motherjones--2020-10-29--QAnon is Supposed to Be All About Protecting Kids. Its Primary Enabler Appears to Have Hosted Child

QAnon is Supposed to Be All About Protecting Kids. Its Primary Enabler Appears to Have Hosted Child Porn Domains.

One dark irony of QAnon has always been that the conspiracy theory , which holds that President Trump is waging a war on a cabal of elite liberal pedophiles , rose to prominence on 8chan , an imageboard where users swapped child pornography .
But that irony may have a darker , deeper layer : Mother Jones has uncovered that Jim Watkins , the owner of 8chan and its successor site , 8kun , controls a company that hosted scores of domains whose names suggest they are connected to child pornography .
While Mother Jones did not visit the domains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ child sex abuse material , internet registration and hosting data suggest at a minimum that Watkins profited from domains with names explicitly related to pedophilia—the very thing that QAnon followers say that they ’ re motivated to end .
The domains ’ names include terms such as “ preteen , ” “ schoolgirl , ” and “ child ” alongside graphic terms for genitalia and words like “ rape ” and “ love.
” It ’ s unclear what , if anything , is currently being served at the domains .
However , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from one by archive.org shows dozens of filenames and links containing highly suggestive terms , including “ xxxpreteen , ” “ children , ” and sexual references to girls aged 12 to 15 .
Some of the domains date back to the late 1990s and may no longer be active , while others currently resolve to IP addresses controlled by Watkins ’ company , N.T .
Technology , according to records compiled by Farsight Security , a cybersecurity company that archives historical routing data detailing relationships among domain names , IP addresses , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Watkins , who some experts believe has an active role in maintaining the QAnon account on 8kun , dismissed Mother Jones ‘ questions about the domains as “ an attempt to smear [ his ] name and print something awful , ” offering varying explanations why they were on N.T .
Technology ’ s servers .
“ We ’ re not child pornographers , and we don ’ t host child pornography , and we don ’ t condone that , ” he insisted .
A group of anti-Q researchers that includes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist hacker collective Anonymous , brought Watkins ’ connection to the domains to Mother Jones ’ attention .
Another researcher , who asked not to be named to avoid harassment from Watkins supporters , reviewed the historical domain and routing information at Mother Jones ’ request and agreed the records showed that N.T .
Technology “ hosted many domains with CP [ child pornography ] themed names over an extended period of time.
” Using a combination of open-source and commercially available data , the researcher confirmed that the domains pointed to IP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that the IP addresses were routed to the company ’ s network while the explicit domains were active .
One domain created in 1998 and hosted by N.T .
Technology , which bills itself as “ a powerhouse in the internet world , [ s ] upporting some of the largest sites on Earth , ” lists Watkins as its administrator and names a separate holding company he owns , Is It Wet Yet Inc. , as the administration organization .
According to historical domain and web archive records , the domain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ associated with dozens of subdomains—more specific and focused offshoots of the main domain—whose names combine terms like “ preteen , ” “ kidnap , ” and “ rape.
” They include a comprehensive system of subdomains referencing age ranges as young as 10 .
When asked about the specific domain , Watkins said “ I have really no idea about ” it .
Nevada records show N.T .
Technology was formed in 1998 .
Just last week , following a story from information security journalist Brian Krebs noting the company ’ s corporate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s records were updated , listing Watkins as both the company ’ s president and director .
Fredrick Brennan founded 8chan , but turned over control of the imageboard to Watkins in 2016 .
They later had a public split over the site ’ s direction .
Brennan told Mother Jones that he would not be surprised if “ Jim was involved in pedophile sites going back that far given his attitude towards the problem on 8chan , ” explaining that Watkins “ would always find something more important to do ” when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ block child sexual abuse material from the board .
Watkins dismissed Brennan ’ s claims , saying that “ what we do with machine learning is private.
” Though press reports documenting 8chan ’ s notorious and toxic environment noted that child pornography continued to be found there , in a phone call , Watkins said that 8chan “ had a lot of problems ” with child sexual abuse content when he acquired the site , but claimed it was removed under him as “ it became one of the strictest websites on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that hosted them , Watkins said he has no direct link to any of the domains , despite his companies ’ email and his name showing up on registrations for several of them .
“ There ’ s probably 30 or 40,000 domain names associated with my name .
Very few of them I have had anything to do with , ” he said .
Watkins speculated that he “ would have been arrested long ago , ” if he were involved in distributing child porn .
When asked about a particular domain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it hosted child sex abuse material , Watkins claimed he had deleted it “ 15 to 20 years ago ” when it came to his attention .
He said the domains with names suggestive of child pornography had no content when hosted by his company , but had been established for domain squatting , a practice where the domains ’ owners would profit once they found willing buyers for URLs referencing things like children ’ s underwear and the sexual abuse of minors .
In a subsequent conversation , he suggested the subdomains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turn-of- the-century search engine optimization tactic .
Watkins claimed not to know the domain whose metadata showed it hosting child sex abuse-related filenames and links , and said that if the domain actually hosted such material the domain itself would have been removed .
“ If there was ever a problem we removed and deleted and reported , ” he said .
Watkins said that he did not vet clients nor take action to determine whether they used his services to commit illegal acts unless it was brought to his attention : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing I can imagine , sir .
That ’ s what the Soviets would be doing , or the communist Chinese .
And we don ’ t have Soviets anymore .
We defeated them.
” The now 56-year-old Watkins has a long connection to pornography stretching back to a site he founded in the mid 90s as the industry was transitioning online .
By 2001 , Watkins ’ s work as a US Army helicopter repairman took him to the Philippines , where he expanded from porn sites into web services , hosting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws , according to a 2016 Splinter story .
He has said he chose N.T .
Technology ’ s innocuous name to provide cover for credit card charges that might be questioned by his customers ’ wives .
The QAnon conspiracy theory began on 4chan , a site Watkins had no role in running , eventually migrating to 8chan in 2017 .
8chan was ultimately shut down in August of 2019 when its domain hosting and cybersecurity providers dropped it after several far-right wing shooters used the site to disseminate their manifestos .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ posting by restarting and rebranding the imageboard as 8Kun , vowing to moderate child porn and other illegal content more strictly .
QAnon ’ s sprawl and constant evolution can make it difficult to follow .
It started with a poster on 4chan who claimed to be a member of the federal government with high-level “ Q ” security clearance .
Posts from Q dropped cryptic breadcrumbs that purportedly shed light on a pedophile ring being run by liberal elites .
The conspiracy , which holds that Donald Trump is secretly battling this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deep state , ” has found ardent supporters among the president ’ s base .
Watkins ’ precise role in QAnon is murky .
At a minimum , he is widely recognized as having played an instrumental part in giving the movement a platform where it could flourish as he has publicly encouraged the conspiracy .
When he was subpoenaed to testify before Congress , he wore a “ Q ” pin .
Just weeks ago , he was a featured speaker at a QAnon conference in Phoenix .
In addition to running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fact-checking site Logically.ai reported this month that Watkins appears to be playing a role in facilitating online QAnon community hubs elsewhere .
Brennan , 8chan ’ s original founder , has suggested Watkins ’ involvement goes deeper , positing he took advantage of his power as the owner of 8kun to essentially hijack the account that claims to be Q .
Other researchers and journalists have raised the possibility that Watkins has some involvement or knowledge of who runs the account .
Watkins has denied that claim , or having acted as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ direct relationship to the QAnon account , as an active supporter of Q and the movement ’ s host , Watkins is an inextricable sustainer of a conspiracy that has falsely branded political opponents and innocent bystanders as pedophiles—despite his own apparent role in profiting from words that appeal to the real thing .

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One dark irony of QAnon has always been that the conspiracy theory, which holds that President Trump is waging a war on a cabal of elite liberal pedophiles, rose to prominence on 8chan, an imageboard where users swapped child pornography.
But that irony may have a darker, deeper layer: Mother Jones has uncovered that Jim Watkins, the owner of 8chan and its successor site, 8kun, controls a company that hosted scores of domains whose names suggest they are connected to child pornography.
Watkins’ company hosted scores of domains apparently connected to child pornography.
While Mother Jones did not visit the domains because of strict laws related to viewing child sex abuse material, internet registration and hosting data suggest at a minimum that Watkins profited from domains with names explicitly related to pedophilia—the very thing that QAnon followers say that they’re motivated to end. The domains’ names include terms such as “preteen,” “schoolgirl,” and “child” alongside graphic terms for genitalia and words like “rape” and “love.” It’s unclear what, if anything, is currently being served at the domains. However, an analysis of metadata collected years ago from one by archive.org shows dozens of filenames and links containing highly suggestive terms, including “xxxpreteen,” “children,” and sexual references to girls aged 12 to 15.
Some of the domains date back to the late 1990s and may no longer be active, while others currently resolve to IP addresses controlled by Watkins’ company, N.T. Technology, according to records compiled by Farsight Security, a cybersecurity company that archives historical routing data detailing relationships among domain names, IP addresses, name servers, and other digital assets.
Watkins, who some experts believe has an active role in maintaining the QAnon account on 8kun, dismissed Mother Jones’ questions about the domains as “an attempt to smear [his] name and print something awful,” offering varying explanations why they were on N.T. Technology’s servers. “We’re not child pornographers, and we don’t host child pornography, and we don’t condone that,” he insisted.
A group of anti-Q researchers that includes Aubrey Cottle, a founder of the online collective Anonymous, brought Watkins’ connection to the domains to Mother Jones’ attention. Another researcher, who asked not to be named to avoid harassment from Watkins supporters, reviewed the historical domain and routing information at Mother Jones’ request and agreed the records showed that N.T. Technology “hosted many domains with CP [child pornography] themed names over an extended period of time.”
Using a combination of open-source and commercially available data, the researcher confirmed that the domains pointed to IP addresses registered to N.T. Technology, and that the IP addresses were routed to the company’s network while the explicit domains were active.
One domain created in 1998 and hosted by N.T. Technology, which bills itself as “a powerhouse in the internet world, [s]upporting some of the largest sites on Earth,” lists Watkins as its administrator and names a separate holding company he owns, Is It Wet Yet Inc., as the administration organization. According to historical domain and web archive records, the domain has, over the years, been associated with dozens of subdomains—more specific and focused offshoots of the main domain—whose names combine terms like “preteen,” “kidnap,” and “rape.” They include a comprehensive system of subdomains referencing age ranges as young as 10. When asked about the specific domain, Watkins said “I have really no idea about” it.
Nevada records show N.T. Technology was formed in 1998. Just last week, following a story from information security journalist Brian Krebs noting the company’s corporate registration had lapsed, the state’s records were updated, listing Watkins as both the company’s president and director.
Fredrick Brennan founded 8chan, but turned over control of the imageboard to Watkins in 2015.* They later had a public split over the site’s direction. Brennan told Mother Jones that he would not be surprised if “Jim was involved in pedophile sites going back that far given his attitude towards the problem on 8chan,” explaining that Watkins “would always find something more important to do” when Brennan proposed deploying machine learning tools to block child sexual abuse material from the board. Watkins dismissed Brennan’s claims, saying that “what we do with machine learning is private.”
Though press reports documenting 8chan’s notorious and toxic environment noted that child pornography continued to be found there, in a phone call, Watkins said that 8chan “had a lot of problems” with child sexual abuse content when he acquired the site, but claimed it was removed under him as “it became one of the strictest websites on the internet.”
Watkins is listed as administrator of a domain with subdomains named for terms including “preteen,” “kidnap,” and “rape.”
Beyond owning the company that hosted them, Watkins said he has no direct link to any of the domains, despite his companies’ email and his name showing up on registrations for several of them. “There’s probably 30 or 40,000 domain names associated with my name. Very few of them I have had anything to do with,” he said. Watkins speculated that he “would have been arrested long ago,” if he were involved in distributing child porn.
When asked about a particular domain in the batch with a name suggesting it hosted child sex abuse material, Watkins claimed he had deleted it “15 to 20 years ago” when it came to his attention. He said the domains with names suggestive of child pornography had no content when hosted by his company, but had been established for domain squatting, a practice where the domains’ owners would profit once they found willing buyers for URLs referencing things like children’s underwear and the sexual abuse of minors. In a subsequent conversation, he suggested the subdomains were created as part of a common turn-of- the-century search engine optimization tactic.
Watkins claimed not to know the domain whose metadata showed it hosting child sex abuse-related filenames and links, and said that if the domain actually hosted such material the domain itself would have been removed. “If there was ever a problem we removed and deleted and reported,” he said. Watkins said that he did not vet clients nor take action to determine whether they used his services to commit illegal acts unless it was brought to his attention: “It’s about the most un-American thing I can imagine, sir. That’s what the Soviets would be doing, or the communist Chinese. And we don’t have Soviets anymore. We defeated them.”
The now 56-year-old Watkins has a long connection to pornography stretching back to a site he founded in the mid 90s as the industry was transitioning online. By 2001, Watkins’s work as a US Army helicopter repairman took him to the Philippines, where he expanded from porn sites into web services, hosting adult sites targeting consumers evading Japanese obscenity laws, according to a 2016 Splinter story. He has said he chose N.T. Technology’s innocuous name to provide cover for credit card charges that might be questioned by his customers’ wives.
The QAnon conspiracy theory began on 4chan, a site Watkins had no role in running, eventually migrating to 8chan in 2017. 8chan was ultimately shut down in August of 2019 when its domain hosting and cybersecurity providers dropped it after several far-right shooters used the site to disseminate their manifestos. Watkins provided Q a place to continue posting by restarting and rebranding the imageboard as 8Kun, vowing to moderate child porn and other illegal content more strictly.
QAnon’s sprawl and constant evolution can make it difficult to follow. It started with a poster on 4chan who claimed to be a member of the federal government with high-level “Q” security clearance. Posts from Q dropped cryptic breadcrumbs that purportedly shed light on a pedophile ring being run by liberal elites. The conspiracy, which holds that Donald Trump is secretly battling this cabal despite opposition from the so-called “deep state,” has found ardent supporters among the president’s base.
A former associate of Watkins says he would not be surprised if “Jim was involved in pedophile sites going back that far.”
Watkins’ precise role in QAnon is murky. At a minimum, he is widely recognized as having played an instrumental part in giving the movement a platform where it could flourish as he has publicly encouraged the conspiracy. When he was subpoenaed to testify before Congress, he wore a “Q” pin. Just weeks ago, he was a featured speaker at a QAnon conference in Phoenix. In addition to running QAnon’s home on 8kun, the fact-checking site Logically.ai reported this month that Watkins appears to be playing a role in facilitating online QAnon community hubs elsewhere.
Brennan, 8chan’s original founder, has suggested Watkins’ involvement goes deeper, positing he took advantage of his power as the owner of 8kun to essentially hijack the account that claims to be Q. Other researchers and journalists have raised the possibility that Watkins has some involvement or knowledge of who runs the account. Watkins has denied that claim, or having acted as Q.
Even if he has no direct relationship to the QAnon account, as an active supporter of Q and the movement’s host, Watkins is an inextricable sustainer of a conspiracy that has falsely branded political opponents and innocent bystanders as pedophiles—despite his own apparent role in profiting from words that appeal to the real thing.
Correction: This article originally misstated the year Brennan ceded control to Watkins.


motherjones--2020-10-29--He Was About to Get His Green Card. The Travel Ban Stranded Him in Iran.

Following his campaign promise to bar Muslims from entering the country , President Trump enacted a travel ban one week after his inauguration .
The policy was blocked in court , as was a second version .
But in 2018 , the Supreme Court upheld a third ban that restricts travel and immigration from six countries , including Iran .
In theory , the current ban allows for exceptions for people like Masoud Shameli , the son of Iranian immigrants living in Orange County , California .
In practice , waivers have often proven impossible to obtain .
Here ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and his older brother Ehsan .
Reza : We ’ re from an ancient Iranian city called Isfahan .
I worked for a bank for about 30 years until I retired .
When my sons went abroad to study , they persuaded us to come here .
God helped , and my wife and I were able to get our green cards through the diversity visa lottery .
We ’ ve been married for 42 years .
When you reach this age , the only thing that ’ s important to you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ five sons are here at the moment .
The thing that makes us worry is that one of them is still in Iran .
Ehsan : My older brother , Amin , came to the US in 2003 to pursue his PhD in electrical engineering .
I went to Canada for my PhD in mechanical engineering .
Five years after me , my brother Ashkan came to Canada for his PhD in mechanical engineering as well .
Masoud is one year younger than Ashkan .
He graduated from his master ’ s program @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
My youngest brother , Ali , came to the US with my parents when they came here via the visa lottery .
He studied some English , then got into a PhD program in computer science and management .
And now he ’ s been admitted to MIT for his postdoc .
Masoud lives in Isfahan .
The situation is really bad because of the US sanctions .
There ’ s a lot of industry in the suburbs—refineries , petrochemical plants—and it could become a target if there is a war with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news about conflict with the United States creates a significant level of distress and anxiety , particularly for my parents .
My dad has heart issues .
He ’ s 75 years old , and they ’ re both kind of in a depression .
Reza : When they were kids about 35 years ago , we were at war with Iraq for eight years .
Our house was hit two or three times .
Buildings around us collapsed .
We have very bad memories of those days .
Ehsan : I remember @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fell down .
We all had to flee the city .
Reza : We always follow the news .
We knew that politicians say things during the campaign , then do something different after they get elected .
So I didn ’ t think that Trump was serious about the ban .
Ehsan : Masoud started the green card process in 2011 .
Because he ’ s in the queue for adult sons of US immigrants , it takes a long time .
The election happened right when his turn came up .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If the travel ban had happened three months later , Masoud would have been here for two years now .
Reza : When the travel ban happened , my wife and I got sick .
Really sick .
It was very stressful .
We couldn ’ t sleep .
It was devastating .
Ehsan : It got to the point where we had to take my parents to the doctor .
My mom was so stressed that she collapsed a couple of times .
Reza : When I have trouble sleeping , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , about their fate , about their futures .
Sometimes , I have to take a pill and walk around to be tired .
Ehsan : The idea that the travel ban was designed to stop terrorism has landed particularly hard on my parents .
They can ’ t imagine that their son is being taken away by an accusation of terrorism .
How could we be terrorists ?
We ’ ve been working in prominent companies in the US .
I have many US patents .
My brother has US patents .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ teaching US kids how to do engineering and physics .
When the ban happened , I remember thinking that if somebody in the government is violating the law , there is another branch of the government who stops it .
You are in a country of laws , not a dictatorship .
I remember my brothers and me telling our parents , “ Don ’ t worry , we ’ re protected by the law .
This court system is very fair .
The government has to respond.
” But you know the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussion about , what do we do ?
We hired a lawyer .
Katie Porter , she ’ s a congresswoman in our area , we meet with her staff at least every few months .
We wrote letters to the president ’ s office .
Everything we could possibly do as citizens .
We wrote a letter to Pompeo ’ s office .
To no effect .
Reza : When you are in a situation like Masoud ’ s , you ’ re not on solid ground .
You ’ re neither @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wanted to get married , but he could get a letter any time saying that he ’ s been approved .
What can he do ?
Ehsan : If Masoud gets married , then his case would become a different case .
It would take much longer to process .
So because of that , his life has been on hold .
Reza : Before the coronavirus hit , we used to go to Iran every year to see him .
But because of COVID-19 , it ’ s been more than two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s the longest I ’ ve ever gone without seeing him .
We communicate over video chat almost every day .
Ehsan : Normally , the plane tickets to visit him are about $ 1,400 per person .
The last time that we all went as a big family it was me and my wife , my brother and his wife , and the other brothers , plus my two kids .
You ’ re looking at like $ 11,000 just for tickets .
Then there ’ s the cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s not cheap in California .
The thing that ’ s very directly impacting our family is immigration policy .
There are other issues like taxes , but 5 percent more or 5 percent less doesn ’ t change the way that we ’ re living .
But the fact that one of our family members is directly separated from us because of this policy makes a huge difference for us .
At least based on what you see on the news , it doesn ’ t seem that the immigration policies are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that this travel ban is going to get lifted , if Trump is reelected .
It seems like he ’ s going to go even more in the direction he ’ s already gone .
I remember the day that Joe Biden said that he ’ d lift the travel ban on his first day in office .
We were all texting it to each other .
I think a lot of people are looking forward to that day .
Not only us .

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Following his campaign promise to bar Muslims from entering the country, President Trump enacted a travel ban one week after his inauguration. The policy was blocked in court, as was a second version. But in 2018, the Supreme Court upheld a third ban that restricts travel and immigration from six countries, including Iran.
In theory, the current ban allows for exceptions for people like Masoud Shameli, the son of Iranian immigrants living in Orange County, California. In practice, waivers have often proven impossible to obtain. Here’s Masoud’s father, Reza, and his older brother Ehsan.
Masoud Shameli, 34 From: Iran
Lives in: Isfahan, Iran Reza Shameli and Ehsan Shameli as told to Noah Lanard
Reza: We’re from an ancient Iranian city called Isfahan. I worked for a bank for about 30 years until I retired. When my sons went abroad to study, they persuaded us to come here. God helped, and my wife and I were able to get our green cards through the diversity visa lottery. We’ve been married for 42 years. When you reach this age, the only thing that’s important to you is your children. Four of my five sons are here at the moment. The thing that makes us worry is that one of them is still in Iran.
Ehsan: My older brother, Amin, came to the US in 2003 to pursue his PhD in electrical engineering. I went to Canada for my PhD in mechanical engineering. Five years after me, my brother Ashkan came to Canada for his PhD in mechanical engineering as well. Masoud is one year younger than Ashkan. He graduated from his master’s program and started working in Iranian civil engineering. My youngest brother, Ali, came to the US with my parents when they came here via the visa lottery. He studied some English, then got into a PhD program in computer science and management. And now he’s been admitted to MIT for his postdoc.
Masoud lives in Isfahan. The situation is really bad because of the US sanctions. There’s a lot of industry in the suburbs—refineries, petrochemical plants—and it could become a target if there is a war with the United States.
All of the news about conflict with the United States creates a significant level of distress and anxiety, particularly for my parents. My dad has heart issues. He’s 75 years old, and they’re both kind of in a depression.
Reza: When they were kids about 35 years ago, we were at war with Iraq for eight years. Our house was hit two or three times. Buildings around us collapsed. We have very bad memories of those days.
Ehsan: I remember everything shattering. Part of the wall fell down. We all had to flee the city.
Reza: We always follow the news. We knew that politicians say things during the campaign, then do something different after they get elected. So I didn’t think that Trump was serious about the ban.
Ehsan: Masoud started the green card process in 2011. Because he’s in the queue for adult sons of US immigrants, it takes a long time. The election happened right when his turn came up. The travel ban was really bad timing. If the travel ban had happened three months later, Masoud would have been here for two years now.
Reza: When the travel ban happened, my wife and I got sick. Really sick. It was very stressful. We couldn’t sleep. It was devastating.
Ehsan: It got to the point where we had to take my parents to the doctor. My mom was so stressed that she collapsed a couple of times.
Reza: When I have trouble sleeping, I’m worrying about my children, about their fate, about their futures. Sometimes, I have to take a pill and walk around to be tired.
Ehsan: The idea that the travel ban was designed to stop terrorism has landed particularly hard on my parents. They can’t imagine that their son is being taken away by an accusation of terrorism. How could we be terrorists? We’ve been working in prominent companies in the US. I have many US patents. My brother has US patents. I was a professor at a university teaching US kids how to do engineering and physics.
When the ban happened, I remember thinking that if somebody in the government is violating the law, there is another branch of the government who stops it. You are in a country of laws, not a dictatorship. I remember my brothers and me telling our parents, “Don’t worry, we’re protected by the law. This court system is very fair. The government has to respond.” But you know the history.
We eventually had this family discussion about, what do we do? We hired a lawyer. Katie Porter, she’s a congresswoman in our area, we meet with her staff at least every few months. We wrote letters to the president’s office. Everything we could possibly do as citizens. We wrote a letter to Pompeo’s office. To no effect.
My parents can’t imagine that their son is being taken away by an accusation of terrorism. How could we be terrorists?
Reza: When you are in a situation like Masoud’s, you’re not on solid ground. You’re neither here nor there. He’s wanted to get married, but he could get a letter any time saying that he’s been approved. What can he do?
Ehsan: If Masoud gets married, then his case would become a different case. It would take much longer to process. So because of that, his life has been on hold.
Reza: Before the coronavirus hit, we used to go to Iran every year to see him. But because of COVID-19, it’s been more than two years since we’ve seen him. It’s the longest I’ve ever gone without seeing him. We communicate over video chat almost every day.
Ehsan: Normally, the plane tickets to visit him are about $1,400 per person. The last time that we all went as a big family it was me and my wife, my brother and his wife, and the other brothers, plus my two kids. You’re looking at like $11,000 just for tickets. Then there’s the cost of talking to lawyers. That’s not cheap in California.
The thing that’s very directly impacting our family is immigration policy. There are other issues like taxes, but 5 percent more or 5 percent less doesn’t change the way that we’re living. But the fact that one of our family members is directly separated from us because of this policy makes a huge difference for us. At least based on what you see on the news, it doesn’t seem that the immigration policies are going to get any better, or that this travel ban is going to get lifted, if Trump is reelected. It seems like he’s going to go even more in the direction he’s already gone.
I remember the day that Joe Biden said that he’d lift the travel ban on his first day in office. We were all texting it to each other. I think a lot of people are looking forward to that day. Not only us.


motherjones--2020-10-29--With DACA, the Government Gave Me Hope. Then It Betrayed Me.

In 2012 , President Obama created Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals ( DACA ) , allowing certain undocumented immigrants who were brought here as children to apply for a two-year work permit that also protected them from deportation .
More than 700,000 people have since received and renewed DACA .
But in 2017 , the Trump administration announced it would dismantle the program—a move that was quickly challenged in court .
On June 18 , 2020 , the Supreme Court blocked Trump ’ s attempt to end the program but sent the matter back to the administration for further consideration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States by the age of 13 , but before that , at the age of 10 , we moved from Tijuana to Nogales .
I was just picked up from school one day .
No explanation was given to me .
Later on , I found out that my dad had been kidnapped by Mexican police .
And as a little kid I didn ’ t know anything .
I would just see my mom ’ s face and my dad ’ s face ; they were always worried after that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ when my dad was in deportation proceedings in 2012—I started piecing everything together , because we were trying to figure out how to keep my dad here through asylum .
There were a lot of questions like , “ Why did you migrate ?
” So then everything made sense .
We always had tourist visas , my mom , my brother , and I , so my migration was a little bit different .
I remember just crossing the border in a car .
But I learned pretty fast that not knowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to be valued , and that I was always going to be excluded from opportunities .
So I was in ESL classes , and within a year and a half I was kicked out of ESL .
I don ’ t know how , but I learned English pretty fast .
Still , high school was one of the most difficult moments of my life , where my identity was formed around being a good student and paying it forward for my parents .
I had to make sure that my parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when senior year of high school came , I realized I couldn ’ t pay in-state tuition when I went to college .
It didn ’ t matter that I had a 3.8 GPA .
It didn ’ t matter that I was involved in all these extracurriculars .
I felt deceived and lied to by my teachers .
I was like , “ You promised me that if I will work really hard , the future would look bright , ” but that was not my reality .
DACA didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respect for my parents .
I don ’ t think I would have had that much drive and hustle .
My mom and dad , who didn ’ t even graduate high school , found out that there was this private scholarship—and that ’ s how I got into college .
At Arizona State I met other Dreamers , and I started advocating for the DREAM Act in 2010 .
The DREAM Act failed , and there was a lot of heartache and disappointment , but I decided to stay involved .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 15 , 2012 , I led a press conference .
I was terrified .
President Obama made the promise that if we came forward in good faith , our information was not going to be used against us or our parents .
Call it naivete , but a lot of us believed in that promise .
When I got DACA a few days after the election of 2012 , I felt a lot of hope .
While it wasn ’ t what we wanted , we were hoping that this was a step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us to eventually , maybe down the road , get immigration reform .
During the Trump era , having DACA has meant anxiety and broken dreams .
It ’ s meant betrayal , a lot of betrayal .
We were promised this , and now I can be deported .
It became real .
Even talking about it now , my hands are getting sweaty and my throat chokes up , because it ’ s been very , very difficult .
I ’ ve been in a romantic partnership for the past seven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a DACA recipient , so it ’ s that constant anxiety and fear .
It ’ s like I feel someone is holding my heart really tightly .
When I think about all the people that I encouraged to apply for DACA , it feels really heavy now that there ’ s been a betrayal from the government , knowing that ICE has our information and what this administration can do with that .
It ’ s very , very scary .
Since Trump took office , he was constantly threatening to drop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a nightmare , from the Muslim ban to the leaked memo in February 2017 with his plan to end DACA .
Then fast forward to September 2017 , when Jeff Sessions officially announced the termination of the DACA program .
It went from Trump saying , “ I ’ m gon na negotiate with Chuck and Nancy ” to him saying , “ No , Chuck and Nancy don ’ t like me , they are not getting me what I want.
” So it was just constantly reading the tweets , waking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phone , instead of saying my morning prayer , or my morning meditation .
Then it became about the Supreme Court , waking up every morning and tracking the Supreme Court through the blog and Twitter .
Then finally I could catch my breath , when the Supreme Court ruled in our favor a little bit .
But still , what does that mean ?
Is the Trump administration actually gon na follow protocol ?
They reduced our two-year work permit to one year , so it ’ s scary .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emotions .
I ’ ve started going to therapy .
It definitely has been very difficult for me to not only to experience that as someone who is impacted , but having to answer to many Dreamers who come with questions and have very different life experiences .
When I think about those Dreamers who are isolated and don ’ t have the resources to get mental health support , my heart gets really heavy .
I hope those people that said that they care and that they voted , because they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they don ’ t forget about our pain .

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In 2012, President Obama created Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), allowing certain undocumented immigrants who were brought here as children to apply for a two-year work permit that also protected them from deportation. More than 700,000 people have since received and renewed DACA. But in 2017, the Trump administration announced it would dismantle the program—a move that was quickly challenged in court. On June 18, 2020, the Supreme Court blocked Trump’s attempt to end the program but sent the matter back to the administration for further consideration.
Reyna Montoya, 29 From: Mexico
Lives in: Mesa, Arizona Reyna Montoya as told to Fernanda Echavarri
I ended up migrating to the United States by the age of 13, but before that, at the age of 10, we moved from Tijuana to Nogales. I was just picked up from school one day. No explanation was given to me. Later on, I found out that my dad had been kidnapped by Mexican police. And as a little kid I didn’t know anything. I would just see my mom’s face and my dad’s face; they were always worried after that.
I learned about this years later, when my dad was in deportation proceedings in 2012—I started piecing everything together, because we were trying to figure out how to keep my dad here through asylum. There were a lot of questions like, “Why did you migrate?” So then everything made sense.
We always had tourist visas, my mom, my brother, and I, so my migration was a little bit different. I remember just crossing the border in a car. But I learned pretty fast that not knowing English meant that I wasn’t going to be valued, and that I was always going to be excluded from opportunities. So I was in ESL classes, and within a year and a half I was kicked out of ESL. I don’t know how, but I learned English pretty fast.
Still, high school was one of the most difficult moments of my life, where my identity was formed around being a good student and paying it forward for my parents. I had to make sure that my parents’ sacrifices were worth it. But when senior year of high school came, I realized I couldn’t pay in-state tuition when I went to college. It didn’t matter that I had a 3.8 GPA. It didn’t matter that I was involved in all these extracurriculars. I felt deceived and lied to by my teachers. I was like, “You promised me that if I will work really hard, the future would look bright,” but that was not my reality.
DACA didn’t exist then, and I have mad respect for my parents. I don’t think I would have had that much drive and hustle. My mom and dad, who didn’t even graduate high school, found out that there was this private scholarship—and that’s how I got into college.
At Arizona State I met other Dreamers, and I started advocating for the DREAM Act in 2010. The DREAM Act failed, and there was a lot of heartache and disappointment, but I decided to stay involved. When the DACA announcement was made on June 15, 2012, I led a press conference. I was terrified. President Obama made the promise that if we came forward in good faith, our information was not going to be used against us or our parents. Call it naivete, but a lot of us believed in that promise.
When I got DACA a few days after the election of 2012, I felt a lot of hope. While it wasn’t what we wanted, we were hoping that this was a step in the right direction that would enable us to eventually, maybe down the road, get immigration reform.
During the Trump era, having DACA has meant anxiety and broken dreams. It’s meant betrayal, a lot of betrayal. We were promised this, and now I can be deported. It became real.
President Obama promised that if we came forward in good faith, our information was not going to be used against us. Call it naivete, but a lot of us believed in that promise.
Even talking about it now, my hands are getting sweaty and my throat chokes up, because it’s been very, very difficult. I’ve been in a romantic partnership for the past seven years, and he’s also a DACA recipient, so it’s that constant anxiety and fear. It’s like I feel someone is holding my heart really tightly.
When I think about all the people that I encouraged to apply for DACA, it feels really heavy now that there’s been a betrayal from the government, knowing that ICE has our information and what this administration can do with that. It’s very, very scary.
Since Trump took office, he was constantly threatening to drop an executive order. Every Friday became a nightmare, from the Muslim ban to the leaked memo in February 2017 with his plan to end DACA. Then fast forward to September 2017, when Jeff Sessions officially announced the termination of the DACA program. It went from Trump saying, “I’m gonna negotiate with Chuck and Nancy” to him saying, “No, Chuck and Nancy don’t like me, they are not getting me what I want.” So it was just constantly reading the tweets, waking up at 5 a.m. and checking my phone, instead of saying my morning prayer, or my morning meditation. Then it became about the Supreme Court, waking up every morning and tracking the Supreme Court through the blog and Twitter. Then finally I could catch my breath, when the Supreme Court ruled in our favor a little bit. But still, what does that mean? Is the Trump administration actually gonna follow protocol? They reduced our two-year work permit to one year, so it’s scary.
It’s been such a roller coaster of emotions. I’ve started going to therapy. It definitely has been very difficult for me to not only to experience that as someone who is impacted, but having to answer to many Dreamers who come with questions and have very different life experiences. When I think about those Dreamers who are isolated and don’t have the resources to get mental health support, my heart gets really heavy.
I hope those people that said that they care and that they voted, because they’ve heard stories like mine, that they don’t forget about our pain.


motherjones--2020-10-29--Trump Killed My American Dream: 8 Stories From the War on Immigrants

As part of an effort to keep out working-class immigrants , the Trump administration issued a rule that blocks people from getting green cards if immigration officers decide they ’ re likely to use public benefits in the future—to become , in antiquated parlance , “ public charges.
” The rule has caused many immigrants to unenroll from public benefits .
Shahad Sarmad stopped getting food stamps for herself and her baby because she fears accepting them will cause her husband , whom she is sponsoring for a green card , to be labeled a public charge .
My husband @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve lost two of my family members since we applied for his green card in May : my father and my uncle , who was like a second father to me .
He was an officer in the Iraqi military and was killed by ISIS .
My father was in the army , too .
He worked with the US military .
I couldn ’ t go back home for my uncle ’ s funeral because I ’ m the only person in my family who can work here .
I work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a very bad depression after my uncle got killed .
I left my full-time job and kept working as a delivery driver with Grubhub , which I need to do so that my husband won ’ t be considered a public charge .
I barely make $ 1,200 a month .
My husband hasn ’ t been allowed to work since he moved here in December .
He has a degree in biomedical engineering and used to work as a project manager in London .
I got my degree in Iraq in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ renewing Medicaid for my 18-month-old and me .
My lawyer told me to stay on it but worries that it could make USCIS see my husband as a public charge .
After the first Gulf War , the economy in Iraq was very bad .
My uncle and my father had to work for the Iraqi army so they could support their families .
After 2003 , they went back to serve in the army even though it was very dangerous .
I felt scared my entire childhood .
My father later worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had lots of friends who were US officers .
He started the process of applying to be a refugee in 2011 .
We thought it was going to take two years .
It ended up taking seven .
I was 24 when I got here .
I moved to the UK with my husband for a little while in 2018 but decided to come back to Austin when I was three months pregnant .
I applied for my green card that year .
I thought it would take six months .
It ended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it in February .
While I was waiting , I went into a very bad depression .
My husband wasn ’ t here , and I was living with my baby as a single mom .
I wasn ’ t prepared for it .
My husband returned on a tourist visa but is now able to stay while his green card application is being processed .
I heard about the public charge rule when I was still applying for my green card .
I heard that if you ’ re using food stamps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mother or your father to live with you .
I stopped applying for food stamps immediately .
I was desperate for cash to pay rent , but I didn ’ t apply for cash benefits .
I will never do it .
I will go work for 12 hours a day at a retail shop while eight months pregnant rather than receiving cash benefits .
I see people in social media groups saying you can receive unemployment if you ’ re sponsoring someone .
Others say you can ’ t .
And that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it or not ?
After I left my full-time job , my lawyer recommended that I keep working because of the public charge rule .
The government makes us feel like we ’ re not safe until we get our citizenship .
I have a relative who got an $ 18,000 hospital bill .
She went to the emergency room for kidney pain .
She wasn ’ t on Medicaid because she was sponsoring her husband and didn ’ t want him to be considered a public charge .
These stories are all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and keeping myself busy , but it ’ s not fair to make my husband go nine months without working .
He got a 30-day trial at a gym so he can get out for a while .
He ’ s trying to study coding , but he still needs a Social Security number to go to community college .
Everyone relied on him at his old job , and now he ’ s staying home all day with the baby or just doing his daily workout .
It ’ s getting bad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eat or get out of bed .
He ’ s qualified to work for companies like Apple and Samsung .
We saw all these Netflix episodes about people working illegally and getting caught by ICE .
That was my nightmare when he applied for his green card .
I was afraid of him getting rejected and then having ICE knock on the door .
They ’ d deport him and he ’ d never be able to come back and live with us .
I think my husband will eventually get approved .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he will have to answer questions about me getting Medicaid , me leaving my job , why he waited for a long time to apply for private health insurance .
But I ’ m afraid it won ’ t happen until next year .
I can ’ t keep going and working every single day .
I go to sleep thinking , “ Tomorrow I ’ ll take a day off , ” but I can ’ t .
My mental health has really suffered these past few years .
Sometimes I feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a doctor just to talk about it .
I ’ ve never said that to anybody .
This is a lot of pressure for one person .
I ’ m only 26 , but with all the pressure in my life it feels like I ’ m 46 .
Dad had a heart attack then after that my uncle .
I remember going back to work and crying while delivering pizza and sushi .
It makes me anxious to think about my husband ’ s application every day .
It ’ s living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with me .
It ’ s drinking with me .
Him getting approved is about being free again .
People talk about light at the end of the tunnel .
We ’ re still in the dark part of the tunnel .
We talked to eight people whose lives have been upended by the Trump administration ’ s immigration policies .
You can read more about the project and find every story here .

As part of an effort to keep out working-class immigrants, the Trump administration issued a rule that blocks people from getting green cards if immigration officers decide they’re likely to use public benefits in the future—to become, in antiquated parlance, “public charges.” The rule has caused many immigrants to unenroll from public benefits. Shahad Sarmad stopped getting food stamps for herself and her baby because she fears accepting them will cause her husband, whom she is sponsoring for a green card, to be labeled a public charge.
Shahad Sarmad, 26 From: Iraq
Lives in: Austin, Texas Shahad Sarmad as told to Noah Lanard
My husband and I are from Iraq. I’ve lost two of my family members since we applied for his green card in May: my father and my uncle, who was like a second father to me. He was an officer in the Iraqi military and was killed by ISIS. My father was in the army, too. He worked with the US military.
I couldn’t go back home for my uncle’s funeral because I’m the only person in my family who can work here. I work seven days a week. I went into a very bad depression after my uncle got killed. I left my full-time job and kept working as a delivery driver with Grubhub, which I need to do so that my husband won’t be considered a public charge. I barely make $1,200 a month.
My husband hasn’t been allowed to work since he moved here in December. He has a degree in biomedical engineering and used to work as a project manager in London. I got my degree in Iraq in business administration. Now I’m renewing Medicaid for my 18-month-old and me. My lawyer told me to stay on it but worries that it could make USCIS see my husband as a public charge.
After the first Gulf War, the economy in Iraq was very bad. My uncle and my father had to work for the Iraqi army so they could support their families. After 2003, they went back to serve in the army even though it was very dangerous. I felt scared my entire childhood. My father later worked in the US embassy in Baghdad and had lots of friends who were US officers. He started the process of applying to be a refugee in 2011. We thought it was going to take two years. It ended up taking seven.
I was 24 when I got here. I moved to the UK with my husband for a little while in 2018 but decided to come back to Austin when I was three months pregnant. I applied for my green card that year. I thought it would take six months. It ended up taking 17 months. I got it in February. While I was waiting, I went into a very bad depression. My husband wasn’t here, and I was living with my baby as a single mom. I wasn’t prepared for it. My husband returned on a tourist visa but is now able to stay while his green card application is being processed.
I heard that if you’re using food stamps, you can’t bring your mother or your father to live with you. I stopped applying for food stamps immediately.
I heard about the public charge rule when I was still applying for my green card. I heard that if you’re using food stamps, you can’t bring your mother or your father to live with you. I stopped applying for food stamps immediately. I was desperate for cash to pay rent, but I didn’t apply for cash benefits. I will never do it. I will go work for 12 hours a day at a retail shop while eight months pregnant rather than receiving cash benefits.
I see people in social media groups saying you can receive unemployment if you’re sponsoring someone. Others say you can’t. And that makes us unsure. Should we do it or not? After I left my full-time job, my lawyer recommended that I keep working because of the public charge rule.
The government makes us feel like we’re not safe until we get our citizenship. I have a relative who got an $18,000 hospital bill. She went to the emergency room for kidney pain. She wasn’t on Medicaid because she was sponsoring her husband and didn’t want him to be considered a public charge. These stories are all around me.
I’m working and keeping myself busy, but it’s not fair to make my husband go nine months without working. He got a 30-day trial at a gym so he can get out for a while. He’s trying to study coding, but he still needs a Social Security number to go to community college. Everyone relied on him at his old job, and now he’s staying home all day with the baby or just doing his daily workout. It’s getting bad. Sometimes, he doesn’t eat or get out of bed.
He’s qualified to work for companies like Apple and Samsung. We saw all these Netflix episodes about people working illegally and getting caught by ICE. That was my nightmare when he applied for his green card. I was afraid of him getting rejected and then having ICE knock on the door. They’d deport him and he’d never be able to come back and live with us.
I’m only 26, but with all the pressure in my life it feels like I’m 46.
I think my husband will eventually get approved. I’m optimistic, even though he will have to answer questions about me getting Medicaid, me leaving my job, why he waited for a long time to apply for private health insurance. But I’m afraid it won’t happen until next year. I can’t keep going and working every single day. I go to sleep thinking, “Tomorrow I’ll take a day off,” but I can’t.
My mental health has really suffered these past few years. Sometimes I feel like I need to go to see a doctor just to talk about it. I’ve never said that to anybody. This is a lot of pressure for one person. I’m only 26, but with all the pressure in my life it feels like I’m 46. Dad had a heart attack then after that my uncle. I remember going back to work and crying while delivering pizza and sushi.
It makes me anxious to think about my husband’s application every day. It’s living with me. It’s eating with me. It’s drinking with me. Him getting approved is about being free again. People talk about light at the end of the tunnel. We’re still in the dark part of the tunnel.
We talked to eight people whose lives have been upended by the Trump administration’s immigration policies. You can read more about the project and find every story here.


motherjones--2020-10-29--Trump Made Me Choose Between My Husband’s Green Card and Food for My Baby

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
As part of an effort to keep out working-class immigrants, the Trump administration issued a rule that blocks people from getting green cards if immigration officers decide they’re likely to use public benefits in the future—to become, in antiquated parlance, “public charges.” The rule has caused many immigrants to unenroll from public benefits. Shahad Sarmad stopped getting food stamps for herself and her baby because she fears accepting them will cause her husband, whom she is sponsoring for a green card, to be labeled a public charge.
Shahad Sarmad, 26 From: Iraq
Lives in: Austin, Texas Shahad Sarmad as told to Noah Lanard
My husband and I are from Iraq. I’ve lost two of my family members since we applied for his green card in May: my father and my uncle, who was like a second father to me. He was an officer in the Iraqi military and was killed by ISIS. My father was in the army, too. He worked with the US military.
I couldn’t go back home for my uncle’s funeral because I’m the only person in my family who can work here. I work seven days a week. I went into a very bad depression after my uncle got killed. I left my full-time job and kept working as a delivery driver with Grubhub, which I need to do so that my husband won’t be considered a public charge. I barely make $1,200 a month.
My husband hasn’t been allowed to work since he moved here in December. He has a degree in biomedical engineering and used to work as a project manager in London. I got my degree in Iraq in business administration. Now I’m renewing Medicaid for my 18-month-old and me. My lawyer told me to stay on it but worries that it could make USCIS see my husband as a public charge.
After the first Gulf War, the economy in Iraq was very bad. My uncle and my father had to work for the Iraqi army so they could support their families. After 2003, they went back to serve in the army even though it was very dangerous. I felt scared my entire childhood. My father later worked in the US embassy in Baghdad and had lots of friends who were US officers. He started the process of applying to be a refugee in 2011. We thought it was going to take two years. It ended up taking seven.
I was 24 when I got here. I moved to the UK with my husband for a little while in 2018 but decided to come back to Austin when I was three months pregnant. I applied for my green card that year. I thought it would take six months. It ended up taking 17 months. I got it in February. While I was waiting, I went into a very bad depression. My husband wasn’t here, and I was living with my baby as a single mom. I wasn’t prepared for it. My husband returned on a tourist visa but is now able to stay while his green card application is being processed.
I heard that if you’re using food stamps, you can’t bring your mother or your father to live with you. I stopped applying for food stamps immediately.
I heard about the public charge rule when I was still applying for my green card. I heard that if you’re using food stamps, you can’t bring your mother or your father to live with you. I stopped applying for food stamps immediately. I was desperate for cash to pay rent, but I didn’t apply for cash benefits. I will never do it. I will go work for 12 hours a day at a retail shop while eight months pregnant rather than receiving cash benefits.
I see people in social media groups saying you can receive unemployment if you’re sponsoring someone. Others say you can’t. And that makes us unsure. Should we do it or not? After I left my full-time job, my lawyer recommended that I keep working because of the public charge rule.
The government makes us feel like we’re not safe until we get our citizenship. I have a relative who got an $18,000 hospital bill. She went to the emergency room for kidney pain. She wasn’t on Medicaid because she was sponsoring her husband and didn’t want him to be considered a public charge. These stories are all around me.
I’m working and keeping myself busy, but it’s not fair to make my husband go nine months without working. He got a 30-day trial at a gym so he can get out for a while. He’s trying to study coding, but he still needs a Social Security number to go to community college. Everyone relied on him at his old job, and now he’s staying home all day with the baby or just doing his daily workout. It’s getting bad. Sometimes, he doesn’t eat or get out of bed.
He’s qualified to work for companies like Apple and Samsung. We saw all these Netflix episodes about people working illegally and getting caught by ICE. That was my nightmare when he applied for his green card. I was afraid of him getting rejected and then having ICE knock on the door. They’d deport him and he’d never be able to come back and live with us.
I’m only 26, but with all the pressure in my life it feels like I’m 46.
I think my husband will eventually get approved. I’m optimistic, even though he will have to answer questions about me getting Medicaid, me leaving my job, why he waited for a long time to apply for private health insurance. But I’m afraid it won’t happen until next year. I can’t keep going and working every single day. I go to sleep thinking, “Tomorrow I’ll take a day off,” but I can’t.
My mental health has really suffered these past few years. Sometimes I feel like I need to go to see a doctor just to talk about it. I’ve never said that to anybody. This is a lot of pressure for one person. I’m only 26, but with all the pressure in my life it feels like I’m 46. Dad had a heart attack then after that my uncle. I remember going back to work and crying while delivering pizza and sushi.
It makes me anxious to think about my husband’s application every day. It’s living with me. It’s eating with me. It’s drinking with me. Him getting approved is about being free again. People talk about light at the end of the tunnel. We’re still in the dark part of the tunnel.
We talked to eight people whose lives have been upended by the Trump administration’s immigration policies. You can read more about the project and find every story here.