motherjones--2020-11-04--The Election’s Troubling Message: Even if Trump Loses, America’s Political Civil War Isn’t Over

In his last superspreading rallies of the 2020 campaign , Donald Trump denounced Lady Gaga , derided Jon Bon Jovi , and decried LeBron James .
At one outing , he beamed when the crowd chanted , “ Fire Fauci !
” He told the crowd he just might do that after the election .
At another event , he voiced his support for Texas Trump supporters who had threatened a Biden campaign bus .
Anger .
Violence .
Hatred .
Ignorance .
It was an appropriate synthesis of the core message of the 45th president of the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a foreign policy plan .
And certainly not a program for thwarting the still-raging pandemic and redressing the economic damage it has wrought .
With 5,000 Americans dying each week from COVID-19—and medical systems in the latest hot spots being overwhelmed—Trump repeatedly mocked the media for fixating on this national emergency .
“ COVID , COVID , COVID , COVID , ” he sneered .
In this final stretch , the health and safety of Americans and the well-being of the entire country did not concern him .
Instead , the former reality-TV @ @ @ @ @ @ @ war he has been inflaming and relying on for over five years , for that was what Trump has always been about : fear and loathing .
And on Election Day , about half the electorate looked at a president who has been fully negligent in handling the pandemic but who gleefully slams a Black NBA star and said , “ Yeah , I want more of that.
” So even though on the morning after election night it appeared that former Vice President Joe Biden might squeak by with a narrow victory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failed to win the Senate ) , one tragic message stood clear : Trump ’ s politics of hate , which succeeded in 2016 , remain a powerful force .
Four years ago , Trump won 63 million votes ( trailing Hillary Clinton by 3 million ) .
In 2020 , he has so far pocketed 66 million ( 2.5 million behind Biden ) .
So after a full term of Trump fully displaying immense ineptitude and unabashed malice , he gained support among Americans .
That shows the deep hole the nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ count and coming legal challenges .
Biden entered the race with a simple message : Hey , I ’ m not Trump , I ’ m not a bigoted , divisive , indecent , corrupt , autocrat-loving , Tweet-mad bully .
I ’ m the Joe you know .
A good guy from Scranton who gives a hoot about the working man and woman .
And I can guide the country back to a degree of normalcy in which Ds and Rs might even be able to work together on our national problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the nation , but zeroed in on a big shortcut : booting Trump .
As if the main problem was this one jerk , not deeper currents of inequality , prejudice , and animosity .
But with the advent of the horrific pandemic earlier this year , it turned out that Trump ’ s obvious character flaws and psychological liabilities were more than just an affront to conventional norms and values .
They had profound consequences .
Trump ’ s narcissistic , I-know-best approach to the pandemic led to tens of thousands—perhaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to widespread economic calamity .
Trump ’ s dark and troubled soul was not just an embarrassment .
It was killing Americans .
Consequently , Biden ’ s message assumed a deeper resonance .
Trump ’ s temperament was no longer merely a question of tone .
It was determining actions that endangered Americans and their nation .
Initially , Biden contended that a man who praised attendees at a white supremacist rally as “ very fine people ” did not deserve to be president of the United States .
But with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case that this man , due to all his defects , could not do the basic job of president : protecting the citizenry .
With the high death toll—far worse than most other industrialized democracies—Trump ’ s failure as the nation ’ s chief executive seemed obvious .
Yet not to his fans .
And this is where the tale gets worrisome .
Trump ’ s lethal incompetence caused tens of thousands of deaths , and millions of Americans did not care about that .
They still rallied to their man .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump placed his own supporters ( and others ) at risk .
Following the lead of their dear leader , they disregarded the science , dismissing the concerns and statements of public health experts .
They denied reality ; they defied rationality .
They placed their trust in Trump above all else .
As numerous commentators have noted , they acted like members of a cult .
These people believed Trump and all his lies .
That the US economy on his watch was the greatest ever .
That he was the victim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That suburbia and its “ housewives ” were threatened by antifa , immigrant hordes , and BLM protesters .
That he was the only thing standing between a glorious made-great America and a communist gulag .
An alarming number of his devotees adopted bizarre conspiracy theories , included the idea promoted by the QAnon gang that Trump has been battling a global cabal of pedophiles and Satan worshipers .
The Republican Party had for years drifted into the dark waters of conspiracy .
In 2017 , half of Republicans said they believed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But now , by latching on to Trump , they were latching on to assorted notions that depicted the media , Democrats , universities , government officials as the most nefarious actors conniving to bring down Trump and destroy the United States .
They accepted—embraced—his unveiled racism and misogyny .
And much of this was made possible by the right-wing media ecosystem , led by Fox News , which amplified Trump ’ s dishonest claims and disinformation and pumped out pro-Trump propaganda .
This election was not about which presidential candidate had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more equitable tax proposal .
Not about the all-important issues of climate change , education , housing .
It was a civil war , with Trump leading Red State America in a crusade against the rest of the nation .
This was largely how he won four years ago ( with an assist from Moscow ) .
In his four years as president , Trump did all he could to sharpen the divisions to prepare for his reelection bid .
He took few steps to reach non-Trump America .
During the pandemic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ongoing tragedy to call Americans together .
He politicized an emergency and undermined the basic steps that had to be taken to slow the spread .
He wanted this civil war .
Trump calculated that he could only triumph as the champion of one side in a bitterly fought cultural clash .
That ’ s a highly cynical and low-minded strategy .
And it has come close to working .
( TBD . )
Millions cheered him on .
Criticism of Trump in the media only reaffirmed his standing within this tribe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his cruelty—banning Muslims , separating immigrant children from their parents , gassing protesters—they relished it .
His many hypocrisies , his steady stream of false statements , his bear-hug of murderous dictators , his inexplicable alliance with a foreign leader who attacked the United States , his shady , if not illegal , finances and conflicts of interest , his hush money payments to a porn star—none of that matters .
Let alone his handling of the pandemic .
For these people , Trump could do no wrong .
He was not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a cause .
Their cause .
This election , in a way , was asymmetrical warfare .
Trump eagerly led an army that demonized nearly half of America .
He told his troops that he wanted to vanquish the Democrats , the liberals , the radicals , the socialists .
It was akin to a holy war .
The country will be lost , gone , if Biden won .
There was an apocalyptic tenor to Trump ’ s rhetoric .
He wanted to inflict pain on the other side .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His namesake son , in one of his final campaign appearances , summarized the goal : “ Let ’ s make liberals cry again.
” Really ?
That ’ s what was important ?
But the zealot ’ s hatred that fueled Trump ’ s movement was real and widespread .
And , yes , on the left there is a deep hatred of Trump and his clan .
But Biden declined to vilify Trump and Red America in similar fashion .
He promised—naively or not—to bring the nation together , should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gon na be no red states or blue states .
Just the United States.
” But what do you do when half of America does not want to be brought together ?
Biden was trying to win and move on .
Trump and his troops were aiming for conquest .
This battle illustrated a fundamental divide that afflicts the United States .
There certainly are Trump voters who are jazzed by certain issues : abortion , small-government , low taxes .
But a huge swath of the electorate drawn to him is alienated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group doesn ’ t want a bipartisan coalition to address the issue of pre-existing conditions .
It wants a racist , know-nothing S.O.B .
to bust up the other side .
For these folks , politics is archly us-versus-them .
It is tribalized .
Their tribe has a leader .
And you stick with him because he is your leader .
When all the votes are counted—when recounts and legal challenges are finished—this election will not resolve the bitter conflict that has consumed the United States .
The soul of the nation will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may have to leave the White House .
But the tens of millions of voters who fervently endorsed his blend of incompetence , rage , authoritarianism , and racism are not going anywhere .
As hard as it was to get rid of Trump ( if that is what finally transpires ) , it will be much harder to get rid of Trumpism .
This other killer virus threatening the United States will not be easily defeated .

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In his last superspreading rallies of the 2020 campaign, Donald Trump denounced Lady Gaga, derided Jon Bon Jovi, and decried LeBron James. At one outing, he beamed when the crowd chanted, “Fire Fauci!” He told the crowd he just might do that after the election. At another event, he voiced his support for Texas Trump supporters who had threatened a Biden campaign bus. Anger. Violence. Hatred. Ignorance. It was an appropriate synthesis of the core message of the 45th president of the United States. Not an economic agenda. Not a foreign policy plan. And certainly not a program for thwarting the still-raging pandemic and redressing the economic damage it has wrought. With 5,000 Americans dying each week from COVID-19—and medical systems in the latest hot spots being overwhelmed—Trump repeatedly mocked the media for fixating on this national emergency. “COVID, COVID, COVID, COVID,” he sneered. In this final stretch, the health and safety of Americans and the well-being of the entire country did not concern him. Instead, the former reality-TV celebrity was focused on the political cultural war he has been inflaming and relying on for over five years, for that was what Trump has always been about: fear and loathing.
And on Election Day, about half the electorate looked at a president who has been fully negligent in handling the pandemic but who gleefully slams a Black NBA star and said, “Yeah, I want more of that.” So even though on the morning after election night it appeared that former Vice President Joe Biden might squeak by with a narrow victory in the Electoral College (as Democrats failed to win the Senate), one tragic message stood clear: Trump’s politics of hate, which succeeded in 2016, remain a powerful force. Four years ago, Trump won 63 million votes (trailing Hillary Clinton by 3 million). In 2020, he has so far pocketed 66 million (2.5 million behind Biden). So after a full term of Trump fully displaying immense ineptitude and unabashed malice, he gained support among Americans. That shows the deep hole the nation has fallen into—whoever prevails in the final count and coming legal challenges.
Biden entered the race with a simple message: Hey, I’m not Trump, I’m not a bigoted, divisive, indecent, corrupt, autocrat-loving, Tweet-mad bully. I’m the Joe you know. A good guy from Scranton who gives a hoot about the working man and woman. And I can guide the country back to a degree of normalcy in which Ds and Rs might even be able to work together on our national problems. He talked about repairing the soul of the nation, but zeroed in on a big shortcut: booting Trump. As if the main problem was this one jerk, not deeper currents of inequality, prejudice, and animosity. But with the advent of the horrific pandemic earlier this year, it turned out that Trump’s obvious character flaws and psychological liabilities were more than just an affront to conventional norms and values. They had profound consequences. Trump’s narcissistic, I-know-best approach to the pandemic led to tens of thousands—perhaps more—deaths that could have been prevented and to widespread economic calamity. Trump’s dark and troubled soul was not just an embarrassment. It was killing Americans.
Consequently, Biden’s message assumed a deeper resonance. Trump’s temperament was no longer merely a question of tone. It was determining actions that endangered Americans and their nation. Initially, Biden contended that a man who praised attendees at a white supremacist rally as “very fine people” did not deserve to be president of the United States. But with the coronavirus invasion, his argument shifted to the case that this man, due to all his defects, could not do the basic job of president: protecting the citizenry. With the high death toll—far worse than most other industrialized democracies—Trump’s failure as the nation’s chief executive seemed obvious.
Yet not to his fans. And this is where the tale gets worrisome. Trump’s lethal incompetence caused tens of thousands of deaths, and millions of Americans did not care about that. They still rallied to their man. They attended or watched campaign events where Trump placed his own supporters (and others) at risk. Following the lead of their dear leader, they disregarded the science, dismissing the concerns and statements of public health experts. They denied reality; they defied rationality. They placed their trust in Trump above all else. As numerous commentators have noted, they acted like members of a cult.
These people believed Trump and all his lies. That the US economy on his watch was the greatest ever. That he was the victim of a “deep state” plot. That suburbia and its “housewives” were threatened by antifa, immigrant hordes, and BLM protesters. That he was the only thing standing between a glorious made-great America and a communist gulag. An alarming number of his devotees adopted bizarre conspiracy theories, included the idea promoted by the QAnon gang that Trump has been battling a global cabal of pedophiles and Satan worshipers. The Republican Party had for years drifted into the dark waters of conspiracy. In 2017, half of Republicans said they believed Barack Obama had been born in Kenya. But now, by latching on to Trump, they were latching on to assorted notions that depicted the media, Democrats, universities, government officials as the most nefarious actors conniving to bring down Trump and destroy the United States. They accepted—embraced—his unveiled racism and misogyny. And much of this was made possible by the right-wing media ecosystem, led by Fox News, which amplified Trump’s dishonest claims and disinformation and pumped out pro-Trump propaganda.
This election was not about which presidential candidate had a better health care plan or a more equitable tax proposal. Not about the all-important issues of climate change, education, housing. It was a civil war, with Trump leading Red State America in a crusade against the rest of the nation. This was largely how he won four years ago (with an assist from Moscow). In his four years as president, Trump did all he could to sharpen the divisions to prepare for his reelection bid. He took few steps to reach non-Trump America. During the pandemic, he refused to evince empathy or use the ongoing tragedy to call Americans together. He politicized an emergency and undermined the basic steps that had to be taken to slow the spread. He wanted this civil war.
Trump calculated that he could only triumph as the champion of one side in a bitterly fought cultural clash. That’s a highly cynical and low-minded strategy. And it has come close to working. (TBD.) Millions cheered him on. Criticism of Trump in the media only reaffirmed his standing within this tribe as their savior. His brutality, his cruelty—banning Muslims, separating immigrant children from their parents, gassing protesters—they relished it. His many hypocrisies, his steady stream of false statements, his bear-hug of murderous dictators, his inexplicable alliance with a foreign leader who attacked the United States, his shady, if not illegal, finances and conflicts of interest, his hush money payments to a porn star—none of that matters. Let alone his handling of the pandemic. For these people, Trump could do no wrong. He was not a candidate, not a president. He was a cause. Their cause.
This election, in a way, was asymmetrical warfare. Trump eagerly led an army that demonized nearly half of America. He told his troops that he wanted to vanquish the Democrats, the liberals, the radicals, the socialists. It was akin to a holy war. The country will be lost, gone, if Biden won. There was an apocalyptic tenor to Trump’s rhetoric. He wanted to inflict pain on the other side. He fantasized in public about beating up Biden. His namesake son, in one of his final campaign appearances, summarized the goal: “Let’s make liberals cry again.” Really? That’s what was important? But the zealot’s hatred that fueled Trump’s movement was real and widespread. And, yes, on the left there is a deep hatred of Trump and his clan. But Biden declined to vilify Trump and Red America in similar fashion. He promised—naively or not—to bring the nation together, should he win: “There’s gonna be no red states or blue states. Just the United States.” But what do you do when half of America does not want to be brought together?
Biden was trying to win and move on. Trump and his troops were aiming for conquest.
This battle illustrated a fundamental divide that afflicts the United States. There certainly are Trump voters who are jazzed by certain issues: abortion, small-government, low taxes. But a huge swath of the electorate drawn to him is alienated and angry and demands vengeance. This group doesn’t want a bipartisan coalition to address the issue of pre-existing conditions. It wants a racist, know-nothing S.O.B. to bust up the other side. For these folks, politics is archly us-versus-them. It is tribalized. Their tribe has a leader. And you stick with him because he is your leader.
When all the votes are counted—when recounts and legal challenges are finished—this election will not resolve the bitter conflict that has consumed the United States. The soul of the nation will not be won or healed. Trump may have to leave the White House. But the tens of millions of voters who fervently endorsed his blend of incompetence, rage, authoritarianism, and racism are not going anywhere. As hard as it was to get rid of Trump (if that is what finally transpires), it will be much harder to get rid of Trumpism. This other killer virus threatening the United States will not be easily defeated.


motherjones--2020-11-04--Joe Biden Just Won Arizona—and He Has Latinx Activists to Thank for It

For years , pundits have been tracking Arizona ’ s Latinx voters , saying they had the potential to tip the state blue one day .
That day has finally come .
Early Wednesday morning , according to the Associated Press and Fox News , Joe Biden pulled out a surprising victory on the back of a strong showing in Maricopa County—a place made notorious by the anti-immigrant , racist policies of Sheriff Joe Arpaio .
Joining Biden in the win category was Democrat Mark Kelly , the retired astronaut who ’ s married to former Democratic Rep. Gabby Giffords @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kelly will join Democratic Sen. Kyrsten Sinema—meaning , for the first time since 1953 , both US senators in Arizona will be Democrats .
For much of 2020 , both parties saw Arizona as a key battleground state , with Phoenix being one of the hottest election ad markets in the country over the summer .
Most polls had Biden and Trump in a tight race until Biden took a slight lead toward Election Day .
Just hours after the polls opened in Arizona , the national GOTV group Voto Latino sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showed a 35 percent increase in early voting for Latinos compared to 2016 .
The organization estimated that 70,000 new Latinx voters were expected to vote in Arizona this year , half of them young voters between the ages of 18 and 39 .
Latinos make up nearly a quarter of the state ’ s eligible voters .
As I recently wrote , Arizona ’ s slow leftward march is a result of a decade of grassroots work by Latinx organizers and activists—not necessarily to support the Democratic Party , but to protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latinos was galvanized when Arizona passed SB 1070 in 2010 , the extreme anti-immigration measure that would become known as the “ show me your papers ” law .
Organizations that are working on mobilizing Latinx voters today were formed as a response to SB 1070 and Arpaio ’ s harsh tactics .
People changed careers to focus on pro-immigrant activism .
Kids who grew up watching their parents terrorized by racial profiling and who lost family members to deportation are now old enough to vote ; an estimated 100,000 Latinos became old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the last two years .
Community leaders point to a decade of small gains : State Sen. Russell Pearce , the architect of SB 1070 , was recalled in 2011 ; anti-birthright citizenship bills in the 2011 legislative session were shut down ; Arpaio lost his 2016 reelection campaign ; and in 2018 , Arizonans elected the state ’ s first woman to the US Senate and the first Latina mayor of Tucson , both Democrats .
Beyond the strength of Latinx activism , the race was characterized by a major fracture within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the widow of long-time Republican Sen. John McCain , endorsed Biden in September .
And she didn ’ t just endorse Biden—she worked with the campaign and was featured in an ad .
But as Politico noted last month : “ The Republican Party of Arizona is no longer the one John McCain presided over .
Its apparatus is solidly behind Trump , as evidenced by the rise of far-right Republican Kelli Ward from a fringe member of the party to head of the state GOP .
But no one ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s all about independents , of which there are many.
” In the weeks leading up to Election Day , both candidates and their running mates made stops in Arizona .
The Trump campaign had rallies at airports with no social distancing and very few masks in sight .
Biden ’ s team held small events in Latinx neighborhoods and met with Native tribal leaders and small business owners .
Since 1948 , Democratic presidential candidates had won Arizona only once ( Bill Clinton in 1996 ) .
In 2016 , Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3.6 percent margin .
Meanwhile , exit poll data from the 2020 American Election Eve Poll showed that 71 percent of Latinx voters surveyed in Arizona voted for Biden .
What was once the epicenter of racist Republican laws and white leaders who pushed anti-immigrant , anti-Mexican , and anti-Latinx policies went for candidates who ran pro-immigrant and pro-Latinx campaigns .
These results are a glimpse of what Arizona ’ s future can be , one that thousands of Latinx grassroots organizers have been building toward—one voter at a time .

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For years, pundits have been tracking Arizona’s Latinx voters, saying they had the potential to tip the state blue one day. That day has finally come. Early Wednesday morning, according to the Associated Press and Fox News, Joe Biden pulled out a surprising victory on the back of a strong showing in Maricopa County—a place made notorious by the anti-immigrant, racist policies of Sheriff Joe Arpaio.
Joining Biden in the win category was Democrat Mark Kelly, the retired astronaut who’s married to former Democratic Rep. Gabby Giffords, who beat Republican Sen. Martha McSally. Kelly will join Democratic Sen. Kyrsten Sinema—meaning, for the first time since 1953, both US senators in Arizona will be Democrats.
For much of 2020, both parties saw Arizona as a key battleground state, with Phoenix being one of the hottest election ad markets in the country over the summer. Most polls had Biden and Trump in a tight race until Biden took a slight lead toward Election Day.
Just hours after the polls opened in Arizona, the national GOTV group Voto Latino sent out their early voting data, which showed a 35 percent increase in early voting for Latinos compared to 2016. The organization estimated that 70,000 new Latinx voters were expected to vote in Arizona this year, half of them young voters between the ages of 18 and 39.
Latinos make up nearly a quarter of the state’s eligible voters. As I recently wrote, Arizona’s slow leftward march is a result of a decade of grassroots work by Latinx organizers and activists—not necessarily to support the Democratic Party, but to protect their own community. A generation of Latinos was galvanized when Arizona passed SB 1070 in 2010, the extreme anti-immigration measure that would become known as the “show me your papers” law.
Organizations that are working on mobilizing Latinx voters today were formed as a response to SB 1070 and Arpaio’s harsh tactics. People changed careers to focus on pro-immigrant activism. Kids who grew up watching their parents terrorized by racial profiling and who lost family members to deportation are now old enough to vote; an estimated 100,000 Latinos became old enough to vote in Arizona just in the last two years.
Community leaders point to a decade of small gains: State Sen. Russell Pearce, the architect of SB 1070, was recalled in 2011; anti-birthright citizenship bills in the 2011 legislative session were shut down; Arpaio lost his 2016 reelection campaign; and in 2018, Arizonans elected the state’s first woman to the US Senate and the first Latina mayor of Tucson, both Democrats.
Beyond the strength of Latinx activism, the race was characterized by a major fracture within the state Republican Party. Cindy McCain, the widow of long-time Republican Sen. John McCain, endorsed Biden in September. And she didn’t just endorse Biden—she worked with the campaign and was featured in an ad. But as Politico noted last month: “The Republican Party of Arizona is no longer the one John McCain presided over. Its apparatus is solidly behind Trump, as evidenced by the rise of far-right Republican Kelli Ward from a fringe member of the party to head of the state GOP. But no one’s arguing Cindy McCain could sway Trump diehards—it’s all about independents, of which there are many.”
In the weeks leading up to Election Day, both candidates and their running mates made stops in Arizona. The Trump campaign had rallies at airports with no social distancing and very few masks in sight. Biden’s team held small events in Latinx neighborhoods and met with Native tribal leaders and small business owners.
Since 1948, Democratic presidential candidates had won Arizona only once (Bill Clinton in 1996). In 2016, Trump won Arizona by 91,000 votes, a 3.6 percent margin. Meanwhile, exit poll data from the 2020 American Election Eve Poll showed that 71 percent of Latinx voters surveyed in Arizona voted for Biden.
What was once the epicenter of racist Republican laws and white leaders who pushed anti-immigrant, anti-Mexican, and anti-Latinx policies went for candidates who ran pro-immigrant and pro-Latinx campaigns. These results are a glimpse of what Arizona’s future can be, one that thousands of Latinx grassroots organizers have been building toward—one voter at a time.


Now We Wait….

As Election Night 2020 turned into the Day After Election Night , the picture was clear : there would be no picture .
After four years of Trump , the country remained too divided to clearly decide whether he should stay or go .
It remained possible Donald Trump might be decisively booted from office .
It remained possible he might retain power .
But there would be no resolution in these wee hours , with much vote tallying still to be done in those damn key swing states .
In Pennsylvania , Philadelphia election officials slogged through an all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there were about 2 million postal ballots—representing about 87 percent of those mailed in—still to be tabulated .
That could take days .
In Wisconsin , Milwaukee election officials said they wouldn ’ t be have complete results for hours .
And in Michigan , the secretary of state warned not to expect solid numbers from her for another 24 hours or so .
* The most important election of all time was placed in suspended animation .
And each side had reason to hope .
Donald Trump had survived being knocked out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and apparently faring well in Georgia ( though there was a question about the Peach State ) .
Fox News ’ election desk said that Joe Biden had grabbed Arizona from Trump .
If that held , the Democratic nominee could put together a victory by taking back Michigan and Wisconsin , along with a congressional district in Nebraska or Maine , where Electoral College votes are doled out by districts .
That ’ s a path where he wouldn ’ t need Pennsylvania to prevail .
But if Trump claims the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016—Michigan , Wisconsin , Pennsylvania—he would renew his White House lease .
The remaining possible scenarios appeared to favor Biden , who is already leading in tabulations of the popular vote .
But since this is 2020 , there is still room for multiple plot twists .
And one could sense Trump campaign lawyers setting off for Pennsylvania like those flying monkeys in the Wizard of Oz to try to stop or limit the counting of mail-in ballots there .
( Two-thirds of these ballots were from registered Democrats . )
And in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Trump declared that he had indeed won , that mail-in votes shouldn ’ t be counted , and that the election was being stolen from him .
This situation—no clear outcome on election night—was no shocker .
The shift to mail-in ballots in many states , due to the pandemic , meant it was unlikely a winner could be declared within hours of polls closing .
And though Trump had signaled he might try to claim victory in the midst of uncertainty , responsible folks realized the process would likely move forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Meanwhile , the Democrats picked up some Senate seats , but not enough to gain control of the upper chamber of Congress .
Beyond that , without discovering who will be the next president of the United States , what did we learn this evening ?
For one , that Donald Trump and his GOP enablers did not face a total repudiation .
With Trump having run an incompetent response to a pandemic that has claimed the lives of over 230,000 Americans , close to half of the country are still on his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new cases of COVID-19 were reported and more than 1,000 deaths recorded , tens of millions of Americans signaled they are just fine with Trump ’ s mismanagement of this national crisis—and also fine with his racism , demagoguery , corruption , etc .
At the completion of all the counting—and possible litigating—Trump may be fired .
But no matter the outcome , he still has a hold on a large swath of the citizenry , even as more Americans do yearn for relief from his presidency .
If this election does yield @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t be a dramatic turnaround .
Just as with the end of the pandemic , normalcy is not around the corner , no matter how and when the vote count concludes .
Correction : An initial version of this article incorrectly described Philadelphia ’ s plans .

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As Election Night 2020 turned into the Day After Election Night, the picture was clear: there would be no picture. After four years of Trump, the country remained too divided to clearly decide whether he should stay or go. It remained possible Donald Trump might be decisively booted from office. It remained possible he might retain power. But there would be no resolution in these wee hours, with much vote tallying still to be done in those damn key swing states.
The most important election of all time entered suspended animation.
In Pennsylvania, Philadelphia election officials slogged through an all night count. Throughout the state, there were about 2 million postal ballots—representing about 87 percent of those mailed in—still to be tabulated. That could take days. In Wisconsin, Milwaukee election officials said they wouldn’t be have complete results for hours. And in Michigan, the secretary of state warned not to expect solid numbers from her for another 24 hours or so.*
The most important election of all time was placed in suspended animation. And each side had reason to hope. Donald Trump had survived being knocked out in the early rounds by winning Florida and apparently faring well in Georgia (though there was a question about the Peach State). Fox News’ election desk said that Joe Biden had grabbed Arizona from Trump. If that held, the Democratic nominee could put together a victory by taking back Michigan and Wisconsin, along with a congressional district in Nebraska or Maine, where Electoral College votes are doled out by districts. That’s a path where he wouldn’t need Pennsylvania to prevail. But if Trump claims the same three states he most narrowly won in 2016—Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania—he would renew his White House lease.
The remaining possible scenarios appeared to favor Biden, who is already leading in tabulations of the popular vote. But since this is 2020, there is still room for multiple plot twists. And one could sense Trump campaign lawyers setting off for Pennsylvania like those flying monkeys in the Wizard of Oz to try to stop or limit the counting of mail-in ballots there. (Two-thirds of these ballots were from registered Democrats.) And in a late-night appearance at the White House, Trump declared that he had indeed won, that mail-in votes shouldn’t be counted, and that the election was being stolen from him.
This situation—no clear outcome on election night—was no shocker. The shift to mail-in ballots in many states, due to the pandemic, meant it was unlikely a winner could be declared within hours of polls closing. And though Trump had signaled he might try to claim victory in the midst of uncertainty, responsible folks realized the process would likely move forward and Americans would have to wait.
Meanwhile, the Democrats picked up some Senate seats, but not enough to gain control of the upper chamber of Congress. Beyond that, without discovering who will be the next president of the United States, what did we learn this evening? For one, that Donald Trump and his GOP enablers did not face a total repudiation. With Trump having run an incompetent response to a pandemic that has claimed the lives of over 230,000 Americans, close to half of the country are still on his side. On a day when 85,000 new cases of COVID-19 were reported and more than 1,000 deaths recorded, tens of millions of Americans signaled they are just fine with Trump’s mismanagement of this national crisis—and also fine with his racism, demagoguery, corruption, etc.
At the completion of all the counting—and possible litigating—Trump may be fired. But no matter the outcome, he still has a hold on a large swath of the citizenry, even as more Americans do yearn for relief from his presidency. If this election does yield a course correction, it won’t be a dramatic turnaround. Just as with the end of the pandemic, normalcy is not around the corner, no matter how and when the vote count concludes.
Correction: An initial version of this article incorrectly described Philadelphia’s plans.


motherjones--2020-11-04--Uber and Lyft Just Bought Their Way Out of Employing Drivers

California voters approved the most expensive ballot initiative in the state ’ s history , backed by Uber and Lyft , to undo labor protections for the drivers that fuel their services .
Here ’ s the background : In September 2019 , California passed Assembly Bill 5 , a law making it harder for tech companies like Uber and Lyft to treat workers as independent contractors and thus avoid giving them benefits tied to employment , like overtime and health insurance .
“ They call us independent contractors , ” a driver explained to me in April .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” For workers like Cardell Calloway , who I wrote about earlier this year , AB 5 was a welcome change .
Calloway , who delivered food on multiple apps , said he wasn ’ t able to afford a decent living driving for the apps before AB 5 .
He even had to live out of his car .
But after the passage of AB 5 , gig companies fought the regulation in court and refused to treat workers as full employees .
And they put together a ballot measure , Prop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new law .
Then they threw over $ 200 million into the campaign to pass it .
The newly approved Prop 22 sidesteps AB 5 by cementing a whole new model of employment for gig drivers .
Uber has praised this as a “ third way.
” The National Employment Law Center said it will create a “ permanent underclass of workers.
” The ballot measure will institute benefits like a minimum wage and a health stipend .
But critics point out these pale in comparison to what employment would offer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ under Prop 22 , for example , could come out to as little as $ 5.64 an hour , one study estimated .

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California voters approved the most expensive ballot initiative in the state’s history, backed by Uber and Lyft, to undo labor protections for the drivers that fuel their services.
Here’s the background: In September 2019, California passed Assembly Bill 5, a law making it harder for tech companies like Uber and Lyft to treat workers as independent contractors and thus avoid giving them benefits tied to employment, like overtime and health insurance. “They call us independent contractors,” a driver explained to me in April. “They know that’s a lie.”
For workers like Cardell Calloway, who I wrote about earlier this year, AB 5 was a welcome change. Calloway, who delivered food on multiple apps, said he wasn’t able to afford a decent living driving for the apps before AB 5. He even had to live out of his car.
But after the passage of AB 5, gig companies fought the regulation in court and refused to treat workers as full employees. And they put together a ballot measure, Prop 22, to carve themselves out of the new law. Then they threw over $200 million into the campaign to pass it.
The newly approved Prop 22 sidesteps AB 5 by cementing a whole new model of employment for gig drivers. Uber has praised this as a “third way.” The National Employment Law Center said it will create a “permanent underclass of workers.”
The ballot measure will institute benefits like a minimum wage and a health stipend. But critics point out these pale in comparison to what employment would offer. The new “minimum wage,” under Prop 22, for example, could come out to as little as $5.64 an hour, one study estimated.


motherjones--2020-11-04--Donald Trump Wins Florida

Donald Trump Wins Florida

President Donald Trump has won Florida , keeping his hopes of reelection alive .
Losing the state would have meant a quick and almost certain defeat for the president .
Biden did unusually poorly in Miami-Dade County , where polls showed Cuban Americans breaking heavily toward Trump .
With most of the votes counted , Biden was leading by only about 6 points in the county .
Hillary Clinton won there by nearly 30 points .
Barack Obama had a 24-point margin of victory in 2012 .
Biden is at least slightly outperforming Clinton in some areas outside Miami , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ non-Hispanic white voters .
But it wasn ’ t enough to offset the huge setback in Miami-Dade County , and other counties where Biden is doing worse than Clinton did in 2016 .
Biden is also running significantly behind Clinton in Osceola County , which is majority Hispanic and home to a large Puerto Rican population .
Florida is particularly fast at counting votes .
Early voting and mail-in ballots results were due to the secretary of state ’ s office within 30 minutes of the polls closing , and the state does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Most polling locations in Florida closed at 7 p.m .
ET .
The presidential race is almost always close in Florida .
No Democrat has gotten 52 percent of the vote in the state since Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 .
In 2012 , Barack Obama won Florida with 50.01 percent of the vote .
Four years later , the state ( barely ) flipped back to Republicans and then stayed ( barely ) Republican in gubernatorial and Senate races in 2018 , despite the national Democratic wave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year ’ s presidential contest was another tossup , with nearly all the final Florida polls ending up within the margin of error .
Between early voting and mail-in ballots , about 110,000 more Democrats than Republicans had voted .
That was only slightly more than the 90,000-vote advantage Democrats had in 2016 , when they ended up losing the state by more than 100,000 votes .
But those early voting numbers didn ’ t show which candidates independents were supporting .
Polls showed them breaking toward Biden after narrowly backing Trump in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ masked shifts within Florida ’ s diverse electorate .
As I reported last week , polls showed Biden improving among seniors and non-Hispanic white voters , while doing worse than Clinton among Florida ’ s Hispanic voters , particularly Cuban Americans .
Cuban Americans ’ enthusiasm for Trump was evident in massive car caravans , the success of right-wing Cuban American YouTubers , and a Sunday night Trump rally in Miami-Dade County that drew thousands of people .
Another sign of that excitement : About two-thirds of Hispanic Republicans had already voted by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats .
Matthew Isbell , a Democratic data analyst , found that Republicans were turning out in particularly high numbers in heavily Cuban areas of Miami-Dade County like Hialeah , where Republicans had a more than 20-point turnout advantage in some precincts a few days before the election .
Just how much support Biden lost among Hispanic voters is still unclear .
A poll released by Telemundo last week showed the former vice president beating Trump by only 5 points among Florida Hispanics , a dramatic drop from when they favored Clinton by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ numbers were all over the place : The New York Times ’ final Florida poll showed Biden ahead by 22 points among Hispanics , while the Washington Post found him leading by only 4 points .
Regardless of the exact margin , Biden owed much of his lead among Hispanics to the state ’ s large share of Puerto Rican and Mexican American voters .
Still , Trump was running about 12 points ahead of where he was in 2016 in majority-Hispanic districts , according to results from the Times .
South Florida @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats had a major problem among Hispanic voters .
The validity of those concerns was made clear after Democrats Bill Nelson and Andrew Gillum lost their respective Senate and gubernatorial bids in 2018 .
Both candidates ’ biggest losses in Miami-Dade County came in heavily Cuban areas .
Yet when I reported from Miami last month , many Hispanic Democrats told me little was done in the immediate aftermath of 2018 to fix the problems that plagued their party in the midterms .
As I reported last week : The Biden campaign boosted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about two months ago , when it announced a long list of new Latino advisers and increased spending on Spanish-language advertising .
Those efforts appeared to help win back some Cuban voters .
But it was out of the question that Biden would match Obama ’ s 2012 showing among Florida Cubans , when he nearly won a majority .
In 2016 , Clinton wound up losing Florida because the state ’ s non-Hispanic white voters favored Trump by 32 points , according to exit polls .
The final Florida polls from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showed Biden doing at least 12 points better than Clinton among non-Hispanic white voters .
Much of that increase appears to have come from seniors vulnerable to the pandemic Trump ignored .
Black voters remained the core of the Democrats ’ base in Florida .
Prominent Black Democrats in Miami-Dade County were concerned by early voting numbers showing that Republicans turned out more of their base in the county before Election Day .
Rep. Frederica Wilson , who represents a majority-Black district , criticized her party ’ s decision to delay returning to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I screamed , ” she told Politico .
“ Hollered .
I called .
I lobbied from the top to the bottom.
” But Black voters were also expected to make up a larger share of voters on Election Day than during early voting , and it ’ s too early to say whether the concerns about Black turnout proved premature .
Both campaigns made frequent stops in Florida in the final days of the campaign .
Biden was in Broward County last week , and Obama came to Miami on Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weekends at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach , has been a constant presence in South Florida over the past four years .
He returned to the Miami area for a final time on Sunday .
Trump ’ s rally in Opa-locka attracted thousands of people to a site that once housed Cuban refugees .
Before the president arrived , the band Los 3 de La Habana played their pro-Trump salsa campaign song in front of Cuban flags .
After getting onstage just before midnight , Trump blew through Miami-Dade County ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ packed crowd .
He stuck to the message that worked so well for Florida Republicans two years ago by portraying Democrats as Cuba-style communists .
In 2020 , it appears to have worked again .

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President Donald Trump has won Florida, keeping his hopes of reelection alive. Losing the state would have meant a quick and almost certain defeat for the president.
Biden did unusually poorly in Miami-Dade County, where polls showed Cuban Americans breaking heavily toward Trump. With most of the votes counted, Biden was leading by only about 6 points in the county. Hillary Clinton won there by nearly 30 points. Barack Obama had a 24-point margin of victory in 2012.
Florida presidential races are almost always close.
Biden is at least slightly outperforming Clinton in some areas outside Miami, where polling showed him doing better among non-Hispanic white voters. But it wasn’t enough to offset the huge setback in Miami-Dade County, and other counties where Biden is doing worse than Clinton did in 2016. Biden is also running significantly behind Clinton in Osceola County, which is majority Hispanic and home to a large Puerto Rican population.
Florida is particularly fast at counting votes. Early voting and mail-in ballots results were due to the secretary of state’s office within 30 minutes of the polls closing, and the state does not count ballots received after Election Day. Most polling locations in Florida closed at 7 p.m. ET.
The presidential race is almost always close in Florida. No Democrat has gotten 52 percent of the vote in the state since Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In 2012, Barack Obama won Florida with 50.01 percent of the vote. Four years later, the state (barely) flipped back to Republicans and then stayed (barely) Republican in gubernatorial and Senate races in 2018, despite the national Democratic wave.
Heading into Election Day, this year’s presidential contest was another tossup, with nearly all the final Florida polls ending up within the margin of error. Between early voting and mail-in ballots, about 110,000 more Democrats than Republicans had voted. That was only slightly more than the 90,000-vote advantage Democrats had in 2016, when they ended up losing the state by more than 100,000 votes. But those early voting numbers didn’t show which candidates independents were supporting. Polls showed them breaking toward Biden after narrowly backing Trump in 2016.
The tightness of the race masked shifts within Florida’s diverse electorate. As I reported last week, polls showed Biden improving among seniors and non-Hispanic white voters, while doing worse than Clinton among Florida’s Hispanic voters, particularly Cuban Americans.
Cuban Americans’ enthusiasm for Trump was evident in massive car caravans, the success of right-wing Cuban American YouTubers, and a Sunday night Trump rally in Miami-Dade County that drew thousands of people. Another sign of that excitement: About two-thirds of Hispanic Republicans had already voted by Tuesday, roughly 9 points above Hispanic Democrats. Matthew Isbell, a Democratic data analyst, found that Republicans were turning out in particularly high numbers in heavily Cuban areas of Miami-Dade County like Hialeah, where Republicans had a more than 20-point turnout advantage in some precincts a few days before the election.
Just how much support Biden lost among Hispanic voters is still unclear. A poll released by Telemundo last week showed the former vice president beating Trump by only 5 points among Florida Hispanics, a dramatic drop from when they favored Clinton by 27 points in 2016.
But the numbers were all over the place: The New York Times’ final Florida poll showed Biden ahead by 22 points among Hispanics, while the Washington Post found him leading by only 4 points. Regardless of the exact margin, Biden owed much of his lead among Hispanics to the state’s large share of Puerto Rican and Mexican American voters. Still, Trump was running about 12 points ahead of where he was in 2016 in majority-Hispanic districts, according to results from the Times.
What happened in Florida? Biden made big gains in suburbs, seniors, and military Trump made gains in rurals, but most important were gains where Hispanic Democratic turnout was DOWN (like OSC/HIL/ORA) – and a 22%!!!! swing in Miami-Dade #flapol pic.twitter.com/AYGjVGQkGH — 🦠Matthew Isbell🍁 (@mcimaps) November 4, 2020
South Florida Democrats spent years warning party leaders that Democrats had a major problem among Hispanic voters. The validity of those concerns was made clear after Democrats Bill Nelson and Andrew Gillum lost their respective Senate and gubernatorial bids in 2018. Both candidates’ biggest losses in Miami-Dade County came in heavily Cuban areas. Yet when I reported from Miami last month, many Hispanic Democrats told me little was done in the immediate aftermath of 2018 to fix the problems that plagued their party in the midterms. As I reported last week:
After Obama nearly won the Florida Cuban vote in 2012 following extensive on-the-ground organizing, Nelson and Gillum lost it by about 40 points. The need to fix things before the presidential election was obvious. “Guess what was done?” said Amandi, the former Obama consultant. “Nothing.” Martínez agreed. “Where has the Democratic Party been? Where is it at? Nowhere to be seen.”
The Biden campaign boosted its efforts to win over Florida Hispanics about two months ago, when it announced a long list of new Latino advisers and increased spending on Spanish-language advertising. Those efforts appeared to help win back some Cuban voters. But it was out of the question that Biden would match Obama’s 2012 showing among Florida Cubans, when he nearly won a majority.
In 2016, Clinton wound up losing Florida because the state’s non-Hispanic white voters favored Trump by 32 points, according to exit polls. The final Florida polls from the New York Times and the Washington Post showed Biden doing at least 12 points better than Clinton among non-Hispanic white voters. Much of that increase appears to have come from seniors vulnerable to the pandemic Trump ignored.
Black voters remained the core of the Democrats’ base in Florida. Prominent Black Democrats in Miami-Dade County were concerned by early voting numbers showing that Republicans turned out more of their base in the county before Election Day. Rep. Frederica Wilson, who represents a majority-Black district, criticized her party’s decision to delay returning to knocking on doors during the pandemic. “I screamed,” she told Politico. “Hollered. I called. I lobbied from the top to the bottom.” But Black voters were also expected to make up a larger share of voters on Election Day than during early voting, and it’s too early to say whether the concerns about Black turnout proved premature.
Both campaigns made frequent stops in Florida in the final days of the campaign. Biden was in Broward County last week, and Obama came to Miami on Monday. Trump, who often spends his weekends at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, has been a constant presence in South Florida over the past four years. He returned to the Miami area for a final time on Sunday.
Trump’s rally in Opa-locka attracted thousands of people to a site that once housed Cuban refugees. Before the president arrived, the band Los 3 de La Habana played their pro-Trump salsa campaign song in front of Cuban flags. After getting onstage just before midnight, Trump blew through Miami-Dade County’s COVID-19 curfew as he addressed a tightly packed crowd. He stuck to the message that worked so well for Florida Republicans two years ago by portraying Democrats as Cuba-style communists. In 2020, it appears to have worked again.


motherjones--2020-11-03--The Head of an Asian American GOP Group Endorsed Biden. Now He’s Under Attack From the RNC.

Cliff Zhonggang Li , who heads an organization called the National Committee of Asian American Republicans , has switched his political allegiances right before the election , endorsing Joe Biden in an October 30 press release .
“ When the President openly calls Proud Boys , categorized by the FBI as an extremist group , to stand by , it reminds us of the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution , when the Dictator called on his supporters to oppress all different political voices as unpatriotic , ” Li wrote in the release .
This stance , Li , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A cease and desist letter from the Republican National Committee demanding that Li stop using a logo that resembles its own , and an article in the right-leaning RedState that quotes a former RNC member who says Li is a Chinese agent .
Li said the allegations about his ties to the Chinese government are completely false , a smear retaliating for his backing Biden .
“ This is the dirty politics in its extreme combining McCarthyism and presidential politics , ” he said .
“ It will also put fear in Chinese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement against a political leader , which is too familiar to many Chinese American immigrants with the prior experience.
” Though the group is small , Li says around 70,000 Chinese Americans have attended its events over the last five years , and as one of relatively few minority organizations backing Trump in 2016 , it status in Republican circles was elevated .
( The organization previously included Cindy Yang , a Chinese American former massage parlor owner whose efforts to sell access to Trump at Mar-a-Lago Mother Jones reported on . )
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Hill and Yahoo News .
Andrew Yang tweeted it to his 1.7 million followers .
Li asserts that the RedState article is retaliation .
The story notes that Li worked with a RNC Committee member , Dr. Helen Van Etten , who was raised in Taiwan , to build a website and social media for an RNC backed organization called the Asian Pacific Islander Conservative Council .
According to RedState , Van Etten said that Li told her he had visited the offices of the United Front Work Department , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Party accused of working to project Chinese government influence .
According to the article , Van Etten says that Li told her had to work with the organization “ because he still has his business in China.
” The article also cites an allegation by Van Etten that Li is a “ Chinese asset and that at least one of his goals was to penetrate the RNC.
” Li says this is completely false .
Li runs a Fort Lauderdale-based software business that he says requires occasional travel to China .
But he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United Front ” and has “ never talked to anyone at the United Front.
” He told Mother Jones he never discussed alleged visits to the group ’ s offices with Van Ettan , let alone admitted visits .
“ This is ridiculous , ” he said .
Van Etten did not respond multiple inquires on Tuesday .
In a November 1 cease and desist letter to Li , RNC Chief Counsel J. Justin Riemer indicated that the committee is acting against Li in part due to his endorsing Biden .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to lead individuals to believe that the RNC has authorized , sponsored , approved , endorsed , or provided financial support to you or the above-listed groups , which it emphatically has not , ” Riemer writes .
“ This is especially troubling , given that you appear to be actively working against the RNC ’ s interests .
While falsely purporting to represent Asian-American Republicans , as well as soliciting funds , your website endorses Joe Biden ’ s candidacy for President .
”

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Cliff Zhonggang Li, who heads an organization called the National Committee of Asian American Republicans, has switched his political allegiances right before the election, endorsing Joe Biden in an October 30 press release. “When the President openly calls Proud Boys, categorized by the FBI as an extremist group, to stand by, it reminds us of the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution, when the Dictator called on his supporters to oppress all different political voices as unpatriotic,” Li wrote in the release.
This stance, Li, says, has drawn an immediate backlash: A cease and desist letter from the Republican National Committee demanding that Li stop using a logo that resembles its own, and an article in the right-leaning RedState that quotes a former RNC member who says Li is a Chinese agent.
Li said the allegations about his ties to the Chinese government are completely false, a smear retaliating for his backing Biden. “This is the dirty politics in its extreme combining McCarthyism and presidential politics,” he said. “It will also put fear in Chinese Americans who dare to make a political statement against a political leader, which is too familiar to many Chinese American immigrants with the prior experience.”
“This is the dirty politics in its extreme combining McCarthyism and presidential politics.”
Though the group is small, Li says around 70,000 Chinese Americans have attended its events over the last five years, and as one of relatively few minority organizations backing Trump in 2016, it status in Republican circles was elevated. (The organization previously included Cindy Yang, a Chinese American former massage parlor owner whose efforts to sell access to Trump at Mar-a-Lago Mother Jones reported on.)
Li’s endorsement drew news coverage from the Hill and Yahoo News. Andrew Yang tweeted it to his 1.7 million followers.
Li asserts that the RedState article is retaliation. The story notes that Li worked with a RNC Committee member, Dr. Helen Van Etten, who was raised in Taiwan, to build a website and social media for an RNC backed organization called the Asian Pacific Islander Conservative Council. According to RedState, Van Etten said that Li told her he had visited the offices of the United Front Work Department, a Beijing-based agency of China’s Communist Party accused of working to project Chinese government influence. According to the article, Van Etten says that Li told her had to work with the organization “because he still has his business in China.” The article also cites an allegation by Van Etten that Li is a “Chinese asset and that at least one of his goals was to penetrate the RNC.”
Li says this is completely false. Li runs a Fort Lauderdale-based software business that he says requires occasional travel to China. But he says he “has never been to the United Front” and has “never talked to anyone at the United Front.” He told Mother Jones he never discussed alleged visits to the group’s offices with Van Ettan, let alone admitted visits. “This is ridiculous,” he said. Van Etten did not respond multiple inquires on Tuesday.
In a November 1 cease and desist letter to Li, RNC Chief Counsel J. Justin Riemer indicated that the committee is acting against Li in part due to his endorsing Biden. “Your unauthorized use is deceptive and is likely to lead individuals to believe that the RNC has authorized, sponsored, approved, endorsed, or provided financial support to you or the above-listed groups, which it emphatically has not,” Riemer writes. “This is especially troubling, given that you appear to be actively working against the RNC’s interests. While falsely purporting to represent Asian-American Republicans, as well as soliciting funds, your website endorses Joe Biden’s candidacy for President.”


motherjones--2020-11-05--The Dem Hid From a Scandal. The Republican Attended Super-Spreader Events. Guess Who Racked up the V

The Dem Hid From a Scandal. The Republican Attended Super-Spreader Events. Guess Who Racked up the Votes?

Amid fading Democratic hopes of retaking the Senate , Thom Tillis ( R-N.C. ) appears likely to eke out a victory over Democratic challenger Cal Cunningham in the most expensive race in the upper chamber ’ s history .
Campaigns and outside groups spent more than $ 287 million on the race .
As of Thursday afternoon , with 94 percent of estimated votes counted , Tillis had tallied 48.7 percent of the votes , versus 46.9 percent for Cunningham .
No major news organization has called the race , and final results won ’ t likely be announced until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Nov. 3 are still streaming in .
But Tillis ’ lead appears to be commanding , and the Raleigh-based News & Observer referred to him as the “ apparent ” winner on Nov.4 .
If Tillis ends up the victor , the Democrats will face an Everest-scale climb to Senate control .
Assuming Joe Biden wins the presidency , 50 seats will count as an effective majority , because Vice President Kamala Harris would hold the tie-breaking vote .
Democratic candidates would have to win both the remaining toss-up races , both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s special election for a Senate seat , Republican Sen. Kelly Loeffler and Democrat Raphael Warnock will square off in a runoff election scheduled for Jan 5 , after neither candidate reached the 50 percent threshold required for outright victory .
In the other Georgia Senate race , Sen. David Perdue is leading challenger Jon Ossoff , but will be forced into a runoff if Perdue ’ s vote share ends up dipping below 50 percent .
On the afternoon of Nov. 5 , that scenario looked likely .
Tillis ’ victory , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an upset .
Cunningham had been the clear favorite in the race since August , according to analysis of polls by the political-forecasting site FiveThirtyEight .
He maintained his lead through a tumultuous month of October , when both campaigns experienced convulsions .
On Oct. 2 , a day after Tillis publicly debated Cunningham in person , news broke that Tillis had tested positive for COVID-19 .
He had attended two of the White House “ super-spreader ” events , on Sept. 26 , to celebrate President Donald Trump ’ s nomination of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a New York Times investigation of the fiasco , Tillis appeared in a photo chatting side-by-side with a child , unmasked and indoors .
Less than a month earlier , Tillis had made headlines for criticizing Latinos for not taking the pandemic seriously enough .
Also on Oct 2 , Cunningham , a married father of two who often touts his status as a family man , was plunged into a scandal over an extra-marital affair , after the right-wing web site National File published the candidate ’ s private text @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family , disappointed my friends , and am deeply sorry , ” Cunningham said in a statement to Raleigh News & Observer .
“ The first step in repairing those relationships is taking complete responsibility , which I do .
I ask that my family ’ s privacy be respected in this personal matter.
” But the scandal transformed the campaign on the ground .
While Cunningham laid low , avoiding questions about his romantic misadventure , Tillis barnstormed the state , “ flanked by a roster of big-name GOP surrogates : Vice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cruz and former Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley , ” Politico reported on Nov. 1 .
The publication added : “ The incumbent senator is joining President Donald Trump at multiple rallies in the state.
” The strategy appears to have worked .
According to North Carolina Board of Elections data , as of Nov. 5 , Tillis was leading Cunningham by less than 100,000 votes overall .
But the incumbent got a huge boost from ballots cast on election day , when Tillis received 545,755 votes , vs. 283,125 for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election ’ s last day appears to have pushed Tillis to victory .
A veteran of the Iraq and Afghan wars , Cunningham entered the campaign with the backing of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee .
He has served in the North Carolina state senate and worked as a lawyer and an executive at a waste-disposal firm .
He opposed Medicare for All , but vowed to defend the Affordable Care Act and supported a public health insurance option .
He also declined to support Green New Deal , but did come out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creating jobs and slashing carbon emissions in half by 2030 and to net zero by 2050 , ” as well as a US return to the Paris Climate Accords , reports Inside Climate News .
Tillis showed an early tendency to criticize Trump ; he initially pushed back against the president ’ s zeal for building a border wall , for example .
But he holds many traditional conservative Republican positions : He opposes abortion , same-sex marriage , the Affordable Care Act , and aid to poor people .
He has waffled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and opposes concerted action to ramp down fossil fuel use .
And by the end of 2019 , when Tillis had emerged as a fierce defender of the president during the impeachment trial , Politico saw fit to declare Tillis “ Trump ’ s new best friend.
” He may be Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell ’ s now , too .

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Amid fading Democratic hopes of retaking the Senate, Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) appears likely to eke out a victory over Democratic challenger Cal Cunningham in the most expensive race in the upper chamber’s history. Campaigns and outside groups spent more than $287 million on the race. As of Thursday afternoon, with 94 percent of estimated votes counted, Tillis had tallied 48.7 percent of the votes, versus 46.9 percent for Cunningham.
No major news organization has called the race, and final results won’t likely be announced until next week, as absentee ballots post-marked by Nov. 3 are still streaming in. But Tillis’ lead appears to be commanding, and the Raleigh-based News & Observer referred to him as the “apparent” winner on Nov.4.
It was the most expensive race in the upper chamber’s history.
If Tillis ends up the victor, the Democrats will face an Everest-scale climb to Senate control. Assuming Joe Biden wins the presidency, 50 seats will count as an effective majority, because Vice President Kamala Harris would hold the tie-breaking vote. Democratic candidates would have to win both the remaining toss-up races, both in Georgia. In that state’s special election for a Senate seat, Republican Sen. Kelly Loeffler and Democrat Raphael Warnock will square off in a runoff election scheduled for Jan 5, after neither candidate reached the 50 percent threshold required for outright victory. In the other Georgia Senate race, Sen. David Perdue is leading challenger Jon Ossoff, but will be forced into a runoff if Perdue’s vote share ends up dipping below 50 percent. On the afternoon of Nov. 5, that scenario looked likely.
Tillis’ victory, if it materializes, will count as an upset. Cunningham had been the clear favorite in the race since August, according to analysis of polls by the political-forecasting site FiveThirtyEight. He maintained his lead through a tumultuous month of October, when both campaigns experienced convulsions.
On Oct. 2, a day after Tillis publicly debated Cunningham in person, news broke that Tillis had tested positive for COVID-19. He had attended two of the White House “super-spreader” events, on Sept. 26, to celebrate President Donald Trump’s nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court. In a New York Times investigation of the fiasco, Tillis appeared in a photo chatting side-by-side with a child, unmasked and indoors. Less than a month earlier, Tillis had made headlines for criticizing Latinos for not taking the pandemic seriously enough.
Also on Oct 2, Cunningham, a married father of two who often touts his status as a family man, was plunged into a scandal over an extra-marital affair, after the right-wing web site National File published the candidate’s private text messages. “I have hurt my family, disappointed my friends, and am deeply sorry,” Cunningham said in a statement to Raleigh News & Observer. “The first step in repairing those relationships is taking complete responsibility, which I do. I ask that my family’s privacy be respected in this personal matter.”
The scandal transformed the campaign on the ground.
But the scandal transformed the campaign on the ground. While Cunningham laid low, avoiding questions about his romantic misadventure, Tillis barnstormed the state, “flanked by a roster of big-name GOP surrogates: Vice President Mike Pence, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz and former Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley,” Politico reported on Nov. 1. The publication added: “The incumbent senator is joining President Donald Trump at multiple rallies in the state.” The strategy appears to have worked. According to North Carolina Board of Elections data, as of Nov. 5, Tillis was leading Cunningham by less than 100,000 votes overall. But the incumbent got a huge boost from ballots cast on election day, when Tillis received 545,755 votes, vs. 283,125 for Cunningham. That 262,630-vote difference on the election’s last day appears to have pushed Tillis to victory.
A veteran of the Iraq and Afghan wars, Cunningham entered the campaign with the backing of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. He has served in the North Carolina state senate and worked as a lawyer and an executive at a waste-disposal firm. He opposed Medicare for All, but vowed to defend the Affordable Care Act and supported a public health insurance option. He also declined to support Green New Deal, but did come out for “significant federal investment aimed at creating jobs and slashing carbon emissions in half by 2030 and to net zero by 2050,” as well as a US return to the Paris Climate Accords, reports Inside Climate News.
Tillis showed an early tendency to criticize Trump; he initially pushed back against the president’s zeal for building a border wall, for example. But he holds many traditional conservative Republican positions: He opposes abortion, same-sex marriage, the Affordable Care Act, and aid to poor people. He has waffled on the reality of climate change, and opposes concerted action to ramp down fossil fuel use. And by the end of 2019, when Tillis had emerged as a fierce defender of the president during the impeachment trial, Politico saw fit to declare Tillis “Trump’s new best friend.” He may be Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell’s now, too.


motherjones--2020-11-05--Donald Trump Jr. Just Promoted a Brazen Plan to Steal the Election

On Thursday , as new batches of votes in key states brought Joe Biden closer to winning the presidential election , conservative talk radio host Mark Levin issued a call to ( legislative ) arms : Among the 20.7k ( and counting ) retweets : Donald Trump Jr. , the president ’ s son , who is a leading campaign surrogate .
With Pennsylvania on the verge of flipping into the Democratic column ( the remaining uncounted ballots appear to heavily favor Biden ) , Levin was promoting a legal theory that drew some attention before the election .
Because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then formally send electors to the Electoral College , the Republicans who control the state legislatures of Pennsylvania and several other swing states could ( in this theory ) simply send their own set of rival electors and force Congress to choose—potentially tipping the election to Trump .
The Atlantic ’ s Barton Gellman reported earlier this fall that Republicans in the state had approached the Trump campaign about such a strategy .
As the Washington Post ‘ s Greg Sargent has noted , there are plenty of reasons to be skeptical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitutional and legal perspective , to say nothing of a public-relations one .
Changing the process by which Pennsylvania appoints its electors requires changing Pennsylvania law , which the Democratic governor would veto .
If Biden goes on to win enough of the remaining uncalled states , perhaps his sizable Electoral College and popular vote lead will dissuade Republicans from attempting to deploy such chicanery .
And Pennsylvania ’ s Republican state Senate majority leader reportedly wants nothing to do with it : But the thing about going into untrodden territory is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s like ; the only sure thing is that it ’ s not where you want to be .
Even President Trump hasn ’ t gone this far yet .
But his son ’ s promotion of such a plan is an ominous development as the campaign seeks to claw its way back by taking away people ’ s votes .

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On Thursday, as new batches of votes in key states brought Joe Biden closer to winning the presidential election, conservative talk radio host Mark Levin issued a call to (legislative) arms:
Among the 20.7k (and counting) retweets: Donald Trump Jr., the president’s son, who is a leading campaign surrogate.
With Pennsylvania on the verge of flipping into the Democratic column (the remaining uncounted ballots appear to heavily favor Biden), Levin was promoting a legal theory that drew some attention before the election. Because state governments have to formally certify results and then formally send electors to the Electoral College, the Republicans who control the state legislatures of Pennsylvania and several other swing states could (in this theory) simply send their own set of rival electors and force Congress to choose—potentially tipping the election to Trump. The Atlantic’s Barton Gellman reported earlier this fall that Republicans in the state had approached the Trump campaign about such a strategy.
As the Washington Post‘s Greg Sargent has noted, there are plenty of reasons to be skeptical of such a strategy, from a constitutional and legal perspective, to say nothing of a public-relations one. Changing the process by which Pennsylvania appoints its electors requires changing Pennsylvania law, which the Democratic governor would veto. If Biden goes on to win enough of the remaining uncalled states, perhaps his sizable Electoral College and popular vote lead will dissuade Republicans from attempting to deploy such chicanery. And Pennsylvania’s Republican state Senate majority leader reportedly wants nothing to do with it:
For anyone wondering: spokesperson for Pennsylvania Senate Majority Leader Jake Corman reiterated just now that the Republican controlled state legislature will NOT move to appoint electors to override popular vote, despite concerns about PA electoral process. — Ryan W Briggs (@rw_briggs) November 5, 2020
But the thing about going into untrodden territory is that no one really knows what it’s like; the only sure thing is that it’s not where you want to be.
Even President Trump hasn’t gone this far yet. But his son’s promotion of such a plan is an ominous development as the campaign seeks to claw its way back by taking away people’s votes.


motherjones--2020-11-05--Trump Won’t Succeed in Stopping Votes From Being Counted

The Trump campaign has filed a series of lawsuits since Election Day to stop the counting of votes or challenge counting procedures in Pennsylvania , Michigan , Georgia , and Nevada .
The goal is to prevent ballots from being counted in states where Trump ’ s lead is slipping away , like Pennsylvania , or to throw out enough Democratic votes to put him ahead in others , like Michigan .
But these are hail-Mary lawsuits that are unlikely to succeed or make a meaningful difference in the vote count .
In Georgia , for example , the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claiming that 53 mail ballots arrived after Election Day and should be thrown out , based on the testimony of a GOP poll watcher .
But election officials said the ballots arrived before the deadline , and the lawsuit was quickly dismissed on Thursday .
Similarly , Trump went to court in Montgomery County , Pennsylvania , to claim that voters should not be given a chance to fix problems with their mail ballots .
But a federal judge appointed by George W. Bush was skeptical of those claims .
“ I do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election was affected , ” said Judge Timothy Savage .
And only 93 votes fall into that category , a number very unlikely to affect the outcome of the election in Pennsylvania , where Biden is expected to be leading by 100,000 votes or more after the outstanding votes are tallied .
In Michigan , which has already been called for Joe Biden , the Trump campaign wants to stop the counting of votes because Republican poll watchers were not allowed to monitor the collection of mail ballots from drop boxes .
Those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and there is no evidence of improprieties .
On Thursday afternoon , a Michigan judge denied Trump ’ s motion to stop counting ballots .
Even if a few of these lawsuits succeed , they ’ re unlikely to change the results of the election .
The Trump campaign won a lawsuit in Philadelphia on Thursday allowing GOP poll watchers to monitor ballot counting from six feet away—but that won ’ t stop the counting of votes or change the results .
In addition , the Trump campaign intervened in a lawsuit before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court decision to accept mail ballots that arrive three days after the election as long as they were sent by Election Day .
But Republicans already unsuccessfully appealed to the Supreme Court twice before the election to block these ballots , and even if the court invalidates late-arriving ballots , it wouldn ’ t alter the counting of ballots that arrived by Election Day , which are expected to put Joe Biden over the top .
Instead , the real purpose of the lawsuits is to sow chaos and confusion , Biden campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The vote count is not going to stop , ” he said .
“ This is part of a broader misinformation campaign.
” Indeed , Trump is using the lawsuits to amplify his false claims about how ballots are counted , which are encouraging his supporters to resort to intimidating actions , like angry crowds chanting “ stop the count ” in Detroit or attempting to disrupt the counting of ballots in Maricopa County , Arizona .
That raises the scary prospect that even if Trump loses these cases in court , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ succeed in his larger goal of delegitimizing the election , which may make it harder for Trump and his supporters to accept a peaceful transfer of power .

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The Trump campaign has filed a series of lawsuits since Election Day to stop the counting of votes or challenge counting procedures in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, and Nevada. The goal is to prevent ballots from being counted in states where Trump’s lead is slipping away, like Pennsylvania, or to throw out enough Democratic votes to put him ahead in others, like Michigan.
But these are hail-Mary lawsuits that are unlikely to succeed or make a meaningful difference in the vote count.
In Georgia, for example, the Trump campaign filed a lawsuit in Chatham County claiming that 53 mail ballots arrived after Election Day and should be thrown out, based on the testimony of a GOP poll watcher. But election officials said the ballots arrived before the deadline, and the lawsuit was quickly dismissed on Thursday.
Similarly, Trump went to court in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, to claim that voters should not be given a chance to fix problems with their mail ballots. But a federal judge appointed by George W. Bush was skeptical of those claims. “I do not understand how the integrity of the election was affected,” said Judge Timothy Savage. And only 93 votes fall into that category, a number very unlikely to affect the outcome of the election in Pennsylvania, where Biden is expected to be leading by 100,000 votes or more after the outstanding votes are tallied.
In Michigan, which has already been called for Joe Biden, the Trump campaign wants to stop the counting of votes because Republican poll watchers were not allowed to monitor the collection of mail ballots from drop boxes. Those ballots were collected by trained election officials and there is no evidence of improprieties. On Thursday afternoon, a Michigan judge denied Trump’s motion to stop counting ballots.
Biden campaign response to various Trump campaign lawsuits. pic.twitter.com/fNGwFaFkbG — David Corn (@DavidCornDC) November 5, 2020
Even if a few of these lawsuits succeed, they’re unlikely to change the results of the election.
The Trump campaign won a lawsuit in Philadelphia on Thursday allowing GOP poll watchers to monitor ballot counting from six feet away—but that won’t stop the counting of votes or change the results.
In addition, the Trump campaign intervened in a lawsuit before the Supreme Court challenging a Pennsylvania Supreme Court decision to accept mail ballots that arrive three days after the election as long as they were sent by Election Day. But Republicans already unsuccessfully appealed to the Supreme Court twice before the election to block these ballots, and even if the court invalidates late-arriving ballots, it wouldn’t alter the counting of ballots that arrived by Election Day, which are expected to put Joe Biden over the top.
Instead, the real purpose of the lawsuits is to sow chaos and confusion, Biden campaign counsel Bob Bauer argued on Thursday. “The vote count is not going to stop,” he said. “This is part of a broader misinformation campaign.”
Repeat after us:
Counting all the votes is not stealing the election.
Counting all the votes is not stealing the election.
Counting all the votes is not stealing the election.@AriBerman breaks down FIVE MYTHS about tallying your votes: https://t.co/GNGg4I7iS9 pic.twitter.com/MErW6C6WAo — Mother Jones (@MotherJones) November 3, 2020
Indeed, Trump is using the lawsuits to amplify his false claims about how ballots are counted, which are encouraging his supporters to resort to intimidating actions, like angry crowds chanting “stop the count” in Detroit or attempting to disrupt the counting of ballots in Maricopa County, Arizona.
That raises the scary prospect that even if Trump loses these cases in court, as seems likely, he will still succeed in his larger goal of delegitimizing the election, which may make it harder for Trump and his supporters to accept a peaceful transfer of power.


motherjones--2020-11-06--The $15 Minimum Wage Wasn’t the Only Progressive Ballot Measure That Passed in Conservative States

On November 3 , voters decided whether or not to approve a host of state level ballot initiatives .
For example , in a move that was both symbolic and practical , 70 percent of Mississippi voters opted to retire their 126 year-old Southern cross-styled state flag and replace it with a magnolia .
In Wyoming , voters approved a constitutional amendment to allow municipalities to have unlimited sewer grates .
Electoral votes in battleground states that Democrats had initially hoped might be victories , like Florida , are now in President Trump ’ s column , and the likelihood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all but disappeared .
Even with a strong showing for Republicans , a number of progressive propositions have been successful in deep red states .
Here ’ s list of liberal initiatives that conservative states approved on Election Day : Four states legalized recreational marijuana on Tuesday—Montana , South Dakota , New Jersey , and Arizona—bringing the total number of states permitting recreational weed use to 15 .
In Montana , where Trump easily won 56.7 percent of the vote , Initiative 190 passed with nearly 57 percent of the vote .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California voters who were in favor of legalizing marijuana in 2016 .
Mississippi voters stopped short of legalizing marijuana but did support reclassifying possession of the drug from a felony to legal when used for medicinal purposes .
A decade ago , those inroads would have been unthinkable .
In 2010 , only 24 percent of Republicans supported legalization ; since then , the number has more than doubled to 55 percent .
In the weeks before the election , South Dakota governor Kristi Noem released an advertisement urging constituents not to support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I ’ ve never met someone who got smarter from smoking pot , ” she said .
Apparently voters weren ’ t that concerned about what the Republican governor thought since they passed the measure by 54 percent .
Meanwhile , Trump won 61.8 percent of South Dakota ’ s votes .
Election day in Florida was tense , and eventually the president enjoyed a major win .
Advocates of a higher living wage also celebrated .
As my colleague Hannah Levintova wrote : On Tuesday night , voters in the Sunshine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million Floridians a raise .
More than 61 percent of voters approved Amendment 2 , a ballot measure that will require the state to raise its hourly minimum wage to $ 15 by September 2026 , and to enshrine that increase in the state ’ s constitution .
The approved increase will nearly double the state ’ s current minimum wage of $ 8.56 .
The increase will happen slowly , with employers being required to add one dollar a year to wages in order to work up to the $ 15 minimum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hourly minimum up to $ 10 by September 2021 .
Florida is the first state in the southeastern part of the country to pass such a progressive wage hike .
Much of the propulsion for the ballot measure came from personal injury lawyer John Morgan , who spent $ 5 million in support of it .
In an interview with the Washington Post , he said , “ Every great society can crumble because the haves have too much and the have-nots don ’ t have enough.
” When the initiative passed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set their sights on $ 15 an hour—but Florida was the only one to do so on November 3 .
Arizonans passed Proposition 208 , which will add a 3.5 percent income tax for residents earning more than $ 250,000—or married couples making more than $ 500,000—to bolster that state ’ s education fund .
According to the Joint Legislative Budget Committee , which measures the financial effects of legislation , the initiative would raise more than $ 800 million .
Ultimately , half of that money will go to increasing wages for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adding more of them to their ranks .
“ Big victory for students & educators in Arizona tonight !
” Becky Pringle , president of the National Education Association , tweeted .
Utah and Nebraska voters both overwhelmingly voted to end slavery .
Before these measures passed , both states made enslavement a potential punishment for committing a crime .
Utah ’ s Amendment C and Nebraska ’ s Amendment 1 took that option off the table once and for all .
This may not have been an obvious progressive cause in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victory ; 275,000 Nebraskans didn ’ t support Amendment 1 .

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On November 3, voters decided whether to approve a host of state-level ballot initiatives. For example, in a move that was both symbolic and practical, 70 percent of Mississippi voters opted to retire their 126 year-old Southern Cross–style state flag and replace it with a magnolia. In Wyoming, voters approved a constitutional amendment to allow municipalities to have unlimited sewer grates.
Electoral votes in battleground states that Democrats had initially hoped might be victories, like Florida, are now in President Trump’s column, and the likelihood of a majority in the Senate has all but disappeared. Even with a strong showing for Republicans, a number of progressive propositions have been successful in deep-red states. Here’s list of liberal initiatives that conservative states approved on Election Day:
Marijuana
Four states legalized recreational marijuana on Tuesday—Montana, South Dakota, New Jersey, and Arizona—bringing the total number of states permitting recreational weed use to 15. In Montana, where Trump easily won 56.7 percent of the vote, Initiative 190 passed with nearly 57 percent of the vote. That’s about the same percentage of California voters in favor of legalizing marijuana in 2016. Mississippi voters stopped short of legalizing marijuana but did support reclassifying possession of the drug from a felony to legal when used for medicinal purposes. A decade ago, those inroads would have been unthinkable. In 2010, only 24 percent of Republicans supported legalization; since then, the number has more than doubled to 55 percent.
In the weeks before the election, South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem released an advertisement urging constituents not to support legalizing marijuana. “The fact is, I’ve never met someone who got smarter from smoking pot,” she said. Apparently voters weren’t that concerned about what the Republican governor thought since they passed the measure by 54 percent. Meanwhile, Trump won 61.8 percent of South Dakota’s votes.
Minimum Wage
Election Day in Florida was tense, and eventually the president enjoyed a major win. Advocates of a higher living wage also celebrated. As my colleague Hannah Levintova wrote:
On Tuesday night, voters in the Sunshine State voted to give up to 2.5 million Floridians a raise. More than 61 percent of voters approved Amendment 2, a ballot measure that will require the state to raise its hourly minimum wage to $15 by September 2026, and to enshrine that increase in the state’s constitution. The approved increase will nearly double the state’s current minimum wage of $8.56. The increase will happen slowly, with employers being required to add one dollar a year to wages in order to work up to the $15 minimum. The first increase will bring the hourly minimum up to $10 by September 2021.
Florida is the first state in the southeastern part of the country to pass such a progressive wage hike. Much of the propulsion for the ballot measure came from personal injury lawyer John Morgan, who spent $5 million in support of it. In an interview with the Washington Post, he said, “Every great society can crumble because the haves have too much and the have-nots don’t have enough.” When the initiative passed, Florida joined seven other states that have set their sights on $15 an hour—but Florida was the only one to do so on November 3.
Taxes
Arizonans passed Proposition 208, which will add a 3.5 percent income tax for residents earning more than $250,000—or married couples making more than $500,000—to bolster that state’s education fund. According to the Joint Legislative Budget Committee, which measures the financial effects of legislation, the initiative would raise more than $800 million. Ultimately, half of that money will go to increasing wages for the state’s 55,000 teachers and adding more of them to their ranks. “Big victory for students & educators in Arizona tonight!” Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association, tweeted.
Big victory for students & educators in Arizona tonight! Arizonans voted #Yeson208 to end the teacher shortage & ensure our babies have access to counselors at school. We salute our @ArizonaEA sisters & brothers for their tireless work in getting this measure passed! #InvestinEd https://t.co/MSilQzYugN — Becky Pringle (@BeckyPringle) November 4, 2020
Ending Slavery
Utah and Nebraska voters both overwhelmingly voted to end slavery. Before these measures passed, both states made enslavement a potential punishment for committing a crime. Utah’s Amendment C and Nebraska’s Amendment 1 took that option off the table once and for all. This may not have been an obvious progressive cause in the 21st century, but it is a victory; 275,000 Nebraskans didn’t support Amendment 1.