motherjones--2020-06-09--Meet the Propagandists and Conspiracy Theorists Behind the One America News Network

Over the last several weeks , President Trump has repeatedly promoted the conspiracy-mongering One American News Network on his Twitter feed and by regularly calling on its correspondent at White House news events .
On Tuesday morning , he did so again by tweeting an unsubstantiated conspiracy that has been pushed by the network , citing its reporting to claim that a 75-year-old man who was knocked over and bloodied by Buffalo police while taking part in a protest after the death of George Floyd may have been “ an ANTIFA provocateur ” working to disrupt police communications .
Based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the channel could use all the White House support it can get .
According to CNN , OAN doesn ’ t subscribe to industry-standard Nielsen Media Research , but last spring , it went ahead and measured the channel anyway in the country ’ s largest metropolitan areas .
It averaged just 14,000 viewers from April 1 , 2019 , to June 11 , 2019 .
In that time , Fox News averaged 631,000 viewers ; CNN and MSNBC also had averages in the hundreds of thousands .
While the network ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 35 million American homes , that number represents less than a third of households with television .
Despite its small viewership , Trump has helped OAN gain outsized reach and reputation by endorsing its outrageous reporting and by his multiple assertions that he might prefer the network to Fox News .
The channel ’ s willingness to do stories without a factual basis seems to know no bounds , as long as they make the left look bad and the right , particularly Trumpism , look great .
The channel amplifies hoaxes that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the margins of the internet .
For example , theories about the global ambitions of liberal megadonor George Soros , Bill Gates , and other wealthy people that the channel has run haven ’ t appeared anywhere else but on message boards and fringe-right Twitter and Instagram accounts .
It ’ s unclear if the channel has a fact-checking process .
If it does , it appears to have no problem citing such sources .
OAN ’ s willingness to amplify the false and absurd probably comes from its personnel .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who , without the network ’ s platform , would be hard pressed to do much beyond being tinfoil hat-wearing , internet shit posters .
Here ’ s a look at some of the wildest members of their organization : The Cream of the Crap Trump ’ s Tuesday morning tweet about Martin Gugino , the elderly activist manhandled by Buffalo police , referenced a segment reported by Rouz where he posits the incident of “ so-called police brutality ” may have been a “ false flag provocation.
” Rouz went viral last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis after Media Matters ’ Matt Gertz happened to see a segment he created claiming “ mounting evidence of a globalist conspiracy ” by the Clintons , Soros , Bill Gates , Dr. Anthony Fauci , and the Chinese government , citing a comically high amount of unnamed “ reports.
” ( To be 100 percent clear , no reports indicate this . )
In 2017 , also on an entirely false OAN segment , Rouz made up a claim about how Clinton was secretly funding antifa through her political action committee .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ claim that Soros collaborated with Nazis during World War II , when he would have been in his early teens .
He also claimed on-air that Soros was funding the Central American migrant caravan that captured the attention of conspiracy theorists in the fall of 2018 .
Rouz didn ’ t just come out of nowhere with viral megahits .
He ’ s been practicing in a well known conspiratorial training ground : Russian propaganda state media .
As of 2019 , The Daily Beast pointed out that Rouz has been working simultaneously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state media outlet , Sputnik .
Posobiec may be the channel ’ s flagship disinformer .
The OAN host is notorious for being one of the most prominent pushers of the Pizzagate conspiracy theory ; he once conducted a livestream “ investigation ” of the restaurant where the hoax pedophile ring was said to be occurring , during which he waltzed into a child ’ s birthday party being held in a back room .
Since then , he acts as though he ’ s been locked in a John Wooden-esque competition with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since Pizzagate , instead of amplifying other already existing conspiracies , Posobiec has usually been focused on his own , artisanally crafted solo concoctions .
He once stopped a performance of Shakespeare ’ s Julius Caesar mid-production in New York because he was offended the centuries-old work had been staged with elements that seemed to reference Trump .
I once witnessed him dash around the lawn of the Capitol telling Democratic Senators that supporting net neutrality would mean that they were supporting Satanic porn .
Some of his most repugnant hits include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signs at an anti-Trump rally , falsely tweeting that Obama Attorney General Loretta Lynch had called for “ blood in the streets , ” a made-up claim that Star Wars ’ Rogue One was being rewritten to include scenes calling Trump racist , and , after Republican congressman Steve Scalise was shot at baseball practice , that Bernie Sanders had told his followers to “ take down ” Trump .
None of rose to Pizzagate levels of fame , but not for lack effort on Posobiec ’ s part .
He has also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conspiracy which holds that immigration and other trends are part of a secret plot to commit white genocide .
Rion , who is the channel ’ s White House reporter , may be supplanting Posobiec as OAN ’ s most well-known staff member due to Trump ’ s recent habit of calling on her during new conferences , where she can be relied upon to ask questions whose thrust is either helpful to the president or damaging to his opponents .
Another unhinged conspiracy theorist , she has peddled theories including Pizzagate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Seth Rich ’ s murder , anti-semitic tropes about liberal financier George Soros , and conspiracies about Joe Biden ’ s dealings in Ukraine .
During the coronavirus , CNN reports that Rion jeopardized the health of other journalists by flouting White House Press Briefing social distancing guidelines .
After being kicked out of briefings for this , she tried , unsuccessfully , to bring her own chair into the briefing room .
Rion ’ s bio boasts that before she came to OAN , she worked as a volunteer on Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ producing illustrations for President Trump and family.
” Robert Herring Sr. founded OAN in 2013 with money he made in the circuit board industry .
While Herring has not personally used OAN airtime to undertake overt and aggressive conspiracy-mongering , he owns a network that has hired a bunch of people that do .
On Twitter , Herring boosts his own suspect theories ( he ’ s been really into hydroxychloroquine as a coronavirus cure , which doctors are not yet confident in ) .
According to the Washington Post , Herring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump in first place during his last election , Sharp doesn ’ t have the same hoax spreading bonafides as some of his colleagues but has at least made himself , in propaganda parlance , a “ useful idiot , ” which counts for something .
In a May 2019 OAN story , Sharp cited a report from the Foundation for the Study of Democracy to claim that the White Helmets , an internationally lauded volunteer search and rescue team in Syria , had been faking chemical attacks in the country .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not share , is that the Foundation for the Study of Democracy is a Russian government front .
Like his co-workers , he ’ s also attacked Soros by reporting that protests against then-Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh by activists from groups that he ’ s funded “ aren ’ t what they seem to be.
” Emerald Robinson no longer works at OAN .
She ’ s now at Newsmax , but in her time at the San Diego-based television outlet , she became one of the channel ’ s few anchors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website , VDare .
It ’ s unclear exactly what about Robinson resonated with the outlet , but a now-deleted Islamaphobic tweet in which she called Rep. Ilhan Omar ( D-Minn. ) an “ al-Qaeda supporting Somali Gangster ” and “ Islamist terrorist supporter ” offers a sense .
High-profile conspiracy theorist Jerome Corsi doesn ’ t work at OAN , but he ’ s too prominent not to mention .
Corsi , who was a subject of Robert Mueller ’ s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election , has gone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how “ Soros & Bidens Are Globalist Puppet Masters Behind Ukraine.
” Off the network , Corsi has spread hoaxes about the Clinton ’ s killing of DNC staffer Seth Rich , even though he knew it wasn ’ t true .
The hoax has subjected Rich ’ s already grieving family to tremendous agony and pain .

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Over the last several weeks, President Trump has repeatedly promoted the conspiracy-mongering One American News Network on his Twitter feed and by regularly calling on its correspondent at White House news events. On Tuesday morning, he did so again by tweeting an unsubstantiated conspiracy that has been pushed by the network, citing its reporting to claim that a 75-year-old man who was knocked over and bloodied by Buffalo police while taking part in a protest after the death of George Floyd may have been “an ANTIFA provocateur” working to disrupt police communications.
Based on what little data is available, the channel could use all the White House support it can get. According to CNN, OAN doesn’t subscribe to industry-standard Nielsen Media Research, but last spring, it went ahead and measured the channel anyway in the country’s largest metropolitan areas. It averaged just 14,000 viewers from April 1, 2019, to June 11, 2019. In that time, Fox News averaged 631,000 viewers; CNN and MSNBC also had averages in the hundreds of thousands. While the network’s owner has said it is available in 35 million American homes, that number represents less than a third of households with television.
Despite its small viewership, Trump has helped OAN gain outsize reach and reputation by endorsing its outrageous reporting and by his multiple assertions that he might prefer the network to Fox News. The channel’s willingness to do stories without a factual basis seems to know no bounds, as long as they make the left look bad and the right, particularly Trumpism, look great. The channel amplifies hoaxes that, before, were usually sitting on the margins of the internet. For example, theories about the global ambitions of liberal megadonor George Soros, Bill Gates, and other wealthy people that the channel has run haven’t appeared anywhere else but on message boards and fringe-right Twitter and Instagram accounts. It’s unclear if the channel has a fact-checking process. If it does, it appears to have no problem citing such sources.
OAN’s willingness to amplify the false and absurd probably comes from its personnel. It’s established a team of on-air personalities who, without the network’s platform, would be hard pressed to do much beyond being tinfoil hat-wearing, internet shit posters. Here’s a look at some of the wildest members of their organization:
THE CREAM OF THE CRAP
Kristian Rouz
Trump’s Tuesday morning tweet about Martin Gugino, the elderly activist manhandled by Buffalo police, referenced a segment reported by Rouz where he posits the incident of “so-called police brutality” may have been a “false flag provocation.”
Rouz went viral last month in the midst of the coronavirus crisis after Media Matters’ Matt Gertz happened to see a segment he created claiming “mounting evidence of a globalist conspiracy” by the Clintons, Soros, Bill Gates, Dr. Anthony Fauci, and the Chinese government, citing a comically high amount of unnamed “reports.” (To be 100 percent clear, no reports indicate this.)
In 2017, also on an entirely false OAN segment, Rouz made up a claim about how Clinton was secretly funding antifa through her political action committee. In another, he repeated the debunked claim that Soros collaborated with Nazis during World War II, when he would have been in his early teens. He also claimed on-air that Soros was funding the Central American migrant caravan that captured the attention of conspiracy theorists in the fall of 2018.
Rouz didn’t just come out of nowhere with viral megahits. He’s been practicing in a well known conspiratorial training ground: Russian propaganda state media. As of 2019, The Daily Beast pointed out that Rouz has been working simultaneously for both OAN and for the Russian state media outlet, Sputnik.
Jack Posobiec
Posobiec may be the channel’s flagship disinformer. The OAN host is notorious for being one of the most prominent pushers of the Pizzagate conspiracy theory; he once conducted a livestream “investigation” of the restaurant where the hoax pedophile ring was said to be occurring, during which he waltzed into a child’s birthday party being held in a back room. Since then, he acts as though he’s been locked in a John Wooden-esque competition with himself to outdo his greatest disinformation achievement.
Since Pizzagate, instead of amplifying other already existing conspiracies, Posobiec has usually been focused on his own, artisanally crafted solo concoctions. He once stopped a performance of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar mid-production in New York because he was offended the centuries-old work had been staged with elements that seemed to reference Trump. I once witnessed him dash around the lawn of the Capitol telling Democratic Senators that supporting net neutrality would mean that they were supporting Satanic porn.
Some of his most repugnant hits include trying to plant “Rape Melania” signs at an anti-Trump rally, falsely tweeting that Obama Attorney General Loretta Lynch had called for “blood in the streets,” a made-up claim that Star Wars’ Rogue One was being rewritten to include scenes calling Trump racist, and, after Republican congressman Steve Scalise was shot at baseball practice, that Bernie Sanders had told his followers to “take down” Trump. None of rose to Pizzagate levels of fame, but not for lack effort on Posobiec’s part. He has also tweeted in support of a white nationalist conspiracy which holds that immigration and other trends are part of a secret plot to commit white genocide.
Chanel Rion
Rion, who is the channel’s White House reporter, may be supplanting Posobiec as OAN’s most well-known staff member due to Trump’s recent habit of calling on her during new conferences, where she can be relied upon to ask questions whose thrust is either helpful to the president or damaging to his opponents. Another unhinged conspiracy theorist, she has peddled theories including Pizzagate, that the Clinton’s were responsible for Seth Rich’s murder, anti-semitic tropes about liberal financier George Soros, and conspiracies about Joe Biden’s dealings in Ukraine.
During the coronavirus, CNN reports that Rion jeopardized the health of other journalists by flouting White House Press Briefing social distancing guidelines. After being kicked out of briefings for this, she tried, unsuccessfully, to bring her own chair into the briefing room.
Rion’s bio boasts that before she came to OAN, she worked as a volunteer on Trump’s 2016 campaign and spent time “producing illustrations for President Trump and family.”
Robert Herring Sr.
Robert Herring Sr. founded OAN in 2013 with money he made in the circuit board industry. While Herring has not personally used OAN airtime to undertake overt and aggressive conspiracy-mongering, he owns a network that has hired a bunch of people that do. On Twitter, Herring boosts his own suspect theories (he’s been really into hydroxychloroquine as a coronavirus cure, which doctors are not yet confident in). According to the Washington Post, Herring banned polls that didn’t show Trump in first place during his last election.
HONORABLE MENTIONS
Pearson Sharp
Sharp doesn’t have the same hoax spreading bonafides as some of his colleagues but has at least made himself, in propaganda parlance, a “useful idiot,” which counts for something.
In a May 2019 OAN story, Sharp cited a report from the Foundation for the Study of Democracy to claim that the White Helmets, an internationally lauded volunteer search and rescue team in Syria, had been faking chemical attacks in the country. What Sharp was either ignorant of or did not share, is that the Foundation for the Study of Democracy is a Russian government front.
Like his co-workers, he’s also attacked Soros by reporting that protests against then-Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh by activists from groups that he’s funded “aren’t what they seem to be.”
Emerald Robinson
Emerald Robinson no longer works at OAN. She’s now at Newsmax, but in her time at the San Diego-based television outlet, she became one of the channel’s few anchors to be praised by the white nationalist website, VDare.
It’s unclear exactly what about Robinson resonated with the outlet, but a now-deleted Islamaphobic tweet in which she called Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) an “al-Qaeda supporting Somali Gangster” and “Islamist terrorist supporter” offers a sense.
Jerome Corsi
High-profile conspiracy theorist Jerome Corsi doesn’t work at OAN, but he’s too prominent not to mention. Corsi, who was a subject of Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election, has gone on the channel to erroneously talk about how “Soros & Bidens Are Globalist Puppet Masters Behind Ukraine.”
Off the network, Corsi has spread hoaxes about the Clinton’s killing of DNC staffer Seth Rich, even though he knew it wasn’t true. The hoax has subjected Rich’s already grieving family to tremendous agony and pain.


motherjones--2020-06-10--Donald Trump’s Corruption Is Killing Americans

The fundamental purpose of government is rather simple : protect the citizenry .
Any deliberate perversion of this priority is an exercise of corruption—especially when that basic aim is supplanted by the goal of personal gain .
That ’ s why Donald Trump ’ s slow , ineffectual , self-serving , and deadly response to the coronavirus has been the most consequential act of corruption in the history of American governance .
It eclipses Watergate , Teapot Dome , Iran-Contra , you name it .
It also happens to be the continuation—perhaps the culmination—of the corruption that Trump started spreading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the White House .
Corruption in government is generally thought of as an official exploiting power or position for personal benefit , often to line his or her pockets or those of a favored associate , relative , or corporation .
There has been plenty of that during the Trump years .
And Trump was impeached for an act of outright corruption .
He leveraged his office—his ability to grant a foreign leader a White House meeting and to hold up nearly $ 400 million in military assistance—to pressure the new president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would help Trump politically .
In the case of the coronavirus crisis , Trump embraced a similar me-first course .
He prevented the government from performing actions that could keep Americans safe because he believed downplaying the burgeoning crisis best served his political interests .
He corrupted the mission of the US government—as a result , one hundred thousand Americans ( and counting ) have died and the economy collapsed .
( Trump also corruptly enlisted the US military as a prop for his own political gain , when he responded to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police-killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis . )
Trump ’ s record of inaction , incompetence , and inane remarks during the first months of the pandemic has been well documented .
Yet he wasn ’ t merely flailing .
He purposefully thwarted official action because of concerns about his own electoral prospects .
He resisted an aggressive push for testing because that could yield higher numbers of confirmed coronavirus cases , and he believed that lower levels would be better for his reelection campaign .
When Health and Human Services Secretary Alex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in late January , Trump brushed him off as an alarmist .
Azar ’ s message was not in sync with Trump ’ s decision to discount the coronavirus threat .
In late February , Nancy Messonnier , an official at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , publicly said her agency expected widespread transmission and was preparing for a pandemic .
Wall Street plunged , and an enraged Trump—who had recently declared that the virus “ miraculously goes away ” and the situation was “ very much under control ” —threatened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move quickly and impeded a fast and comprehensive response .
His self-interest was always paramount—to an absurd extent .
He touted the “ ratings ” his coronavirus press conferences received and devoted more time during these briefings to deflecting responsibility , attacking journalists , and blaming Democratic politicians than to mourning the dead .
And his administration oversaw a $ 2 trillion economic rescue and bailout that was practically designed to facilitate corruption .
A huge piece of it was turned over to banks to manage , and the banks rigged the system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many small businesses , particularly outfits owned by people of color .
( In several cases , the funds went to companies—some run by Trump donors—that hardly seemed the most needy . )
This package also included a pot of $ 500 billion for Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to distribute to large corporations with few strings attached and little public oversight .
Democrats justifiably called it a “ slush fund.
” In a further blow to transparency , Trump ousted the inspector general who was leading the task force assigned to monitor this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the war on IGs waged by Trump , who has sought watchdogs that are loyal to him , not the goal of corruption-busting . )
Trump ’ s attitude toward the federal government at the start of the pandemic—it ’ s all about me—was an extension of the rampant and more conventional corruption that ’ s defined his regime .
Once Trump , the longtime narcissistic pitchman , entered the White House , he viewed the government as an expansion of his own business ventures and personal brand and showed not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ norms , and constitutional provisions that had been established to hinder corruption .
He brazenly ignored the emoluments clause of the Constitution , which prohibits a president from accepting payments from foreign entities .
His properties—particularly the Trump hotel in Washington , DC—became favorite spots for overseas visitors , including government officials , to stay , hold events , and wine and dine .
This placed money into Trump ’ s bank account .
( Ivanka Trump , who owns a big piece of the Washington hotel , also bags millions of dollars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Here was an easy way for foreign governments , Washington lobbyists , wannabe players , and others seeking preferential treatment and policies from Trump and his administration to engage in what amounts to legal bribery .
In 2018 , Trump reported income from at least 11 foreign countries .
Several countries , including China , have granted Trump and Ivanka valuable trademarks—with one for Ivanka covering voting machines .
Trump ’ s own campaign and Republican organizations have held events at his properties , which enriches him and his family .
His visits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his Palm Beach private club , have forced the Secret Service to spend millions that end up with the Trump Organization he still owns .
A report first issued in mid-2019 by Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington tallied more than 3,100 actions that raised possible conflicts of interest during Trump ’ s first years as president .
Trump has steadfastly refused to follow tradition and release his tax returns .
Given the constant stream of Trump administration scandals , it is tough to keep track of the cavalcade of crookedness .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an overwhelming blur of wrongdoing and sleaze .
In fact , the high number of scandals provides Trump and his crew a degree of protection .
Here are a few you may have forgotten : Top adviser Kellyanne Conway appears to have repeatedly violated the Hatch Act , which prohibits federal employees from using their offices to affect the results of an election .
She also used her position to promote Ivanka ’ s clothing line .
The White House did the same with first lady Melania Trump ’ s jewelry company .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ EPA , the Department of the Interior , and the Department of Health and Human Services—Scott Pruitt , Ryan Zinke , and Tom Price—each resigned when faced with credible accusations of corruption .
Wilbur Ross , the secretary of commerce , held on to millions of dollars in holdings and apparently violated conflict-of-interest rules .
Other top Trump appointees past and present—including Ben Carson and Mick Mulvaney—have been caught engaging in shady dealings .
The Trump administration has frequently taken actions that assist industries and companies that donate to Trump and the GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison in part because he committed bank fraud while paying hush money to a porn star at Trump ’ s direction .
Michael Flynn , Trump ’ s first national security adviser , admitted to violating lobbying laws by failing to disclose that he lobbied for Turkey , which earned him hundreds of thousands of dollars .
( Flynn also pleaded guilty to lying to FBI agents during the Trump-Russia investigation—but Attorney General Barr has been trying to undo that prosecution . )
Other Trump associates set up lobbying shops in the nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their access to Trump .
He didn ’ t drain the swamp of Washington ; he turned it into a petri dish of corruption for him , his family , and his cronies .
Exhibit A : Jared Kushner .
He has an honored place on the Trump corruption roll call .
Government anti-nepotism rules had to be waived for him to join the White House as an adviser to his father-in-law .
Kushner repeatedly did not fully reveal his holdings and potential conflicts .
And his security clearance was denied because government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interests and his vulnerability to foreign influence .
No problem : Trump ordered Kushner be granted clearance .
Kushner has routinely mixed White House business with his own business .
As he has advised his father-in-law on matters stretching around the globe—including the Israel-Palestine conflict—his family real estate firm reached out to a Chinese company tied to the Chinese government and then to the Qatari government in efforts to off-load a highly indebted New York City property it owned .
( A company largely owned by the Qatari government ’ s investment fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March , Kushner also held a large interest in a real estate startup , Cadre , that launched investment vehicles made possible by a Trump administration program promoted by Kushner and Ivanka Trump .
During the pandemic , Kushner ’ s practice of blurring the line between business and government has been thrown into grotesque relief .
As Trump bumbled , Kushner assembled a shadow task force—separate from Vice President Mike Pence ’ s entity—with members drawn from private industries that had keen interests ( and perhaps conflicts of interest ) related to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of investors and entrepreneurs—including a former roommate of Kushner—made supply-chain decisions that could lead to windfalls for certain corporations .
The White House refused to reveal all the members of Kushner ’ s task force , which operated in secrecy , using private phones and personal email accounts in possible violation of federal transparency laws , and without any oversight .
This was behind-the-scenes government based on Kushner ’ s network of business buddies .
His off-the-books effort included a collection of volunteers from investment and consulting firms recruited to hand out government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
This squad tried to facilitate deals , often involving people with inside contacts ( including Fox News personalities ) , while generally botching the job .
FEMA officials referred to Kushner ’ s crew as the “ children.
” At the same time , Oscar Health , a health insurance company that was initially controlled by Jared and his brother , Joshua Kushner—before Joshua took solo command—was used sub rosa by the White House to develop a website for a nationwide coronavirus testing program that never materialized .
( It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The company said it did the work for free , but this arrangement might still have breached federal law .
So even in the middle of a national crisis , Kushner was freebooting and possibly grifting .
There was no way to fully tell because he was defiantly ignoring the normal guidelines for government advisory panels .
As the nation suffered—thousands dying , millions confronting economic calamity—Trump turned the government ’ s coronavirus response into another quid pro quo .
He threatened to withhold assistance from governors who did not publicly praise him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prediction cast during the impeachment proceedings .
When Stanford law professor Pamela Karlan testified at the House hearings , she presented what at the time seemed to be no more than an intellectual exercise meant to underscore the seriousness of Trump ’ s effort to muscle the Ukrainian president .
Imagine living in a state hit by a terrible natural disaster , she said : “ What would you think if your governor asked for a meeting with the president to discuss getting disaster aid that Congress has provided for ?
What would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ I would like you to do us a favor .
I ’ ll meet with you , and I ’ ll send the disaster relief , once you brand my opponent a criminal ’ ?
Wouldn ’ t you know in your gut that such a president had abused his office ?
” You can ’ t say we weren ’ t warned .
Trump has weakened the government the way rot ruins a building : It attacks the structure .
He doesn ’ t give a damn about the soundness of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump did little to protect the country from another profound attack : the Russian assault on the American election in 2016 that was mounted to help him win .
It was not in Trump ’ s political interest to call attention to this covert warfare , so he didn ’ t .
He dismissed that threat and has assailed those agencies of government that investigated the attack and that have warned Moscow is now targeting the 2020 campaign .
The president ’ s pandemic response is straight from the same Make Trump First @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has enabled , enacted , and exercised—that we know of—there likely remains more to be rooted out .
After all , as Trump sees it , the government does not exist to defend the people from killer viruses or foreign attempts to subvert American democracy .
It exists to protect and serve him .
( The use of federal security forces to violently clear away peaceful protesters so Trump can hold a meaningless photo-op was a clear example of Trump-uber-alles statism . )
That is the core corruption of his presidency .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( buy Ivanka ’ s stuff ! )
, major acts of policy ( let ’ s kill regulations for industries that donate to us ) , and monumental decisions with immediate life-or-death consequences for thousands of Americans ( don ’ t warn of a pandemic because that could screw up my reelection ) .
Graft , grift , and greed have been—and always will be—a problem in government .
But with Trump , corruption kills .

The fundamental purpose of government is rather simple: protect the citizenry. Any deliberate perversion of this priority is an exercise of corruption—especially when that basic aim is supplanted by the goal of personal gain. That’s why Donald Trump’s slow, ineffectual, self-serving, and deadly response to the coronavirus has been the most consequential act of corruption in the history of American governance. It eclipses Watergate, Teapot Dome, Iran-Contra, you name it. It also happens to be the continuation—perhaps the culmination—of the corruption that Trump started spreading like a virus the moment he tramped into the White House.
Corruption in government is generally thought of as an official exploiting power or position for personal benefit, often to line his or her pockets or those of a favored associate, relative, or corporation. There has been plenty of that during the Trump years. And Trump was impeached for an act of outright corruption. He leveraged his office—his ability to grant a foreign leader a White House meeting and to hold up nearly $400 million in military assistance—to pressure the new president of Ukraine to initiate unfounded investigations that would help Trump politically. In the case of the coronavirus crisis, Trump embraced a similar me-first course. He prevented the government from performing actions that could keep Americans safe because he believed downplaying the burgeoning crisis best served his political interests. He corrupted the mission of the US government—as a result, one hundred thousand Americans (and counting) have died and the economy collapsed. (Trump also corruptly enlisted the US military as a prop for his own political gain, when he responded to the nationwide wave of protests spurred by the police-killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis.)
Trump’s record of inaction, incompetence, and inane remarks during the first months of the pandemic has been well documented. Yet he wasn’t merely flailing. He purposefully thwarted official action because of concerns about his own electoral prospects. He resisted an aggressive push for testing because that could yield higher numbers of confirmed coronavirus cases, and he believed that lower levels would be better for his reelection campaign. When Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar warned Trump of an impending pandemic in late January, Trump brushed him off as an alarmist. Azar’s message was not in sync with Trump’s decision to discount the coronavirus threat. In late February, Nancy Messonnier, an official at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, publicly said her agency expected widespread transmission and was preparing for a pandemic. Wall Street plunged, and an enraged Trump—who had recently declared that the virus “miraculously goes away” and the situation was “very much under control”—threatened to fire her.
Trump failed to move quickly and impeded a fast and comprehensive response. His self-interest was always paramount—to an absurd extent. He touted the “ratings” his coronavirus press conferences received and devoted more time during these briefings to deflecting responsibility, attacking journalists, and blaming Democratic politicians than to mourning the dead. And his administration oversaw a $2 trillion economic rescue and bailout that was practically designed to facilitate corruption. A huge piece of it was turned over to banks to manage, and the banks rigged the system for preferred customers, which froze out many small businesses, particularly outfits owned by people of color. (In several cases, the funds went to companies—some run by Trump donors—that hardly seemed the most needy.) This package also included a pot of $500 billion for Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to distribute to large corporations with few strings attached and little public oversight. Democrats justifiably called it a “slush fund.” In a further blow to transparency, Trump ousted the inspector general who was leading the task force assigned to monitor this relief package. (This move was part of the war on IGs waged by Trump, who has sought watchdogs that are loyal to him, not the goal of corruption-busting.)
Trump’s attitude toward the federal government at the start of the pandemic—it’s all about me—was an extension of the rampant and more conventional corruption that’s defined his regime. Once Trump, the longtime narcissistic pitchman, entered the White House, he viewed the government as an expansion of his own business ventures and personal brand and showed not a whit of concern for rules, norms, and constitutional provisions that had been established to hinder corruption. He brazenly ignored the emoluments clause of the Constitution, which prohibits a president from accepting payments from foreign entities. His properties—particularly the Trump hotel in Washington, DC—became favorite spots for overseas visitors, including government officials, to stay, hold events, and wine and dine. This placed money into Trump’s bank account. (Ivanka Trump, who owns a big piece of the Washington hotel, also bags millions of dollars a year from its revenue.) Here was an easy way for foreign governments, Washington lobbyists, wannabe players, and others seeking preferential treatment and policies from Trump and his administration to engage in what amounts to legal bribery. In 2018, Trump reported income from at least 11 foreign countries. Several countries, including China, have granted Trump and Ivanka valuable trademarks—with one for Ivanka covering voting machines.
Trump’s own campaign and Republican organizations have held events at his properties, which enriches him and his family. His visits to his golf courses and Mar-a-Lago, his Palm Beach private club, have forced the Secret Service to spend millions that end up with the Trump Organization he still owns. A report first issued in mid-2019 by Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington tallied more than 3,100 actions that raised possible conflicts of interest during Trump’s first years as president. Trump has steadfastly refused to follow tradition and release his tax returns.
Given the constant stream of Trump administration scandals, it is tough to keep track of the cavalcade of crookedness. Controversies come and go quickly, forming an overwhelming blur of wrongdoing and sleaze. In fact, the high number of scandals provides Trump and his crew a degree of protection. Here are a few you may have forgotten: Top adviser Kellyanne Conway appears to have repeatedly violated the Hatch Act, which prohibits federal employees from using their offices to affect the results of an election. She also used her position to promote Ivanka’s clothing line. The White House did the same with first lady Melania Trump’s jewelry company. Trump’s original heads of the EPA, the Department of the Interior, and the Department of Health and Human Services—Scott Pruitt, Ryan Zinke, and Tom Price—each resigned when faced with credible accusations of corruption. Wilbur Ross, the secretary of commerce, held on to millions of dollars in holdings and apparently violated conflict-of-interest rules. Other top Trump appointees past and present—including Ben Carson and Mick Mulvaney—have been caught engaging in shady dealings.
The Trump administration has frequently taken actions that assist industries and companies that donate to Trump and the GOP. His personal lawyer ended up in prison in part because he committed bank fraud while paying hush money to a porn star at Trump’s direction. Michael Flynn, Trump’s first national security adviser, admitted to violating lobbying laws by failing to disclose that he lobbied for Turkey, which earned him hundreds of thousands of dollars. (Flynn also pleaded guilty to lying to FBI agents during the Trump-Russia investigation—but Attorney General Barr has been trying to undo that prosecution.) Other Trump associates set up lobbying shops in the nation’s capital to cash in on their access to Trump. He didn’t drain the swamp of Washington; he turned it into a petri dish of corruption for him, his family, and his cronies.
Exhibit A: Jared Kushner. He has an honored place on the Trump corruption roll call. Government anti-nepotism rules had to be waived for him to join the White House as an adviser to his father-in-law. Kushner repeatedly did not fully reveal his holdings and potential conflicts. And his security clearance was denied because government officials were concerned about his private business interests and his vulnerability to foreign influence. No problem: Trump ordered Kushner be granted clearance.
Kushner has routinely mixed White House business with his own business. As he has advised his father-in-law on matters stretching around the globe—including the Israel-Palestine conflict—his family real estate firm reached out to a Chinese company tied to the Chinese government and then to the Qatari government in efforts to off-load a highly indebted New York City property it owned. (A company largely owned by the Qatari government’s investment fund eventually rescued the Kushners.) Until March, Kushner also held a large interest in a real estate startup, Cadre, that launched investment vehicles made possible by a Trump administration program promoted by Kushner and Ivanka Trump.
As Trump sees it, the government does not exist to defend the people from killer viruses. It exists to protect and serve him.
During the pandemic, Kushner’s practice of blurring the line between business and government has been thrown into grotesque relief. As Trump bumbled, Kushner assembled a shadow task force—separate from Vice President Mike Pence’s entity—with members drawn from private industries that had keen interests (and perhaps conflicts of interest) related to the policies being considered. This group of investors and entrepreneurs—including a former roommate of Kushner—made supply-chain decisions that could lead to windfalls for certain corporations. The White House refused to reveal all the members of Kushner’s task force, which operated in secrecy, using private phones and personal email accounts in possible violation of federal transparency laws, and without any oversight. This was behind-the-scenes government based on Kushner’s network of business buddies. His off-the-books effort included a collection of volunteers from investment and consulting firms recruited to hand out government contracts for desperately needed equipment for the pandemic. This squad tried to facilitate deals, often involving people with inside contacts (including Fox News personalities), while generally botching the job. FEMA officials referred to Kushner’s crew as the “children.”
At the same time, Oscar Health, a health insurance company that was initially controlled by Jared and his brother, Joshua Kushner—before Joshua took solo command—was used sub rosa by the White House to develop a website for a nationwide coronavirus testing program that never materialized. (It was another false promise from Trump.) The company said it did the work for free, but this arrangement might still have breached federal law. So even in the middle of a national crisis, Kushner was freebooting and possibly grifting. There was no way to fully tell because he was defiantly ignoring the normal guidelines for government advisory panels.
As the nation suffered—thousands dying, millions confronting economic calamity—Trump turned the government’s coronavirus response into another quid pro quo. He threatened to withhold assistance from governors who did not publicly praise him. In fact, Trump proved a prediction cast during the impeachment proceedings. When Stanford law professor Pamela Karlan testified at the House hearings, she presented what at the time seemed to be no more than an intellectual exercise meant to underscore the seriousness of Trump’s effort to muscle the Ukrainian president. Imagine living in a state hit by a terrible natural disaster, she said: “What would you think if your governor asked for a meeting with the president to discuss getting disaster aid that Congress has provided for? What would you think if that president said, ‘I would like you to do us a favor. I’ll meet with you, and I’ll send the disaster relief, once you brand my opponent a criminal’? Wouldn’t you know in your gut that such a president had abused his office?” You can’t say we weren’t warned.
Trump has weakened the government the way rot ruins a building: It attacks the structure. He doesn’t give a damn about the soundness of the system. In this fashion, Trump did little to protect the country from another profound attack: the Russian assault on the American election in 2016 that was mounted to help him win. It was not in Trump’s political interest to call attention to this covert warfare, so he didn’t. He dismissed that threat and has assailed those agencies of government that investigated the attack and that have warned Moscow is now targeting the 2020 campaign.
The president’s pandemic response is straight from the same Make Trump First playbook. For all the corruption he has enabled, enacted, and exercised—that we know of—there likely remains more to be rooted out. After all, as Trump sees it, the government does not exist to defend the people from killer viruses or foreign attempts to subvert American democracy. It exists to protect and serve him. (The use of federal security forces to violently clear away peaceful protesters so Trump can hold a meaningless photo-op was a clear example of Trump-uber-alles statism.) That is the core corruption of his presidency. It is manifested in minor acts of sleaze (buy Ivanka’s stuff!), major acts of policy (let’s kill regulations for industries that donate to us), and monumental decisions with immediate life-or-death consequences for thousands of Americans (don’t warn of a pandemic because that could screw up my reelection). Graft, grift, and greed have been—and always will be—a problem in government. But with Trump, corruption kills.


motherjones--2020-06-10--Activists Say Democrats’ Proposed Chokehold Ban Won’t Work

Congressional Democrats introduced legislation on Monday designed to curb police brutality , with sweeping provisions to overhaul law enforcement practices .
But civil rights activists say the bill falls short of what ’ s needed and that provisions that would appear to clamp down on police violence will have little real effect .
At the center of this criticism is the Justice in Policing Act ’ s proposal to ban chokeholds by police officers .
High-profile deaths of African Americans at the hands of police , including the cases of George Floyd and Eric Garner , were the result of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address with the nationwide ban .
But according to activists , bans introduced at a local level have been ineffectual in practice .
“ Cities that have banned chokeholds 20 years prior have had instances of police brutality with chokeholds , ” says Jacqueline LaBayne of Freedom Fighters DC , an activist organization formed during the last two weeks of protests across the nation ’ s capital .
“ So it ’ s not just enacting , but making sure officers do not do it.
” That reaction was echoed by Hawk Newsome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Greater New York ( which is independent from the network of Black Lives Matter chapters ) .
“ The chokehold ban , in essence , is useless , ” says Newsome .
“ Unless you ’ re tacking on a felony or a murder charge , or criminal liability to these things , and to this bill , then it ’ s a toothless guard dog.
” In fact , the type of chokehold that killed Garner in 2014 had been banned in New York City for more than a decade at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death was fired five years later without being charged in relation to Garner ’ s death .
In the four years leading up to Garner ’ s death , New York City received more than 1,000 chokehold complaints against its police officers .
“ In the midst of that in New York , chokeholds were banned in some way shape or form , ” says Monifa Bandele of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement , a human rights organization that focuses on Black communities .
“ The response was to dump money into trainings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lives of Black people in our community.
” Overall , activists say the bill is a mixed bag .
“ Our initial thoughts were : This is a good start , ” says LaBayne .
“ But this should have already been implemented , so we have a long journey ahead of us.
” Among the bill ’ s proposals that activists say have long been needed are the end to qualified immunity—which prevents those whose constitutional rights have been violated by law enforcement from collecting damages—and the rollback of easy access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kumar Rao , the director for justice transformation at the Center for Popular Democracy , says these are steps that “ Congress should have taken long ago.
” He believes the militarization rollbacks are “ under-responsive to the moment , ” since the bill limits police access to military-grade weapons and equipment without actually eliminating it .
Some activist groups have long called for a chokehold ban .
Campaign Zero , an activist organization that was born out of the Ferguson demonstrations , included a chokehold ban on a list of eight law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after Floyd ’ s death .
The organization says the chokehold ban , taken with its other recommendations—like bans on shooting at vehicles and an emphasis on deescalation—would “ decrease police violence by 72 percent.
” The campaign also says chokehold and stranglehold bans lower police killings per capita by 22 percent where they ’ re implemented .
( That ’ s a matter of dispute : An economist told Vox , “ I can ’ t think of rigorous evidence related to any of their eight recs.
” ) Still , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t get at the heart of the issue , which is redefining the scale and scope of police departments—an area where they say the bill falls short .
“ This is a fight that we ’ ve been pushing for many many years , ” Bandele says .
“ I wouldn ’ t say I ’ m left feeling hopeful or disappointed .
I remain in this stance that we defund the police , we have a huge paradigm shift and reimagine what public safety looks like 2020 and beyond .
Anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still be pushing .
”

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Congressional Democrats introduced legislation on Monday designed to curb police brutality, with sweeping provisions to overhaul law enforcement practices. But civil rights activists say the bill falls short of what’s needed and that provisions that would appear to clamp down on police violence will have little real effect.
At the center of this criticism is the Justice in Policing Act’s proposal to ban chokeholds by police officers. High-profile deaths of African Americans at the hands of police, including the cases of George Floyd and Eric Garner, were the result of strangulation, which the bill seeks to address with the nationwide ban. But according to activists, bans introduced at a local level have been ineffectual in practice.
“Cities that have banned chokeholds 20 years prior have had instances of police brutality with chokeholds,” says Jacqueline LaBayne of Freedom Fighters DC, an activist organization formed during the last two weeks of protests across the nation’s capital. “So it’s not just enacting, but making sure officers do not do it.” That reaction was echoed by Hawk Newsome, chair of Black Lives Matter of Greater New York (which is independent from the network of Black Lives Matter chapters). “The chokehold ban, in essence, is useless,” says Newsome. “Unless you’re tacking on a felony or a murder charge, or criminal liability to these things, and to this bill, then it’s a toothless guard dog.”
In fact, the type of chokehold that killed Garner in 2014 had been banned in New York City for more than a decade at the time. The officer responsible for his death was fired five years later without being charged in relation to Garner’s death. In the four years leading up to Garner’s death, New York City received more than 1,000 chokehold complaints against its police officers. “In the midst of that in New York, chokeholds were banned in some way shape or form,” says Monifa Bandele of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, a human rights organization that focuses on Black communities. “The response was to dump money into trainings. And we still result in losing the lives of Black people in our community.”
Overall, activists say the bill is a mixed bag. “Our initial thoughts were: This is a good start,” says LaBayne. “But this should have already been implemented, so we have a long journey ahead of us.”
Among the bill’s proposals that activists say have long been needed are the end to qualified immunity—which prevents those whose constitutional rights have been violated by law enforcement from collecting damages—and the rollback of easy access to military equipment for police departments. Kumar Rao, the director for justice transformation at the Center for Popular Democracy, says these are steps that “Congress should have taken long ago.” He believes the militarization rollbacks are “under-responsive to the moment,” since the bill limits police access to military-grade weapons and equipment without actually eliminating it.
Some activist groups have long called for a chokehold ban. Campaign Zero, an activist organization that was born out of the Ferguson demonstrations, included a chokehold ban on a list of eight law enforcement policy changes that the group released after Floyd’s death. The organization says the chokehold ban, taken with its other recommendations—like bans on shooting at vehicles and an emphasis on deescalation—would “decrease police violence by 72 percent.” The campaign also says chokehold and stranglehold bans lower police killings per capita by 22 percent where they’re implemented. (That’s a matter of dispute: An economist told Vox, “I can’t think of rigorous evidence related to any of their eight recs.”)
Still, to many activists, a chokehold ban doesn’t get at the heart of the issue, which is redefining the scale and scope of police departments—an area where they say the bill falls short.
“This is a fight that we’ve been pushing for many many years,” Bandele says. “I wouldn’t say I’m left feeling hopeful or disappointed. I remain in this stance that we defund the police, we have a huge paradigm shift and reimagine what public safety looks like 2020 and beyond. Anything short of that, we’ll still be pushing.”


motherjones--2020-06-10--Democrats Say COVID Relief Money Is Going to Corporations Without Real Oversight

As part of its sweeping coronavirus relief package enacted in March , Congress allotted $ 500 billion to help stabilize businesses and local governments suffering from the economic crisis .
But two Democratic lawmakers are concerned that the Treasury Department is allocating these funds to corporations without meaningful oversight , since the body that ’ s supposed to govern the process remains leaderless .
“ The American people deserve rigorous and thoughtful oversight of this taxpayer-funded relief to American businesses and industries hurt by the 2019 novel coronavirus , ” Rep. Katie Porter and Sen. Kamala Harris , both from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wednesday to congressional leadership .
The majority of the billions of dollars allotted by the CARES Act for economic stabilization come with few restrictions on how they are spent .
The law tasked the Treasury Department with overseeing the distribution of these funds and creating administrative rules to govern the specifics of who receives the funds and what they may be used for .
The department ’ s handling of the funds has already encountered some criticism , after a May report found that in the two months following the CARES Act ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the $ 500 billion had been spent .
More spending , however , is on the horizon , after Treasury created a number of programs to distribute more of these funds , including one focused on giving loans to small and mid-sized businesses .
The group in charge of policing that spending , however , is still leaderless .
The CARES Act created a five-member Congressional Oversight Commission to oversee how the $ 500 billion was being spent .
It required House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to agree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After more than two months , Pelosi and McConnell have yet to make an appointment .
Porter and Harris contend in their letter that this lack of leadership has stymied the commission ’ s mandate to check up on how the relief funds are being used .
The pair note that for the commission to act on the authorities assigned to it by Congress—such as holding hearings—a majority of the commission must vote to move forward .
But the commission currently has only four members , so reaching a majority may prove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Chairperson , taxpayers are funding a bailout without the mandated accountability , ” their letter notes .

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As part of its sweeping coronavirus relief package enacted in March, Congress allotted $500 billion to help stabilize businesses and local governments suffering from the economic crisis. But two Democratic lawmakers are concerned that the Treasury Department is allocating these funds to corporations without meaningful oversight, since the body that’s supposed to govern the process remains leaderless.
“The American people deserve rigorous and thoughtful oversight of this taxpayer-funded relief to American businesses and industries hurt by the 2019 novel coronavirus,” Rep. Katie Porter and Sen. Kamala Harris, both from California, wrote in a letter sent Wednesday to congressional leadership.
The majority of the billions of dollars allotted by the CARES Act for economic stabilization come with few restrictions on how they are spent. The law tasked the Treasury Department with overseeing the distribution of these funds and creating administrative rules to govern the specifics of who receives the funds and what they may be used for. The department’s handling of the funds has already encountered some criticism, after a May report found that in the two months following the CARES Act’s passage, only $37.5 of the $500 billion had been spent. More spending, however, is on the horizon, after Treasury created a number of programs to distribute more of these funds, including one focused on giving loans to small and mid-sized businesses.
The group in charge of policing that spending, however, is still leaderless. The CARES Act created a five-member Congressional Oversight Commission to oversee how the $500 billion was being spent. It required House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to agree on a person to chair the commission. After more than two months, Pelosi and McConnell have yet to make an appointment. Porter and Harris contend in their letter that this lack of leadership has stymied the commission’s mandate to check up on how the relief funds are being used. The pair note that for the commission to act on the authorities assigned to it by Congress—such as holding hearings—a majority of the commission must vote to move forward. But the commission currently has only four members, so reaching a majority may prove difficult.
“Until the Commission has a Chairperson, taxpayers are funding a bailout without the mandated accountability,” their letter notes.


motherjones--2020-06-10--A Fourth Guard at an ICE Detention Center Has Died of COVID-19

A fourth guard at a US immigration detention facility has died as a result of COVID-19 , as the virus continues to spread through the close quarters where asylum seekers and other immigrants are being held indefinitely .
On May 1 , Lieutenant Lewis Dempsey was sent home from a Louisiana immigration detention center with a fever .
On Wednesday morning , he passed away from complications from COVID-19 .
Dempsey is the third employee of the private prison company LaSalle Corrections known to have died after contracting the new coronavirus .
All three are assumed to have been infected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in rural Louisiana where 180 people in detention have now tested positive .
The first two both worked at the Richwood Correctional Center .
Dempsey worked at the Winn Correctional Center .
A fourth guard employed by another private company , CoreCivic , at an ICE detention center in New Jersey died in April .
Dempsey ’ s death is a reminder that it is not just immigrants whose lives are put at risk by ICE ’ s decision to keep people in crowded detention centers .
Detention center employees , their families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the outbreaks that experts warned for months were inevitable .
As of Wednesday , 115 people detained at Winn have tested positive , 45 of whom are still being monitored for COVID symptoms .
Two people died in ICE custody last month of complications from the new coronavirus .
A third man died after being released from a detention center with a massive outbreak without being tested .
LaSalle spokesperson Scott Sutterfield , who previously served as ICE ’ s top official for Louisiana and four other Southern states , said about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn today of the passing of our friend and colleague .
Our thoughts and deepest sympathies go out to his family , friends and coworkers.
” ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment .
The agency does not report when employees of the private prison companies it contracts with test positive or die .
Former Mother Jones reporter Shane Bauer worked as a guard at Winn while it was a Louisiana prison operated by CoreCivic .
His award-winning investigation exposed an institution plagued by rampant violence and medical neglect .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ had started sending immigrants and asylum seekers to the facility : The prison , which is more than four hours from both Houston and New Orleans , is in the “ middle of absolute nowhere , ” [ Marshall Goff , a Mississippi immigration attorney , ] says .
When he visited for the first time on Saturday , it was clear to him that it was designed to be a prison , not a jail that holds people serving short sentences .
It was striking to Goff that immigrants , who are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison , “ are being housed in the same place as people who commit felonies and who ’ ve been sentenced for decades.
” The GoFundMe page started by Dempsey ’ s sister Dochia Doughty states that he was initially unable to get non-emergency medical attention in Winnfield , the town where the detention center is located .
He was later rushed to the local hospital , where he nearly died before being airlifted to Shreveport .
Dempsey would go on to “ code , ” a term used when people go into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ His family still hoped that he would survive when they started a GoFundMe page to raise money for his recovery on Tuesday .
Doughty wrote about her brother : Our family is just an ordinary , working-class American family , but we do have extraordinary work ethic .
Lewis was undeservedly struck by an extraordinarily deadly virus .
Yet he survived .
This is a long and on-going story , but what happened to Lewis could happen to any of us .
While he may be an ordinary statistic to some , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He epitomizes a loving , kind-natured man with a childlike innocence .
I always say he ’ s a lover , not a fighter .
We place no blame or fault on anyone .
On Wednesday morning , Doughty updated the fundraising page to say that her brother had passed away .
“ My sister and I were allowed in to love on him beforehand , ” she wrote .
“ He was alert and listening to us .
His heart just stopped .
He left this world knowing he was loved by @ @ @ @ @ @ @

A fourth guard at a US immigration detention facility has died as a result of COVID-19, as the virus continues to spread through the close quarters where asylum seekers and other immigrants are being held indefinitely.
On May 1, Lieutenant Lewis Dempsey was sent home from a Louisiana immigration detention center with a fever. On Wednesday morning, he passed away from complications from COVID-19.
Dempsey is the third employee of the private prison company LaSalle Corrections known to have died after contracting the new coronavirus. All three are assumed to have been infected at Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention centers in rural Louisiana where 180 people in detention have now tested positive. The first two both worked at the Richwood Correctional Center. Dempsey worked at the Winn Correctional Center. A fourth guard employed by another private company, CoreCivic, at an ICE detention center in New Jersey died in April.
Dempsey’s death is a reminder that it is not just immigrants whose lives are put at risk by ICE’s decision to keep people in crowded detention centers. Detention center employees, their families, and their communities are also threatened by the outbreaks that experts warned for months were inevitable. As of Wednesday, 115 people detained at Winn have tested positive, 45 of whom are still being monitored for COVID symptoms.
Two people died in ICE custody last month of complications from the new coronavirus. A third man died after being released from a detention center with a massive outbreak without being tested.
LaSalle spokesperson Scott Sutterfield, who previously served as ICE’s top official for Louisiana and four other Southern states, said about Dempsey, “We were saddened to learn today of the passing of our friend and colleague. Our thoughts and deepest sympathies go out to his family, friends and coworkers.” ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The agency does not report when employees of the private prison companies it contracts with test positive or die.
Former Mother Jones reporter Shane Bauer worked as a guard at Winn while it was a Louisiana prison operated by CoreCivic. His award-winning investigation exposed an institution plagued by rampant violence and medical neglect. Last year, I reported that ICE had started sending immigrants and asylum seekers to the facility:
The prison, which is more than four hours from both Houston and New Orleans, is in the “middle of absolute nowhere,” [Marshall Goff, a Mississippi immigration attorney,] says. When he visited for the first time on Saturday, it was clear to him that it was designed to be a prison, not a jail that holds people serving short sentences. It was striking to Goff that immigrants, who are held in a separate area of the prison, “are being housed in the same place as people who commit felonies and who’ve been sentenced for decades.”
The GoFundMe page started by Dempsey’s sister Dochia Doughty states that he was initially unable to get non-emergency medical attention in Winnfield, the town where the detention center is located. He was later rushed to the local hospital, where he nearly died before being airlifted to Shreveport. Dempsey would go on to “code,” a term used when people go into cardiopulmonary arrest, many times there.
His family still hoped that he would survive when they started a GoFundMe page to raise money for his recovery on Tuesday. Doughty wrote about her brother:
Our family is just an ordinary, working-class American family, but we do have extraordinary work ethic. Lewis was undeservedly struck by an extraordinarily deadly virus. Yet he survived. This is a long and on-going story, but what happened to Lewis could happen to any of us. While he may be an ordinary statistic to some, he is an extraordinary brother to us. He epitomizes a loving, kind-natured man with a childlike innocence. I always say he’s a lover, not a fighter. We place no blame or fault on anyone.
On Wednesday morning, Doughty updated the fundraising page to say that her brother had passed away. “My sister and I were allowed in to love on him beforehand,” she wrote. “He was alert and listening to us. His heart just stopped. He left this world knowing he was loved by so many family and friends.”


motherjones--2020-06-10--Donald Trump, Like the Confederacy, Is Picking the Wrong Hill to Die On

The US military , the New York Times pointed out in an editorial last month , has 10 bases named for former Confederate officers .
They include Camp Beauregard , named for the officer who fired on Fort Sumter to start the Civil War ; Fort Pickett , named for the person most synonymous in American military history with futile slaughter ; Fort Lee , named for the person who ordered that slaughter and ultimately lost the war ; and Fort Gordon , named for a person many people are saying was a Klansman .
In recent weeks , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to remove monuments to notorious racists—or taken the matter into their own hands—these bases have once again been a target for criticism .
On Tuesday , retired General David Petraeus and former CIA chief David Petraeus argued in The Atlantic that the time had come to “ remove the name of traitors ” from American bases .
But President Donald Trump , who is an idiot , has a different point of view .
On Wednesday , he responded that changing the names of these bases would rewrite the nation ’ s “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Freedom ” : Just to make sure the message was clear , White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany followed up with a statement arguing that changing the names would insult soldiers who died overseas : It is bad to name your bases after people who took up arms to preserve white supremacy , and bad to name them after people who took up arms against the United States .
But it ’ s just sort of weird to name military bases after people who took up arms against the United States to preserve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at it .
Winning ?
Victory ?
Not by a long shot .
The best I can say about Henry L. Benning is that I literally do not even know what he did in the war to become famous .
Braxton Bragg ’ s great contribution to the Lost Cause was a crushing defeat by Ulysses S. Grant at Chattanooga , which led to him being fired and eventually replaced by John Bell Hood .
( Incredible eyebrows , though . )
Hood was like a white-supremacist Leeroy Jenkins , forever going on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any lessons .
He lost control of Atlanta to Sherman , transferred to the Army of Tennessee and lost again at Franklin , and then effectively ended the war in the West when he lost half his army at Nashville .
The Union commander at Nashville , Gen. George H. Thomas , was a native of Virginia who rejected the Confederacy to fight for the United States .
Trump ’ s support for keeping Confederate monuments is longstanding .
“ They ’ re trying to take away our history , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local officials began removing white-supremacist monuments across the country .
He urged Virginia Republican to support gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie so he could “ save our great statues/heritage !
” Those white-supremacists he called “ good people ” in Charlottesville ?
They were rallying against the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue in the city ’ s downtown .
But if it ’ s winning , victory , and freedom we want to celebrate , there ’ s no shortage of heroic figures to choose from .
Harriet Tubman , the victorious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a better win-loss record than Hood , for sure .
William Harvey Carney , a former slave who joined the storied 54th Massachusetts Regiment , was shot three times and then won a medal of honor for retrieving the American flag from a fallen comrade at Fort Wagner that same year .
That might be a good place to start for a self-styled protector of “ our Great American Flag.
” Despite the fact that Jeff Daniels ( who I do not like ) played him in a movie once , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John B .
“ Fort ” Gordon ’ s surrender at Appomattox and stopped John Bell “ Fort ” Hood ’ s advance at Gettysburg .
His previous job was teaching at a New England liberal arts college .
Talk about the heroism of ordinary people !
America ’ s history of “ freedom ” and “ winning , ” such as it is , has nothing to do with the men these bases are currently named for .
But it has everything to do with the men and women who defeated them @

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The US military, the New York Times pointed out in an editorial last month, has 10 bases named for former Confederate officers. They include Camp Beauregard, named for the officer who fired on Fort Sumter to start the Civil War; Fort Pickett, named for the person most synonymous in American military history with futile slaughter; Fort Lee, named for the person who ordered that slaughter and ultimately lost the war; and Fort Gordon, named for a person many people are saying was a Klansman. In recent weeks, as protesters have pushed governments across the world to remove monuments to notorious racists—or taken the matter into their own hands—these bases have once again been a target for criticism. On Tuesday, retired general and former CIA chief David Petraeus argued in The Atlantic that the time had come to “remove the name of traitors” from American bases.
But President Donald Trump, who is an idiot, has a different point of view. On Wednesday, he responded that changing the names of these bases would rewrite the nation’s “history of Winning, Victory, and Freedom”:
…history of Winning, Victory, and Freedom. The United States of America trained and deployed our HEROES on these Hallowed Grounds, and won two World Wars. Therefore, my Administration will not even consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations… — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) June 10, 2020
…Our history as the Greatest Nation in the World will not be tampered with. Respect our Military! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) June 10, 2020
Just to make sure the message was clear, White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany followed up with a statement arguing that changing the names would insult soldiers who died overseas:
McEnany: "To suggest these forts are somehow inherently racist and their names need to be changed is a complete disrespect to the men and women, who the last bit of American land they saw before they went overseas and lost their lives were these forts" pic.twitter.com/4pMAJe5fsd — Dave Brown (@dave_brown24) June 10, 2020
It is bad to name your bases after people who took up arms to preserve white supremacy, and bad to name them after people who took up arms against the United States. But it’s just sort of weird to name military bases after people who took up arms against the United States to preserve white supremacy and were so abjectly bad at it. Winning? Victory? Not by a long shot.
The best I can say about Henry L. Benning is that I literally do not even know what he did in the war to become famous. Braxton Bragg’s great contribution to the Lost Cause was a crushing defeat by Ulysses S. Grant at Chattanooga, which led to him being fired and eventually replaced by John Bell Hood. (Incredible eyebrows, though.) Hood was like a white-supremacist Leeroy Jenkins, forever going on offense against superior firepower and never learning any lessons. He lost control of Atlanta to Sherman, transferred to the Army of Tennessee and lost again at Franklin, and then effectively ended the war in the West when he lost half his army at Nashville. The Union commander at Nashville, Gen. George H. Thomas, was a native of Virginia who rejected the Confederacy to fight for the United States.
Trump’s support for keeping Confederate monuments is longstanding. “They’re trying to take away our history,” he said in 2017, when a wave of local officials began removing white-supremacist monuments across the country. He urged Virginia Republicans to support gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie so he could “save our great statues/heritage!” Those white-supremacists he called “good people” in Charlottesville? They were rallying against the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue in the city’s downtown.
But if it’s winning, victory, and freedom we want to celebrate, there’s no shortage of heroic figures to choose from. Harriet Tubman, the victorious commander at Combahee Ferry in 1863, had a better win-loss record than Hood, for sure. William Harvey Carney, a former slave who joined the storied 54th Massachusetts Regiment, was shot three times and then won a medal of honor for retrieving the American flag from a fallen comrade at Fort Wagner that same year. That might be a good place to start for a self-styled protector of “our Great American Flag.” Despite the fact that Jeff Daniels (who I do not like) played him in a movie once, I like Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, who accepted John B. “Fort” Gordon’s surrender at Appomattox and stopped John Bell “Fort” Hood’s advance at Gettysburg. His previous job was teaching at a New England liberal arts college. Talk about the heroism of ordinary people! America’s history of “freedom” and “winning,” such as it is, has nothing to do with the men these bases are currently named for. But it has everything to do with the men and women who defeated them.


motherjones--2020-06-10--Bill Barr’s Effort to Protect Michael Flynn Is “Corrupt,” An Explosive New Legal Filing Says

The Justice Department ’ s effort to dismiss charges against former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn is “ corrupt ” and “ politically motivated , ” an attorney appointed by a federal judge to oppose DOJ ’ s efforts argued Wednesday .
The filing came as part of an unprecedented fight between US District Court Judge Emmet Sullivan and Attorney General William Barr over the Justice Department ’ s effort to dismiss its prosecution of Flynn , despite his 2017 guilty plea to making false statements to FBI agents .
Sullivan , who presides over the case , last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s request to drop it , and instead appointed John Gleeson , a former federal judge , to argue against DOJ ’ s effort .
In a brief filed Wednesday , Gleeson lashed Barr and DOJ , charging that their effort to allow Flynn to avoid punishment for false statements —charges that Flynn twice pleaded guilty to in late 2017—constitutes “ a gross abuse of prosecutorial power.
” Gleeson cites a federal rule that requires courts to “ guard against dubious dismissals of criminal cases that would benefit powerful and well-connected defendants.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the integrity of their own proceedings from prosecutors who undertake corrupt , politically motivated dismissals , ” Gleeson wrote .
“ That is what has happened here .
The Government has engaged in highly irregular conduct to benefit a political ally of the President .
The facts of this case overcome the presumption of regularity .
The Court should therefore deny the Government ’ s motion to dismiss , adjudicate any remaining motions , and then sentence the Defendant.
” Gleeson said that Flynn committed further crimes during the case itself by perjuring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only time he didn ’ t tell the truth was when he pleaded guilty to making false statements ) .
But the brief argued that Sullivan should stick to sentencing Flynn on the original charges , rather than reopening the case to consider those new allegations .
Gleeson also said the arguments made by the newly appointed prosecutors “ are riddled with inexplicable and elementary errors of law and fact .
And they depart from positions that the Government has taken in other cases.
” “ The facts surrounding the filing of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of gross prosecutorial abuse , ” Gleeson argues .
“ They reveal an unconvincing effort to disguise as legitimate a decision to dismiss that is based solely on the fact that Flynn is a political ally of President Trump.
” The Trump administration ’ s defense of Flynn started with a May 7 motion signed only by Timothy Shea , a Barr deputy who was then acting US Attorney for Washington DC , who has since become acting head of the Drug Enforcement Agency .
Shea ’ s letter argued Flynn had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interviewed Flynn in January 2017 about his contacts with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak and whether they discussed sanctions Barack Obama had imposed on Russia .
Flynn told the FBI that he did not discuss sanctions with Kislyak , a false claim that led to federal charges .
( Transcripts of their calls released last week showed the sanctions were the main topic the men talked about . )
After Barr put Shea in charge of the case , the government said the FBI agents should not have questioned Flynn because the bureau had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ launched the prior year into whether Flynn was a Russian asset .
Trump has cited Flynn ’ s case to assert that investigations into his campaign ’ s contacts with Russia during the 2016 campaign were politically motivated .
Trump has also sought to use the case as fodder in his reelection effort .
He has argued , without any evidence , that Obama and former Vice President Joe Biden , the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee , were involved in improperly targeting Flynn .
Barr has acknowledged that he personally decided the charges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highly unusual level of involvement by the head of the Justice Department in a specific case .
But Barr denies that he acted at Trumps behest .
“ There ’ s only one standard of justice , ” Barr told CBS News last month .
“ And I believe that this case , that justice in this case requires dismissing the charges against General Flynn.
” Barr may prevail .
A federal appeals court panel is weighing a request from Flynn ’ s lawyers that they order Sullivan to drop the case .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ hearing for Friday on the matter , may rule that Sullivan lacked the power to appoint Gleeson .
But the new filing is sure to add to to the already widespread criticism of Barr ’ s conduct in the Flynn case .

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The Justice Department’s effort to dismiss charges against former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn is “corrupt” and “politically motivated,” an attorney appointed by a federal judge to oppose DOJ’s efforts argued Wednesday.
The filing came as part of an unprecedented fight between US District Court Judge Emmet Sullivan and Attorney General William Barr over the Justice Department’s effort to dismiss its prosecution of Flynn, despite his 2017 guilty plea to making false statements to FBI agents. Sullivan, who presides over the case, last month refused to agree to the department’s request to drop it, and instead appointed John Gleeson, a former federal judge, to argue against DOJ’s effort. In a brief filed Wednesday, Gleeson lashed Barr and DOJ, charging that their effort to allow Flynn to avoid punishment for false statements —charges that Flynn twice pleaded guilty to in late 2017—constitutes “a gross abuse of prosecutorial power.”
Gleeson cites a federal rule that requires courts to “guard against dubious dismissals of criminal cases that would benefit powerful and well-connected defendants.” Courts have the power to “protect the integrity of their own proceedings from prosecutors who undertake corrupt, politically motivated dismissals,” Gleeson wrote. “That is what has happened here. The Government has engaged in highly irregular conduct to benefit a political ally of the President. The facts of this case overcome the presumption of regularity. The Court should therefore deny the Government’s motion to dismiss, adjudicate any remaining motions, and then sentence the Defendant.”
“The facts surrounding the filing of the Government’s motion constitute clear evidence of gross prosecutorial abuse.”
Gleeson said that Flynn committed further crimes during the case itself by perjuring himself (Flynn now claims that the only time he didn’t tell the truth was when he pleaded guilty to making false statements). But the brief argued that Sullivan should stick to sentencing Flynn on the original charges, rather than reopening the case to consider those new allegations.
Gleeson also said the arguments made by the newly appointed prosecutors “are riddled with inexplicable and elementary errors of law and fact. And they depart from positions that the Government has taken in other cases.”
“The facts surrounding the filing of the Government’s motion constitute clear evidence of gross prosecutorial abuse,” Gleeson argues. “They reveal an unconvincing effort to disguise as legitimate a decision to dismiss that is based solely on the fact that Flynn is a political ally of President Trump.”
The Trump administration’s defense of Flynn started with a May 7 motion signed only by Timothy Shea, a Barr deputy who was then acting US Attorney for Washington DC, who has since become acting head of the Drug Enforcement Agency. Shea’s letter argued Flynn had been unfairly targeted by FBI agents, who interviewed Flynn in January 2017 about his contacts with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak and whether they discussed sanctions Barack Obama had imposed on Russia. Flynn told the FBI that he did not discuss sanctions with Kislyak, a false claim that led to federal charges. (Transcripts of their calls released last week showed the sanctions were the main topic the men talked about.) After Barr put Shea in charge of the case, the government said the FBI agents should not have questioned Flynn because the bureau had previously decided to close an investigation it launched the prior year into whether Flynn was a Russian asset.
Trump has cited Flynn’s case to assert that investigations into his campaign’s contacts with Russia during the 2016 campaign were politically motivated. Trump has also sought to use the case as fodder in his reelection effort. He has argued, without any evidence, that Obama and former Vice President Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, were involved in improperly targeting Flynn.
Barr has acknowledged that he personally decided the charges against Flynn should be dropped, a highly unusual level of involvement by the head of the Justice Department in a specific case. But Barr denies that he acted at Trumps behest. “There’s only one standard of justice,” Barr told CBS News last month. “And I believe that this case, that justice in this case requires dismissing the charges against General Flynn.”
Barr may prevail. A federal appeals court panel is weighing a request from Flynn’s lawyers that they order Sullivan to drop the case. The court, which has scheduled a hearing for Friday on the matter, may rule that Sullivan lacked the power to appoint Gleeson.
But the new filing is sure to add to to the already widespread criticism of Barr’s conduct in the Flynn case.
Read Gleeson’s brief:


motherjones--2020-06-10--Donald Trump Has Always Said Racist Things

Following weeks of protests against racial injustice in the United States , President Donald Trump is reportedly planning on delivering @ @ @ @ @ .
Reportedly , it will be written by his senior aide Stephen Miller , who @ @ @ @ @ president ’ s hardline attitudes towards immigration into policy that involves separating families and placing @ @ @ @ @ nation ’ s southern border .
It is impossible to predict what this speech will @ @ @ @ @ past performance in referring to protesters as “ THUGS “ , it is unlikely that @ @ @ @ @ in an attempt to bridge divisions in the nation .
In case you needed further @ @ @ @ @ always been a racist , Mother Jones dug up some of his comments from 1989 @ @ @ @ @ has a tremendous advantage over a well-educated white in terms of the job market , @ @ @ @ @ the time .
“ If I were starting off today I would love to be @ @ @ @ @ really believe they do have an actual advantage today .
”

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motherjones--2020-06-11--Facebook Employees Consider Work Stoppage to Push Zuckerberg to Take Action on Trump

Over the past several weeks , Mark Zuckberberg has set off a firestorm within Facebook , when , even as Twitter started fact-checking certain falsehoods spread on its platform by President Donald Trump , the CEO announced that his company would not do anything similar .
Multiple employees publicly criticized the decision , with several resigning in protest .
The company ’ s workers , according to reports , were particularly frustrated with Facebook leaving up a post Trump made amid demonstrations over the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer that promised violence against what he called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the looting starts , the shooting starts , ” repeating language used by a Florida police chief in the late 60s .
“ I ’ m deeply ashamed of working in a company that gives free rein to a racist post because it is by a politician , ” one employee wrote on in a resignation note shared on a company platform , according to Recode .
Such dissent hasn ’ t yet ended , with some Facebook employees advocating that their peers refuse to perform a key job function—interviewing potential hires—as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makers at the company .
While the company ’ s recruitment process relies on a workforce dedicated to hiring , candidates for open positions are also interviewed by rank and file workers across departments .
“ I took myself off interviewing because I can ’ t currently recommend people come to work at Facebook , ” one worker wrote an internal post that was viewed by over 1,000 colleagues .
The worker noted past missteps from Facebook—its bungled response to foreign election interference , the Cambridge Analytica scandal—but chalked them up as genuine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they wrote that the “ decision on not fact-checking political speech seems different—it seems like we made this not because it is the right thing to do , but because it is the easy thing to do.
” Several others on the internal forum agreed .
“ If you also feel that you can ’ t recommend Facebook to interview candidates , don ’ t .
Maybe leadership will pay more attention when there ’ s no one left to conduct interviews , ” another worker wrote in support of the post .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of employees have declined to take part in the interview process out of protest , but the posts and discussion show that frustrations with Zuckerberg ’ s decision have not subsided and that some rank-and-file workers are interested in taking on-the-job action to push the company to change its decision and forbid Trump and other politicians from saying dangerous things on its platform .
Facebook declined to specifically address the posts , but a spokesperson offered a brief comment over e-mail : “ We recognize the pain many of our people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community .
We encourage employees to speak openly when they disagree with leadership .
As we face additional difficult decisions around content ahead , we ’ ll continue seeking their honest feedback.
” Facebook has internally acknowledged that the decision to let Trump use its platform without inhibition presents a barrier to convincing candidates to join the company .
“ Many of you are facing difficult questions from candidates about attacks on the Black community as well as Facebook policy decisions concerning Trump ’ s posts , ” wrote Miranda Kalinowski , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in an internal post .
“ We ’ ve created messaging for candidates that we hope you may find hopeful as you ’ re navigating these hard conversations during interviews and other candidate touchpoints , ” she continued .
Some employees pushed back on parts of “ Recruiting Narrative ” she shared , specifically on a talking point that touted a company commitment to give “ $ 10 million to efforts committed to lifting Black voices and ending racial injustice.
” ( Facebook ’ s 2019 revenue was over $ 70 billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anything that is related to [ the ] current climate as a means or mechanism to sell folx on FB , ” one worker wrote in response .

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Over the past several weeks, Mark Zuckerberg has set off a firestorm within Facebook, when, even as Twitter started fact-checking certain falsehoods spread on its platform by President Donald Trump, the CEO announced that his company would not do anything similar. Multiple employees publicly criticized the decision, with several resigning in protest.
The company’s workers, according to reports, were particularly frustrated with Facebook leaving up a post Trump made amid demonstrations over the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer that promised violence against what he called “thugs.” Trump wrote that “when the looting starts, the shooting starts,” repeating language used by a Florida police chief in the late 60s.
“I can’t currently recommend people come to work at Facebook.”
“I’m deeply ashamed of working in a company that gives free rein to a racist post because it is by a politician,” one employee wrote on in a resignation note shared on a company platform, according to Recode.
Such dissent hasn’t yet ended, with some Facebook employees advocating that their peers refuse to perform a key job function—interviewing potential hires—as a way to put pressure on decision makers at the company. While the company’s recruitment process relies on a workforce dedicated to hiring, candidates for open positions are also interviewed by rank and file workers across departments.
“I took myself off interviewing because I can’t currently recommend people come to work at Facebook,” one worker wrote an internal post that was viewed by over 1,000 colleagues. The worker noted past missteps from Facebook—its bungled response to foreign election interference, the Cambridge Analytica scandal—but chalked them up as genuine mistakes. In this case though, they wrote that the “decision on not fact-checking political speech seems different—it seems like we made this not because it is the right thing to do, but because it is the easy thing to do.”
Several others on the internal forum agreed. “If you also feel that you can’t recommend Facebook to interview candidates, don’t. Maybe leadership will pay more attention when there’s no one left to conduct interviews,” another worker wrote in support of the post.
It’s unclear if a significant number of employees have declined to take part in the interview process out of protest, but the posts and discussion show that frustrations with Zuckerberg’s decision have not subsided and that some rank-and-file workers are interested in taking on-the-job action to push the company to change its decision and forbid Trump and other politicians from saying dangerous things on its platform.
Facebook declined to specifically address the posts, but a spokesperson offered a brief comment over e-mail: “We recognize the pain many of our people are feeling right now, especially our Black community. We encourage employees to speak openly when they disagree with leadership. As we face additional difficult decisions around content ahead, we’ll continue seeking their honest feedback.”
Facebook has internally acknowledged that the decision to let Trump use its platform without inhibition presents a barrier to convincing candidates to join the company. “Many of you are facing difficult questions from candidates about attacks on the Black community as well as Facebook policy decisions concerning Trump’s posts,” wrote Miranda Kalinowski, the company’s global head of recruitment, in an internal post.
“We’ve created messaging for candidates that we hope you may find helpful as you’re navigating these hard conversations during interviews and other candidate touchpoints,” she continued.
Some employees pushed back on parts of “Recruiting Narrative” she shared, specifically on a talking point that touted a company commitment to give “$10 million to efforts committed to lifting Black voices and ending racial injustice.” (Facebook’s 2019 revenue was over $70 billion.)
“I’m against anything that is related to [the] current climate as a means or mechanism to sell folx on FB,” one worker wrote in response.