vox--2020-08-13--Kamala Harris’s family story is the real portrait of American greatness

Sen. Kamala Harris is the first Black woman on a presidential ticket , and the first Indian American of any gender in that role .
She was explicitly chosen as a vice presidential candidate amid debate about her evident ambition to sit in the Oval Office — she ’ s not just a member of Joe Biden ’ s team but could also serve as his political successor and eventually the first woman president .
But Harris has another aspect of her identity with particular resonance in this moment , as the daughter of two immigrants — one from India @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the United States for education and made their lives here .
Her parents were surely not blind to America ’ s racial problems in the 1960s when they decided to pursue graduate studies at the University of California Berkeley , and they certainly were not indifferent to them upon arrival .
Indeed , her parents met through their involvement in civil rights activism in Berkeley .
Nonetheless , they wanted to come to the US , and they did well for themselves — both earning PhDs , and one eventually landing as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Laboratory and the other as an economics professor at the equally prestigious Stanford University .
Their daughter is now an odds-on favorite to become the next vice president of the United States and is reasonably likely to be president herself someday .
Shyamala Gopalan and Donald Harris may have found unusual success , but the story of arrival , education , and intergenerational mobility is a familiar one .
And in a profound way , stories like theirs are the greatness of America .
It ’ s a country that people have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for hundreds of years , enhancing their own lives and the nation .
It ’ s this dimension of America that Donald Trump most purely rejects and denies .
His success in politics has both diminished America ’ s greatness on its own terms and raised awareness of the darker corners of American life .
It is tempting to accept that Trump ’ s dark and twisted vision of America is the authentic one .
Yet Harris ’ s story and the story of her family is real .
Great people come to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here .
And her candidacy is an opportunity to tell the stories of the people and policies that have made America great .
Donald Trump was famous long before he entered politics , which he ventured into by spreading racist conspiracy theories about Barack Obama ’ s parentage .
But if the Obama-bashing made him a hero to rank-and-file Republicans , what made him a sensation was the boldness with which he descended that Trump Tower escalator to complain that Mexico is “ sending ” rapists and murderers across the border .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and helped him capture the general election votes of many secular , Northern , non-college educated whites who had cast ballots for Al Gore and John Kerry and Obama .
Anti-immigrant zeal has been a major through line of his administration .
To characterize Trump as a leader of a presidential administration , you need to start with the fact that he seems largely uninterested in policy and in possession of no real convictions beyond a pursuit of self-interest .
But immigration is a major exception .
On immigration he has enacted sweeping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moves of poaching military construction funds to build his wall or separating asylum-seeking children from their parents .
• He ’ s used the Covid-19 pandemic to shut down the asylum process .
• He ’ s suspended the issuance of work visas for many seasonal employees and tech workers .
• He ’ s tried to kick foreign students out of the country .
• He ’ s engaged in a legal battle to try to impose a wealth test on would-be immigrants .
Note that all of this is about legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Trump and his team take the view that foreigners ’ desire to move here should be viewed with suspicion .
He wants whole categories of migrants ruled out and others subject to much tighter scrutiny .
And the anti-immigrant tilt is part and parcel of a darker view of America .
When Trump talks about “ taking the oil , ” treats NATO as a protection racket , or explicitly cites arms sales as the key goal of the US-Saudi alliance , he sounds like he ’ s gotten his picture of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Machine songs while somehow getting the point totally backward .
Some on the left have gone so far as to hail Trump for exposing the truth about America .
As Jenée Desmond-Harris wrote during the 2016 campaign , “ Trump is refreshing to people who share his views , as well as to people who have always known that views like this exist.
” His presidency has brought a level of racial invective to the Oval Office not seen for decades or more , but also given incredible new prominence to anti-racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the streets .
Biden ’ s brand of politics is more moderate , more appealing to swing voters , and more optimistic than that .
But he ’ s a questionable messenger on personal identity grounds , and his record on discussing identity issues is abysmal — from calling Obama “ articulate and bright and clean ” in 2007 to just last week suggesting Black communities have no internal diversity .
Harris , by contrast , is perfectly situated to tell an optimistic story about immigration , about identity , and about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s well known that the party of Lincoln has switched sides on racial issues in America .
Less known is that a parallel shift has taken place on immigration .
In his 1864 State of the Union message , President Abraham Lincoln noted “ the act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immigration ” but urged the passage of amendments to make it even more effective at inducing people to sail to American shores .
“ I regard our immigrants as one of the principal replenishing streams which are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health , ” Lincoln wrote , cautioning that he was not looking at immigrants as cannon fodder for the Civil War but as a long-term source of national strength .
“ All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fullness , and to that end the Government must in every way make it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spirit that ’ s gone missing from contemporary arguments .
Trump complains we are too kind to foreigners .
Liberals respond that Trump is being too cruel .
The cruelty is real .
As Adam Serwer wrote , cruelty is the point .
I ’ ll never forget John Kelly , Trump ’ s onetime chief of staff , dismissing concern about children taken from their parents with the line that they ’ ll go to “ foster care or whatever.
” But , historically , allowing immigration to the United States has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abraham Lincoln , like George Washington before him , wanted to encourage it because they believed that migration to the United States was a mutually beneficial act .
Self-interest brought Harris ’ s parents to the United States , and life in America treated them and their children well .
Research confirms that this still works .
Michael Clemens , Claudio Montenegro , and Lant Pritchett find that unskilled immigrants increase their wages by between 2.6 times ( if they come from Peru ) to 7 times ( if they come from Haiti @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end up at the high end of that range , with Indian computer programmers scoring a six-fold wage increase if they get a work visa .
And the dream of intergenerational mobility is alive , with Ran Abramitzky , Leah Platt Boustan , Elisa Jácome , and Santiago Pérez finding that today — just as in the past — children of immigrants generally experience greater socioeconomic success than they themselves do .
Despite America ’ s flaws , people clamor to move here and often find success .
That speaks well of Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why the country has flourished .
In a July speech about growing tensions with China , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urged Americans not to accept national decline .
“ We just need to believe , ” he said , noting that “ people aren ’ t desperate to settle in China.
” It ’ s a good point , but one Trump ’ s administration seems to have no appreciation of ; the government is busy trying to keep people like Shyamala Gopalan and Donald Harris from moving here .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the immigrants excluded but for America as a whole .
The country could compete much more effectively with China if it took advantage of Pompeo ’ s insight to help grow our population .
A proudly American daughter of immigrants from two different continents could be the perfect person to make the case for a more inclusive and more optimistic vision of national greatness .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Sen. Kamala Harris is the first Black woman on a presidential ticket, and the first Indian American of any gender in that role. She was explicitly chosen as a vice presidential candidate amid debate about her evident ambition to sit in the Oval Office — she’s not just a member of Joe Biden’s team but could also serve as his political successor and eventually the first woman president.
But Harris has another aspect of her identity with particular resonance in this moment, as the daughter of two immigrants — one from India and one from Jamaica — who traveled to the United States for education and made their lives here.
Her parents were surely not blind to America’s racial problems in the 1960s when they decided to pursue graduate studies at the University of California Berkeley, and they certainly were not indifferent to them upon arrival. Indeed, her parents met through their involvement in civil rights activism in Berkeley. Nonetheless, they wanted to come to the US, and they did well for themselves — both earning PhDs, and one eventually landing as a scientist at the prestigious Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory and the other as an economics professor at the equally prestigious Stanford University. Their daughter is now an odds-on favorite to become the next vice president of the United States and is reasonably likely to be president herself someday.
Shyamala Gopalan and Donald Harris may have found unusual success, but the story of arrival, education, and intergenerational mobility is a familiar one. And in a profound way, stories like theirs are the greatness of America. It’s a country that people have flocked to from all around the world for hundreds of years, enhancing their own lives and the nation.
It’s this dimension of America that Donald Trump most purely rejects and denies. His success in politics has both diminished America’s greatness on its own terms and raised awareness of the darker corners of American life. It is tempting to accept that Trump’s dark and twisted vision of America is the authentic one.
Yet Harris’s story and the story of her family is real. Great people come to this country, and great things happen here. And her candidacy is an opportunity to tell the stories of the people and policies that have made America great.
Trump’s dark view of America
Donald Trump was famous long before he entered politics, which he ventured into by spreading racist conspiracy theories about Barack Obama’s parentage. But if the Obama-bashing made him a hero to rank-and-file Republicans, what made him a sensation was the boldness with which he descended that Trump Tower escalator to complain that Mexico is “sending” rapists and murderers across the border.
This viscerally anti-immigrant energy powered his primary wins and helped him capture the general election votes of many secular, Northern, non-college educated whites who had cast ballots for Al Gore and John Kerry and Obama.
Anti-immigrant zeal has been a major through line of his administration. To characterize Trump as a leader of a presidential administration, you need to start with the fact that he seems largely uninterested in policy and in possession of no real convictions beyond a pursuit of self-interest.
But immigration is a major exception. On immigration he has enacted sweeping policy changes — even beyond his better-known moves of poaching military construction funds to build his wall or separating asylum-seeking children from their parents.
Note that all of this is about legal immigration, not “enforcing the law.” Trump and his team take the view that foreigners’ desire to move here should be viewed with suspicion. He wants whole categories of migrants ruled out and others subject to much tighter scrutiny.
And the anti-immigrant tilt is part and parcel of a darker view of America. When Trump talks about “taking the oil,” treats NATO as a protection racket, or explicitly cites arms sales as the key goal of the US-Saudi alliance, he sounds like he’s gotten his picture of the United States from old Rage Against the Machine songs while somehow getting the point totally backward.
Some on the left have gone so far as to hail Trump for exposing the truth about America. As Jenée Desmond-Harris wrote during the 2016 campaign, “Trump is refreshing to people who share his views, as well as to people who have always known that views like this exist.” His presidency has brought a level of racial invective to the Oval Office not seen for decades or more, but also given incredible new prominence to anti-racism as a political cause and fueled radicalism in the streets.
Biden’s brand of politics is more moderate, more appealing to swing voters, and more optimistic than that. But he’s a questionable messenger on personal identity grounds, and his record on discussing identity issues is abysmal — from calling Obama “articulate and bright and clean” in 2007 to just last week suggesting Black communities have no internal diversity. Harris, by contrast, is perfectly situated to tell an optimistic story about immigration, about identity, and about the United States of America.
Immigration for national greatness
It’s well known that the party of Lincoln has switched sides on racial issues in America. Less known is that a parallel shift has taken place on immigration.
In his 1864 State of the Union message, President Abraham Lincoln noted “the act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immigration” but urged the passage of amendments to make it even more effective at inducing people to sail to American shores.
“I regard our immigrants as one of the principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the ravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health,” Lincoln wrote, cautioning that he was not looking at immigrants as cannon fodder for the Civil War but as a long-term source of national strength. “All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fullness, and to that end the Government must in every way make it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in our country.”
This is a spirit that’s gone missing from contemporary arguments. Trump complains we are too kind to foreigners. Liberals respond that Trump is being too cruel. The cruelty is real. As Adam Serwer wrote, cruelty is the point. I’ll never forget John Kelly, Trump’s onetime chief of staff, dismissing concern about children taken from their parents with the line that they’ll go to “foster care or whatever.”
But, historically, allowing immigration to the United States has not been an act of charity. Abraham Lincoln, like George Washington before him, wanted to encourage it because they believed that migration to the United States was a mutually beneficial act. Self-interest brought Harris’s parents to the United States, and life in America treated them and their children well.
George Washington: "I had always hoped that this land might become a safe and agreeable Asylum to the virtuous and persecuted part of mankind, to whatever nation they might belong." — Michiko Kakutani (@michikokakutani) July 7, 2018
Research confirms that this still works. Michael Clemens, Claudio Montenegro, and Lant Pritchett find that unskilled immigrants increase their wages by between 2.6 times (if they come from Peru) to 7 times (if they come from Haiti). Clemens finds that more-skilled workers end up at the high end of that range, with Indian computer programmers scoring a six-fold wage increase if they get a work visa. And the dream of intergenerational mobility is alive, with Ran Abramitzky, Leah Platt Boustan, Elisa Jácome, and Santiago Pérez finding that today — just as in the past — children of immigrants generally experience greater socioeconomic success than they themselves do.
Bottom line: Our findings supports idea of “American Dream” -- even immigrants who come to the United States with few resources and little skills have a real chance at improving their children’s prospects /end — Leah Boustan (@leah_boustan) October 28, 2019
Despite America’s flaws, people clamor to move here and often find success. That speaks well of Americans, and it’s part of why the country has flourished.
In a July speech about growing tensions with China, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urged Americans not to accept national decline. “We just need to believe,” he said, noting that “people aren’t desperate to settle in China.”
It’s a good point, but one Trump’s administration seems to have no appreciation of; the government is busy trying to keep people like Shyamala Gopalan and Donald Harris from moving here. That’s a shame, not just for the immigrants excluded but for America as a whole. The country could compete much more effectively with China if it took advantage of Pompeo’s insight to help grow our population. A proudly American daughter of immigrants from two different continents could be the perfect person to make the case for a more inclusive and more optimistic vision of national greatness.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-13--Kamala Harris is a politician, not an activist. It’s an awkward fit for this moment.

Sen. Kamala Harris has made history as the first Black woman to be selected for a major political party presidential ticket — but she ’ s also wading into a political quagmire .
Harris ’ s record stands at odds with some of the most urgent racial justice issues today .
Her biography mirrors many of the Black women who anchor the Democratic Party ’ s base and who endure the brunt of America ’ s racism .
Harris was born into a segregated United States , famously talking about her own experience with busing .
Her parents organized in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a historically Black college .
She belongs to a Black sorority .
In symbolic virtue and stature , her candidacy already embodies the grandeur of electoral trailblazers like her friend Barack Obama and her muse Shirley Chisholm .
For months , journalists , activists , and pundits have emphasized Biden ’ s need to choose a Black woman candidate .
Headlines like Barron ’ s “ After George Floyd , Pressure on Biden to Pick Black VP ” or the Boston Globe ’ s “ Joe Biden already was under pressure to pick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outrage over George Floyd ’ s death adds to it ” capture the angst .
Many of these assertions rest on the premise that Black women remain uniquely equipped to wrangle the racial inequality festering in the United States — particularly as protests against police violence continue across the nation .
Yet many of the policies and institutions ( particularly in the criminal legal system ) that have drawn the ire of Black activists have Harris ’ s support .
( The Biden campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy , Black activists have broadly called for more empathic and health-based interventions .
Just this week , a letter signed by a coalition of Black men pressed this point .
The petition , which pushed for a Black woman vice president , skewered former Vice President Biden for not showing more “ remorse for the 1986 or 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse bills , which established mandatory minimum sentencing and subsequently crack cocaine sentencing disparities , and by his own admission , led to mass incarceration.
” Yet until at least 2014 , Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ACLU argues disproportionately harmed minorities .
“ Of course this nomination is historic , but something else historic is going on right now — we are in the middle of the largest protest movement in American history .
It ’ s a protest movement that ’ s all about finding non-punitive non-carceral solutions to the kinds of economic problems that are plaguing proportionally black and brown communities , ” said Briahna Joy Gray , former press secretary for Sen. Bernie Sanders ’ s campaign , on Democracy Now in reaction to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running mate .
Gray underscored that there is a “ great deal of frustration ” among activists at the seemingly ironic choice .
“ Kamala Harris is someone who has had these criticisms leveraged at her throughout very early on .
... To many people in the activist community , she has done very little to assuage people ’ s concerns about her previous stances or demonstrate the level of growth that we would like to see , ” Gray said .
Why criminal justice advocates are skeptical of Harris A 2019 New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bazelon pushed back on Harris ’ s claim that she was a “ progressive prosecutor , ” arguing that she was responsible for enforcing regressive policies as California ’ s “ top cop.
” Harris opposed measures to investigate shootings involving officers , appealed a judge ’ s effort to end the death penalty , and “ fought tooth and nail to uphold wrongful convictions that had been secured through official misconduct that included evidence tampering , false testimony and the suppression of crucial information by prosecutors , ” Bazelon wrote .
Similarly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ James Forman Jr. expressed dismay last year over how policing policies that Harris supported as San Francisco ’ s district attorney , such as arresting truant parents , harm those who are “ overwhelmingly poor , black and brown , and struggling.
” Harris ’ s historically expansive view of the police and incarceration are not aligned with the Black Lives Matter movement .
She has pantomimed protesters ’ signs and chants calling for more schools and fewer jails .
“ There ’ s a fundamental problem with that approach , in my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2013 policy talk .
“ I agree with that conceptually , but you have not addressed the reason I have three padlocks on my front door.
” “ There should be a broad consensus that there should be serious and severe and swift consequences to crime , ” she continued .
This is in sharp contrast with the Black women leading the Black Lives Matter movement .
Activists are demanding radical transformation in the country ’ s criminal legal system .
This includes responding to crimes like truancy and murder as public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a prosecutor , Harris believed in the utility of state force to discourage antisocial behavior .
She noted that as a “ prosecutor in law enforcement , I have a huge stick ” she could use to enforce things like school attendance , insisting that other arms of the government had carrots as incentives to action .
Many Black activists , however , remain highly skeptical of this type of policymaking .
For those who have been systematically excluded from social welfare programs and overloaded with state-sanctioned violence , their policy demand remains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools , fewer jails .
Although moderate throughout her career as a California prosecutor , Harris has tacked left during her time in the Senate .
She has been a voice for police reform and against police brutality .
Earlier this year , along with prominent senators like Cory Booker , Harris introduced the Justice in Policing Act of 2020 , aiming to decrease racial discrimination and increase accountability in policing with a bevy of reforms .
Last year , during her presidential candidacy , Harris ’ s move left on criminal justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which adopted increasingly popular reforms including eliminating private prisons , ending mandatory minimums , reducing the use of cash bail , and legalizing marijuana .
What the Kamala Harris pick was supposed to accomplish for the Biden campaign All of this makes Harris a somewhat puzzling choice for the Biden campaign , when considering the current centering of the Black Lives Matter movement .
However , there are some ways in which Harris does balance Biden ’ s ticket .
Where Biden has drawn criticism for his gaffe-ridden , halting speech , Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rhetoric .
Harris is a generation younger .
Her lived experience as a Black and Indian American woman speaks to a rapidly diversifying country .
But both Harris and Biden struggle to overcome their tough-on-crime past in a party that has swung hard against those impulses in recent years .
Emory University political scientist Andra Gillespie , though , tells Vox the hurdle is not insurmountable — even during this protest movement against excessive policing .
“ There ’ s going to be tension , and Harris and Biden will have to navigate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their willingness to have a conversation and compromise , ” Gillespie says .
“ That is the strategy that ’ s going to cast the widest net for voters .
It ’ s intended to blunt Donald Trump ’ s invocation of ‘ law and order ’ and his attempt to terrorize white suburbanites away from the Democratic ticket.
” Counterintuitively , it could be enthusiasm among white suburbanites for Harris that helps Biden drive up turnout .
Just as Donald Trump ’ s 2016 outreach to Black voters may have helped increase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suburbs , Biden ’ s Harris pick affords him a similar opportunity .
As Vox ’ s Li Zhou reported , Harris ranked the highest among potential VP candidates in a recent poll of Democratic voters .
Suburban voters may embrace Harris ’ s candidacy in a spirit of tolerance of diversity that many have gravitated toward in the polarizing Trump years .
And while she may not be a favorite among Black activists , Harris is a paragon of representation that Black women in the Democratic Party have been demanding in recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harris is not a movement candidate .
She does not relate to Black Lives Matter the way that Bernie Sanders relates to Occupy Wall Street , the way Sen. Ted Cruz relates to the Tea Party , or the way Cori Bush relates to the Ferguson , Missouri , uprisings .
Harris is not an activist .
She is a very talented Democratic politician who has spent the lion ’ s share of her career within mainstream party politics pushing many mainstream policy positions .
The most generous interpretations of her career describe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racial justice agenda but not a consistent champion of it .
As Vox ’ s German Lopez has explained : Harris ’ s presidential debate performances during the primary captured this duality .
Last June , Joe Biden stood onstage across from Harris , flat-footed as she lobbed a scathing attack on Biden ’ s record on segregation .
“ It was hurtful to hear you talk about the reputations of two United States senators who built their reputations and career on the segregation of race in this country , ” Harris said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with early in his career .
“ And it was not only that — you also worked with them to oppose busing.
” Biden floundered with a defense of states ’ right to eschew civil rights laws .
That exchange dragged up Biden ’ s mixed record on racial justice , reminded the country of the evils flowing from continuing segregation , and it arguably won Harris the debate .
Yet , just days later , when her position on federal intervention to enforce desegregation through busing was interrogated by reported , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s .
Harris ’ s muddied messages persist .
Whether talking about federal government intervention for integration or responding to activists ’ demands to shift large-scale funding away from policing and toward community care , Harris has remained lukewarm in her support for bold racial justice policies .
For many Black women , this is not a deal-breaker .
Representation matters .
“ If you look back at Shirley Chisholm , she ran so that Kamala could lead at this moment , ” a Black female Harris supporter told the AP ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s important for us to look at that and see other young women of color realize that they can go after their dreams and really make change in our world.
” But there is still lingering disappointment .
As Derecka Purnell wrote in a column for the Guardian , “ If we must support politicians of color seeking office , let ’ s especially protect the ones ... who risk their lives resisting white supremacy , Republicans , and moderate Democrats.
” If Democrats seek to capture the energy of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and supported by a diverse coalition of allies , the party likely has a way to go .
The movement was built on seeking justice , not symbolic representation .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising : Readers told us that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and because they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Sen. Kamala Harris has made history as the first Black woman to be selected for a major political party presidential ticket — but she’s also wading into a political quagmire. Harris’s record stands at odds with some of the most urgent racial justice issues today.
Her biography mirrors many of the Black women who anchor the Democratic Party’s base and who endure the brunt of America’s racism. Harris was born into a segregated United States, famously talking about her own experience with busing. Her parents organized in the civil rights movement. She attended a historically Black college. She belongs to a Black sorority. In symbolic virtue and stature, her candidacy already embodies the grandeur of electoral trailblazers like her friend Barack Obama and her muse Shirley Chisholm.
For months, journalists, activists, and pundits have emphasized Biden’s need to choose a Black woman candidate. Headlines like Barron’s “After George Floyd, Pressure on Biden to Pick Black VP” or the Boston Globe’s “Joe Biden already was under pressure to pick a Black woman running mate. The outrage over George Floyd’s death adds to it” capture the angst.
Many of these assertions rest on the premise that Black women remain uniquely equipped to wrangle the racial inequality festering in the United States — particularly as protests against police violence continue across the nation. Yet many of the policies and institutions (particularly in the criminal legal system) that have drawn the ire of Black activists have Harris’s support. (The Biden campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment.)
For example, on drug policy, Black activists have broadly called for more empathic and health-based interventions. Just this week, a letter signed by a coalition of Black men pressed this point. The petition, which pushed for a Black woman vice president, skewered former Vice President Biden for not showing more “remorse for the 1986 or 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse bills, which established mandatory minimum sentencing and subsequently crack cocaine sentencing disparities, and by his own admission, led to mass incarceration.” Yet until at least 2014, Harris supported the criminalization of marijuana, which the ACLU argues disproportionately harmed minorities.
“Of course this nomination is historic, but something else historic is going on right now — we are in the middle of the largest protest movement in American history. It’s a protest movement that’s all about finding non-punitive non-carceral solutions to the kinds of economic problems that are plaguing proportionally black and brown communities,” said Briahna Joy Gray, former press secretary for Sen. Bernie Sanders’s campaign, on Democracy Now in reaction to the choice of Harris as Biden’s running mate.
Gray underscored that there is a “great deal of frustration” among activists at the seemingly ironic choice.
“Kamala Harris is someone who has had these criticisms leveraged at her throughout very early on. ... To many people in the activist community, she has done very little to assuage people’s concerns about her previous stances or demonstrate the level of growth that we would like to see,” Gray said.
Why criminal justice advocates are skeptical of Harris
A 2019 New York Times op-ed from law professor Lara Bazelon pushed back on Harris’s claim that she was a “progressive prosecutor,” arguing that she was responsible for enforcing regressive policies as California’s “top cop.” Harris opposed measures to investigate shootings involving officers, appealed a judge’s effort to end the death penalty, and “fought tooth and nail to uphold wrongful convictions that had been secured through official misconduct that included evidence tampering, false testimony and the suppression of crucial information by prosecutors,” Bazelon wrote.
Similarly, law professor and civil rights attorney James Forman Jr. expressed dismay last year over how policing policies that Harris supported as San Francisco’s district attorney, such as arresting truant parents, harm those who are “overwhelmingly poor, black and brown, and struggling.”
Harris’s historically expansive view of the police and incarceration are not aligned with the Black Lives Matter movement. She has mocked protesters’ signs and chants calling for more schools and fewer jails. “There’s a fundamental problem with that approach, in my opinion,” she said at a 2013 policy talk. “I agree with that conceptually, but you have not addressed the reason I have three padlocks on my front door.”
“There should be a broad consensus that there should be serious and severe and swift consequences to crime,” she continued.
This is in sharp contrast with the Black women leading the Black Lives Matter movement. Activists are demanding radical transformation in the country’s criminal legal system. This includes responding to crimes like truancy and murder as public health problems requiring well-funded communal intervention.
As a prosecutor, Harris believed in the utility of state force to discourage antisocial behavior. She noted that she had “a huge stick” she could use to enforce things like school attendance, insisting that other arms of the government had carrots as incentives to action. Many Black activists, however, remain highly skeptical of this type of policymaking. For those who have been systematically excluded from social welfare programs and overloaded with state-sanctioned violence, their policy demand remains more carrots, fewer sticks: more schools, fewer jails.
Although moderate throughout her career as a California prosecutor, Harris has tacked left during her time in the Senate. She has been a voice for police reform and against police brutality. Earlier this year, along with prominent senators like Cory Booker, Harris introduced the Justice in Policing Act of 2020, aiming to decrease racial discrimination and increase accountability in policing with a bevy of reforms. Last year, during her presidential candidacy, Harris’s move left on criminal justice was evident in her policy platform, which adopted increasingly popular reforms including eliminating private prisons, ending mandatory minimums, reducing the use of cash bail, and legalizing marijuana.
What the Kamala Harris pick was supposed to accomplish for the Biden campaign
All of this makes Harris a somewhat puzzling choice for the Biden campaign, when considering the current centering of the Black Lives Matter movement. However, there are some ways in which Harris does balance Biden’s ticket. Where Biden has drawn criticism for his gaffe-ridden, halting speech, Harris remains renowned for her sharp questioning and rhetoric. Harris is a generation younger. Her lived experience as a Black and Indian American woman speaks to a rapidly diversifying country.
But both Harris and Biden struggle to overcome their “tough on crime” past in a party that has swung hard against those impulses in recent years. Emory University political scientist Andra Gillespie, though, tells Vox the hurdle is not insurmountable — even during this protest movement against excessive policing.
“There’s going to be tension, and Harris and Biden will have to navigate that. But their gamble relies on their willingness to have a conversation and compromise,” Gillespie says. “That is the strategy that’s going to cast the widest net for voters. It’s intended to blunt Donald Trump’s invocation of ‘law and order’ and his attempt to terrorize white suburbanites away from the Democratic ticket.”
Counterintuitively, it could be enthusiasm among white suburbanites for Harris that helps Biden drive up turnout. Just as Donald Trump’s 2016 outreach to Black voters may have helped increase his palatability to white Americans in the suburbs, Biden’s Harris pick affords him a similar opportunity. As Vox’s Li Zhou reported, Harris ranked the highest among potential VP candidates in a recent poll of Democratic voters.
Suburban voters may embrace Harris’s candidacy in a spirit of tolerance of diversity that many have gravitated toward in the polarizing Trump years. And while she may not be a favorite among Black activists, Harris is a paragon of representation that Black women in the Democratic Party have been demanding in recent years.
Harris is a politician, not a racial justice activist
The upshot is clear: Harris is not a movement candidate. She does not relate to Black Lives Matter the way that Bernie Sanders relates to Occupy Wall Street, the way Sen. Ted Cruz relates to the Tea Party, or the way Cori Bush relates to the Ferguson, Missouri, uprisings.
Harris is not an activist. She is a very talented Democratic politician who has spent the lion’s share of her career within mainstream party politics pushing many mainstream policy positions. The most generous interpretations of her career describe Harris as an official open to the racial justice agenda but not a consistent champion of it. As Vox’s German Lopez has explained:
A close examination of Harris’s record shows it’s filled with contradictions. She pushed for programs that helped people find jobs instead of putting them in prison, but also fought to keep people in prison even after they were proved innocent. She refused to pursue the death penalty against a man who killed a police officer, but also defended California’s death penalty system in court. She implemented training programs to address police officers’ racial biases, but also resisted calls to get her office to investigate certain police shootings.
Harris’s presidential debate performances during the primary captured this duality. Last June, Joe Biden stood onstage across from Harris, flat-footed as she lobbed a scathing attack on Biden’s record on segregation.
“It was hurtful to hear you talk about the reputations of two United States senators who built their reputations and career on the segregation of race in this country,” Harris said, referencing the segregationists Biden held relationships with early in his career. “And it was not only that — you also worked with them to oppose busing.”
Biden floundered with a defense of states’ right to eschew civil rights laws:
HARRIS: Vice President Biden, do you agree today — do you agree today that you were wrong to oppose bussing in America then? Do you agree? BIDEN: I did not oppose bussing in America. What I opposed is bussing ordered by the Department of Education. That’s what I opposed. I did not oppose . .. HARRIS: Well, there was a failure of states to integrate public schools in America. I was part of the second class to integrate Berkeley, California, public schools almost two decades after Brown v. Board of Education. BIDEN: Because your city council made that decision. It was a local decision. HARRIS: So that’s where the federal government must step in. That’s why we have the Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act. That’s why we need to pass the Equality Act. That’s why we need to pass the ERA, because there are moments in history where states fail to preserve the civil rights of all people.
That exchange dragged up Biden’s mixed record on racial justice, reminded the country of the evils flowing from continuing segregation, and it arguably won Harris the debate. Yet, just days later, when her position on federal intervention to enforce desegregation through busing was interrogated by reported, she appeared to hold views closer to Biden’s.
Harris’s muddied messages persist. Whether talking about federal government intervention for integration or responding to activists’ demands to shift large-scale funding away from policing and toward community care, Harris has remained lukewarm in her support for bold racial justice policies.
For many Black women, this is not a deal breaker. Representation matters.
“If you look back at Shirley Chisholm, she ran so that Kamala could lead at this moment,” a Black female Harris supporter told the AP’s Kat Stafford. “I think it’s important for us to look at that and see other young women of color realize that they can go after their dreams and really make change in our world.”
But there is still lingering disappointment. As Derecka Purnell wrote in a column for the Guardian, “If we must support politicians of color seeking office, let’s especially protect the ones ... who risk their lives resisting white supremacy, Republicans, and moderate Democrats.”
If Democrats seek to capture the energy of the protest movement led by younger Black women and supported by a diverse coalition of allies, the party likely has a way to go. The movement was built on seeking justice, not symbolic representation.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


vox--2020-08-13--Do you really have to wash your mask after every use? Short answer: Yes.

In the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic , face masks have become a necessity , like keys or your wallet — you can ’ t leave home without them .
For the reusable cloth masks popular with so many people , that means a lot of laundry .
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) recommends wearing masks in public settings , mainly to protect others from carriers of the virus .
Many states , restaurants , bars , grocery stores , and major retailers also require patrons to wear masks in order to reduce the spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become a controversial touchpoint of the pandemic , with some Americans complaining and even having outbursts about wearing them .
But science shows that masks are essential to preventing the spread of the virus .
“ We know the effectiveness of face masks already .
There is the evidence base out there , ” said Dr. Simon Kolstoe , a senior lecturer in evidence-based health care at the University of Portsmouth in the United Kingdom .
But there ’ s one question that dogs mask-wearers : Do you really have to wash them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yes .
“ It ’ s definitely recommended to wash that mask every day , ” said Dr. Ravina Kullar , an infectious disease specialist and epidemiologist .
Dr. Kullar points out that the purpose of the mask is to prevent the virus from spreading , so if there are any virus particles on yours , wearing an unwashed mask defeats the purpose .
“ It ’ s definitely recommended to wash that mask every day ” Still , despite this advice , surface transmission is not thought to be a major vector @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of spreading is person-to-person contact .
The recommendation to wash your mask comes out of an abundance of caution , as well as the object ’ s close proximity to respiratory output .
The CDC also recommends washing masks : “ Masks should be washed after each use .
It is important to always remove masks correctly and wash your hands after handling or touching a used mask , ” the website says .
According to the CDC , taking off your mask correctly means handling it only by the ear loops or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the washing machine , and washing your hands immediately after .
Cloth masks can be washed by hand or in a washing machine .
Surgical masks , another popular option , can not be washed and should be discarded after one use .
There is very little “ peer-reviewed ” information about how to wash an N95 mask .
Some potential options include vaporized hydrogen peroxide , using dry heat , or UV light — methods that aren ’ t really suitable for experimentation at home .
For cloth masks , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the CDC recommends regular detergent and “ the warmest appropriate water setting for the cloth used to make the mask.
” If you ’ re washing your mask by hand , you should prepare a bleach solution and soak your mask in it for five minutes , then rinse in cool or room-temperature water .
Mask filters should be washed by hand .
There are also certain practices to ensure you wash your mask effectively without wearing down the fabric too much .
Patric Richardson , the self-styled Laundry Evangelist , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100 washes if it isn ’ t run through the dryer , and 50 if it is .
He also explained that the elastic parts of the mask are likely to wear down more quickly than the actual cloth .
“ Depending on the fabric , and of course that ’ s the million-dollar question with a handmade mask , but most fabrics are very durable for about 100 washes if they ’ re not in the dryer , ” he said .
Richardson also recommends wearing face masks made of cotton , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ While other materials like silk or even using bandannas are popular , they are often less effective and don ’ t last as long .
In addition to picking a good material , Richardson stressed using detergent sparingly .
“ The skin on your face is pretty sensitive so you want to make sure that you don ’ t use very much detergent because you want to rinse it 100 percent clean , ” he said .
In addition to maintaining good washing practices , the type of face mask you use matters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video , testing different kinds of masks by attempting to blow out a lit match .
If you can blow out the match , the mask is ineffective .
And if you can ’ t , it works .
“ If you ’ re wearing this mask to stop you blowing your breath over other people , it makes sense that if you could blow a match out [ or ] blow a candle out that ’ s directly in front of you then the mask isn ’ t being particularly effective , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overwashed mask could become more porous and lose its usefulness .
When that happens , it ’ s time to get some new masks , either by buying them or making your own .
Whichever you choose , just be sure you clean them after each use .
Every day at Vox , we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , videos , and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires .
Please consider making a contribution to Vox today .

In the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, face masks have become a necessity, like keys or your wallet — you can’t leave home without them. For the reusable cloth masks popular with so many people, that means a lot of laundry.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommends wearing masks in public settings, mainly to protect others from carriers of the virus. Many states, restaurants, bars, grocery stores, and major retailers also require patrons to wear masks in order to reduce the spread of Covid-19.
Protective face masks have become a controversial touchpoint of the pandemic, with some Americans complaining and even having outbursts about wearing them. But science shows that masks are essential to preventing the spread of the virus.
“We know the effectiveness of face masks already. There is the evidence base out there,” said Dr. Simon Kolstoe, a senior lecturer in evidence-based health care at the University of Portsmouth in the United Kingdom.
But there’s one question that dogs mask-wearers: Do you really have to wash them after every use?
The answer is yes.
“It’s definitely recommended to wash that mask every day,” said Dr. Ravina Kullar, an infectious disease specialist and epidemiologist. Kullar points out that the purpose of the mask is to prevent the virus from spreading, so if there are virus particles on yours, wearing an unwashed mask is counterproductive.
“It’s definitely recommended to wash that mask every day”
Still, despite this advice, surface transmission is not thought to be a major vector of coronavirus spread. The primary transmission mode is person-to-person contact. The recommendation to wash your mask comes out of an abundance of caution, as well as the object’s close proximity to respiratory output.
The CDC also recommends washing masks: “Masks should be washed after each use. It is important to always remove masks correctly and wash your hands after handling or touching a used mask,” the website says. According to the CDC, taking off your mask correctly means handling it only by the ear loops or ties, folding it to be placed in the washing machine, and washing your hands immediately after.
Cloth masks can be washed by hand or in a washing machine. Surgical masks, another popular option, cannot be washed and should be discarded after one use. There is very little “peer-reviewed” information about how to wash an N95 mask. Some potential options include vaporized hydrogen peroxide, using dry heat, or UV light — methods that aren’t really suitable for experimentation at home.
For cloth masks, if you’re using a washing machine, the CDC recommends regular detergent and “the warmest appropriate water setting for the cloth used to make the mask.” If you’re washing your mask by hand, you should prepare a bleach solution and soak your mask in it for five minutes, then rinse in cool or room-temperature water. Mask filters should be washed by hand.
There are also certain practices to ensure you wash your mask effectively without wearing down the fabric too much.
Patric Richardson, the self-styled Laundry Evangelist, said that a cloth mask can sustain around 100 washes if it isn’t run through the dryer, and 50 if it is. He also explained that the elastic parts of the mask are likely to wear down more quickly than the actual cloth.
“Depending on the fabric, and of course that’s the million-dollar question with a handmade mask, but most fabrics are very durable for about 100 washes if they’re not in the dryer,” he said.
Richardson also recommends wearing face masks made of cotton, which he said is most durable. While other materials like silk or even using bandannas are popular, they are often less effective and don’t last as long. In addition to picking a good material, Richardson stressed using detergent sparingly.
“The skin on your face is pretty sensitive so you want to make sure that you don’t use very much detergent because you want to rinse it 100 percent clean,” he said.
In addition to maintaining good washing practices, the type of face mask you use matters, too. Dr. Kolstoe made a video, testing different kinds of masks by attempting to blow out a lit match. If you can blow out the match, the mask is ineffective. And if you can’t, it works.
“If you’re wearing this mask to stop you blowing your breath over other people, it makes sense that if you could blow a match out [or] blow a candle out that’s directly in front of you then the mask isn’t being particularly effective,” he said.
Eventually, an overwashed mask could become more porous and lose its usefulness. When that happens, it’s time to get some new masks, either by buying them or making your own. Whichever you choose, just be sure you clean them after each use.


vox--2020-08-13--Facebook’s new voter information center gives Americans fact-checked voting information

Facebook is launching a tool on Thursday to help register at least 4 million Americans to vote ahead of the 2020 election .
The company ’ s new Voter Information Center is a hub on both Facebook and Instagram that will give you an easy way to check if you ’ re registered to vote .
If you ’ re not , Facebook will prompt you to click a link where you can register in your state .
The Voter Information Center will include information about how to vote — including how to vote by mail , if it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook is also using the initiative to ask users to sign up as poll workers , who are in short supply due to Covid-19 .
Facebook ’ s efforts are in part a response to the pandemic , during which more people than ever are expected to vote using mail-in ballots , rather than voting in person .
Lately , there ’ s been a lot of confusion and anxiety about that process , perpetuated in part by President Trump and other politicians making false statements about the accuracy of mail-in voting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook ’ s new voting center is an attempt to set the facts straight about voting , and the company said that it ’ s using politically neutral sources like the Bipartisan Policy Center to do so .
But Facebook has stopped short of actually fact-checking or removing the misleading information that President Trump has shared on its platform about mail-in voting , something it has been sharply criticized for .
Last month , Facebook started adding links to voter information underneath politicians ’ posts about voting , and says it will apply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about voting going forward .
But these links don ’ t correct misinformation when politicians post it .
Here ’ s what the new Voting Information Center will look like : In addition to the voting information hub , the company says it ’ s releasing a “ Voting Alerts ” feature to let state and local election authorities send notifications to users in their jurisdiction about voting updates , including “ potential late-breaking changes ” to the voting process .
For months , Democratic politicians , civil rights advocates , and some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been criticizing Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg for not taking action on Trump ’ s misleading posts about voting-by-mail .
Trump has falsely asserted on the platform that the state of California will send mail-in ballots to “ anyone living in the state , no matter who they are or how they got there ” ( in fact , California only sends ballots to registered voters ) and that this would lead to “ a Rigged Election.
” While Facebook left Trump ’ s post up as-is , Facebook ’ s competitor Twitter labeled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ containing “ potentially misleading information.
” In a previous announcement in June about the Voter Information Center , Zuckerberg framed the company ’ s efforts as a better way of ensuring a healthy election than policing politicians ’ speech .
Zuckerberg wrote at the time , “ Ultimately , I believe the best way to hold politicians accountable is through voting , and I believe we should trust voters to make judgments for themselves.
” Today ’ s launch of the Voter Information Center is Zuckerberg showing he ’ s serious about his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it remains unclear if that will be enough to counterbalance the politicians who use the platform to spread messages that encourage the very opposite to the 190 million Facebook users in the US .
Will you become our 20,000th supporter ?
When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions , we weren ’ t sure how it would go .
Today , we ’ re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in .
The reason is both lovely and surprising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it , too .
We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy .
That ’ s never been more important than today , during a public health crisis , racial justice protests , a recession , and a presidential election .
But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive , and advertising alone won ’ t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires .
Your financial contribution will not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help keep Vox free for all .
Contribute today from as little as $ 3 .

Facebook is launching a tool on Thursday to help register at least 4 million Americans to vote ahead of the 2020 election.
The company’s new Voter Information Center is a hub on both Facebook and Instagram that will give you an easy way to check if you’re registered to vote. If you’re not, Facebook will prompt you to click a link where you can register in your state.
The Voter Information Center will include information about how to vote — including how to vote by mail, if it’s an option where you live. Facebook is also using the initiative to ask users to sign up as poll workers, who are in short supply due to Covid-19. Facebook’s efforts are in part a response to the pandemic, during which more people than ever are expected to vote using mail-in ballots, rather than voting in person. Lately, there’s been a lot of confusion and anxiety about that process, perpetuated in part by President Trump and other politicians making false statements about the accuracy of mail-in voting on Facebook and other social media platforms.
Facebook’s new voting center is an attempt to set the facts straight about voting, and the company said that it’s using politically neutral sources like the Bipartisan Policy Center to do so. But Facebook has stopped short of actually fact-checking or removing the misleading information that President Trump has shared on its platform about mail-in voting, something it has been sharply criticized for. Last month, Facebook started adding links to voter information underneath politicians’ posts about voting and says it will apply that label to all users’ posts about voting going forward. But these links don’t correct misinformation when politicians post it.
Here’s what the new Voting Information Center will look like:
In addition to the voting information hub, the company says it’s releasing a “Voting Alerts” feature to let state and local election authorities send notifications to users in their jurisdiction about voting updates, including “potential late-breaking changes” to the voting process.
For months, Democratic politicians, civil rights advocates, and some of Facebook’s own employees have been criticizing Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg for not taking action on Trump’s misleading posts about voting-by-mail. Trump has falsely asserted on the platform that the state of California will send mail-in ballots to “anyone living in the state, no matter who they are or how they got there” (in fact, California only sends ballots to registered voters) and that this would lead to “a Rigged Election.” While Facebook left Trump’s post up as-is, Facebook’s competitor Twitter labeled an identical post on its platform as containing “potentially misleading information.”
Do you work at Google and want to talk? Please email Shirin Ghaffary at shirin.ghaffary@protonmail.com to reach her confidentially. Signal number available upon request.
In a previous announcement in June about the Voter Information Center, Zuckerberg framed the company’s efforts as a better way of ensuring a healthy election than policing politicians’ speech.
Zuckerberg wrote at the time, “Ultimately, I believe the best way to hold politicians accountable is through voting, and I believe we should trust voters to make judgments for themselves.”
Today’s launch of the Voter Information Center is Zuckerberg showing he’s serious about his commitment to encourage people to vote, but it remains unclear if that will be enough to counterbalance the politicians who use the platform to spread messages that encourage the very opposite to the 190 million Facebook users in the US.
Will you become our 20,000th supporter? When the economy took a downturn in the spring and we started asking readers for financial contributions, we weren’t sure how it would go. Today, we’re humbled to say that nearly 20,000 people have chipped in. The reason is both lovely and surprising: Readers told us that they contribute both because they value explanation and because they value that other people can access it, too. We have always believed that explanatory journalism is vital for a functioning democracy. That’s never been more important than today, during a public health crisis, racial justice protests, a recession, and a presidential election. But our distinctive explanatory journalism is expensive, and advertising alone won’t let us keep creating it at the quality and volume this moment requires. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will help keep Vox free for all. Contribute today from as little as $3.


The great rebuild

The Covid-19 pandemic is a tragedy , a massive policy failure , and an existential threat to the livelihood and health of millions of Americans — with the pain disproportionality falling on Black Americans .
With more than 5 million cases worldwide , 165,000 Americans dead , more than 16 million US jobs eliminated , and schools and businesses shuttered , half measures won ’ t cut it .
It didn ’ t have to be this way .
However , there is still much we can do to recover — and not just recover , but rebuild .
Tapping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economists , and policymakers , The Great Rebuild imagines how we could marshal the power of the federal government and the potential of its citizens to fight back against the catastrophic effects of Covid-19 , and in the process create a system steeped in fairness , inclusion , and sustainability .
The Great Rebuild is made possible thanks to support from Omidyar Network , a social impact venture that works to reimagine critical systems and the ideas that govern them , and to build more inclusive and equitable societies .
All Great Rebuild @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our journalists .
The failed dream of the American small business Small businesses were once pillars of communities , but economic and systemic forces left many fighting for survival .
Then came the pandemic .

The Covid-19 pandemic is a tragedy, a massive policy failure, and an existential threat to the livelihood and health of millions of Americans — with the pain disproportionality falling on Black Americans.
A problem this big demands a bold solution.
With more than 30 million cases worldwide, more than 200,000 Americans dead, millions of US jobs eliminated, and schools and businesses shuttered, half measures won’t cut it. It didn’t have to be this way. However, there is still much we can do to recover — and not just recover, but rebuild.
Tapping the voices of prominent American thinkers, economists, and policymakers, The Great Rebuild imagines how we could marshal the power of the federal government and the potential of its citizens to fight back against the catastrophic effects of Covid-19, and in the process create a system steeped in fairness, inclusion, and sustainability.
The Great Rebuild is made possible thanks to support from Omidyar Network, a social impact venture that works to reimagine critical systems and the ideas that govern them, and to build more inclusive and equitable societies. All Great Rebuild coverage is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.
A blueprint exists for a more inclusive, successful nation that invests in the well-being of its citizens. We only have to look to the past.
by Zachary D. Carter
The problem with our social safety net is clear. The solution is, too.
by Emily Stewart
We have more than enough work to go around for the next generation if we address one of our nation’s biggest problems: infrastructure.
by Andrew Yang
It’s time to ask why we continue to spend millions of taxpayer dollars on police misconduct lawsuits and billions more on policing that yields poor outcomes.
by Sean Collins
A massive boom in new construction would create countless jobs and help finally end the legacy of racist housing policies.
by Matthew Yglesias
We must bail out the industry that allows millions of parents to work.
by Anna North
The former presidential candidate discusses universal basic income, artificial intelligence, and his next job in politics.
by Ezra Klein
The US has the technology to decarbonize by 2035. Here’s a plan to do it.
By Ezra Klein
Rep. Barbara Lee on why rebuilding the economy should mean investing in our kids.
By Ezra Klein
What the 20th century’s most influential economist can teach us about rebuilding the US economy.
By Ezra Klein
Small businesses were once pillars of communities, but economic and systemic forces left many fighting for survival. Then came the pandemic.
By Laura Entis
Party of One is a collaborative creative studio founded by Melissa Deckert and Nicole Licht, based in Brooklyn, New York. Through combined experience in fine arts and traditional design, Party of One creates compelling visuals with an emphasis on unique and often handcrafted prop design, styling, and sets.


vox--2020-08-13--Donald Trump’s long history of racism, from the 1970s to 2020

If you ask President Donald Trump , he isn ’ t racist .
To the contrary , he ’ s repeatedly said that he ’ s “ the least racist person that you ’ ve ever encountered.
” Trump ’ s actual record , however , tells a very different story .
On the campaign trail , Trump repeatedly made explicitly racist and otherwise bigoted remarks , from calling Mexican immigrants criminals and rapists , to proposing a ban on all Muslims entering the US , to suggesting a judge should recuse himself from a case solely because of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trend has continued into his presidency .
From stereotyping a Black reporter to pandering to white supremacists after they held a violent rally in Charlottesville , Virginia , to making a joke about the Trail of Tears , Trump hasn ’ t stopped with racist acts after his 2016 election .
Most recently , Trump has called the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus the “ Chinese virus ” and “ kung flu ” — racist terms that tap into the kind of xenophobia that he latched onto during his 2016 presidential campaign ; Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called “ kung flu ” a “ highly offensive ” term .
And Trump insinuated that Kamala Harris , who ’ s Black , “ doesn ’ t meet the requirements ” to run for vice president — a repeat of the birther conspiracy theory that he perpetuated about former President Barack Obama .
This is nothing new for Trump .
In fact , the very first time Trump appeared in the pages of the New York Times , back in the 1970s , was when the US Department of Justice sued him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has repeatedly appeared in newspaper pages across the world as he inspired more similar controversies .
This long history is important .
It would be one thing if Trump misspoke one or two times .
But when you take all of his actions and comments together , a clear pattern emerges — one that suggests that bigotry is not just political opportunism on Trump ’ s part but a real element of his personality , character , and career .
Here ’ s a breakdown of Trump ’ s history , taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Vox and an op-ed by Nicholas Kristof in the New York Times : • 1973 : The US Department of Justice — under the Nixon administration , out of all administrations — sued the Trump Management Corporation for violating the Fair Housing Act .
Federal officials found evidence that Trump had refused to rent to Black tenants and lied to Black applicants about whether apartments were available , among other accusations .
Trump said the federal government was trying to get him to rent to welfare recipients .
In the aftermath , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not to discriminate to renters of color without admitting to previous discrimination .
• 1980s : Kip Brown , a former employee at Trump ’ s Castle , accused another one of Trump ’ s businesses of discrimination .
“ When Donald and Ivana came to the casino , the bosses would order all the black people off the floor , ” Brown said .
“ It was the eighties , I was a teenager , but I remember it : They put us all in the back.
” • 1988 : In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump spent much of his speech accusing countries like Japan of “ stripping the United States of economic dignity.
” This matches much of his current rhetoric on China .
• 1989 : In a controversial case that ’ s been characterized as a modern-day lynching , four Black teenagers and one Latino teenager — the “ Central Park Five ” — were accused of attacking and raping a jogger in New York City .
Trump immediately took charge in the case , running an ad in local papers demanding , “ BRING @ @ @ @ @ @ @ OUR POLICE !
” The teens ’ convictions were later vacated after they spent seven to 13 years in prison , and the city paid $ 41 million in a settlement to the teens .
But Trump in October 2016 said he still believes they ’ re guilty , despite the DNA evidence to the contrary .
• 1991 : A book by John O ’ Donnell , former president of Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino in Atlantic City , quoted Trump ’ s criticism of a Black accountant : “ Black guys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that wear yarmulkes every day .
… I think that the guy is lazy .
And it ’ s probably not his fault , because laziness is a trait in blacks .
It really is , I believe that .
It ’ s not anything they can control.
” Trump later said in a 1997 Playboy interview that “ the stuff O ’ Donnell wrote about me is probably true.
” • 1992 : The Trump Plaza Hotel and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fine because it transferred Black and women dealers off tables to accommodate a big-time gambler ’ s prejudices .
• 1993 : In congressional testimony , Trump said that some Native American reservations operating casinos shouldn ’ t be allowed because “ they don ’ t look like Indians to me.
” • 2000 : In opposition to a casino proposed by the St. Regis Mohawk tribe , which he saw as a financial threat to his casinos in Atlantic City , Trump secretly ran a series of ads suggesting the tribe had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ] is well documented.
” • 2004 : In season two of The Apprentice , Trump fired Kevin Allen , a Black contestant , for being overeducated .
“ You ’ re an unbelievably talented guy in terms of education , and you haven ’ t done anything , ” Trump said on the show .
“ At some point you have to say , ‘ That ’ s enough.
’ ” • 2005 : Trump publicly pitched what was essentially The Apprentice : White People vs. Black People .
He said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” with the most recent season of his show , so he was considering “ an idea that is fairly controversial — creating a team of successful African Americans versus a team of successful whites .
Whether people like that idea or not , it is somewhat reflective of our very vicious world.
” • 2010 : In 2010 , there was a huge national controversy over the “ Ground Zero Mosque ” — a proposal to build a Muslim community center in Lower Manhattan , near the site of the 9/11 attacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it “ insensitive , ” and offered to buy out one of the investors in the project .
On The Late Show With David Letterman , Trump argued , referring to Muslims , “ Well , somebody ’ s blowing us up .
Somebody ’ s blowing up buildings , and somebody ’ s doing lots of bad stuff.
” • 2011 : Trump played a big role in pushing false rumors that Obama — the country ’ s first Black president — was not born in the US .
He even sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s birth certificate .
Obama later released his birth certificate , calling Trump a “ carnival barker.
” The research has found a strong correlation between birtherism , as the conspiracy theory is called , and racism .
But Trump has reportedly continued pushing this conspiracy theory in private .
• 2011 : While Trump suggested that Obama wasn ’ t born in the US , he also argued that maybe Obama wasn ’ t a good enough student to have gotten into Columbia or Harvard Law School , and demanded Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ I heard he was a terrible student .
Terrible .
How does a bad student go to Columbia and then to Harvard ?
” For many people , none of these incidents , individually , may be damning : One of these alone might suggest that Trump is simply a bad speaker and perhaps racially insensitive ( “ politically incorrect , ” as he would put it ) , but not overtly racist .
But when you put all these events together , a clear pattern emerges .
At the very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ playing into people ’ s racism to bolster himself — and that likely says something about him , too .
And , of course , there ’ s everything that ’ s happened through and since his presidential campaign .
As a candidate and president , Trump has made many more racist comments On top of all that history , Trump has repeatedly made racist — often explicitly so — remarks on the campaign trail and as president : • Trump launched his campaign in 2015 by calling Mexican immigrants “ rapists ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ bringing drugs ” to the US .
His campaign was largely built on building a wall to keep these immigrants out of the US .
• As a candidate in 2015 , Trump called for a ban on all Muslims coming into the US .
His administration eventually implemented a significantly watered-down version of the policy .
• When asked at a 2016 Republican debate whether all 1.6 billion Muslims hate the US , Trump said , “ I mean a lot of them .
I mean a lot of them.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gonzalo Curiel — who was overseeing the Trump University lawsuit — should recuse himself from the case because of his Mexican heritage and membership in a Latino lawyers association .
House Speaker Paul Ryan , who endorsed Trump , later called such comments “ the textbook definition of a racist comment.
” • Trump has been repeatedly slow to condemn white supremacists who endorse him , and he regularly retweeted messages from white supremacists and neo-Nazis during his presidential campaign .
• He tweeted and later deleted an image that showed Hillary Clinton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and by a Jewish Star of David that said , “ Most Corrupt Candidate Ever !
” The tweet had some very obvious anti-Semitic imagery , but Trump insisted that the star was a sheriff ’ s badge , and said his campaign shouldn ’ t have deleted it .
• Trump has repeatedly referred to Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D-MA ) as “ Pocahontas , ” using her controversial — and later walked-back — claims to Native American heritage as a punchline .
• At the 2016 Republican convention , Trump officially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and order ” candidate — an obvious dog whistle playing to white fears of Black crime , even though crime in the US is historically low .
His speeches , comments , and executive actions after he took office have continued this line of messaging .
• In a pitch to Black voters in 2016 , Trump said , “ You ’ re living in poverty , your schools are no good , you have no jobs , 58 percent of your youth is unemployed .
What the hell do you have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black reporter at a press conference in February 2017 .
When April Ryan asked him if he plans to meet and work with the Congressional Black Caucus , he repeatedly asked her to set up the meeting — even as she insisted that she ’ s “ just a reporter.
” • In the week after white supremacist protests in Charlottesville , Virginia , in August 2017 , Trump repeatedly said that “ many sides ” and “ both sides ” were to blame for the violence and chaos that ensued — suggesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equivalent to counterprotesters who stood against racism .
He also said that there were “ some very fine people ” among the white supremacists .
All of this seemed like a dog whistle to white supremacists — and many of them took it as one , with white nationalist Richard Spencer praising Trump for “ defending the truth.
” • Throughout 2017 , Trump repeatedly attacked NFL players who , by kneeling or otherwise silently protesting during the national anthem , demonstrated against systemic racism in America .
• Trump reportedly said in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US from Haiti “ all have AIDS , ” and he lamented that people who came to the US from Nigeria would never “ go back to their huts ” once they saw America .
The White House denied that Trump ever made these comments .
• Speaking about immigration in a bipartisan meeting in January 2018 , Trump reportedly asked , in reference to Haiti and African countries , “ Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here ?
” He then reportedly suggested that the US should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The implication : Immigrants from predominantly white countries are good , while immigrants from predominantly Black countries are bad .
• Trump denied making the “ shithole ” comments , although some senators present at the meeting said they happened .
The White House , meanwhile , suggested that the comments , like Trump ’ s remarks about the NFL protests , will play well to his base .
The only connection between Trump ’ s remarks about the NFL protests and his “ shithole ” comments is race .
• Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , again calling her “ Pocahontas ” in a 2019 tweet before adding , “ See you on the campaign TRAIL , Liz !
” The capitalized “ TRAIL ” is seemingly a reference to the Trail of Tears — a horrific act of ethnic cleansing in the 19th century in which Native Americans were forcibly relocated , causing thousands of deaths .
• Trump tweeted later that year that several Black and brown members of Congress — Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-NY ) , Ayanna Pressley ( D-MA ) , Ilhan Omar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( D-MI ) — are “ from countries whose governments are a complete and total catastrophe ” and that they should “ go back ” to those countries .
It ’ s a common racist trope to say that Black and brown people , particularly immigrants , should go back to their countries of origin .
Three of the four members of Congress whom Trump targeted were born in the US .
• Trump has called the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus the “ Chinese virus ” and “ kung flu.
” The World Health Organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particular region , since it can lead to stigma .
Trump ’ s adviser , Kellyanne Conway , previously described the term “ kung flu ” as “ highly offensive.
” Meanwhile , Asian Americans have reported hateful incidents targeting them due to the spread of the coronavirus .
• Trump suggested that Kamala Harris , who ’ s Black and South Asian , “ doesn ’ t meet the requirements ” to be former Vice President and Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ’ s running mate — yet another example of birtherism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead relying on some of the major examples since Trump announced his candidacy .
But once again , there ’ s a pattern of racism and bigotry here that suggests Trump isn ’ t just misspeaking ; it is who he is .
Are Trump ’ s actions and comments “ racist ” ?
Or are they “ bigoted ” ?
One of the common defenses for Trump is that he ’ s not necessarily racist , because the Muslim and Mexican people he often targets don ’ t actually comprise a race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , said as much when Trump argued Judge Curiel should recuse himself from the Trump University case because of his Mexican heritage , making the astute observation that “ Mexico isn ’ t a race.
” Kristof made a similar point in the New York Times : “ My view is that ‘ racist ’ can be a loaded word , a conversation stopper more than a clarifier , and that we should be careful not to use it simply as an epithet .
Moreover , Muslims and Latinos can be of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statements technically reflect not so much racism as bigotry .
It ’ s also true that with any single statement , it is possible that Trump misspoke or was misconstrued.
” This critique misses the point on two levels .
For one , the argument is tremendously semantic .
It ’ s essentially probing the question : Is Trump racist or is he bigoted ?
But who cares ?
Neither is a trait that anyone should want in a president — and either label essentially communicates the same criticism .
Another issue is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the years , Americans considered Germans , Greeks , Irish , Italians , and Spaniards as nonwhite people of different races .
That ’ s changed .
Similarly , some Americans today consider Latinos and , to a lesser degree , some people with Muslim and Jewish backgrounds as part of a nonwhite race too .
( As a Latin man , I certainly consider myself to be of a different race , and the treatment I ’ ve received in the course of my life validates that . )
So under current @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , indeed , racist .
This is all possible because , as Jenée Desmond-Harris explained for Vox , race is entirely a social construct with no biological basis .
This doesn ’ t mean race and people ’ s views of race don ’ t have real effects on many people — of course they do — but it means that people ’ s definitions of race can change over time .
But really , whatever you want to call it , Trump has made racist and bigoted comments in the past .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ long lists above .
Trump ’ s bigotry was a key part of his campaign Regardless of how one labels it , Trump ’ s racism or bigotry was a big part of his campaign — by giving a candidate to the many white Americans who harbor racial resentment .
One paper , published in January 2017 by political scientists Brian Schaffner , Matthew MacWilliams , and Tatishe Nteta , found that voters ’ measures of sexism and racism correlated much more closely with support for Trump than economic dissatisfaction , after controlling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Another study , conducted by researchers Brenda Major , Alison Blodorn , and Gregory Major Blascovich shortly before the 2016 election , found that if people who strongly identified as white were told that nonwhite groups will outnumber white people in 2042 , they became more likely to support Trump .
And a study , published in November 2017 by researchers Matthew Luttig , Christopher Federico , and Howard Lavine , found that Trump supporters were much more likely to change their views on housing policy based on race .
In this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a subtle image of either a black or a white man.
” Then they were asked about views on housing policy .
The researchers found that Trump supporters were much more likely to be impacted by the image of a Black man .
After the exposure , they were not only less supportive of housing assistance programs , but they also expressed higher levels of anger that some people receive government assistance , and they were more likely to say that individuals who receive assistance are to blame for their situation .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not significantly change respondents ’ views on any of these issues when primed with racial cues .
“ These findings indicate that responses to the racial cue varied as a function of feelings about Donald Trump — but not feelings about Hillary Clinton — during the 2016 presidential election , ” the researchers concluded .
There is also a lot of other research showing that people ’ s racial attitudes can change their views on politics and policy , as Dylan Matthews and researchers Sean McElwee and Jason McDaniel previously explained for Vox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a big driver of Trump ’ s election — just as they long have been for general beliefs about politics and policy .
( Much more on all the research in Vox ’ s explainer . )
Meanwhile , white supremacist groups have openly embraced Trump .
As Sarah Posner and David Neiwert reported at Mother Jones , what the media largely treated as gaffes — Trump retweeting white nationalists , Trump describing Mexican immigrants as “ rapists ” and criminals — were to white supremacists real signals approving of their racist causes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our Glorious Leader and ULTIMATE SAVIOR has gone full-wink-wink-wink to his most aggressive supporters.
” Some of them even argued that Trump has softened the greater public to their racist messaging .
“ The success of the Trump campaign just proves that our views resonate with millions , ” said Rachel Pendergraft , a national organizer for the Knights Party , which succeeded David Duke ’ s Knights of the Ku Klux Klan .
“ They may not be ready for the Ku Klux Klan yet , but as anti-white hatred escalates , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white supremacist protest in Charlottesville , David Duke , the former KKK grand wizard , said that the rally was meant “ to fulfill the promises of Donald Trump.
” So while Trump may deny his racism and bigotry , at some level his supporters seem to get it .
As much as his history of racism shows that he ’ s racist , perhaps who supported him and why is just as revealing — and it doesn ’ t paint a favorable picture for Trump .
Every day at Vox , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and provide you , and our audience around the world , with information that has the power to save lives .
Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment : to empower you through understanding .
Vox ’ s work is reaching more people than ever , but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn .
Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation , but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and volume that this moment requires .
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If you ask President Donald Trump, he isn’t racist. To the contrary, he’s repeatedly said that he’s “the least racist person that you’ve ever encountered.”
Trump’s actual record, however, tells a very different story.
On the campaign trail, Trump repeatedly made explicitly racist and otherwise bigoted remarks, from calling Mexican immigrants criminals and rapists, to proposing a ban on all Muslims entering the US, to suggesting a judge should recuse himself from a case solely because of the judge’s Mexican heritage.
The trend has continued into his presidency. From stereotyping a Black reporter to pandering to white supremacists after they held a violent rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, to making a joke about the Trail of Tears, Trump hasn’t stopped with racist acts after his 2016 election.
Most recently, Trump has called the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus the “Chinese virus” and “kung flu” — racist terms that tap into the kind of xenophobia that he latched onto during his 2016 presidential campaign; Trump’s own adviser, Kellyanne Conway, previously called “kung flu” a “highly offensive” term. And Trump insinuated that Sen. Kamala Harris, who’s Black, “doesn’t meet the requirements” to run for vice president — a repeat of the birther conspiracy theory that he perpetuated about former President Barack Obama.
This is nothing new for Trump. In fact, the very first time Trump appeared in the pages of the New York Times, back in the 1970s, was when the US Department of Justice sued him for racial discrimination. Since then, he has repeatedly appeared in newspaper pages across the world as he inspired more similar controversies.
This long history is important. It would be one thing if Trump misspoke one or two times. But when you take all of his actions and comments together, a clear pattern emerges — one that suggests that bigotry is not just political opportunism on Trump’s part but a real element of his personality, character, and career.
Trump has a long history of racist controversies
Here’s a breakdown of Trump’s history, taken largely from Dara Lind’s list for Vox and an op-ed by Nicholas Kristof in the New York Times:
For many people, none of these incidents, individually, may be damning: One of these alone might suggest that Trump is simply a bad speaker and perhaps racially insensitive (“politically incorrect,” as he would put it), but not overtly racist.
But when you put all these events together, a clear pattern emerges. At the very least, Trump has a history of playing into people’s racism to bolster himself — and that likely says something about him, too.
And, of course, there’s everything that’s happened through and since his presidential campaign.
As a candidate and president, Trump has made many more racist comments
On top of all that history, Trump has repeatedly made racist — often explicitly so — remarks on the campaign trail and as president:
This list is not comprehensive, instead relying on some of the major examples since Trump announced his candidacy. But once again, there’s a pattern of racism and bigotry here that suggests Trump isn’t just misspeaking; it is who he is.
Are Trump’s actions and comments “racist”? Or are they “bigoted”?
One of the common defenses for Trump is that he’s not necessarily racist, because the Muslim and Mexican people he often targets don’t actually comprise a race.
Disgraced journalist Mark Halperin, for example, said as much when Trump argued Judge Curiel should recuse himself from the Trump University case because of his Mexican heritage, making the astute observation that “Mexico isn’t a race.”
Kristof made a similar point in the New York Times: “My view is that ‘racist’ can be a loaded word, a conversation stopper more than a clarifier, and that we should be careful not to use it simply as an epithet. Moreover, Muslims and Latinos can be of any race, so some of those statements technically reflect not so much racism as bigotry. It’s also true that with any single statement, it is possible that Trump misspoke or was misconstrued.”
This critique misses the point on two levels.
For one, the argument is tremendously semantic. It’s essentially probing the question: Is Trump racist or is he bigoted? But who cares? Neither is a trait that anyone should want in a president — and either label essentially communicates the same criticism.
Another issue is that race is socially malleable. Over the years, Americans considered Germans, Greeks, Irish, Italians, and Spaniards as nonwhite people of different races. That’s changed. Similarly, some Americans today consider Latinos and, to a lesser degree, some people with Muslim and Jewish backgrounds as part of a nonwhite race too. (As a Latin man, I certainly consider myself to be of a different race, and the treatment I’ve received in the course of my life validates that.) So under current definitions, comments against these groups are, indeed, racist.
This is all possible because, as Jenée Desmond-Harris explained for Vox, race is entirely a social construct with no biological basis. This doesn’t mean race and people’s views of race don’t have real effects on many people — of course they do — but it means that people’s definitions of race can change over time.
But really, whatever you want to call it, Trump has made racist and bigoted comments in the past. That much should be clear in the long lists above.
Trump’s bigotry was a key part of his campaign
Regardless of how one labels it, Trump’s racism or bigotry was a big part of his campaign — by giving a candidate to the many white Americans who harbor racial resentment.
One paper, published in January 2017 by political scientists Brian Schaffner, Matthew MacWilliams, and Tatishe Nteta, found that voters’ measures of sexism and racism correlated much more closely with support for Trump than economic dissatisfaction, after controlling for factors like partisanship and political ideology.
Another study, conducted by researchers Brenda Major, Alison Blodorn, and Gregory Major Blascovich shortly before the 2016 election, found that if people who strongly identified as white were told that nonwhite groups will outnumber white people in 2042, they became more likely to support Trump.
And a study, published in November 2017 by researchers Matthew Luttig, Christopher Federico, and Howard Lavine, found that Trump supporters were much more likely to change their views on housing policy based on race. In this study, respondents were randomly assigned “a subtle image of either a black or a white man.” Then they were asked about views on housing policy.
The researchers found that Trump supporters were much more likely to be impacted by the image of a Black man. After the exposure, they were not only less supportive of housing assistance programs, but they also expressed higher levels of anger that some people receive government assistance, and they were more likely to say that individuals who receive assistance are to blame for their situation.
In contrast, favorability toward Hillary Clinton did not significantly change respondents’ views on any of these issues when primed with racial cues.
“These findings indicate that responses to the racial cue varied as a function of feelings about Donald Trump — but not feelings about Hillary Clinton — during the 2016 presidential election,” the researchers concluded.
There is also a lot of other research showing that people’s racial attitudes can change their views on politics and policy, as Dylan Matthews and researchers Sean McElwee and Jason McDaniel previously explained for Vox.
Simply put, racial attitudes were a big driver of Trump’s election — just as they long have been for general beliefs about politics and policy. (Much more on all the research in Vox’s explainer.)
Meanwhile, white supremacist groups have openly embraced Trump. As Sarah Posner and David Neiwert reported at Mother Jones, what the media largely treated as gaffes — Trump retweeting white nationalists, Trump describing Mexican immigrants as “rapists” and criminals — were to white supremacists real signals approving of their racist causes. One white supremacist wrote, “Our Glorious Leader and ULTIMATE SAVIOR has gone full-wink-wink-wink to his most aggressive supporters.”
Some of them even argued that Trump has softened the greater public to their racist messaging. “The success of the Trump campaign just proves that our views resonate with millions,” said Rachel Pendergraft, a national organizer for the Knights Party, which succeeded David Duke’s Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. “They may not be ready for the Ku Klux Klan yet, but as anti-white hatred escalates, they will.”
And at the 2017 white supremacist protest in Charlottesville, David Duke, the former KKK grand wizard, said that the rally was meant “to fulfill the promises of Donald Trump.”
So while Trump may deny his racism and bigotry, at some level his supporters seem to get it. As much as his history of racism shows that he’s racist, perhaps who supported him and why is just as revealing — and it doesn’t paint a favorable picture for Trump.