motherjones--2020-08-27--The Trump Administration Is Trying to Sabotage the Census. Can They Get Away With It?

There ’ s less than five weeks left to complete the census , and more than a third of Americans have yet to fill out the questionnaire .
The coronavirus threw a wrench in the Census Bureau ’ s plan for its decennial headcount , making it difficult for the agency to reach people who didn ’ t immediately respond online or return the forms they received in the mail .
But instead of oiling the gears to boost response , the Trump administration tried dismantling the machinery .
The census determines the apportionment of seats in the House of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hundreds of billions of dollars of government funds for the next decade .
The profile it paints of the nation determines where governments will build roads and schools , and where businesses will chose to locate .
It informs public health data and allows us to determine , for example , what percentage of the US population has recovered or died from the coronavirus .
But President Trump has for years sought to undermine the census by suggesting that it ask respondents about their citizenship status , and by pushing for the exclusion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Supreme Court found an outright count of noncitizens unconstitutional .
Meanwhile , the social distancing requirements associated with the coronavirus pandemic have dogged the Census Bureau ’ s attempts to physically count each household that has not self-responded .
After the Trump administration announced a series of political appointees to the Census Bureau , the agency said that it would cut enumeration—the dispatch of a fleet of door-knockers who follow up with people who haven ’ t responded on their own—a month short .
With the likelihood of a fully accurate census @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Levitt , a constitutional law scholar at Loyola Law School who worked on voting rights at the Department of Justice ’ s Civil Rights Division under President Obama , walks us through the impact of the current administration ’ s assaults on the Census Bureau—and explores the legal possibilities for rectifying an incorrect count .
Before you read any further : Have you filled out the census ?
Have your friends and family ?
Here ’ s the link to the questionnaire .
It should take about 10 minutes to complete .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undocumented immigrants be excluded from congressional apportionment .
Would it be constitutional for the president to deliver a count that excludes the undocumented population ?
The answer is no , and it ’ s not even close .
Flatly , clearly , no .
The 14th Amendment says abundantly clearly that when you ’ re counting the population for purposes of apportionment , you count everybody , “ the whole number of persons in each state , ” period .
In order to come up with any different conclusion , you have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t persons , or they ’ re not in a state .
That is , “ persons ” doesn ’ t mean “ persons , ” or “ in ” doesn ’ t mean “ in , ” are the only available options for the president ’ s argument .
The other thing that ’ s abundantly clear is that the enumeration has to be a count .
It can ’ t involve an estimate .
In order to remove the undocumented population from the count , you have to have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we don ’ t have that .
So in addition to it being blatantly unlawful , it ’ s also impossible .
The president ’ s memorandum actually contemplates this .
There ’ s an operational component that directs the Census Bureau to give him the information on the undocumented population so that he can exclude it from the apportionment count where consistent with applicable law and as practicable .
What the general counsel of the Department of Commerce should come back with is , “ Mr .
President , we have read @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your memorandum .
I ’ m giving you a piece of paper with all of the information that would be consistent with applicable law and practicable.
” And that piece of paper should be blank .
It ’ s like saying , “ Go rob a bank , but only if it ’ s legal.
” So the intent of the memorandum seems pretty clear .
There ’ s no question .
He wants to convey the notion that we should , in his view , exclude the undocumented population in the apportionment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like he will .
The Census Bureau recently announced that it would cut in-person enumeration short by a month .
How will this affect the likelihood of an accurate count ?
The pandemic substantially affected census operations .
The Census Bureau acknowledged this when they originally made a request to Congress to extend follow-up into the end of October to take more time reconciling the results of that follow-up in getting the apportionment data out to Congress , and to take more time to get redistricting data out to the states .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Hey , remember when we told you we needed more time ?
We actually don ’ t need all of that extra time .
We can do it in a month or less.
” And I think there have been a lot of very disturbing questions and very little transparency about why the Census Bureau originally said they needed until October and then came back and said , “ Nah , never mind.
” The Trump administration has also added several new political appointees to the census .
Why is this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ irregular appointments through this administration that I don ’ t know that they ’ d be raising particular eyebrows at other times , or when there weren ’ t also these attempts to manipulate the census count .
But a lot of people have very real questions , independent of the qualifications of the individuals he ’ s appointed , just because he has done so much damage to people ’ s ability to trust his administration and execution of basic functions related to self-governance—witness the brouhaha at the post office .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now , why there , and why these people ?
In the event that there is an inaccurate count or a severe undercount , is there anything that can legally be done to remedy that ?
The big and obvious response is , can ’ t we just do a do-over ?
And the short answer is , we could , but the census is the largest peacetime mobilization in the country , and you can ’ t just snap your fingers and have a do-over .
The preparation for the 2020 census @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2030 census is already underway .
It is possible , but it ’ s a slow train and enormously logistically complicated and enormously expensive .
Could , legally , Congress order a supplement to the census ?
Yeah , but the further you get from April 1 , 2020 , the less accurate the information becomes .
That ’ s partly why it ’ s really important to do nonresponse followup in May and June , and even knowing that can ’ t be done , why it ’ s really important to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Could Congress refuse to reapportion House seats based on this year ’ s data and just go with the numbers from 2010 ?
Unclear .
They have actually neglected to reapportion Congress ; curiously , the last time they did that was 1920 , which was right after the last pandemic .
But that was before a series of Supreme Court cases in the ’ 60s saying that you have a constitutional right to live in a place where our representatives are equally allotted , where we each have the same amount @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t had to deal with the question of what happens when we ’ re not sure what equal is , or when we know that the figures we ’ ve got via census are bad .
The real answer is we don ’ t know .
To what extent can the Census Bureau rely on administrative records , like Social Security and USPS data , to fill in the blanks ?
Two points on that : The administrative records for most of us are very good , but for some of us are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left out of the count are more likely to also not be in the administrative records .
So you can only fill in the blanks so much .
And , again , you can ’ t estimate for purposes of apportionment .
It ’ s okay to use records that you have for actual people , but the efficacy of those administrative records runs out at some point .
That ’ s where the non-response follow-up , in terms of actually getting information house to house , is so very important to avoid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ edited and condensed for clarity .

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There’s less than five weeks left to complete the census, and more than a third of Americans have yet to fill out the questionnaire. The coronavirus threw a wrench in the Census Bureau’s plan for its decennial headcount, making it difficult for the agency to reach people who didn’t immediately respond online or return the forms they received in the mail. But instead of oiling the gears to boost response, the Trump administration tried dismantling the machinery.
The census determines the apportionment of seats in the House of Representatives. It dictates the distribution of hundreds of billions of dollars of government funds for the next decade. The profile it paints of the nation determines where governments will build roads and schools, and where businesses will chose to locate. It informs public health data and allows us to determine, for example, what percentage of the US population has recovered or died from the coronavirus.
But President Trump has for years sought to undermine the census by suggesting that it ask respondents about their citizenship status, and by pushing for the exclusion of undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment after the Supreme Court found an outright count of noncitizens unconstitutional. Meanwhile, the social distancing requirements associated with the coronavirus pandemic have dogged the Census Bureau’s attempts to physically count each household that has not self-responded. After the Trump administration announced a series of political appointees to the Census Bureau, the agency said that it would cut enumeration—the dispatch of a fleet of door-knockers who follow up with people who haven’t responded on their own—a month short.
With the likelihood of a fully accurate census count growing slimmer each day, Justin Levitt, a constitutional law scholar at Loyola Law School who worked on voting rights at the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division under President Obama, walks us through the impact of the current administration’s assaults on the Census Bureau—and explores the legal possibilities for rectifying an incorrect count.
Before you read any further: Have you filled out the census? Have your friends and family? Here’s the link to the questionnaire. It should take about 10 minutes to complete.
The president recently issued a memorandum ordering that undocumented immigrants be excluded from congressional apportionment. Would it be constitutional for the president to deliver a count that excludes the undocumented population?
The answer is no, and it’s not even close. Flatly, clearly, no.
The 14th Amendment says abundantly clearly that when you’re counting the population for purposes of apportionment, you count everybody, “the whole number of persons in each state,” period. In order to come up with any different conclusion, you have to decide that people who are undocumented aren’t persons, or they’re not in a state. That is, “persons” doesn’t mean “persons,” or “in” doesn’t mean “in,” are the only available options for the president’s argument.
The other thing that’s abundantly clear is that the enumeration has to be a count. It can’t involve an estimate. In order to remove the undocumented population from the count, you have to have a count of the undocumented population, and we don’t have that. So in addition to it being blatantly unlawful, it’s also impossible.
“The census is the largest peacetime mobilization in the country, and you can’t just snap your fingers and have a do-over.”
The president’s memorandum actually contemplates this. There’s an operational component that directs the Census Bureau to give him the information on the undocumented population so that he can exclude it from the apportionment count where consistent with applicable law and as practicable. What the general counsel of the Department of Commerce should come back with is, “Mr. President, we have read your memorandum. We have complied with your memorandum. I’m giving you a piece of paper with all of the information that would be consistent with applicable law and practicable.” And that piece of paper should be blank. It’s like saying, “Go rob a bank, but only if it’s legal.”
So the intent of the memorandum seems pretty clear.
There’s no question. He wants to convey the notion that we should, in his view, exclude the undocumented population in the apportionment count, and he wants to pretend like he will.
The Census Bureau recently announced that it would cut in-person enumeration short by a month. How will this affect the likelihood of an accurate count?
The pandemic substantially affected census operations. The Census Bureau acknowledged this when they originally made a request to Congress to extend follow-up into the end of October to take more time reconciling the results of that follow-up in getting the apportionment data out to Congress, and to take more time to get redistricting data out to the states. Then the Census Bureau came back and said, “Hey, remember when we told you we needed more time? We actually don’t need all of that extra time. We can do it in a month or less.” And I think there have been a lot of very disturbing questions and very little transparency about why the Census Bureau originally said they needed until October and then came back and said, “Nah, never mind.”
The Trump administration has also added several new political appointees to the census. Why is this concerning?
There have been so many irregular appointments through this administration that I don’t know that they’d be raising particular eyebrows at other times, or when there weren’t also these attempts to manipulate the census count. But a lot of people have very real questions, independent of the qualifications of the individuals he’s appointed, just because he has done so much damage to people’s ability to trust his administration and execution of basic functions related to self-governance—witness the brouhaha at the post office. I think people are very concerned about why now, why there, and why these people?
In the event that there is an inaccurate count or a severe undercount, is there anything that can legally be done to remedy that?
The big and obvious response is, can’t we just do a do-over? And the short answer is, we could, but the census is the largest peacetime mobilization in the country, and you can’t just snap your fingers and have a do-over. The preparation for the 2020 census started in 2007. Preparation for the 2030 census is already underway. It is possible, but it’s a slow train and enormously logistically complicated and enormously expensive.
Could, legally, Congress order a supplement to the census? Yeah, but the further you get from April 1, 2020, the less accurate the information becomes. That’s partly why it’s really important to do nonresponse followup in May and June, and even knowing that can’t be done, why it’s really important to do the followup as soon as possible.
Could Congress refuse to reapportion House seats based on this year’s data and just go with the numbers from 2010?
Unclear. They have actually neglected to reapportion Congress; curiously, the last time they did that was 1920, which was right after the last pandemic. But that was before a series of Supreme Court cases in the ’60s saying that you have a constitutional right to live in a place where our representatives are equally allotted, where we each have the same amount of representation. The courts haven’t had to deal with the question of what happens when we’re not sure what equal is, or when we know that the figures we’ve got via census are bad. The real answer is we don’t know.
To what extent can the Census Bureau rely on administrative records, like Social Security and USPS data, to fill in the blanks?
Two points on that: The administrative records for most of us are very good, but for some of us are not, and the people who get left out of the count are more likely to also not be in the administrative records. So you can only fill in the blanks so much.
And, again, you can’t estimate for purposes of apportionment. It’s okay to use records that you have for actual people, but the efficacy of those administrative records runs out at some point. That’s where the non-response follow-up, in terms of actually getting information house to house, is so very important to avoid an undercount.
This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.


motherjones--2020-08-27--The Most Craven Lie on Night 3 of the RNC Came from Kayleigh McEnany

Wednesday night , White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany went on prime time TV during the third night of the Republican National Convention and told what might be one of the biggest lies of the evening .
President Trump , she said , “ stands by Americans with preexisting conditions.
” To prove it , McEnany told a personal story .
“ Tonight , I ’ m here to share with you how he supported me—both as a new mom and as an American with a preexisting condition , ” she said .
She described how , in 2018 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mastectomy and reconstructive surgery because she carries the BRCA 2 genetic mutation that put her at high risk for breast cancer as well as a host of other deadly cancers like ovarian cancer .
McEnany was moved when Trump called her after her reconstruction surgery to see how she was doing .
“ I was blown away , ” she said .
“ Here was the leader of the free world caring about me.
” What McEnany didn ’ t tell the national audience was that the Trump administration is at this very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for people with preexisting conditions like hers .
It has supported a lawsuit , brought by Republican state attorneys general , that would overturn the Affordable Care Act , better known as Obamacare .
Despite many promises to do so , the Trump administration has not proposed any new health plan to replace it .
As a result , the ACA is still the only federal law that requires health insurers to cover preexisting conditions .
Without it , insurers will be free to return to the bad old days , when they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illnesses or jack up premiums for those who got sick .
The case is now pending before the Supreme Court , with oral arguments scheduled a few days after the November election .
If the administration is successful , McEnany is likely to find herself uninsurable , along with millions of the other “ brave women ” with breast cancer she invoked in her speech whom she encountered during her many hospital visits for breast scans and check-ups .
“ They were a testament to American strength , ” she said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s America , it seems those heroes are honored by taking away their health insurance .

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Wednesday night, White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany went on prime time TV during the third night of the Republican National Convention and told what might be one of the biggest lies of the evening. President Trump, she said, “stands by Americans with preexisting conditions.”
To prove it, McEnany told a personal story. “Tonight, I’m here to share with you how he supported me—both as a new mom and as an American with a preexisting condition,” she said. She described how, in 2018, she decided to have a preventative double mastectomy and reconstructive surgery because she carries the BRCA 2 genetic mutation that put her at high risk for breast cancer as well as a host of other deadly cancers like ovarian cancer.
McEnany was moved when Trump called her after her reconstruction surgery to see how she was doing. “I was blown away,” she said. “Here was the leader of the free world caring about me.”
What McEnany didn’t tell the national audience was that the Trump administration is at this very moment fighting in court to end protections for people with preexisting conditions like hers. It has supported a lawsuit, brought by Republican state attorneys general, that would overturn the Affordable Care Act, better known as Obamacare. Despite many promises to do so, the Trump administration has not proposed any new health plan to replace it. As a result, the ACA is still the only federal law that requires health insurers to cover preexisting conditions. Without it, insurers will be free to return to the bad old days, when they could deny coverage to people with chronic illnesses or jack up premiums for those who got sick.
The case is now pending before the Supreme Court, with oral arguments scheduled a few days after the November election. If the administration is successful, McEnany is likely to find herself uninsurable, along with millions of the other “brave women” with breast cancer she invoked in her speech whom she encountered during her many hospital visits for breast scans and check-ups. “They were a testament to American strength,” she said. “They are American heroes.” In Trump’s America, it seems those heroes are honored by taking away their health insurance.


motherjones--2020-08-26--“What Kind of Society Are We Building?”: Durham DA Satana Deberry on Prosecuting Like a Progressive

One reason that the nomination of Kamala Harris is so fascinating is that it comes at a time when we ’ re completely rethinking criminal justice in the United States .
And Harris was a prosecutor .
From her time as San Francisco district attorney and as California ’ s attorney general , critics argue that she locked up parents of truant children , left a potentially innocent man on death row , and didn ’ t support a measure mandating statewide standards for police body cameras .
She caught a lot of flack over her criminal justice record during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressive wing of the party .
Even so , Harris labels herself a “ progressive prosecutor.
” She ’ s far from alone .
But what does that label even really mean ?
When Satana Deberry took the oath of office as district attorney of Durham County , North Carolina , in January 2019 , it was a momentous occasion—for the city of Durham and for her , as a Black woman elected to an office historically held by white men , whose “ tough on crime ” policies have devastated communities of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign being vocal about the overpolicing of Black and Brown folks , promising sweeping reform .
Now , more than a year into office , she faces the complicated realities of seeking to reform a deeply flawed criminal justice system and support a community ravaged by gun violence .
She ’ s learning that implementing change will be harder than she could have anticipated .
We recently interviewed Deberry—who also stars in a new short film , I Am Not Going to Change 400 Years in Four , directed by Angela Tucker and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Egg Pictures—as part of a broader examination of progressive prosecutors and how the office has become a focal point in the Republican-led culture war over criminal justice reform .
( Just ask St. Louis ’ first Black female circuit attorney , Kim Gardner , the prosecutor who recently charged RNC stars Mark and Patricia McCloskey , for more about that . )
In our conversation , Deberry opened up about the challenges of tackling racial injustice and a pandemic in parenting teenagers ; her sincere commitment to Converse sneakers ; and the weight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , at the end of the day , the one to put Black and Brown people in prison .
Listen to the latest episode of the Mother Jones Podcast : Subscribe using Apple Podcasts , Spotify , Stitcher , or your favorite podcast app .
Read the full conversation between Mother Jones ’ Jamilah King and Satana Deberry below .
The transcript has been lightly edited for length and clarity .
So I want to start with some big news .
We are talking less than a day after Joe Biden announced Kamala @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Harris , of course , is a career prosecutor .
What did you think when you heard that she got the nod ?
I ’ m very excited for Kamala Harris as the vice president .
I think she brings a wealth of experience and certainly a worldview that we ’ ve not seen before in that office .
And so I ’ m excited for these next 90-something days to see how this campaign unfolds .
There ’ s been a lot of talk recently about progressive prosecutors .
You describe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does it mean to be a progressive prosecutor ?
For me , being a progressive prosecutor means that we are not just focused on the punishment part of prosecution—that first , we understand the communities that we are a part of , the historical nature of the offices that we hold , why those offices are the way they are ; that we understand our communities and that we ’ re really focused more on accountability when we hurt each other , when we break our social contract , as opposed to punishment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looking at each individual case and trying to come up with a resolution that is both fair and just , that is equitable , that takes into account not just the rights of the defendants and the victims , but what we as a community values .
When you were elected , which reforms were at the top of your list ?
Well , at the top of my list was to refocus the office from the steady stream of prosecution of low-level cases to the more serious cases in our jurisdiction , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I felt like we were spending in our community a lot of time prosecuting people whose driver ’ s licenses were revoked , people who may have substance abuse problems or may be dealing with issues of poverty and mental health , as opposed to really focusing on the more serious crimes and accountability for those .
Is there a model for what you ’ re doing ?
Is there someone whose work has really inspired you to take this path ?
We are always trying in this office to be fair and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every decision .
And I think for me , I am both a student of history and sociology .
I ’ m interested in the way that our communities have developed .
And I ’ m also interested in the folks that come before me .
So for me , my ideology is always , how do we get to freedom and how do we offer safety for the broadest number of people in our community , starting with those among us who have the least ?
You are a Black , openly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me what that ’ s like .
Mostly it ’ s like being overworked .
I am in what many people would call a progressive community in the South .
I think the South is not a monolithic place , to use an overused term ; it is a very diverse place .
It is certainly a very diverse place if you are a Black person .
There are all types of Black people who live in the South , who are from the South , who were born here , raised here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward .
So for me , I think the most important things are that I am kind of from here , that I ’ m rooted in North Carolina .
I grew up in North Carolina , this is my home .
And so there ’ s a lot , I think , less attention on other issues .
The most attention is on my policies and the work that we ’ re trying to do .
There ’ s been a refrain recently that Black women are uniquely qualified to lead because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scenes for decades .
Is that true for you ?
Well , I am not new to any of this work .
I ’ ve been practicing law half my life , and I ’ ve spent most of that time in advocacy roles .
I ’ ve spent most of that time working for poor people , working for communities of color , and doing community economic development , affordable housing work , health equity work .
And so I like to say that I had been doing administrative support for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think at this point , we are seeing those Black women who have been doing the legal work , who ’ ve been doing the organizing work , step to the front and say , “ Look , we have been doing this work .
We uniquely understand the issues because we ’ ve been listening to people talk about these issues for decades , and we ’ ve been providing the services , and we now think that we should be in the policy arena making those changes.
” What ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job for you since you were elected and took office ?
In criminal justice reform , we talk a lot about getting rid of prosecution of low-level crimes , of the over-prosecution of Black and Brown people , the over-prosecution of people who are poor , people with substance abuse problems , people that have mental health problems .
The thing we don ’ t talk so much about is victims .
The kind of dirty little secret of the criminal justice system is not only are all of the defendants Black and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are also Black and Brown , and there are people out there whose status , gender , sexual orientation , socioeconomic class , the neighborhoods that they live in , subject them every day to being in some sort of danger .
The hardest part for me is balancing that work—making sure that we , while we are trying not to over-prosecute and only be focused on the violent and serious crimes , also lift up those people who are the most vulnerable and who are often people who look like me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ question : Tell me about the Converse , the Chucks .
You wear them every day .
Is it a statement ?
Is it just comfort ?
What ’ s going on there ?
Well , it ’ s a couple of things .
I have been a kind of weekend warrior , very poor athlete my whole life .
And so I have knee issues and ankle issues and learned a while ago that Chucks helped me make it through today a little faster , but they ’ re also a style @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look good , they work with my suits , and they also kind of harken back a little bit to my roots in southeastern North Carolina .
For folks who don ’ t know , the original Converse plant was located in southeastern North Carolina .
And most of the people who worked there were Black and Indigenous people .
Whoa .
I had no idea .
That ’ s really fascinating .
So you are also a parent .
I can ’ t even imagine what it ’ s like to parent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it going being a Black parent right now , navigating your kids questions around race and , of course , the pandemic ?
I have three teenage daughters .
The oldest is a first-year college student , so we are managing not just the transition to adulthood , but the transition to adulthood during a pandemic , during a time when she ’ s very anxious about being on campus—just [ thinking ] how is she going to launch really ?
For those of us who went to college , this was one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives .
And so trying to parent her through not having that experience and having a fear-based experience is challenging .
I have two high school age children as well , one of whom styles herself as an activist .
And so she has been out protesting , and was teargassed at a protest in May or in early June .
She has been working all summer as a youth activist and organizing around issues of racial justice while still trying to figure out what AP classes to sign up for and how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So it ’ s been really challenging .
It ’ s also been really challenging for the high schoolers because , interestingly enough , while being home has had a lot of challenges around schooling , it has also been a little bit of a respite from the racial microaggressions that they experience every day at school .
So it ’ s been a little bit of a mixed blessing for them to be home .
Wow , there ’ s so much there .
I want to go back to something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your daughter was teargassed at a protest .
I imagine that was terrifying for you as a parent .
Yeah .
She was there with her older sister and they had gotten separated and she called me crying , not so much because she was upset , but because she had tear gas in her eyes and she couldn ’ t find her sister .
She ’ s 14 .
So for me , I had a lot of emotion around that , not just the individual fear of a parent , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in where now part of my child ’ s childhood is that she got tear gassed ?
Not that she was at the mall doing stupid things or hanging out with her friends at the movies , but that she had to be out in the streets protesting for her rights and for the rights of her people .
What kind of society are we building where that is now part of the narrative of her childhood ?
How do you think that will impact how you think about your role as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question .
I think , at some point—and my daughter and I have talked a little bit about this—we will probably , in our personal relationship , wrestle with what I do for a living .
We are trying to be fair in this office .
We ’ re trying to be just .
We ’ re trying to be equitable .
We ’ re trying to take the history of race in this country into account .
We ’ re trying to offer diversions for prosecution and we ’ re trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t deserve records .
And at the end of the day , I still put people in prison .
And I still put mostly Black and Brown people in prison .
And that was what my child was out there protesting against .
So just like our country , at some point , we are going to have to reckon with that .
How does that make you feel ?
You say that at the end of the day , you put Black and Brown people in prison .
What ’ s it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mean , it is not inconsequential .
I do think about that a lot .
I think about that every day .
I also see some pretty bad things as a prosecutor .
I live in a jurisdiction that is small enough that I review every autopsy of every murder victim .
I talk to the families of murder victims .
I talk to the families of people who have experienced physical violence and sexual violence and sexual trauma , and for whom interaction with me represents the very worst day of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black and Brown people , right ?
And so something that is constantly on my mind and that I ’ m trying to balance is the compassion for the victims and the search for accountability for those people , as well as a protection of the rights of people who may be accused .
About the Filmmakers of I Am Not Going to Change 400 Years in Four

One reason that the nomination of Kamala Harris is so fascinating is that it comes at a time when we’re completely rethinking criminal justice in the United States. And Harris was a prosecutor. From her time as San Francisco district attorney and as California’s attorney general, critics argue that she locked up parents of truant children, left a potentially innocent man on death row, and didn’t support a measure mandating statewide standards for police body cameras. She caught a lot of flack over her criminal justice record during the Democratic primary, especially from the progressive wing of the party. Even so, Harris labels herself a “progressive prosecutor.”
“We’re always trying to come up with a resolution that is both fair and just, that takes into account not just the rights of the defendants and the victims, but what we as a community values.”
She’s far from alone. But what does that label even really mean?
When Satana Deberry took the oath of office as district attorney of Durham County, North Carolina, in January 2019, it was a momentous occasion—for the city of Durham and for her, as a Black woman elected to an office historically held by white men, whose “tough on crime” policies have devastated communities of color for decades. She ran her campaign being vocal about the overpolicing of Black and Brown folks, promising sweeping reform. Now, more than a year into office, she faces the complicated realities of seeking to reform a deeply flawed criminal justice system and support a community ravaged by gun violence. She’s learning that implementing change will be harder than she could have anticipated.
We recently interviewed Deberry—who also stars in a new short film, I Am Not Going to Change 400 Years in Four, directed by Angela Tucker and Kristi Jacobson and produced by Chicken & Egg Pictures—as part of a broader examination of progressive prosecutors and how the office has become a focal point in the Republican-led culture war over criminal justice reform. (Just ask St. Louis’ first Black female circuit attorney, Kim Gardner, the prosecutor who recently charged RNC stars Mark and Patricia McCloskey, for more about that.) In our conversation, Deberry opened up about the challenges of tackling racial injustice and a pandemic in parenting teenagers; her sincere commitment to Converse sneakers; and the weight of being Black and progressive and also, at the end of the day, the one to put Black and Brown people in prison.
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Read the full conversation between Mother Jones’ Jamilah King and Satana Deberry below. The transcript has been lightly edited for length and clarity.
So I want to start with some big news. We are talking less than a day after Joe Biden announced Kamala Harris as his vice presidential running mate. Harris, of course, is a career prosecutor. What did you think when you heard that she got the nod?
I’m very excited for Kamala Harris as the vice president. I think she brings a wealth of experience and certainly a worldview that we’ve not seen before in that office. And so I’m excited for these next 90-something days to see how this campaign unfolds.
“My ideology is always, how do we get to freedom and how do we offer safety for the broadest number of people in our community, starting with those among us who have the least?”
There’s been a lot of talk recently about progressive prosecutors. You describe yourself as one. So, what does it mean to be a progressive prosecutor?
For me, being a progressive prosecutor means that we are not just focused on the punishment part of prosecution—that first, we understand the communities that we are a part of, the historical nature of the offices that we hold, why those offices are the way they are; that we understand our communities and that we’re really focused more on accountability when we hurt each other, when we break our social contract, as opposed to punishment. And so we’re always looking at each individual case and trying to come up with a resolution that is both fair and just, that is equitable, that takes into account not just the rights of the defendants and the victims, but what we as a community values.
When you were elected, which reforms were at the top of your list?
Well, at the top of my list was to refocus the office from the steady stream of prosecution of low-level cases to the more serious cases in our jurisdiction, which I felt were being ignored. I felt like we were spending in our community a lot of time prosecuting people whose driver’s licenses were revoked, people who may have substance abuse problems or may be dealing with issues of poverty and mental health, as opposed to really focusing on the more serious crimes and accountability for those.
Is there a model for what you’re doing? Is there someone whose work has really inspired you to take this path?
We are always trying in this office to be fair and just. That is how we make every decision. And I think for me, I am both a student of history and sociology. I’m interested in the way that our communities have developed. And I’m also interested in the folks that come before me. So for me, my ideology is always, how do we get to freedom and how do we offer safety for the broadest number of people in our community, starting with those among us who have the least?
You are a Black, openly queer prosecutor in the South. Tell me what that’s like.
Mostly it’s like being overworked. I am in what many people would call a progressive community in the South. I think the South is not a monolithic place, to use an overused term; it is a very diverse place. It is certainly a very diverse place if you are a Black person. There are all types of Black people who live in the South, who are from the South, who were born here, raised here, who want to see it move forward. So for me, I think the most important things are that I am kind of from here, that I’m rooted in North Carolina. I grew up in North Carolina, this is my home. And so there’s a lot, I think, less attention on other issues. The most attention is on my policies and the work that we’re trying to do.
There’s been a refrain recently that Black women are uniquely qualified to lead because we’ve been leading behind the scenes for decades. Is that true for you?
Well, I am not new to any of this work. I’ve been practicing law half my life, and I’ve spent most of that time in advocacy roles. I’ve spent most of that time working for poor people, working for communities of color, and doing community economic development, affordable housing work, health equity work. And so I like to say that I had been doing administrative support for the movement for a long time. And I think at this point, we are seeing those Black women who have been doing the legal work, who’ve been doing the organizing work, step to the front and say, “Look, we have been doing this work. We uniquely understand the issues because we’ve been listening to people talk about these issues for decades, and we’ve been providing the services, and we now think that we should be in the policy arena making those changes.”
“We are seeing those Black women step to the front and say, ‘Look, we have been doing this work. We uniquely understand the issues, and we now think that we should be in the policy arena making those changes.'”
What’s been the toughest part of the job for you since you were elected and took office?
In criminal justice reform, we talk a lot about getting rid of prosecution of low-level crimes, of the over-prosecution of Black and Brown people, the over-prosecution of people who are poor, people with substance abuse problems, people that have mental health problems. The thing we don’t talk so much about is victims. The kind of dirty little secret of the criminal justice system is not only are all of the defendants Black and Brown, but all of the victims are also Black and Brown, and there are people out there whose status, gender, sexual orientation, socioeconomic class, the neighborhoods that they live in, subject them every day to being in some sort of danger.
The hardest part for me is balancing that work—making sure that we, while we are trying not to over-prosecute and only be focused on the violent and serious crimes, also lift up those people who are the most vulnerable and who are often people who look like me.
So a bit of a curve ball question: Tell me about the Converse, the Chucks. You wear them every day. Is it a statement? Is it just comfort? What’s going on there?
Well, it’s a couple of things. I have been a kind of weekend warrior, very poor athlete my whole life. And so I have knee issues and ankle issues and learned a while ago that Chucks helped me make it through today a little faster, but they’re also a style choice. I like them. They look good, they work with my suits, and they also kind of harken back a little bit to my roots in southeastern North Carolina. For folks who don’t know, the original Converse plant was located in southeastern North Carolina. And most of the people who worked there were Black and Indigenous people.
“The kind of dirty little secret of the criminal justice system is not only are all of the defendants Black and Brown, but all of the victims are also Black and Brown.”
Whoa. I had no idea. That’s really fascinating. So you are also a parent. I can’t even imagine what it’s like to parent during this time. How’s it going being a Black parent right now, navigating your kids questions around race and, of course, the pandemic?
I have three teenage daughters. The oldest is a first-year college student, so we are managing not just the transition to adulthood, but the transition to adulthood during a pandemic, during a time when she’s very anxious about being on campus—just [thinking] how is she going to launch really? For those of us who went to college, this was one of the most exciting times of our lives. And so trying to parent her through not having that experience and having a fear-based experience is challenging.
I have two high school age children as well, one of whom styles herself as an activist. And so she has been out protesting, and was teargassed at a protest in May or in early June. She has been working all summer as a youth activist and organizing around issues of racial justice while still trying to figure out what AP classes to sign up for and how to pick a college during these times. So it’s been really challenging. It’s also been really challenging for the high schoolers because, interestingly enough, while being home has had a lot of challenges around schooling, it has also been a little bit of a respite from the racial microaggressions that they experience every day at school. So it’s been a little bit of a mixed blessing for them to be home.
Wow, there’s so much there. I want to go back to something you just said, which was that your daughter was teargassed at a protest. I imagine that was terrifying for you as a parent.
Yeah. She was there with her older sister and they had gotten separated and she called me crying, not so much because she was upset, but because she had tear gas in her eyes and she couldn’t find her sister. She’s 14. So for me, I had a lot of emotion around that, not just the individual fear of a parent, but what kind of society do we live in where now part of my child’s childhood is that she got tear gassed? Not that she was at the mall doing stupid things or hanging out with her friends at the movies, but that she had to be out in the streets protesting for her rights and for the rights of her people. What kind of society are we building where that is now part of the narrative of her childhood?
“We’re trying to be equitable. And at the end of the day, I still put people in prison. And I still put mostly Black and Brown people in prison. And that was what my child was out there protesting against. We are going to have to reckon with that.”
How do you think that will impact how you think about your role as a DA?
That’s a good question. I think, at some point—and my daughter and I have talked a little bit about this—we will probably, in our personal relationship, wrestle with what I do for a living. We are trying to be fair in this office. We’re trying to be just. We’re trying to be equitable. We’re trying to take the history of race in this country into account. We’re trying to offer diversions for prosecution and we’re trying to not give people records who don’t deserve records. And at the end of the day, I still put people in prison. And I still put mostly Black and Brown people in prison. And that was what my child was out there protesting against. So just like our country, at some point, we are going to have to reckon with that.
How does that make you feel? You say that at the end of the day, you put Black and Brown people in prison. What’s it like to shoulder that burden?
I mean, it is not inconsequential. I do think about that a lot. I think about that every day. I also see some pretty bad things as a prosecutor. I live in a jurisdiction that is small enough that I review every autopsy of every murder victim. I talk to the families of murder victims. I talk to the families of people who have experienced physical violence and sexual violence and sexual trauma, and for whom interaction with me represents the very worst day of their lives. And those are also generally Black and Brown people, right? And so something that is constantly on my mind and that I’m trying to balance is the compassion for the victims and the search for accountability for those people, as well as a protection of the rights of people who may be accused.
About the Filmmakers of I Am Not Going to Change 400 Years in Four


motherjones--2020-08-28--“I Hope You Can’t Sleep At Night”: My Former High School Teacher Has Some Words for Ron DeSantis

A few weeks ago , I saw on Facebook that a social studies teacher at my former high school in Sarasota , Florida , had died from COVID-19 .
His name was Robert Shackelford , or “ Shack ” for short .
He was 61 years old .
One of his colleagues , my former economics and government teacher Christy Karwatt , shared the news on Facebook : “ He taught countless children to love history and he will be missed.
” Last week , I decided to reach out to Karwatt .
I had seen through social media the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her and many of my former classmates , and I wondered how it would influence the reopening plans of Sarasota High , my alma mater .
While state policy demands all Florida schools reopen for in-person learning or risk losing funding ( a policy currently in the middle of a fast-moving legal battle ) , Karwatt , who I remember as one of my most devoted teachers , told me she will not be returning when the school reopens on August 31 .
That ’ s in large part because of Shackleford ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened , ” she said , she might have been open to going back .
They were the same age when he passed , and she says going back is “ not worth the risk right now.
” Instead , she plans to take a temporary medical leave of absence , delaying the start of her 27th year of teaching at the school .
Ideally , Karwatt said , she ’ d teach remotely until there was a vaccine or COVID-19 cases in Sarasota ’ s kids dropped below 3 percent of tested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s about 10 percent . )
But that may not be an option , even if Gov .
Ron DeSantis ’ order is overturned by the courts ; reopening plans would still be up to local officials .
In mid-July , the Sarasota school board , which is an overwhelmingly white and heavily Republican county , approved a “ five-day , brick and mortar instructional plan ” that allows students to choose between distance learning and going to school , while teachers are required to be physically present .
Karwatt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ silent out of fear of retaliation from the district , but she has been particularly outspoken , participating in protests with other teachers and speaking with national outlets , including CNN and USA Today .
When I caught up with Karwatt ( whom I struggle to call anything but Ms. Karwatt ) via Zoom , we talked about what safety measures Sarasota High is requiring , how she thinks politics have influenced parents ’ decisions to send their kids back , what she would say to DeSantis if given the opportunity , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our conversation below has been edited for length and clarity .
How have you been holding up ?
Summer was really tough .
I think what made it the toughest was because we all dealt with Shack .
We kind of had a journey through his hospitalization because we all had a text chain , the social studies department , and we would get daily updates , like , He was a little better today , and then again before he went on the ventilator .
We would all text him to try @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And probably the last text message I got from him—I said , “ I ’ m thinking about you , I ’ m praying for you , I hope you get better ” —and he texts back and he said , “ Christy , this monster is trying to kill me.
” Those were his exact words .
By the end , he couldn ’ t text anybody .
His parents were going to have to decide to turn off the ventilator .
And so they waited the weekend and then his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they decided to , you know , turn off the ventilator .
Had that not happened , I might have been thinking more , Well if I just mask up and be really careful , I can go back into the classroom .
But he and I are exactly the same age .
We were talking about retiring at the same time—and he was healthy , 6 ’ 4 ” perfect shape—so I thought , I just can ’ t take any risk and go back into the classroom .
For probably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was my yoga , walk my dogs , and sit on the couch and watch Netflix because I couldn ’ t read—I love to read—but my mind wouldn ’ t focus .
I was too stressed out .
I know a lot of the teachers are really upset and scared and don ’ t want to be there .
But they have no—I ’ m lucky .
I ’ m at the end of my career , I can draw from my retirement fund , I have a husband that can help .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have an opportunity to take the year off , financially .
But it was stressful , and I cried a lot .
I have to admit , I cried a whole lot about what to do and what not to do .
We all cried over Shack .
And that just made it harder .
So that was the deciding factor for you ?
That was the deciding factor .
I just didn ’ t think I could emotionally handle the worry of being in the classroom and coming home every day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too anxious , and it wouldn ’ t be fair to the kids if I were anxious , too .
What effect did [ Shack ’ s ] death have on the teaching staff as a whole ?
Man .
Most of them were just—c lassrooms are just crazy .
A lot of people have put plastic shower curtains around their desks , hanging them up so they ’ re protected , or across the front of the room .
I ’ ve seen people are building plastic barriers because they ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Dr. St. John , I ’ m sure you remember her ?
Oh , yes .
[ I had her for English my sophomore year . ]
She put in for medical leave , too .
And a couple of other teachers did .
A couple of the younger teachers put in leaves because they have little children at home and they were afraid for them .
Quite a few have put in leaves , so I ’ m afraid they ’ re not gon na be able to find teachers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ quality teachers in the classroom and it ’ s going to be hard .
It ’ s not like people are knocking down the doors to become a teacher anymore .
And our subs are usually older retirees , so I don ’ t know who ’ s gon na fill in for them .
And you know how they ’ re doing education in the classroom ?
They ’ re putting cameras in the classroom .
They didn ’ t give us the option of teaching remotely .
I looked at my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that are doing remote , and 22 that are going to be in the classroom .
So you ’ re going to have a camera on you , and you ’ re going to have to take roll and count the kids that are on Zoom , then you have to take roll and see who ’ s in your classroom .
The kids are going to be carrying around these plastic dividers to put on their desks .
And they have to wear a mask .
And at the end of class @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do it or the teacher herself has to go and squirt the inside of everybody ’ s screen and the desk and give the kid a paper towel to wipe off the desk .
It seems like parents , for the most part , would love to see their kids return to school .
Obviously they want to do it safely , but is there tension between parents and teachers ?
I don ’ t think there ’ s that much tension .
I don ’ t think there ’ s any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because we understand that a lot of parents , especially the young ones , they need to work .
We ’ re just going to be there , kind of like crowd control .
There ’ s not gon na be a lot of education going on .
I think the parents , and maybe kids too , are envisioning it ’ s going to be fun .
But the desks are spaced out , they ’ re going to have their dividers , they ’ re going to have to wear the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s gon na work , wearing a mask all day long .
I can ’ t stand it .
And they say they ’ re very serious if [ students ] get caught without masks : They send you home , and you have to go remote .
In the cafeteria , I think they physically removed every other seat on the tables to prevent kids from sitting next to each other to try to social distance .
In the hallways , when the bell rings , one side of the room @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hallway .
And then 30 seconds later , after they ’ ve almost gotten out , the other side gets to release their kids to go out the other way .
It ’ s not going to be normal school .
I ’ m surprised so many kids want to show up in person .
Why do you think that is ?
At the high school level , I think kids just miss their friends .
At the elementary level , I think a lot of it is economics and a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choice because they need child care .
And then , this is Florida , where sometimes our politics don ’ t follow science .
So I think politics has a lot to do with it , too .
They ’ re going to go because they don ’ t believe it ’ s that serious .
I think a lot of parents are sending their kids for that reason .
My stepbrother is actually a student at Sarasota High School .
He is choosing to return to the classroom because , in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ classes from the spring were “ horrendous.
” Do you agree ?
And what do you think about the argument that in-person classes are critical for development ?
First of all , let ’ s talk about what happened in the spring .
We shut down immediately .
We didn ’ t have a whole lot of time to plan .
The school district developed what it wanted us to do at the district level .
And the theme was “ grace and compassion.
” And it was understandable , because I do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off , and they had to go work double shifts at Publix , so they didn ’ t have as much time to spend on their lessons .
But each teacher could only give 25 minutes worth of work a day .
And you couldn ’ t give anybody below a 70 percent unless they did not sign in or if they did absolutely nothing—then you could give them an incomplete .
You couldn ’ t fail anybody .
We had the highest graduation rate this year , at Sarasota High , ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I don ’ t think a few months of distance learning is going to impact the life of the kid very much .
But I think if they get sick or someone in their family gets sick , or a grandparent , that ’ s going to have a greater impact on them for the rest of their lives .
So I just think we have to think of emotional and physical needs that way .
Would you say most teachers are against reopening or are in favor of reopening ?
There are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think .
But I think the majority , I would say , probably 75 percent to 80 percent , are opposed in general .
Most people I speak to , they don ’ t want to be in the classroom .
Has there been any organizing among teachers ?
Oh , yeah .
We had a car protest around the school board office when the school board was meeting [ in July ] .
We had a car protest when we found out that West Palm Beach ’ s health department was muzzled—it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not a good time to open up .
And we found out that all the health departments had been told to just give advice about opening up safely instead of [ having the option to say ] , “ No , it ’ s not safe to open.
” So we decorated our cars and tooted our horns .
That ’ s about all we can do , especially because it ’ s [ a decision made at ] the state level , you know ?
Unless we go to Tallahassee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pointless because DeSantis has made up his mind , I think .
He wants the economy to get better so that it ’ ll be better by November and it ’ ll influence the election .
That ’ s my personal opinion .
You mentioned before we started recording that you were depressed over the summer .
If you ’ re comfortable with it , could you talk a little bit more about that ?
I felt like I was living in a fog almost .
Because , as the numbers were going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school board meetings .
I did talk to a school board member two or three times and he ’ s like , Well , our hands are tied .
What I wanted our board to do was just buck the system .
If they all had bucked the system and told the governor , “ No , we ’ re not going to follow your orders , ” I don ’ t think the governor—I mean , that would be political suicide not to fund schools .
I felt like you need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m a tenured teacher .
Now , they don ’ t have tenure anymore ; you have one-year contracts , so you can just get fired with almost no cause .
And most teachers are afraid to speak out and for their names to be in the news .
I think that ’ s kind of sad , too , that teachers are afraid to speak out .
I did have a personal experience once with an assistant principal when I bucked the system , and he took all my honors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like to teach , and made me teach all on-level the next year .
So teachers are just afraid to speak out .
And if we don ’ t get our voices heard , grouped together , it ’ s not going to change .
So even though you are tenured , you still have the choice of whether or not to speak out .
What made you want to talk to the press or even go on CNN and put yourself out there like that ?
I ’ ve always been like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political science background .
I would hope in government classes that I ’ ve taught kids to stand up for your rights or speak out and exercise your political right to do so .
But to me , this wasn ’ t a political issue at all .
To me , this is a health issue .
I know some people say that Democrats are making it a political issue .
I feel the Republicans are .
But I feel that politics should have no place in making these decisions .
Science and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to whether we should go to school or not .
If you could send a message to Ron DeSantis , to speak directly to him , what would you say ?
I would say that politics , the economy , his cozying up to Donald Trump is not worth the sickness and maybe the death that his decisions are going to cause .
I get so tired of hearing them say , “ Well , the death rate is this low.
” And doctors are concerned about kids having long-term health problems [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t know .
So if we don ’ t know , I think I ’ d rather be cautious instead of gambling with kids ’ lives .
I would tell him that I think , if people get sick and die , it ’ s his responsibility if he ’ s sending them back to school .
I hope you can ’ t sleep at night because of it .
And I do have two friends , one is a teacher—they were Republicans and they switched political parties because of this , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican friends at school are very angry at Ron DeSantis .
This could cost him an election .
I heard his PAC hasn ’ t been able to raise much money lately .
Looking ahead to August 31 , how are you feeling in general about schools reopening ?
I ’ m worried for my friends and they ’ re very worried as well .
It ’ s going to be kind of depressing on that day that I don ’ t go back to school .
But I just can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not worth the risk right now .
I ’ m at a point in time in my life that I think about—remember Ms. Glasser ?
[ I nod here ; Ms. Glasser was one of my most influential teachers . ]
She died [ from surgery complications ] the year before she planned to retire .
Mr. Shack was gon na retire next year .
I keep thinking about that .
There ’ s life after work .
And money ’ s important .
But it ’ s not that important @

A few weeks ago, I saw on Facebook that a social studies teacher at my former high school in Sarasota, Florida, had died from COVID-19. His name was Robert Shackelford, or “Shack” for short. He was 61 years old. One of his colleagues, my former economics and government teacher Christy Karwatt, shared the news: “He taught countless children to love history and he will be missed.”
“‘Christy, this monster is trying to kill me.’ Those were his exact words.”
Last week, I decided to reach out to Karwatt. I had seen through social media the impact Shackelford’s death had on her and many of my former classmates, and I wondered how it would influence the reopening plans of Sarasota High, my alma mater.
While state policy demands all Florida schools reopen for in-person learning or risk losing funding (a policy currently in the middle of a fast-moving legal battle), Karwatt, who I remember as one of my most devoted teachers, told me she will not be returning when the school reopens on August 31. That’s in large part because of Shackleford’s death. “Had that not happened,” she said, she might have been open to going back. They were the same age when he passed, and she says going back is “not worth the risk right now.” Instead, she plans to take a temporary medical leave of absence, delaying the start of her 27th year of teaching at the school.
Ideally, Karwatt said, she’d teach remotely until there was a vaccine or COVID-19 cases in Sarasota’s kids dropped below 3 percent of tested individuals. (As of August 25, it’s about 10 percent.) But that may not be an option, even if Gov. Ron DeSantis’ order is overturned by the courts; reopening plans would still be up to local officials. In mid-July, the Sarasota school board, which is an overwhelmingly white and heavily Republican county, approved a “five-day, brick and mortar instructional plan” that allows students to choose between distance learning and going to school, while teachers are required to be physically present.
Karwatt says many of her peers have stayed silent out of fear of retaliation from the district, but she has been particularly outspoken, participating in protests with other teachers and speaking with national outlets, including CNN and USA Today. When I caught up with Karwatt (whom I struggle to call anything but Ms. Karwatt) via Zoom, we talked about what safety measures Sarasota High is requiring, how she thinks politics have influenced parents’ decisions to send their kids back, what she would say to DeSantis if given the opportunity, and the last heartbreaking text from Shack. Our conversation below has been edited for length and clarity.
How have you been holding up?
Summer was really tough. I think what made it the toughest was because we all dealt with Shack. We kind of had a journey through his hospitalization because we all had a text chain, the social studies department, and we would get daily updates, like, He was a little better today, and then again before he went on the ventilator. We would all text him to try to cheer him up in the hospital. And probably the last text message I got from him—I said, “I’m thinking about you, I’m praying for you, I hope you get better”—and he texts back and he said, “Christy, this monster is trying to kill me.” Those were his exact words.
By the end, he couldn’t text anybody. His parents were going to have to decide to turn off the ventilator. And so they waited the weekend and then his sisters came down and that’s when they decided to, you know, turn off the ventilator.
“For probably a month, all I would do was my yoga, walk my dogs, and sit on the couch and watch Netflix because I couldn’t read—I love to read—but my mind wouldn’t focus. I was too stressed out.”
Had that not happened, I might have been thinking more, Well if I just mask up and be really careful, I can go back into the classroom. But he and I are exactly the same age. We were talking about retiring at the same time—and he was healthy, 6’4” perfect shape—so I thought, I just can’t take any risk and go back into the classroom. For probably a month, all I would do was my yoga, walk my dogs, and sit on the couch and watch Netflix because I couldn’t read—I love to read—but my mind wouldn’t focus. I was too stressed out.
I know a lot of the teachers are really upset and scared and don’t want to be there. But they have no—I’m lucky. I’m at the end of my career, I can draw from my retirement fund, I have a husband that can help. There are so many that don’t have an opportunity to take the year off, financially.
But it was stressful, and I cried a lot. I have to admit, I cried a whole lot about what to do and what not to do. We all cried over Shack. And that just made it harder.
So that was the deciding factor for you?
That was the deciding factor. I just didn’t think I could emotionally handle the worry of being in the classroom and coming home every day. Because I thought I would be too anxious, and it wouldn’t be fair to the kids if I were anxious, too.
What effect did [Shack’s] death have on the teaching staff as a whole?
Man. Most of them were just—c lassrooms are just crazy. A lot of people have put plastic shower curtains around their desks, hanging them up so they’re protected, or across the front of the room. I’ve seen people are building plastic barriers because they’re just really afraid of getting the virus.
Dr. St. John, I’m sure you remember her?
“A lot of people have put plastic shower curtains around their desks, hanging them up so they’re protected, or across the front of the room.”
Oh, yes. [I had her for English my sophomore year.]
She put in for medical leave, too. And a couple of other teachers did. A couple of the younger teachers put in leaves because they have little children at home and they were afraid for them. Quite a few have put in leaves, so I’m afraid they’re not gonna be able to find teachers. They’re not going to have quality teachers in the classroom and it’s going to be hard. It’s not like people are knocking down the doors to become a teacher anymore. And our subs are usually older retirees, so I don’t know who’s gonna fill in for them.
And you know how they’re doing education in the classroom? They’re putting cameras in the classroom. They didn’t give us the option of teaching remotely. I looked at my roster, one class has five kids that are doing remote, and 22 that are going to be in the classroom. So you’re going to have a camera on you, and you’re going to have to take roll and count the kids that are on Zoom, then you have to take roll and see who’s in your classroom.
The kids are going to be carrying around these plastic dividers to put on their desks. And they have to wear a mask. And at the end of class, either the teacher assigns a kid to do it or the teacher herself has to go and squirt the inside of everybody’s screen and the desk and give the kid a paper towel to wipe off the desk.
It seems like parents, for the most part, would love to see their kids return to school. Obviously they want to do it safely, but is there tension between parents and teachers?
I don’t think there’s that much tension. I don’t think there’s any tension from teachers toward the parents, because we understand that a lot of parents, especially the young ones, they need to work.
We’re just going to be there, kind of like crowd control. There’s not gonna be a lot of education going on. I think the parents, and maybe kids too, are envisioning it’s going to be fun. But the desks are spaced out, they’re going to have their dividers, they’re going to have to wear the mask—I don’t see how that’s gonna work, wearing a mask all day long. I can’t stand it. And they say they’re very serious if [students] get caught without masks: They send you home, and you have to go remote.
In the cafeteria, I think they physically removed every other seat on the tables to prevent kids from sitting next to each other to try to social distance.
In the hallways, when the bell rings, one side of the room goes out on one side of the hallway. And then 30 seconds later, after they’ve almost gotten out, the other side gets to release their kids to go out the other way. It’s not going to be normal school.
I’m surprised so many kids want to show up in person. Why do you think that is?
At the high school level, I think kids just miss their friends. At the elementary level, I think a lot of it is economics and a lot of parents just don’t have a choice because they need child care. And then, this is Florida, where sometimes our politics don’t follow science. So I think politics has a lot to do with it, too. They’re going to go because they don’t believe it’s that serious. I think a lot of parents are sending their kids for that reason.
“The kids are going to be carrying around these plastic dividers to put on their desks. And at the end of class, either the teacher assigns a kid to do it or the teacher herself has to go and squirt the inside of everybody’s screen and the desk.”
My stepbrother is actually a student at Sarasota High School. He is choosing to return to the classroom because, in the words of my stepmom, the virtual classes from the spring were “horrendous.” Do you agree? And what do you think about the argument that in-person classes are critical for development?
First of all, let’s talk about what happened in the spring. We shut down immediately. We didn’t have a whole lot of time to plan. The school district developed what it wanted us to do at the district level. And the theme was “grace and compassion.” And it was understandable, because I do have some kids whose parents got laid off, and they had to go work double shifts at Publix, so they didn’t have as much time to spend on their lessons.
But each teacher could only give 25 minutes worth of work a day. And you couldn’t give anybody below a 70 percent unless they did not sign in or if they did absolutely nothing—then you could give them an incomplete. You couldn’t fail anybody. We had the highest graduation rate this year, at Sarasota High, ever. It wasn’t rigorous.
I don’t think a few months of distance learning is going to impact the life of the kid very much. But I think if they get sick or someone in their family gets sick, or a grandparent, that’s going to have a greater impact on them for the rest of their lives. So I just think we have to think of emotional and physical needs that way.
Would you say most teachers are against reopening or are in favor of reopening?
There are some that are in favor, I think. But I think the majority, I would say, probably 75 percent to 80 percent, are opposed in general. Most people I speak to, they don’t want to be in the classroom.
Has there been any organizing among teachers?
Oh, yeah. We had a car protest around the school board office when the school board was meeting [in July]. We had a car protest when we found out that West Palm Beach’s health department was muzzled—it couldn’t recommend that maybe it’s not a good time to open up. And we found out that all the health departments had been told to just give advice about opening up safely instead of [having the option to say], “No, it’s not safe to open.” So we decorated our cars and tooted our horns.
That’s about all we can do, especially because it’s [a decision made at] the state level, you know? Unless we go to Tallahassee, and everybody says it’s pointless because DeSantis has made up his mind, I think. He wants the economy to get better so that it’ll be better by November and it’ll influence the election. That’s my personal opinion.
“What I wanted our board to do was just buck the system and tell the governor, ‘No, we’re not going to follow your orders.’ That would be political suicide not to fund schools. I felt like you need to challenge him. Just do it.”
You mentioned before we started recording that you were depressed over the summer. If you’re comfortable with it, could you talk a little bit more about that?
I felt like I was living in a fog almost. Because, as the numbers were going up, I was watching all the school board meetings. I did talk to a school board member two or three times and he’s like, Well, our hands are tied. What I wanted our board to do was just buck the system. If they all had bucked the system and told the governor, “No, we’re not going to follow your orders,” I don’t think the governor—I mean, that would be political suicide not to fund schools. I felt like you need to challenge him. Just do it.
I’m a tenured teacher. Now, they don’t have tenure anymore; you have one-year contracts, so you can just get fired with almost no cause. And most teachers are afraid to speak out and for their names to be in the news. I think that’s kind of sad, too, that teachers are afraid to speak out. I did have a personal experience once with an assistant principal when I bucked the system, and he took all my honors classes away, all the things I like to teach, and made me teach all on-level the next year. So teachers are just afraid to speak out. And if we don’t get our voices heard, grouped together, it’s not going to change.
So even though you are tenured, you still have the choice of whether or not to speak out. What made you want to talk to the press or even go on CNN and put yourself out there like that?
I’ve always been like that. Maybe it’s my political science background. I would hope in government classes that I’ve taught kids to stand up for your rights or speak out and exercise your political right to do so.
But to me, this wasn’t a political issue at all. To me, this is a health issue. I know some people say that Democrats are making it a political issue. I feel the Republicans are. But I feel that politics should have no place in making these decisions. Science and medicine should be making the decisions as to whether we should go to school or not.
If you could send a message to Ron DeSantis, to speak directly to him, what would you say?
I would say that politics, the economy, his cozying up to Donald Trump is not worth the sickness and maybe the death that his decisions are going to cause. I get so tired of hearing them say, “Well, the death rate is this low.” And doctors are concerned about kids having long-term health problems [after COVID-19]. We don’t know. So if we don’t know, I think I’d rather be cautious instead of gambling with kids’ lives. I would tell him that I think, if people get sick and die, it’s his responsibility if he’s sending them back to school. I hope you can’t sleep at night because of it.
“I’m a tenured teacher. Now, they don’t have tenure anymore; you have one-year contracts, so you can just get fired with almost no cause. Most teachers are afraid to speak out and for their names to be in the news.”
And I do have two friends, one is a teacher—they were Republicans and they switched political parties because of this, because of the pandemic. Even my good Republican friends at school are very angry at Ron DeSantis. This could cost him an election. I heard his PAC hasn’t been able to raise much money lately.
Looking ahead to August 31, how are you feeling in general about schools reopening?
I’m worried for my friends and they’re very worried as well.
It’s going to be kind of depressing on that day that I don’t go back to school. But I just can’t be there. To me, it’s not worth the risk right now. I’m at a point in time in my life that I think about—remember Ms. Glasser? [I nod here; Ms. Glasser was one of my most influential teachers.] She died [following surgery complications] the year before she planned to retire. Mr. Shack was gonna retire next year. I keep thinking about that.
There’s life after work. And money’s important. But it’s not that important.


motherjones--2020-08-28--Biden Has Hundreds of Economic Advisers. Will He Listen to Them?

When Joe Biden went on TV to officially accept the Democratic nomination last Thursday , he likened the task ahead of him to the one that faced President Franklin Delano Roosevelt , who “ pledged a New Deal in a time of massive unemployment , uncertainty , and fear.
” It ’ s a historical precedent Biden has repeatedly turned to ever since the pandemic ’ s arrival in the United States coincided with the end of the Democratic presidential primary .
Over the summer , he ’ s backed up that promise with an economic recovery plan that amounts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Democratic presidential nominee in modern history .
Alongside those policy rollouts , his campaign has been convening an ever-expanding universe of liberal wonks to map out what economic policy Biden ’ s would-be administration should pursue .
These experts , providing their time on a volunteer basis , have spent hundreds of hours fleshing out key planks of Biden ’ s platform , delineating which proposals a Biden administration should tackle as executive orders , and recommending line items that should be in Biden ’ s first budget request .
Many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves , hew to the party ’ s left .
The only question that remains : The scores of experts doing this work have no idea what degree of influence these proposals will have on the campaign as it maps out what a would-be Biden administration will pursue after Election Day .
The work is being done by an economic policy “ working group ” , the existence of which was first reported by the New York Times in June .
At the time , the Times noted that more than 100 economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign .
In the months since , the economic group has ballooned to several hundred , according to the campaign ; one source involved in the work estimates more than 500 experts are participating .
Their task is to develop memos detailing initiatives the would-be administration should pursue on the first day in office , as well as outlines for the first one hundred days , which could be budget proposals or task forces the White House should establish .
“ Our campaign is preparing across the board to be ready on Day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Donald Trump ’ s reckless policies and failed leadership to combat the pandemic , ” a Biden campaign spokesperson told Mother Jones when asked about the purpose of the working group .
The campaign did not specify the degree to which the experts ’ efforts will inform the campaign .
This economic policy committee has been organized into smaller subcommittees tackling topics such as taxes and budget , trade , poverty and mobility , macroeconomics , employment , consumer protection , housing , the “ care economy ” —work caring for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the urban-rural economic divide .
There ’ s also a committee dedicated to data-driven policymaking , a nod to the technocratic predilections of the Obama administration .
The groups had been in “ the midst of rebooting ” around the time of the Times story , according to an email Biden campaign policy director Stef Feldman sent to participants in early June .
A number of the subcommittees are led by Obama-Biden administration alumni who have since rotated back into the consulting work , law firms , or private sector roles .
Other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Democratic think tanks and left-leaning scholars .
All members of the groups have been told by the Biden campaign to not speak to the press .
When I reached out to Sharon Block , a Harvard labor expert and Obama administration alum who a source said is leading the employment subcommittee , and Brendan Duke , a tax expert with Congress ’ Joint Economic Committee who is said to be reviewing tax policy , neither would comment .
They both referred me to the same campaign email address , as instructions from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when contacted by reporters .
A spokesperson for the Biden campaign declined to respond to requests about the organization of the economic policy working group or specify its participants , but noted they represent a broad range of backgrounds , experiences , and perspectives .
The experts ’ volunteer work with the campaign is in a private capacity , not as representatives of their employers or clients .
The economic policy working group is just a sliver of a larger brain trust the campaign has convened .
Other groups—some equally large , some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign policy and immigration ; innovation ; health care ; education ; and women ’ s issues .
Coordinating the massive universe of liberal wonks is Larry Strickling , who worked at the Department of Commerce during the Obama years and served as policy coordinator for Pete Buttigieg ’ s presidential campaign .
But other than that administrative role , no one official on the Biden campaign ’ s payroll is involved in the working group ’ s efforts .
And the policy committee ’ s work has limited influence on the day-to-day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sheets on new developments the campaign should be aware of .
A spokesperson for the campaign stated that the working groups do not make policy for the campaign or directly advise Biden .
At least some of these subcommittees are developing proposals that run to the left of what Biden himself has proposed on the campaign trail , a result of the grassroots nature of the groups ’ efforts .
One subcommittee , for example , is looking into reparations for descendants of enslaved Africans , something Biden himself has not committed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have remains unclear—even to the experts crafting them .
The memos are due back to Biden ’ s policy shop in the coming weeks , but where they go from there hasn ’ t been disclosed .
There ’ s an expectation among participants that they will inform the transition in some capacity , but the Biden campaign maintains these groups are intended only to provide input to the campaign , not the transition .
While the final outcomes of these recommendations are unclear , participants who spoke with Mother Jones have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fellow experts have brought to the exercise .
But the immediate , practical effect of the initiative has been the silence of a massive network of experts , many of whom had sided with Biden ’ s more progressive rivals and were critical of Biden during the primary .
Participants are welcome to pen op-eds and speak to media about their subject matter expertise , but not under the auspices of their work with the campaign .
The guidelines sent to participants state this plainly : “ Simply put , do not talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

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When Joe Biden went on TV to officially accept the Democratic nomination last Thursday, he likened the task ahead of him to the one that faced President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who “pledged a New Deal in a time of massive unemployment, uncertainty, and fear.” It’s a historical precedent Biden has repeatedly turned to ever since the pandemic’s arrival in the United States coincided with the end of the Democratic presidential primary. Over the summer, he’s backed up that promise with an economic recovery plan that amounts to the most progressive platform proposed by a Democratic presidential nominee in modern history.
Alongside those policy rollouts, his campaign has been convening an ever-expanding universe of liberal wonks to map out what economic policy Biden’s would-be administration should pursue. These experts, providing their time on a volunteer basis, have spent hundreds of hours fleshing out key planks of Biden’s platform, delineating which proposals a Biden administration should tackle as executive orders, and recommending line items that should be in Biden’s first budget request. Many of the ideas emerging, like the experts themselves, hew to the party’s left.
The only question that remains: The scores of experts doing this work have no idea what degree of influence these proposals will have on the campaign as it maps out what a would-be Biden administration will pursue after Election Day.
The work is being done by an economic policy “working group”, the existence of which was first reported by the New York Times in June. At the time, the Times noted that more than 100 economic experts had been offering input into the campaign. In the months since, the economic group has ballooned to several hundred, according to the campaign; one source involved in the work estimates more than 500 experts are participating.
Their task is to develop memos detailing initiatives the would-be administration should pursue on the first day in office, as well as outlines for the first one hundred days, which could be budget proposals or task forces the White House should establish. “Our campaign is preparing across the board to be ready on Day 1 to address the economic devastation caused by Donald Trump’s reckless policies and failed leadership to combat the pandemic,” a Biden campaign spokesperson told Mother Jones when asked about the purpose of the working group. The campaign did not specify the degree to which the experts’ efforts will inform the campaign.
This economic policy committee has been organized into smaller subcommittees tackling topics such as taxes and budget, trade, poverty and mobility, macroeconomics, employment, consumer protection, housing, the “care economy”—work caring for the very old, young, and disabled—and the urban-rural economic divide. There’s also a committee dedicated to data-driven policymaking, a nod to the technocratic predilections of the Obama administration. The groups had been in “the midst of rebooting” around the time of the Times story, according to an email Biden campaign policy director Stef Feldman sent to participants in early June.
A number of the subcommittees are led by Obama-Biden administration alumni who have since rotated back into the consulting work, law firms, or private sector roles. Other subcommittees are led by the usual suspects from Democratic think tanks and left-leaning scholars. All members of the groups have been told by the Biden campaign to not speak to the press. When I reached out to Sharon Block, a Harvard labor expert and Obama administration alum who a source said is leading the employment subcommittee, and Brendan Duke, a tax expert with Congress’ Joint Economic Committee who is said to be reviewing tax policy, neither would comment. They both referred me to the same campaign email address, as instructions from the Biden campaign indicated they should do when contacted by reporters.
A spokesperson for the Biden campaign declined to respond to requests about the organization of the economic policy working group or specify its participants, but noted they represent a broad range of backgrounds, experiences, and perspectives. The experts’ volunteer work with the campaign is in a private capacity, not as representatives of their employers or clients.
The economic policy working group is just a sliver of a larger brain trust the campaign has convened. Other groups—some equally large, some even larger—have been brought together to address foreign policy and immigration; innovation; health care; education; and women’s issues. Coordinating the massive universe of liberal wonks is Larry Strickling, who worked at the Department of Commerce during the Obama years and served as policy coordinator for Pete Buttigieg’s presidential campaign.
But other than that administrative role, no one official on the Biden campaign’s payroll is involved in the working group’s efforts. And the policy committee’s work has limited influence on the day-to-day campaign itself, beyond circulating weekly tip sheets on new developments the campaign should be aware of. A spokesperson for the campaign stated that the working groups do not make policy for the campaign or directly advise Biden.
At least some of these subcommittees are developing proposals that run to the left of what Biden himself has proposed on the campaign trail, a result of the grassroots nature of the groups’ efforts. One subcommittee, for example, is looking into reparations for descendants of enslaved Africans, something Biden himself has not committed to. Precisely what influence these efforts will have remains unclear—even to the experts crafting them. The memos are due back to Biden’s policy shop in the coming weeks, but where they go from there hasn’t been disclosed. There’s an expectation among participants that they will inform the transition in some capacity, but the Biden campaign maintains these groups are intended only to provide input to the campaign, not the transition.
While the final outcomes of these recommendations are unclear, participants who spoke with Mother Jones have been encouraged by the creativity and thoughtfulness their fellow experts have brought to the exercise. But the immediate, practical effect of the initiative has been the silence of a massive network of experts, many of whom had sided with Biden’s more progressive rivals and were critical of Biden during the primary. Participants are welcome to pen op-eds and speak to media about their subject matter expertise, but not under the auspices of their work with the campaign. The guidelines sent to participants state this plainly: “Simply put, do not talk to the press,” they read.


motherjones--2020-08-28--Ivanka Trump’s RNC Speech Was a Preview of the Future

Toward the end of her Thursday night address to the Republican National Convention , Ivanka Trump , the president ’ s daughter and senior advisor , looked out on the crowd on the White House lawn and took one more swing at the piñata of the week : Joe Biden and the “ political elite ” who backed him .
“ Dad , people attack you for being unconventional , but I love you for being real , and I respect you for being effective , ” she said .
“ Our President refuses to surrender his beliefs to score @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To my father , you are the elite.
” she continued .
“ He only cares about scoring points with you.
” Considering how many Republican bigwigs , donors , and cabinet officials ( but enough about Wilbur Ross ! )
were in the crowd , sitting uncomfortably close in front of the stage , it might have been the truest thing she said all night .
But it wasn ’ t just the explicit message of Ivanka Trump ’ s speech that stood out—a reprise of her 2016 effort to recast a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of working women .
It was what she symbolized by being there .
It ’ s not just the nepotism and corruption that has in large part defined the last four years .
More than anything , she represents the future .
Her father was hardly the only person who cares about scoring points with the Republican elites in the audience .
Political conventions are showcases not just for the candidate being nominated , but for everyone who wants to follow in their footsteps .
In that respect , the 2020 RNC wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall ’ s campaign , it was foreshadowing many , many Republicans campaigns in the years to come .
And the politicians , and wannabe politicians , who spoke this week aren ’ t going away any time soon .
So you could tell a lot about the direction of the party by who was in attendance and who wasn ’ t .
There was no George W. Bush , the only other living Republican president .
( No Dick Cheney either . )
There was no Mitt Romney , the last Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no Paul Ryan or John Boehner .
The two most popular governors in America , Larry Hogan of Maryland and Charlie Baker of Massachusetts , had other things on their plates .
With the exception of Ben Carson ( now a loyal member of the cabinet ) and Sen. Rand Paul , none of the candidates who ran against Trump in 2016 spoke .
Instead , over the course of the convention , we heard from the kinds of figures who actually are in good standing with the party these days—people like Missouri @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gaetz ; Texas Rep. Dan Crenshaw ; Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton ; future North Carolina Rep. Madison Cawthorn ; Secretary of State Mike Pompeo ( in taped remarks from Jerusalem ) ; and former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley .
Some of those figures are certain to run for president in 2024 .
The president ’ s daughters , eldest sons , and wife all spoke .
With the marquee billing given to Ivanka and Donald Trump Jr. , this led to natural , although certainly not new , speculation about what the future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s a little early to start polling Iowa or get too into the weeds about the family dynamics ( though I wouldn ’ t bet against intra-family intrigue where the Trumps are concerned ) , but a clear lesson of the last four days is that Trump ’ s political ethos won ’ t end with Trump .
A whole generation of ambitious Republican officeholders now own this , and they ’ ll run on it too for as long as it works .
The 2020 RNC was the future of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the near future .

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Toward the end of her Thursday night address to the Republican National Convention, Ivanka Trump, the president’s daughter and senior advisor, looked out on the crowd on the White House lawn and took one more swing at the piñata of the week: Joe Biden and the “political elite” who backed him.
“Dad, people attack you for being unconventional, but I love you for being real, and I respect you for being effective,” she said. “Our President refuses to surrender his beliefs to score points with the political elite.”
“To my father, you are the elite,” she continued. “He only cares about scoring points with you.”
Considering how many Republican bigwigs, donors, and cabinet officials (but enough about Wilbur Ross!) were in the crowd, sitting uncomfortably close in front of the stage, it might have been the truest thing she said all night.
But it wasn’t just the explicit message of Ivanka Trump’s speech that stood out—a reprise of her 2016 effort to recast a racist and misogynist grifter as a champion of working women. It was what she symbolized by being there. It’s not just the nepotism and corruption that has in large part defined the last four years. More than anything, she represents the future.
Her father was hardly the only person who cares about scoring points with the Republican elites in the audience. Political conventions are showcases not just for the candidate being nominated, but for everyone who wants to follow in their footsteps. In that respect, the 2020 RNC wasn’t just a preview of this fall’s campaign, it was foreshadowing many, many Republicans campaigns in the years to come. And the politicians, and wannabe politicians, who spoke this week aren’t going away any time soon.
So you could tell a lot about the direction of the party by who was in attendance and who wasn’t. There was no George W. Bush, the only other living Republican president. (No Dick Cheney either.) There was no Mitt Romney, the last Republican presidential nominee before Trump. There was no Paul Ryan or John Boehner. The two most popular governors in America, Larry Hogan of Maryland and Charlie Baker of Massachusetts, had other things on their plates. With the exception of Ben Carson (now a loyal member of the cabinet) and Sen. Rand Paul, none of the candidates who ran against Trump in 2016 spoke.
Instead, over the course of the convention, we heard from the kinds of figures who actually are in good standing with the party these days—people like Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley; Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz; Texas Rep. Dan Crenshaw; Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton; future North Carolina Rep. Madison Cawthorn; Secretary of State Mike Pompeo (in taped remarks from Jerusalem); and former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley. Some of those figures are certain to run for president in 2024. The president’s daughters, eldest sons, and wife all spoke. With the marquee billing given to Ivanka and Donald Trump Jr., this led to natural, although certainly not new, speculation about what the future might hold for both of them.
Really looking forward to the Ivanka vs Eric debates in the 2024 primaries. — Matthew Yglesias (@mattyglesias) August 28, 2020
My new theory is that Ivanka and Don Jr. are both running in 2024 and it’s gonna get VICIOUS. — David S. Bernstein (@dbernstein) August 28, 2020
It’s a little early to start polling Iowa or get too into the weeds about the family dynamics (though I wouldn’t bet against intra-family intrigue where the Trumps are concerned), but a clear lesson of the last four days is that Trump’s political ethos won’t end with Trump. A whole generation of ambitious Republican officeholders now own this, and they’ll run on it too for as long as it works. The 2020 RNC was the future of the GOP for at least, well, the near future.