “ arbiter of truth ” on thorny issues like political misinformation — an argument he has long used to defend Facebook ’ s role as a “ platform ” of open communication rather than a media company that passes editorial judgment about acceptable political and democratic discourse .
Many Republicans , including President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other social media platforms have an anti-conservative bias .
In May , the president issued an executive order attempting to strip social media platforms of legal protections in order to compel them to be less purportedly biased .
The executive order is widely seen as legally unenforceable , but it has restarted a political debate about what people should be allowed to say on social media platforms .
On Tuesday ’ s call , civil rights leaders disputed the notion that stopping hate is a political issue .
“ This is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is nothing partisan or political in pushing back on prejudice , ” said the ADL ’ s Greenblatt .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Civil rights leaders are fed up with Facebook. They say the company still allows too much racist, hateful, and violent content to spread on its social media network — and that company executives gave PR “spin” rather than meaningful solutions in a meeting on Tuesday about these issues.
In light of recent protests against racial injustice in the US, Facebook is facing a renewed reckoning over how it handles hate speech on its platform. Civil rights leaders, advertisers, politicians, and even some of Facebook’s own employees are urging the social media giant to make faster progress in its several-years-long “journey” of fighting hate speech. Critics say the company’s own executives have held back this progress because they have failed to commit to concrete fixes or timelines.
“It was abundantly clear in our meeting today that Mark Zuckerberg and the Facebook team are not yet ready to address the vitriolic hate on their platform,” the Stop Hate for Profit Coalition, a collection of civil rights groups that includes the Anti-Defamation League, the NAACP, Free Press, and Color of Change, said in a statement shortly after Tuesday’s call. The group denounced how Zuckerberg “offered the same old defense of white supremacist, anti-Semitic, islamophobic, and other hateful groups” that it has “heard too many times before.”
In a press call on Tuesday following the meeting with Facebook, the Stop Hate for Profit Coalition said the company had not met any of the coalition’s 10 outstanding demands, which include having Facebook install a C-suite-level executive with civil rights expertise to make key decisions about discrimination; to conduct regular third-party audits of misinformation and hate speech on the platform; and to remove Facebook groups promoting things like white nationalism and anti-Semitism.
“Unfortunately, we got no clarity, no details, no results,” Jonathan Greenblatt, president of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), said on the press call. “This was disappointing to us. We expected specifics and this is not what we heard.”
A spokesperson for Facebook told Recode in a statement:
“This meeting was an opportunity for us to hear from the campaign organizers and reaffirm our commitment to combating hate on our platform. They want Facebook to be free of hate speech and so do we. That’s why it’s so important that we work to get this right.” Facebook noted that it has “invested billions” in moderating hate speech, created new policies to prohibit voter suppression, and recently banned 250 white supremacist organizations. “We know we will be judged by our actions, not by our words, and are grateful to these groups and many others for their continued engagement,” the statement said.
In the past few weeks, nearly 1,000 companies, including big-name brands like Unilever and Coca Cola, have agreed to join Stop Hate for Profit’s boycott, pausing their advertising at least through July because of Facebook’s perceived failure to police hate speech on its platforms, whether from everyday users or political figures like Donald Trump. While this boycott represents a small portion of Facebook’s total ad revenue (which largely comes from small- and medium-sized businesses), it’s still bad for the company’s reputation.
Facebook’s struggles in handling hate speech and misinformation on its platform date back a long time. Many have argued the company’s policies and inaction have contributed to the genocide against the Rohingya people in Myanmar, exacerbated political polarization in the lead-up to the 2016 US presidential election, and facilitated the growth of violent extremist groups like the boogaloo movement in the US.
This criticism of Facebook resurfaced after the company refused to moderate recent controversial posts by President Trump on the platform, such as his “shooting ... looting” comment, which many viewed as inciting violence against Black Lives Matter protesters. By contrast, Twitter flagged an identical post by Trump on its platform with a warning label for glorifying violence.
In a public note on her Facebook account on Tuesday, Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg defended the progress Facebook has made on this front over the years and said it’s continuing to improve.
“We have clear policies against hate — and we strive constantly to get better and faster at enforcing them,” Sandberg wrote. “We have made real progress over the years, but this work is never finished and we know what a big responsibility Facebook has to get better at finding and removing hateful content.”
On Wednesday, Facebook is expected to publicly release the final results of its two-year external audit on civil rights, which tracked how the company addresses hate speech on its platform. But the groups in the Stop Profit for Hate campaign say they doubt the report will prompt the kind of change needed, and so they are continuing to pressure the company publicly to take more forceful action against hate speech.
As Facebook has faced pressure to come down harder against hate speech and misinformation, it’s emphasized its commitment to free speech principles. Zuckerberg has repeatedly said he doesn’t want to be an “arbiter of truth” on thorny issues like political misinformation — an argument he has long used to defend Facebook’s role as a “platform” of open communication rather than a media company that passes editorial judgment about acceptable political and democratic discourse.
Many Republicans, including President Trump, have made unfounded accusations that Facebook and other social media platforms have an anti-conservative bias. In May, the president issued an executive order attempting to strip social media platforms of legal protections in order to compel them to be less purportedly biased. The executive order is widely seen as legally unenforceable, but it has restarted a political debate about what people should be allowed to say on social media platforms.
On Tuesday’s call, civil rights leaders disputed the notion that stopping hate is a political issue.
“This is not an issue with two sides. There is nothing partisan or political in pushing back on prejudice,” said the ADL’s Greenblatt.


vox--2020-07-07--Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro gets coronavirus after months of downplaying the pandemic

Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has tested positive for the coronavirus , after months of downplaying it as nothing more than a “ little flu.
” Bolsonaro confirmed his diagnosis Tuesday to reporters , saying he felt “ fine.
” The president reportedly got tested Monday after exhibiting symptoms , including a fever and tiredness .
He told supporters Monday that he went to the hospital , and that his lungs were “ clean.
” Bolsonaro ’ s announcement comes as Brazil is struggling to contain the pandemic .
The country has confirmed more than 1.6 million cases of coronavirus and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second only to the United States in both number of confirmed cases and fatalities , though those figures are also likely an undercount .
Bolsonaro ’ s critics say his cavalier attitude toward the pandemic has undercut attempts to control the virus and stymied any chance at a coordinated federal response , worsening the crisis in Brazil .
From the start , Bolsonaro has dismissed the illness as a “ measly cold ” and scoffed at social distancing measures intended to slow its spread , proclaiming in late March that “ we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s opposed state governors ’ decisions to impose lockdown measures , attended anti-lockdown protests , met with supporters without wearing a mask , and pushed for businesses to reopen despite the growing outbreak .
He ’ s endorsed the use of hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine , the controversial antimalarial drugs , though there ’ s little good evidence they are effective in treating Covid-19 .
( Bolsonaro has also said he ’ s taking hydroxychloroquine now . )
Bolsonaro joins a handful of world leaders who ’ ve come down with the coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández .
The Brazilian president , who is 65 , has undergone at least four tests for the coronavirus , including in March after members of his inner circle tested positive following a visit with US President Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago .
Whether this confirmed positive result changes how Bolsonaro approaches the pandemic , and the unfolding catastrophe in Brazil , is the “ $ 1 million question , ” Valentina Sader , assistant director at the Atlantic Council ’ s Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center , told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this depends on how well he ’ s going to be with this disease , ” Sader said .
“ So it ’ s 100 percent related to that.
” Bolsonaro tests positive for the coronavirus .
Is anyone surprised ?
Bolsonaro has had a few coronavirus scares before , but this time , at least , it ’ s apparently real .
He confirmed his diagnosis with reporters on Tuesday , after reportedly coming down with symptoms .
The week before , he ’ d watered down a rule requiring people to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the weekend before , he attended a Fourth of July party at the US Embassy , which did not seem to include social distancing or mask-wearing .
( The US Embassy in Brazil said the US ambassador had tested negative for Covid-19 but that he would quarantine . )
Bolsonaro is now the highest-profile Covid-19 patient in Brazil , and what that means for the country probably depends largely on one ’ s politics .
“ This is a very sharp catalyst for nothing changing , ” Daniel Lansberg-Rodriguez , the director for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LLC , a geopolitical advisory firm , and adjunct professor at Northwestern ’ s Kellogg School of Business , said of Bolsonaro ’ s diagnosis .
“ Whatever your opinion was of Bolsonaro yesterday , you are going to feel validated by this news.
” Bolsonaro has previously said he has little to worry about if he gets the coronavirus , and that his “ history as an athlete ” will protect him .
“ I wouldn ’ t feel anything or at the very worst it would be like a little flu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said in March .
And if Bolsonaro continues to only experience a mild illness , it would be the ultimate vindication for him and his supporters .
Bolsonaro has also said he ’ s taking hydroxychloroquine , which he ’ s touted as a miracle cure , though research findings don ’ t bear that out .
On Twitter , his son Eduardo touted Bolsonaro ’ s use of the drug as a reason he ’ d come out of this , because “ chloroquine is very effective at the start @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s no evidence to back this up . )
On the other hand , Bolsonaro ’ s detractors can find their own source of vindication in Bolsonaro ’ s diagnosis .
The president took an anti-science stance — mask-less outings , rejection of social distancing — and wouldn ’ t you know , he got the coronavirus .
Bolsonaro becomes a symbol of his own botched pandemic response .
His critics will use it to say , “ ‘ Look , even this guy , who dismissed it as nothing but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caught it , ’ ” Anthony Pereira , professor of Brazilian studies at King ’ s College London , told me .
“ And you know , he may well have caught it because of his actions in terms of going out and mingling with people without a mask .
I think that it will just reinforce their view that Brazil seems to be competing to be one of the worst country in terms of the way it ’ s handled the coronavirus.
” At the same time , experts told me there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bolsonaro ’ s announcement .
The coronavirus has devastated the country .
Thousands continue to die ; hospitals are at their breaking points .
The shutdowns , while not uniformly enforced , have hurt the economy , though some cities are reopening , even as experts warn the worst is not yet over .
Bolsonaro is also facing political scandals , including investigations into his sons .
Now that Bolsonaro has the coronavirus , that headline may replace all the others .
“ By one hand , he ’ s going to change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : that we don ’ t have a health minister , that his sons are really involved in some criminal stuff , and that Brazil is not doing well fighting the epidemic and also economically , ” Fernando Brancoli , an associate professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and an associated researcher at the Orfalea Center at the University of California Santa Barbara , told me .
“ And on the other hand , he ’ s really going to use this to maintain his initial discourse from the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal , he ’ s going to be fine , he ’ s taking chloroquine.
” These competing narratives speak to the level of mistrust and polarization in Brazil right now , which Bolsonaro has helped foment .
He attacks the media and pretty much all criticism as “ fake news.
” He also spreads misinformation — think chloroquine — to achieve his political ends .
His well-documented lies also mean it ’ s hard for his detractors to trust what Bolsonaro says , or his motives .
As Daniel Lansberg-Rodriguez said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biases people had yesterday .
“ Either this is a painfully obvious attempt to try to spin a difficult situation for him politically into a stronger position , ” he said , “ or it ’ s , ‘ Look at how tough our guy is .
He has the virus that everybody is complaining about , and he doesn ’ t really care .
He ’ s doing just fine.
’ ” When it comes to Bolsonaro , as Sader said , it ’ s still quite early to know whether he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Sader said she does think it gives the opposition a chance to push for changes , like more restrictive mask measures , or appointing an actual health minister with expertise to help manage the crisis .
( Bolsonaro fired one in April who advocated lockdowns , and the other quit about a month later , around the time Bolsonaro was touting chloroquine . )
It seems less likely , right now , that Bolsonaro will do an about-face on the coronavirus emergency .
It would be an admission that he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he only saw it as dangerous , and deadly , when he contracted the virus .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has tested positive for the coronavirus, after months of downplaying it as nothing more than a “little flu.”
Bolsonaro confirmed his diagnosis Tuesday to reporters, saying he felt “fine.” The president reportedly got tested Monday after exhibiting symptoms, including a fever and tiredness. He told supporters Monday that he went to the hospital, and that his lungs were “clean.”
Bolsonaro’s announcement comes as Brazil is struggling to contain the pandemic. The country has confirmed more than 1.6 million cases of coronavirus and recorded over 65,000 deaths. It is second only to the United States in both number of confirmed cases and fatalities, though those figures are also likely an undercount.
“Just look at my face: I’m fine,” Bolsonaro says, taking off his mask in front of journalists after announcing he has just tested positive for coronavirus pic.twitter.com/JIHHcjniPl — Tom Phillips (@tomphillipsin) July 7, 2020
Bolsonaro’s critics say his cavalier attitude toward the pandemic has undercut attempts to control the virus and stymied any chance at a coordinated federal response, worsening the crisis in Brazil.
From the start, Bolsonaro has dismissed the illness as a “measly cold” and scoffed at social distancing measures intended to slow its spread, proclaiming in late March that “we’ll all die one day.”
He’s opposed state governors’ decisions to impose lockdown measures, attended anti-lockdown protests, met with supporters without wearing a mask, and pushed for businesses to reopen despite the growing outbreak. He’s endorsed the use of hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine, the controversial antimalarial drugs, though there’s little good evidence they are effective in treating Covid-19. (Bolsonaro has also said he’s taking hydroxychloroquine now.)
Bolsonaro joins a handful of world leaders who’ve come down with the coronavirus, including British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández. The Brazilian president, who is 65, has undergone at least four tests for the coronavirus, including in March after members of his inner circle tested positive following a visit with US President Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago.
Whether this confirmed positive result changes how Bolsonaro approaches the pandemic, and the unfolding catastrophe in Brazil, is the “$1 million question,” Valentina Sader, assistant director at the Atlantic Council’s Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center, told me.
“The political outcome of this depends on how well he’s going to be with this disease,” Sader said. “So it’s 100 percent related to that.”
Bolsonaro tests positive for the coronavirus. Is anyone surprised?
Bolsonaro has had a few coronavirus scares before, but this time, at least, it’s apparently real. He confirmed his diagnosis with reporters on Tuesday, after reportedly coming down with symptoms.
The week before, he’d watered down a rule requiring people to wear masks in certain settings. And the weekend before, he attended a Fourth of July party at the US Embassy, which did not seem to include social distancing or mask-wearing. (The US Embassy in Brazil said the US ambassador had tested negative for Covid-19 but that he would quarantine.)
Na Embaixada dos EUA, celebrando o 4 de julho, dia da independência americana. pic.twitter.com/CqtgUNxiSL — Ernesto Araújo (@ernestofaraujo) July 4, 2020
Bolsonaro is now the highest-profile Covid-19 patient in Brazil, and what that means for the country probably depends largely on one’s politics.
“This is a very sharp catalyst for nothing changing,” Daniel Lansberg-Rodriguez, the director for the Latin America region at the Greenmantle LLC, a geopolitical advisory firm, and adjunct professor at Northwestern’s Kellogg School of Management, said of Bolsonaro’s diagnosis. “Whatever your opinion was of Bolsonaro yesterday, you are going to feel validated by this news.”
Bolsonaro has previously said he has little to worry about if he gets the coronavirus, and that his “history as an athlete” will protect him. “I wouldn’t feel anything or at the very worst it would be like a little flu or a bit of a cold,” he said in March.
And if Bolsonaro continues to only experience a mild illness, it would be the ultimate vindication for him and his supporters.
Bolsonaro has also said he’s taking hydroxychloroquine, which he’s touted as a miracle cure, though research findings don’t bear that out. On Twitter, his son Eduardo touted Bolsonaro’s use of the drug as a reason he’d come out of this, because “chloroquine is very effective at the start of the disease.” (Again, there’s no evidence to back this up.)
On the other hand, Bolsonaro’s detractors can find their own source of vindication in Bolsonaro’s diagnosis. The president took an anti-science stance — mask-less outings, rejection of social distancing — and wouldn’t you know, he got the coronavirus. Bolsonaro becomes a symbol of his own botched pandemic response.
His critics will use it to say, “‘Look, even this guy, who dismissed it as nothing but a ‘little flu,’ has caught it,’” Anthony Pereira, professor of Brazilian studies at King’s College London, told me. “And you know, he may well have caught it because of his actions in terms of going out and mingling with people without a mask. I think that it will just reinforce their view that Brazil seems to be competing to be one of the worst country in terms of the way it’s handled the coronavirus.”
At the same time, experts told me there’s a degree of skepticism around Bolsonaro’s announcement. The coronavirus has devastated the country. Thousands continue to die; hospitals are at their breaking points. The shutdowns, while not uniformly enforced, have hurt the economy, though some cities are reopening, even as experts warn the worst is not yet over. Bolsonaro is also facing political scandals, including investigations into his sons.
Now that Bolsonaro has the coronavirus, that headline may replace all the others.
“By one hand, he’s going to change all the subjects from the last week: that we don’t have a health minister, that his sons are really involved in some criminal stuff, and that Brazil is not doing well fighting the epidemic and also economically,” Fernando Brancoli, an associate professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and an associated researcher at the Orfalea Center at the University of California Santa Barbara, told me. “And on the other hand, he’s really going to use this to maintain his initial discourse from the pandemic that it’s not a big deal, he’s going to be fine, he’s taking chloroquine.”
These competing narratives speak to the level of mistrust and polarization in Brazil right now, which Bolsonaro has helped foment. He attacks the media and pretty much all criticism as “fake news.” He also spreads misinformation — think chloroquine — to achieve his political ends. His well-documented lies also mean it’s hard for his detractors to trust what Bolsonaro says, or his motives.
As Daniel Lansberg-Rodriguez said, the Bolsonaro news is just solidifying the biases people had yesterday. “Either this is a painfully obvious attempt to try to spin a difficult situation for him politically into a stronger position,” he said, “or it’s, ‘Look at how tough our guy is. He has the virus that everybody is complaining about, and he doesn’t really care. He’s doing just fine.’”
When it comes to Bolsonaro, as Sader said, it’s still quite early to know whether he might change tack, or double down. Sader said she does think it gives the opposition a chance to push for changes, like more restrictive mask measures, or appointing an actual health minister with expertise to help manage the crisis. (Bolsonaro fired one in April who advocated lockdowns, and the other quit about a month later, around the time Bolsonaro was touting chloroquine.)
It seems less likely, right now, that Bolsonaro will do an about-face on the coronavirus emergency. It would be an admission that he’s completely mismanaged the crisis — and that he only saw it as dangerous, and deadly, when he contracted the virus.


vox--2020-07-07--TikTok pulls out of Hong Kong as tech companies push back against new security law

The social media company TikTok has announced that it will no longer operate in Hong Kong , marking the most aggressive move yet by a technology company in response to the implementation of a new national security law that ’ s already being used to crack down on dissent in the region .
“ In light of recent events , we ’ ve decided to stop operations of the TikTok app in Hong Kong , ” a spokesperson for the social media company told Recode .
TikTok has faced ongoing criticism and skepticism from American lawmakers over its relationship with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which also runs a similar , separate app in China .
On Monday , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the United States is considering banning the app , among other Chinese social media apps , though it ’ s not clear how such a prohibition would be enforced .
In response , TikTok said it would never provide user data to the Chinese government , and it would refuse such a request .
The company ’ s recent transparency report does not include any requests for data from China .
TikTok ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies — namely Facebook , Google , Microsoft , Twitter , and Zoom — have said they would stop processing Hong Kong government requests for user data .
The companies are pushing back against a new national security law that went into effect earlier this month that could quash free speech and dissent in the region .
The pushback also represents a rare moment when big American tech companies are contesting China ’ s tight grip on information in the country .
“ Last Wednesday , when the law took effect , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Hong Kong authorities , and we ’ ll continue to review the details of the new law , ” a Google spokesperson told Recode .
Meanwhile , Apple has remained more cautious .
“ We ’ re assessing the new law , which went into effect less than a week ago , and we have not received any content requests since the law went into effect , ” a spokesperson for the company told the Guardian , adding that the company typically does not receive requests directly from Hong Kong authorities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ national security law in Hong Kong has been brewing for over a year .
Because Hong Kong has historically operated with some degree of autonomy from China , protesters took to the streets in March 2019 after a proposed bill in Hong Kong would have allowed extradition of suspects to mainland China .
More than a year later , the Chinese government imposed the sweeping new national security law and began enforcing it on July 1 , when the full text of the law was released for the first time .
Among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ secession , subversion , organization and perpetration of terrorist activities , and collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security.
” The law also applies online and gives authorities the right to remove posts .
While it ’ s so far unclear how officials will enforce the new law , Hong Kong police quickly arrested several protesters for doing things like waving Hong Kong independence flags and holding signs calling for Hong Kong ’ s independence .
As many worry about the extent to which the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online , social media companies are springing to action .
In response to the law , Facebook specifically cited concerns over the protection of free speech ; WhatsApp , which is owned by Facebook , is also pausing requests for user data from Hong Kong authorities .
“ We believe freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and support the right of people to express themselves without fear for their safety or other repercussions , ” a Facebook spokesperson told Recode , adding that the company will continue to analyze the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ due diligence and consultations with international human rights experts.
” Facebook , like many tech companies , has worked with the Hong Kong authorities in the past .
In the second half of 2019 , Facebook produced at least some data in response to just under half of the requests it received from the Hong Kong government .
Twitter said that , after the national security law went into effect last week , it immediately paused its processing of Hong Kong authorities ’ requests for user data and that government-issued requests will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Recode the company “ is committed to protecting the people using our service and their freedom of expression ” and will be “ reviewing the law to assess its implications , particularly as some of the terms of the law are vague and without clear definition.
” The secure messaging app Telegram , which has been popular during the Hong Kong protests , announced that it had suspended its process for responding to user data requests from Hong Kong authorities .
Meanwhile , the encrypted message app Signal said in a tweet that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but “ never started turning over user data.
” The company added , “ Also , we don ’ t have any user data to turn over.
” Update : This story has been updated to include statements from TikTok , Apple , and other technology companies .
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network .
All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making @ @ @ @ @ @

The social media company TikTok has announced that it will no longer operate in Hong Kong, marking the most aggressive move yet by a technology company in response to the implementation of a new national security law that’s already being used to crack down on dissent in the region.
“In light of recent events, we’ve decided to stop operations of the TikTok app in Hong Kong,” a spokesperson for the social media company told Recode.
TikTok has faced ongoing criticism and skepticism from American lawmakers over its relationship with its Beijing-based parent company, ByteDance, which also runs a similar, separate app in China. On Monday, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the United States is considering banning the app, among other Chinese social media apps, though it’s not clear how such a prohibition would be enforced. In response, TikTok said it would never provide user data to the Chinese government, and it would refuse such a request. The company’s recent transparency report does not include any requests for data from China.
TikTok’s decision comes as other major tech companies — namely Facebook, Google, Microsoft, Twitter, and Zoom — have said they would stop processing Hong Kong government requests for user data. The companies are pushing back against a new national security law that went into effect earlier this month that could quash free speech and dissent in the region. The pushback also represents a rare moment when big American tech companies are contesting China’s tight grip on information in the country.
“Last Wednesday, when the law took effect, we paused production on any new data requests from Hong Kong authorities, and we’ll continue to review the details of the new law,” a Google spokesperson told Recode.
Meanwhile, Apple has remained more cautious.
“We’re assessing the new law, which went into effect less than a week ago, and we have not received any content requests since the law went into effect,” a spokesperson for the company told the Guardian, adding that the company typically does not receive requests directly from Hong Kong authorities.
Backlash against the imposition of the new national security law in Hong Kong has been brewing for over a year. Because Hong Kong has historically operated with some degree of autonomy from China, protesters took to the streets in March 2019 after a proposed bill in Hong Kong would have allowed extradition of suspects to mainland China. More than a year later, the Chinese government imposed the sweeping new national security law and began enforcing it on July 1, when the full text of the law was released for the first time. Among other things, the new law specifically criminalizes “secession, subversion, organization and perpetration of terrorist activities, and collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security.” The law also applies online and gives authorities the right to remove posts.
While it’s so far unclear how officials will enforce the new law, Hong Kong police quickly arrested several protesters for doing things like waving Hong Kong independence flags and holding signs calling for Hong Kong’s independence. As many worry about the extent to which the new law will be used to silence dissenters online, social media companies are springing to action.
In response to the law, Facebook specifically cited concerns over the protection of free speech; WhatsApp, which is owned by Facebook, is also pausing requests for user data from Hong Kong authorities. “We believe freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and support the right of people to express themselves without fear for their safety or other repercussions,” a Facebook spokesperson told Recode, adding that the company will continue to analyze the new law and conduct “formal human rights due diligence and consultations with international human rights experts.”
Facebook, like many tech companies, has worked with the Hong Kong authorities in the past. In the second half of 2019, Facebook produced at least some data in response to just under half of the requests it received from the Hong Kong government.
Twitter said that, after the national security law went into effect last week, it immediately paused its processing of Hong Kong authorities’ requests for user data and that government-issued requests will be disclosed publicly. A Twitter spokesperson told Recode the company “is committed to protecting the people using our service and their freedom of expression” and will be “reviewing the law to assess its implications, particularly as some of the terms of the law are vague and without clear definition.”
The secure messaging app Telegram, which has been popular during the Hong Kong protests, announced that it had suspended its process for responding to user data requests from Hong Kong authorities. Meanwhile, the encrypted message app Signal said in a tweet that it would have announced it was stopping but “never started turning over user data.” The company added, “Also, we don’t have any user data to turn over.”
Update: This story has been updated to include statements from TikTok, Apple, and other technology companies.
Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network. All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.


vox--2020-07-07--Live results for the New Jersey primaries

New Jersey was a major battleground for House races in 2018 , and this cycle , it looks like several of its seats will be quite contentious yet again .
Two years ago , Democrats flipped four Republican-held seats in the state , all of which are poised to be competitive this fall , according to the Cook Political Report .
Such wins were a sign of how New Jersey , as a whole , has shifted to the left in recent years — though Republicans are now fighting to reassert their presence in its congressional delegation .
Democrats hold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House districts , as well as both Senate seats .
This fall , they ’ re hoping to hang on to the gains they ’ ve made , while also flipping New Jersey ’ s Second District , which is represented by Democrat-turned-Republican Jeff Van Drew .
While many of these races are set to be close , experts say Democrats have a strong chance of maintaining their existing dominance given the party ’ s strength in the suburbs .
“ The Democrats may very well be overextended , but it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any territory , ” says Kyle Kondik , managing editor of Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball at the University of Virginia .
This week ’ s primaries will set the stage for a slew of fall face-offs : There ’ s a tight race among Democrats vying to take on Van Drew in the Second district as well as several Republicans eager to unseat Reps. Andy Kim in the Third and Tom Malinowski in the Seventh .
Rep. Mikie Sherrill ’ s seat in the 11th District is also expected to be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely Republican challenger , tax attorney Rosemary Becchi , isn ’ t set to face a competitive primary this Tuesday .
Multiple Democratic incumbents — including Reps. Josh Gottheimer and Albio Sires — are also fending off primary challengers , though both are expected to keep their seats .
Here are some of the key New Jersey races to keep an eye on — and the stakes involved in each .
We ’ ll have live results throughout the evening , powered by our partners at Decision Desk .
Because of mail-in voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be called for a few days .
New Jersey ’ s Second District : A professor , a Kennedy , and a former Booker staffer compete for Jeff Van Drew ’ s seat The Democratic primary for this Atlantic City-based seat is among the most closely watched this week , both because the district could be a key pickup and because of how interesting Van Drew ’ s trajectory has been .
Van Drew , a longtime state senator , first won the seat for the Democrats in 2018 , when he beat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This year , however , he ’ s running as a Republican .
Van Drew announced that he ’ d switch parties last December after deciding to vote against the impeachment of President Donald Trump , a decision seemingly driven by electoral necessity .
At the time , Van Drew ’ s support from regional Democrats was waning .
By securing Trump ’ s support , he put himself on track for a strong performance in the Republican primary , where he ’ s expected to beat Bob Patterson , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s backing could well help Van Drew in the general election , too ; the district voted for Trump by about 5 points in 2016 after voting for President Barack Obama in 2012 .
“ I think [ Van Drew ] is ... likely to keep his seat , ” Princeton political science professor LaFleur Stephens-Dougan tells Vox .
“ His district is less moderate than [ other battlegrounds in the state ] .
I expect that [ Van Drew ’ s ] choice to align himself with Trump should not be problematic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now competing to unseat Van Drew in November .
Two of them — Montclair State University political science professor Brigid Callahan Harrison and former public school teacher Amy Kennedy — are viewed as the frontrunners due to the regional endorsements they ’ ve picked up .
Harrison has the support of Sens .
Cory Booker and Bob Menendez as well as several labor unions , while Kennedy , who ’ s also a member of the famous political family , has secured the backing of Gov .
Phil Murphy .
Both Harrison and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision to switch parties as a betrayal .
“ When he voted against the [ impeachment ] inquiry ... he failed the litmus test of a generation , ” Harrison has said .
The two candidates ’ policy platforms are relatively consistent .
Both have said they support expanding the Affordable Care Act and differ most notably on their position on marijuana : Harrison would legalize marijuana , while Kennedy would decriminalize it .
Meanwhile , Will Cunningham , an attorney and former Booker staffer , is running in the district as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Deal .
Whoever wins Tuesday will have a close race against Van Drew this fall ; Cook Political Report rates the seat Lean Republican .
New Jersey ’ s Third District : Republicans are eager to flip Rep. Andy Kim ’ s seat Rep. Andy Kim ’ s seat , which has been rated a toss-up by Cook , is among the most vulnerable Democratic ones this cycle .
Kim , a Rhodes scholar and former diplomat , first won in 2018 when he beat incumbent Republican Rep. Tom MacArthur by just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans are keen to retake the district , which Trump won by 6 points in 2016 .
Kim has a massive fundraising advantage thus far , with $ 3.2 million in cash on hand , according to the Center for Responsive Politics .
The two candidates angling to take him on are former construction executive David Richter , a Republican previously competing in the Second District ; and Kate Gibbs , a deputy director at the Engineers Labor-Employer Cooperative .
They ’ ve had a heated contest thus far : Gibbs has slammed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s simply competing in the district after Van Drew switched parties last year , while Richter has criticized her for a shoplifting conviction she received when she was younger .
On the policy front , however , they share many positions , including support for Trump ’ s southern border wall and a focus on reducing the national debt .
New Jersey ’ s Fifth District : Rep. Gottheimer faces a primary challenge from the left After scoring a string of high-profile primary victories in New York last month , progressives are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Jersey Tuesday : In the state ’ s Fifth Congressional District , two-term incumbent Rep. Josh Gottheimer faces a serious challenge from neuroscientist Arati Kreibich , a local council member who has won endorsements from Sen. Bernie Sanders and the Sunrise Movement , among others .
Gottheimer , who in 2019 was one of the most conservative Democrats in the House according to GovTrack , holds a substantial fundraising advantage over his rival .
As Politico reported last month , he outraised Kreibich by better than a factor of four according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his campaign has a staggering $ 8.5 million in cash on hand .
He also has establishment backing : In a statement to Vox , the Gottheimer campaign emphasized the endorsements of New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , as well as all of the county-level Democratic committees within his district .
It ’ s unclear how close Tuesday ’ s Democratic primary might end up being .
Internal polling from the Gottheimer campaign suggests he holds a lead of better than 40 points , but Kreibich told the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s data shows a much closer race .
Either way , a candidate ’ s internal poll numbers only mean so much : In New York ’ s 16th District , for example , incumbent Rep. Eliot Engel ’ s campaign touted an 8-point lead over challenger Jamaal Bowman on Twitter , shortly before Bowman cruised to a 25-point victory .
Kreibich is hopeful that late momentum will do the trick : “ We ’ re feeling really good , ” Kreibich ’ s campaign manager Alexander Deatrick said on Monday .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most exciting month of our campaign by any metric — volunteers , fundraising , you name it — and so we ’ re just really excited that we ’ ve been able to building that momentum at the right time.
” On the Republican side , repeat candidate John McCann and banker Frank Pallotta are leading a four-way race , which also includes teacher James Baldini and doctor Hector Castillo .
McCann is hoping for redemption after losing to Gottheimer by almost 14 points in 2018 , while Pallotta , who is part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Young Guns program , leads the GOP field in fundraising by a substantial margin .
Whoever wins will face either Gottheimer or Kreibich in November , though the Cook Political Report has NJ-05 almost out of GOP reach in the Likely Democratic column .
Also on Tuesday , Republicans in New Jersey ’ s Seventh District will weigh in on a three-candidate race to challenge first-term Democratic Rep. Tom Malinowski in November .
State Sen. Tom Kean Jr. , doctor Raafat Barsoom , and HR director Tom Phillips are all vying for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who serves as minority leader in the state Senate , is the prohibitive favorite to win out .
If Kean does win on Tuesday , he ’ ll be waging an uphill battle to unseat Malinowski , an Obamaworld alumnus who served as assistant secretary of state for democracy , human rights , and labor before winning his House seat .
As the New Jersey Globe reported late last month , Malinowski , who doesn ’ t have a primary challenger , holds a hefty fundraising advantage with his $ 2.96 million war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has only about $ 1.2 million on hand .
The district is a top target for New Jersey Republicans , however : Kean is part of the highest tier of the NRCC ’ s Young Guns program , which the NRCC says “ represent [ s ] the most competitive congressional seats in the 2020 election cycle.
” The Cook Political Report , though , rates the Seventh District Lean Democratic .
New Jersey Senate race : Republicans vie to take on Booker While the state ’ s House races will be more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statewide Senate primary taking place this Tuesday as Sen. Cory Booker runs for another term .
On the Democratic side , activist Lawrence Hamm is challenging Booker in an effort to push the lawmaker on issues including police reform .
And on the Republican side , several candidates including aerospace engineer Hirsh Singh and biotech entrepreneur Rik Mehta are running for the nomination .
Both Singh and Mehta have sought to align themselves closely with Trump ’ s approaches to immigration and taxes , while Mehta has highlighted his experience with health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leads the pack in fundraising with nearly $ 600,000 in receipts , followed by Mehta who has almost $ 400,000 , according to the Center for Responsive Politics .
Booker is the favorite in both the Democratic primary and the general election , when Republicans have historically struggled .
“ Statewide races are the toughest ones of all for a GOP outnumbered by a million more registered Democrats in the state , ” Micah Rasmussen , director of the Rebovich Institute for New Jersey Politics at Rider University , told NJ Spotlight .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

New Jersey was a major battleground for House races in 2018, and this cycle, it looks like several of its seats will be quite contentious yet again.
Two years ago, Democrats flipped four Republican-held seats in the state, all of which are poised to be competitive this fall, according to the Cook Political Report. Such wins were a sign of how New Jersey, as a whole, has shifted to the left in recent years — though Republicans are now fighting to reassert their presence in its congressional delegation.
Democrats hold 10 of the state’s 12 House districts, as well as both Senate seats. This fall, they’re hoping to hang on to the gains they’ve made, while also flipping New Jersey’s Second District, which is represented by Democrat-turned-Republican Jeff Van Drew.
While many of these races are set to be close, experts say Democrats have a strong chance of maintaining their existing dominance given the party’s strength in the suburbs. “The Democrats may very well be overextended, but it’s unclear whether the GOP can claw back any territory,” says Kyle Kondik, managing editor of Sabato’s Crystal Ball at the University of Virginia.
This week’s primaries will set the stage for a slew of fall face-offs: There’s a tight race among Democrats vying to take on Van Drew in the Second district as well as several Republicans eager to unseat Reps. Andy Kim in the Third and Tom Malinowski in the Seventh. Rep. Mikie Sherrill’s seat in the 11th District is also expected to be a close contest in November, though her likely Republican challenger, tax attorney Rosemary Becchi, isn’t set to face a competitive primary this Tuesday.
Multiple Democratic incumbents — including Reps. Josh Gottheimer and Albio Sires — are also fending off primary challengers, though both are expected to keep their seats.
Here are some of the key New Jersey races to keep an eye on — and the stakes involved in each. We’ll have live results throughout the evening, powered by our partners at Decision Desk. Because of mail-in voting this year, close races may not be called for a few days.
Democratic races
Republican races
New Jersey’s Second District: A professor, a Kennedy, and a former Booker staffer compete for Jeff Van Drew’s seat
The Democratic primary for this Atlantic City-based seat is among the most closely watched this week, both because the district could be a key pickup and because of how interesting Van Drew’s trajectory has been. Van Drew, a longtime state senator, first won the seat for the Democrats in 2018, when he beat GOP candidate Seth Grossman by 7 points. This year, however, he’s running as a Republican.
Van Drew announced that he’d switch parties last December after deciding to vote against the impeachment of President Donald Trump, a decision seemingly driven by electoral necessity. At the time, Van Drew’s support from regional Democrats was waning. By securing Trump’s support, he put himself on track for a strong performance in the Republican primary, where he’s expected to beat Bob Patterson, a former Trump administration staffer. The president’s backing could well help Van Drew in the general election, too; the district voted for Trump by about 5 points in 2016 after voting for President Barack Obama in 2012.
“I think [Van Drew] is... likely to keep his seat,” Princeton political science professor LaFleur Stephens-Dougan tells Vox. “His district is less moderate than [other battlegrounds in the state]. I expect that [Van Drew’s] choice to align himself with Trump should not be problematic in that district.”
Five Democrats are now competing to unseat Van Drew in November. Two of them — Montclair State University political science professor Brigid Callahan Harrison and former public school teacher Amy Kennedy — are viewed as the frontrunners due to the regional endorsements they’ve picked up. Harrison has the support of Sens. Cory Booker and Bob Menendez as well as several labor unions, while Kennedy, who’s also a member of the famous political family, has secured the backing of Gov. Phil Murphy.
Both Harrison and Kennedy have characterized Van Drew’s decision to switch parties as a betrayal. “When he voted against the [impeachment] inquiry ... he failed the litmus test of a generation,” Harrison has said.
The two candidates’ policy platforms are relatively consistent. Both have said they support expanding the Affordable Care Act and differ most notably on their position on marijuana: Harrison would legalize marijuana, while Kennedy would decriminalize it. Meanwhile, Will Cunningham, an attorney and former Booker staffer, is running in the district as a progressive, backing Medicare-for-all and the Green New Deal.
Whoever wins Tuesday will have a close race against Van Drew this fall; Cook Political Report rates the seat Lean Republican.
New Jersey’s Third District: Republicans are eager to flip Rep. Andy Kim’s seat
Rep. Andy Kim’s seat, which has been rated a toss-up by Cook, is among the most vulnerable Democratic ones this cycle. Kim, a Rhodes scholar and former diplomat, first won in 2018 when he beat incumbent Republican Rep. Tom MacArthur by just over a point.
This year, Republicans are keen to retake the district, which Trump won by 6 points in 2016. Kim has a massive fundraising advantage thus far, with $3.2 million in cash on hand, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
The two candidates angling to take him on are former construction executive David Richter, a Republican previously competing in the Second District; and Kate Gibbs, a deputy director at the Engineers Labor-Employer Cooperative. They’ve had a heated contest thus far: Gibbs has slammed Richter as a “carpetbagger” who’s simply competing in the district after Van Drew switched parties last year, while Richter has criticized her for a shoplifting conviction she received when she was younger.
On the policy front, however, they share many positions, including support for Trump’s southern border wall and a focus on reducing the national debt.
New Jersey’s Fifth District: Rep. Gottheimer faces a primary challenge from the left
After scoring a string of high-profile primary victories in New York last month, progressives are hoping for at least one more in New Jersey Tuesday: In the state’s Fifth Congressional District, two-term incumbent Rep. Josh Gottheimer faces a serious challenge from neuroscientist Arati Kreibich, a local council member who has won endorsements from Sen. Bernie Sanders and the Sunrise Movement, among others.
Gottheimer, who in 2019 was one of the most conservative Democrats in the House according to GovTrack, holds a substantial fundraising advantage over his rival. As Politico reported last month, he outraised Kreibich by better than a factor of four according to pre-primary Federal Election Commission disclosures, and his campaign has a staggering $8.5 million in cash on hand.
He also has establishment backing: In a statement to Vox, the Gottheimer campaign emphasized the endorsements of New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, as well as all of the county-level Democratic committees within his district.
It’s unclear how close Tuesday’s Democratic primary might end up being. Internal polling from the Gottheimer campaign suggests he holds a lead of better than 40 points, but Kreibich told the Intercept in June that her campaign’s data shows a much closer race. Either way, a candidate’s internal poll numbers only mean so much: In New York’s 16th District, for example, incumbent Rep. Eliot Engel’s campaign touted an 8-point lead over challenger Jamaal Bowman on Twitter, shortly before Bowman cruised to a 25-point victory.
Kreibich is hopeful that late momentum will do the trick: “We’re feeling really good,” Kreibich’s campaign manager Alexander Deatrick said on Monday. “June was by far the biggest, most exciting month of our campaign by any metric — volunteers, fundraising, you name it — and so we’re just really excited that we’ve been able to building that momentum at the right time.”
On the Republican side, repeat candidate John McCann and banker Frank Pallotta are leading a four-way race, which also includes teacher James Baldini and doctor Hector Castillo. McCann is hoping for redemption after losing to Gottheimer by almost 14 points in 2018, while Pallotta, who is part of the National Republican Congressional Committee’s Young Guns program, leads the GOP field in fundraising by a substantial margin.
Whoever wins will face either Gottheimer or Kreibich in November, though the Cook Political Report has NJ-05 almost out of GOP reach in the Likely Democratic column.
New Jersey’s Seventh District: Malinowski is a top GOP target
Also on Tuesday, Republicans in New Jersey’s Seventh District will weigh in on a three-candidate race to challenge first-term Democratic Rep. Tom Malinowski in November. State Sen. Tom Kean Jr., doctor Raafat Barsoom, and HR director Tom Phillips are all vying for the GOP nomination, though Kean, who serves as minority leader in the state Senate, is the prohibitive favorite to win out.
If Kean does win on Tuesday, he’ll be waging an uphill battle to unseat Malinowski, an Obamaworld alumnus who served as assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights, and labor before winning his House seat. As the New Jersey Globe reported late last month, Malinowski, who doesn’t have a primary challenger, holds a hefty fundraising advantage with his $2.96 million war chest. Kean, by comparison, has only about $1.2 million on hand.
The district is a top target for New Jersey Republicans, however: Kean is part of the highest tier of the NRCC’s Young Guns program, which the NRCC says “represent[s] the most competitive congressional seats in the 2020 election cycle.” The Cook Political Report, though, rates the Seventh District Lean Democratic.
New Jersey Senate race: Republicans vie to take on Booker
While the state’s House races will be more interesting, New Jersey also has a statewide Senate primary taking place this Tuesday as Sen. Cory Booker runs for another term.
On the Democratic side, activist Lawrence Hamm is challenging Booker in an effort to push the lawmaker on issues including police reform. And on the Republican side, several candidates including aerospace engineer Hirsh Singh and biotech entrepreneur Rik Mehta are running for the nomination. Both Singh and Mehta have sought to align themselves closely with Trump’s approaches to immigration and taxes, while Mehta has highlighted his experience with health care policy as a key strength. Singh leads the pack in fundraising with nearly $600,000 in receipts, followed by Mehta who has almost $400,000, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
Booker is the favorite in both the Democratic primary and the general election, when Republicans have historically struggled. “Statewide races are the toughest ones of all for a GOP outnumbered by a million more registered Democrats in the state,” Micah Rasmussen, director of the Rebovich Institute for New Jersey Politics at Rider University, told NJ Spotlight. Cook rates the seat Solid Democratic.