motherjones--2020-01-23--Republicans Are Trying, Once Again, to Basically Ban Abortion in Tennessee

This morning , Republican Gov .
Bill Lee called a press conference to announce that Tennessee would be doubling down on its commitment to make access to abortion in the state next to impossible .
The governor declared that he and his Republican colleagues would be bringing comprehensive abortion restrictions this session , including a so-called “ fetal heartbeat bill ” to ban abortion care once a “ heartbeat ” has been detected .
To be clear , at that stage , this refers to a group of cells with electrical activity , not a fully-formed human cardiovascular system .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Between a pregnant person ’ s initial appointment and abortion , the state mandates a 48-hour waiting period during which counseling must take place .
The use of telemedicine is banned for medication abortions , and minors can not receive abortion care without parental consent .
In 2014 , Tennessee passed a constitutional amendment—Amendment One—which says nothing in the state constitution guarantees the right to an abortion .
It was challenged in court , but ultimately the state won , and it was upheld .
Add to this list the new restrictions that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an abortion be shown an ultrasound of the fetus , and a “ reasons ban ” that prohibits abortion based on fetal abnormality , Down Syndrome , race , or sex .
According to the Guttmacher Institute , a reproductive rights-focused think tank , nine states ban abortion in cases where sex selection is a deciding factor .
Two states have bans on abortions for reasons of race , and two states ban abortion in cases of fetal genetic anomaly .
Three states have counseling requirements in cases where a pregnancy is being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In its 2019 session , Tennessee introduced what is known as a trigger law—a bill to outlaw abortion in Tennessee should Roe be overturned in the Supreme Court—and it passed .
“ We know that when a mother views her unborn child and hears a heartbeat , hearts and minds are changed , ” Lee said of the ultrasound requirement , according to the Tennessean .
While the majority of the legislature is comprised mostly of strictly anti-abortion conservatives , over the past year , the Republicans have been split over how to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wave of abortion bans rippled through red states last spring .
The debate has centered on the best way to execute such restrictions while avoiding the cost of the lengthy court battles necessary to defend such measures , and it came to a head last year , when the state was considering a different fetal heartbeat ban , which was eventually sent to a summer study in which the bill is researched and a hearing is held in a special session .
It was set to be revisited this year .
“ Passing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the courts an opportunity to erase the progress we have made , ” Republican Lt. Gov .
Randy McNally said in a statement regarding the previous legislation last March , according to the Tennessean .
“ And a losing court fight would likely result in awarding taxpayer money to Planned Parenthood .
Protection of the unborn is too important to risk taking a step backward.
” Several of McNally ’ s Republican colleagues followed his lead , as did Tennessee Right to Life , the state ’ s premier anti-abortion advocacy group , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the party seems to be rallying behind the new approach announced this morning , which includes a severability clause , which “ will specify that if the heartbeat provision is struck down by the courts , bans on abortion will kick in at 8 , 10 , 12 weeks—up to the point where bans in other states have been upheld in court , ” according to the Tennessean .
What that means is Tennessee will pass whatever ban they can , which will depend upon what stands in the federal court systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abortion may affect how far they are able to go , as well .
An exception for rape or incest is still being considered .
Now , however , McNally says he “ wholeheartedly ” supports the new legislation , according to the Tennessean .
Given the united front presented by the governor and the lieutenant governor , the bill is likely to get farther than its predecessors and has a solid chance of becoming law this year .
“ The destination has always been clear , ” McNally said .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We now have the proper vehicle .
This comprehensive , tiered approach is our best chance of advancing the cause of life without sacrificing the gains we have made.
” Abortion rights groups in the state are already rallying against the proposed restrictions .
“ Our legislature has rejected paid family leave for all new parents , rejected federal money for affordable health care and child care , and rejected calls to stop shackling pregnant women in prison , ” said Francie Hunt , executive director of Tennessee Advocates for Planned Parenthood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cares about right now is forcing women to give birth , with no care for the consequences .
”

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This morning, Republican Gov. Bill Lee called a press conference to announce that Tennessee would be doubling down on its commitment to make access to abortion in the state next to impossible.
The governor declared that he and his Republican colleagues would be bringing comprehensive abortion restrictions this session, including a so-called “fetal heartbeat bill” to ban abortion care once a “heartbeat” has been detected. To be clear, at that stage, this refers to a group of cells with electrical activity, not a fully-formed human cardiovascular system.
Tennessee already boasts strict anti-abortion legislation. Between a pregnant person’s initial appointment and abortion, the state mandates a 48-hour waiting period during which counseling must take place. The use of telemedicine is banned for medication abortions, and minors cannot receive abortion care without parental consent. In 2014, Tennessee passed a constitutional amendment—Amendment One—which says nothing in the state constitution guarantees the right to an abortion. It was challenged in court, but ultimately the state won, and it was upheld.
Add to this list the new restrictions that include a requirement that a person seeking an abortion be shown an ultrasound of the fetus, and a “reasons ban” that prohibits abortion based on fetal abnormality, Down Syndrome, race, or sex. According to the Guttmacher Institute, a reproductive rights-focused think tank, nine states ban abortion in cases where sex selection is a deciding factor. Two states have bans on abortions for reasons of race, and two states ban abortion in cases of fetal genetic anomaly. Three states have counseling requirements in cases where a pregnancy is being terminated for reasons of genetic anomaly. In its 2019 session, Tennessee introduced what is known as a trigger law—a bill to outlaw abortion in Tennessee should Roe be overturned in the Supreme Court—and it passed.
“We know that when a mother views her unborn child and hears a heartbeat, hearts and minds are changed,” Lee said of the ultrasound requirement, according to the Tennessean.
While the majority of the legislature is comprised mostly of strictly anti-abortion conservatives, over the past year, the Republicans have been split over how to handle anti-abortion legislation, particularly as a wave of abortion bans rippled through red states last spring. The debate has centered on the best way to execute such restrictions while avoiding the cost of the lengthy court battles necessary to defend such measures, and it came to a head last year, when the state was considering a different fetal heartbeat ban, which was eventually sent to a summer study in which the bill is researched and a hearing is held in a special session. It was set to be revisited this year.
“Passing a constitutionally suspect bill now would give the courts an opportunity to erase the progress we have made,” Republican Lt. Gov. Randy McNally said in a statement regarding the previous legislation last March, according to the Tennessean. “And a losing court fight would likely result in awarding taxpayer money to Planned Parenthood. Protection of the unborn is too important to risk taking a step backward.”
Several of McNally’s Republican colleagues followed his lead, as did Tennessee Right to Life, the state’s premier anti-abortion advocacy group, and Tennessee’s Catholic bishops.
But the party seems to be rallying behind the new approach announced this morning, which includes a severability clause, which “will specify that if the heartbeat provision is struck down by the courts, bans on abortion will kick in at 8, 10, 12 weeks—up to the point where bans in other states have been upheld in court,” according to the Tennessean. What that means is Tennessee will pass whatever ban they can, which will depend upon what stands in the federal court systems; The upcoming Supreme Court case regarding abortion may affect how far they are able to go, as well. An exception for rape or incest is still being considered.
Also, it remains to be seen whether the bill will include exceptions for the mother's life, rape and incest. @LtGovMcNally calls that a "very difficult question" and says he has to think about it. #tnleg https://t.co/d2k6GN53YG — Natalie Allison (@natalie_allison) January 23, 2020
Now, however, McNally says he “wholeheartedly” supports the new legislation, according to the Tennessean. Given the united front presented by the governor and the lieutenant governor, the bill is likely to get farther than its predecessors and has a solid chance of becoming law this year.
“The destination has always been clear,” McNally said. “The issue has been identifying the proper vehicle. We now have the proper vehicle. This comprehensive, tiered approach is our best chance of advancing the cause of life without sacrificing the gains we have made.”
Abortion rights groups in the state are already rallying against the proposed restrictions.
“Our legislature has rejected paid family leave for all new parents, rejected federal money for affordable health care and child care, and rejected calls to stop shackling pregnant women in prison,” said Francie Hunt, executive director of Tennessee Advocates for Planned Parenthood. “The only thing our legislature cares about right now is forcing women to give birth, with no care for the consequences.”


motherjones--2020-01-24--Trump’s USDA Chief Thinks Farm Workers Are Overpaid

The Trump Administration finds itself in a tight corner on the topic of farm labor , a task handled by a largely foreign-born workforce .
On the one hand , the president has made good on campaign promises to make life generally miserable for immigrants ; and he employs a white nationalist on his senior advisory staff .
On the other , the agriculture industry is experiencing labor shortages that are intensified by the immigration crackdown .
Meanwhile , farmers in key electoral-college states , who overwhelmingly supported Trump in 2016 , have already been expressing frustration over the administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department of Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue wants to square the circle .
Now that the president has signed a preliminary trade agreement with China that could restart that country ’ s massive imports of US farm goods , Perdue signaled a pivot to labor earlier this week , according to an account of his remarks by Chris Clayton of the agriculture trade journal DTN .
In a Q & A at the annual meeting of the American Farm Bureau Federation—an agribusiness-aligned insurance and lobbying insurance outfit—the secretary said the administration was working on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program , ” because “ if we don ’ t have people who can help us grow these things and harvest our products , ” trade deals won ’ t matter .
What about the stubborn fact that farm workers are largely foreign-born ?
Here ’ s Clayton : Perdue said he has been trying to persuade others in the administration “ to separate immigration , which is people wanting to become citizens , with a temporary , legal guest-worker program .
“ That ’ s what agriculture needs , and that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ It doesn ’ t offend people who are anti-immigrant because they don ’ t want more immigrant citizens here .
We need people who can help U.S. agriculture meet the production.
” In other words , to appease “ people who are anti-immigrant ” while also increasing the supply of farm labor , Perdue wants to give farm owners increased access to a program that grants foreign workers temporary resident status without a path to citizenship .
But there ’ s a problem , Perdue added .
Under the federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with labor for decades , known as H2A , there ’ s a mechanism that prevents farmers from paying guest workers wages below the prevailing rate in the surrounding area , which would undermine wages for other workers in the area as well .
This “ adverse effect wage rate , ” calculated for each state by US Department of Labor surveys , is just too high , Perdue insisted .
“ We ’ re kind of pricing ourselves out of business here , ” he told the Farm Bureau meeting attendees , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Labor website , the adverse effect wage rate for 2020 is quite a bit lower than Perdue ’ s assessment in several southern states with labor-intensive farm industries—it ’ s $ 11.71 in Florida , Alabama , and Georgia ( Perdue ’ s home state ) , and $ 12.67 in Texas .
In the west coast fresh-produce belt stretching from California to Washington , though , Perdue ’ s depiction is accurate .
Quibbles aside , the ag secretary ’ s message is clear : He wants to increase the supply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to citizenship , and he wants to cut their wages .
“ The adverse effect rate is an empirically derived average—what Perdue ’ s saying here is that he wants farmers to be able to pay their workers less than the prevailing wage in a given state , ” said Bruce Goldstein , president of the advocacy group Farm Worker Justice .
Already , the H2A program gives employers tremendous leverage over guest workers , Goldstein added .
In a 2013 report examining the program ’ s impact in the South , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers are “ routinely cheated out of wages , forced to mortgage their futures to obtain low-wage , temporary jobs , and held virtually captive by employers.
” In her 2018 report from California wine country , Mother Jones ’ Maddie Oatman found that guest workers there frequently live in isolation , often “ prohibited from receiving visitors ” at their farmer-supplied living quarters .
Goldstein added that $ 15 per hour might sound like a decent rate , but farm work is highly skilled , often temporary , and excluded from federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wages have risen slightly in recent years , farm workers still bring home average hourly rates less than 40 percent below of what other non-supervisory US workers make , said Daniel Costa , director of immigration law and policy research for the Economic Policy Institute .
On average , farm workers earned $ 24,620 per year in 2018 , according to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics .
That ’ s below the federal poverty line for a family of four .
By pushing cuts , “ Purdue is shamelessly advocating for bringing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a profit , as long as they remain disposable and powerless , ” Costa said .
Perdue ’ s remarks at the Farm Bureau convention aren ’ t the first time he has used his platform to attack programs that benefit poor people .
The secretary repeatedly championed and helped push through changes to a key-anti-hunger program that will “ cut off basic food assistance for nearly 700,000 of the nation ’ s poorest and most destitute people , ” as my colleague Nathalie Baptiste recently reported .
And he also successfully advocated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make public school lunches healthier .
According to a 2016 study from Baylor University researchers , the National School Lunch Program is essentially a “ safety net for low-income children.
” More than 20 million kids rely on it for nearly half their daily calories and 40 percent of their vegetable intake , the study found .

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The Trump Administration finds itself in a tight corner on the topic of farm labor, a task handled by a largely foreign-born workforce. On the one hand, the president has made good on campaign promises to make life generally miserable for immigrants; and he employs a white nationalist on his senior advisory staff. On the other, the agriculture industry is experiencing labor shortages that are intensified by the immigration crackdown. Meanwhile, farmers in key electoral-college states, who overwhelmingly supported Trump in 2016, have already been expressing frustration over the administration’s export-killing trade wars.
US Department of Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue wants to square the circle. Now that the president has signed a preliminary trade agreement with China that could restart that country’s massive imports of US farm goods, Perdue signaled a pivot to labor earlier this week, according to an account of his remarks by Chris Clayton of the agriculture trade journal DTN. In a Q&A at the annual meeting of the American Farm Bureau Federation—an agribusiness-aligned insurance and lobbying outfit—the secretary said the administration was working on a “renewed and refreshed ag labor program,” because “if we don’t have people who can help us grow these things and harvest our products,” trade deals won’t matter.
What about the stubborn fact that farm workers are largely foreign-born? Here’s Clayton:
Perdue said he has been trying to persuade others in the administration “to separate immigration, which is people wanting to become citizens, with a temporary, legal guest-worker program. “That’s what agriculture needs, and that’s what we want,” Perdue said. “It doesn’t offend people who are anti-immigrant because they don’t want more immigrant citizens here. We need people who can help U.S. agriculture meet the production.”
In other words, to appease “people who are anti-immigrant” while also increasing the supply of farm labor, Perdue wants to give farm owners increased access to a program that grants foreign workers temporary resident status without a path to citizenship.
But there’s a problem, Perdue added. Under the federal guest-worker program that has supplied US farms with labor for decades, known as H2A, there’s a mechanism that prevents farmers from paying guest workers wages below the prevailing rate in the surrounding area, which would undermine wages for other nearby workers well.
This “adverse effect wage rate,” calculated for each state by the US Department of Labor using USDA surveys, is just too high, Perdue insisted. “We’re kind of pricing ourselves out of business here,” he told the Farm Bureau meeting attendees, Clayton reported.
“We’ve insisted … that we have to do something with wage rates.” Perdue said the adverse wage rate has set almost a $15 minimum wage for agriculture, “and no other business in the country has that.”
According to the Department of Labor website, the adverse effect wage rate for 2020 is quite a bit lower than Perdue’s assessment in several southern states with labor-intensive farm industries—it’s $11.71 in Florida, Alabama, and Georgia (Perdue’s home state), and $12.67 in Texas. In the west coast fresh-produce belt stretching from California to Washington, though, Perdue’s depiction is accurate.
Quibbles aside, the ag secretary’s message is clear: He wants to increase the supply of temporary foreign workers with no path to citizenship, and he wants to cut their wages. “The adverse effect rate is an empirically derived average—what Perdue’s saying here is that he wants farmers to be able to pay their workers less than the prevailing wage in a given state,” said Bruce Goldstein, president of the advocacy group Farm Worker Justice.
Already, the H2A program gives employers tremendous leverage over guest workers, Goldstein added. In a 2013 report examining the program’s impact in the South, the Southern Poverty Law Center concluded that guest workers are “routinely cheated out of wages, forced to mortgage their futures to obtain low-wage, temporary jobs, and held virtually captive by employers.” In her 2018 report from California wine country, Mother Jones’ Maddie Oatman found that guest workers there frequently live in isolation, often “prohibited from receiving visitors” at their farmer-supplied living quarters.
Goldstein added that $15 per hour might sound like a decent rate, but farm work is highly skilled, often temporary, and excluded from federal time-and-a-half overtime provisions.
And while their wages have risen slightly in recent years, farm workers still bring home average hourly rates less than 40 percent below of what other non-supervisory US workers make, said Daniel Costa, director of immigration law and policy research for the Economic Policy Institute. On average, farm workers earned $24,620 per year in 2018, according to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics. That’s below the federal poverty line for a family of four. Another source, the 2015-2016 National Agricultural Workers Survey, calculated that “farm workers’ mean and median personal incomes the previous year were in the range of $17,500 to $19,999. ”
By pushing cuts, “Purdue is shamelessly advocating for bringing in workers who can help farmers make a profit, as long as they remain disposable and powerless,” Costa said.
Perdue’s remarks at the Farm Bureau convention aren’t the first time he has used his platform to attack programs that benefit people living in poverty. The secretary repeatedly championed and helped push through changes to a key-anti-hunger program that will “cut off basic food assistance for nearly 700,000 of the nation’s poorest and most destitute people,” as my colleague Nathalie Baptiste recently reported.
And he also successfully advocated the rollback of Obama-era reforms that had make public school lunches healthier. According to a 2016 study from Baylor University researchers, the National School Lunch Program is essentially a “safety net for low-income children.” More than 20 million kids rely on it for nearly half their daily calories and 40 percent of their vegetable intake, the study found.


motherjones--2020-01-24--Trump Is Coming After California’s Abortion Protections

While Trump addressed crowds of people on the National Mall at the annual anti-abortion March for Life Rally on Friday—a major symbolic gesture—his administration announced a far more tangible attack on abortion rights in America .
The Department of Health and Human Services announced that California is violating federal law by requiring private health insurers cover abortions .
HHS claims the requirement infringes on religious freedom .
If California does not remove the abortion coverage requirement , the Trump administration says it will withhold federal HHS funding .
“ Once again , President Trump ’ s administration is delivering on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all Americans ’ freedom of conscience , ” said HHS Secretary Alex Azar in a statement .
“ Under President Trump , HHS has been vigorously enforcing the statutes Congress passed to protect Americans ’ consciences and institutionalizing these protections within the department ’ s civil rights work.
” Meanwhile , the state ’ s attorney general says he “ will fight this by any means necessary.
” HHS ’ threat also has ramifications that extend beyond California , which started mandating abortion coverage for all private insurance back in 2014 .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including Illinois , New York and Oregon , require private insurers to provide abortion coverage .
Earlier this month , an Oregon anti-abortion group filed a complaint challenging Oregon ’ s abortion requirement , and a similar complaint was filed in Illinois last fall .
Both complaints mirror HHS ’ allegation that such laws violate what ’ s know as the Weldon Amendment , which states that no HHS funds “ may be made available to a Federal agency or program , or to a state or local government , if such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any institutional or individual health care entity to discrimination on the basis that the health care entity does not provide , pay for , provide coverage of , or refer for abortions.
” Laws like California ’ s are meant to keep insurance companies from discriminating against women who seek to terminate their pregnancies .
They require that insurance providers treat abortion “ neutrally , ” just as they would any other maternity service .
In keeping with the administration ’ s anti-choice media blitz , Trump congratulated himself at the March for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never had a stronger defender in the White House.
” Azar recently referred to HHS as the “ Department of Life.
” “ This is just another in a long line of dark and dystopian moves from Donald Trump and the anti-choice movement attacking our reproductive freedoms , ” said Ilyse Hogue , president of NARAL Pro Choice America , in a statement about Azar ’ s comment .
“ There is no limit to the depths Trump will sink to in order to attack women and score political points with his fringe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s abundantly clear that the Trump administration is desperate and eager to deceive in order to deflect attention from the scandals the president is embroiled in .
And women and families will pay the price .
”

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While Trump addressed crowds of people on the National Mall at the annual anti-abortion March for Life Rally on Friday—a major symbolic gesture—his administration announced a far more tangible attack on abortion rights in America. The Department of Health and Human Services announced that California is violating federal law by requiring private health insurers cover abortions. HHS claims the requirement infringes on religious freedom.
If California does not remove the abortion coverage requirement, the Trump administration says it will withhold federal HHS funding.
“Once again, President Trump’s administration is delivering on his promise to protect human life and all Americans’ freedom of conscience,” said HHS Secretary Alex Azar in a statement. “Under President Trump, HHS has been vigorously enforcing the statutes Congress passed to protect Americans’ consciences and institutionalizing these protections within the department’s civil rights work.”
Meanwhile, the state’s attorney general says he “will fight this by any means necessary.”
While it’s unfortunate that the President’s moral compass always points to sowing division for cheap political gain, California won’t be deterred. We will fight this by any means necessary. — Xavier Becerra (@AGBecerra) January 24, 2020
HHS’ threat also has ramifications that extend beyond California, which started mandating abortion coverage for all private insurance back in 2014. According to the Guttmacher Institute, six states, including Illinois, New York and Oregon, require private insurers to provide abortion coverage. Earlier this month, an Oregon anti-abortion group filed a complaint challenging Oregon’s abortion requirement, and a similar complaint was filed in Illinois last fall. Both complaints mirror HHS’ allegation that such laws violate what’s know as the Weldon Amendment, which states that no HHS funds “may be made available to a Federal agency or program, or to a state or local government, if such agency, program, or government subjects any institutional or individual health care entity to discrimination on the basis that the health care entity does not provide, pay for, provide coverage of, or refer for abortions.”
Laws like California’s are meant to keep insurance companies from discriminating against women who seek to terminate their pregnancies. They require that insurance providers treat abortion “neutrally,” just as they would any other maternity service.
In keeping with the administration’s anti-choice media blitz, Trump congratulated himself at the March for Life, saying “the unborn have never had a stronger defender in the White House.” Azar recently referred to HHS as the “Department of Life.”
“This is just another in a long line of dark and dystopian moves from Donald Trump and the anti-choice movement attacking our reproductive freedoms,” said Ilyse Hogue, president of NARAL Pro Choice America, in a statement about Azar’s comment. “There is no limit to the depths Trump will sink to in order to attack women and score political points with his fringe, radical base. Once again, it’s abundantly clear that the Trump administration is desperate and eager to deceive in order to deflect attention from the scandals the president is embroiled in. And women and families will pay the price.”


motherjones--2020-01-24--Blocks From His Impeachment Trial, Trump Tells Extreme Abortion Foes He Has Their Back

While Democrats made their case to the Senate that President Donald Trump had betrayed the Constitution and national security in the interest of his own political gain , Trump was a few blocks away , declaring his undying loyalty to a fringe group critical to his reelection .
“ The unborn have never had a stronger protector in the White House , ” proclaimed Trump to a cheering crowd on the National Mall for the annual March for Life .
It was the first time in the march ’ s 47 years that a sitting president addressed the abortion foes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too militant and extreme for an audience .
But Trump , besieged by impeachment and in the fight for his political life , is relying on them more than most presidents .
Seth Evangola , who took the bus 11 hours from New Hampshire to attend his 10th March for Life , said he thought Trump was there in large part because he needed the marchers ’ support .
“ I ’ m not sold that he fully understands the pro-life movement , ” said Evangola , although he added that Trump “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certainly more aligned with the pro-life movement than other president because he has to be , ” says Mary Ziegler , a Florida State University law professor who studies the legal history of abortion .
The March for Life Education and Defense Fund , the nonprofit that organizes the march , has historically taken an absolutist stand on abortion that has made the event unpalatable to even anti-abortion politicians .
It has argued that abortion bans should not contain exemptions for rape and incest , and in 2015 , it claimed that birth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , a serial divorcer and admitted assaulter of women , hardly fits the typical mold of a Christian protector of sexual purity , but that didn ’ t deter abortion opponents who traveled long distances to show their support for the president .
Natalie Mallinack , 26 , who traveled from Ohio by herself to attend the March for Life , told me she thinks Trump ’ s appearance at the march reflects his belief in the anti-abortion cause but also the movement ’ s growing strength .
“ It means that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
Arguably Trump ’ s biggest contribution to the anti-abortion cause has been his appointment of lifetime judges , particularly Supreme Court Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch , who could lead the court to overturn or chip away at Roe v. Wade .
Not everyone at the march supports Trump—but they do appreciate the mark he ’ s left on the judicial system .
Will Campbell , who traveled to DC from Ohio , said that he will not be supporting Trump in 2020 but is pleased with the attention Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his appointment of conservative judges who can challenge Roe .
Some marchers , including Evangola , told me they won ’ t be sold on Trump ’ s judicial appointees until they start delivering pro-life decisions .
Dana Seisler , another marcher , who attended with her children , said that although she was excited about Trump ’ s conservative Supreme Court appointments , she doubted Roe v. Wade would actually be overturned .
For now , the marchers , and the country , are waiting to see what the justices do .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ new sense of momentum .
And that might be all he needs to lock down their support in November .

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While Democrats made their case to the Senate that President Donald Trump had betrayed the Constitution and national security in the interest of his own political gain, Trump was a few blocks away, declaring his undying loyalty to a fringe group critical to his reelection.
“The unborn have never had a stronger protector in the White House,” proclaimed Trump to a cheering crowd on the National Mall for the annual March for Life. It was the first time in the march’s 47 years that a sitting president addressed the abortion foes, whom past Republican presidents have considered too militant and extreme for an audience. But Trump, besieged by impeachment and in the fight for his political life, is relying on them more than most presidents.
Seth Evangola, who took the bus 11 hours from New Hampshire to attend his 10th March for Life, said he thought Trump was there in large part because he needed the marchers’ support. “I’m not sold that he fully understands the pro-life movement,” said Evangola, although he added that Trump “represents us well.”
“Trump is certainly more aligned with the pro-life movement than other president because he has to be,” says Mary Ziegler, a Florida State University law professor who studies the legal history of abortion.
The March for Life Education and Defense Fund, the nonprofit that organizes the march, has historically taken an absolutist stand on abortion that has made the event unpalatable to even anti-abortion politicians. It has argued that abortion bans should not contain exemptions for rape and incest, and in 2015, it claimed that birth control in all forms constitutes abortion.
Trump, a serial divorcer and admitted assaulter of women, hardly fits the typical mold of a Christian protector of sexual purity, but that didn’t deter abortion opponents who traveled long distances to show their support for the president. Natalie Mallinack, 26, who traveled from Ohio by herself to attend the March for Life, told me she thinks Trump’s appearance at the march reflects his belief in the anti-abortion cause but also the movement’s growing strength. “It means that this issue has persisted,” she said.
Arguably Trump’s biggest contribution to the anti-abortion cause has been his appointment of lifetime judges, particularly Supreme Court Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch, who could lead the court to overturn or chip away at Roe v. Wade. Not everyone at the march supports Trump—but they do appreciate the mark he’s left on the judicial system. Will Campbell, who traveled to DC from Ohio, said that he will not be supporting Trump in 2020 but is pleased with the attention Trump is bringing to the march and with his appointment of conservative judges who can challenge Roe.
Some marchers, including Evangola, told me they won’t be sold on Trump’s judicial appointees until they start delivering pro-life decisions. Dana Seisler, another marcher, who attended with her children, said that although she was excited about Trump’s conservative Supreme Court appointments, she doubted Roe v. Wade would actually be overturned.
For now, the marchers, and the country, are waiting to see what the justices do. But the president has given them a new sense of momentum. And that might be all he needs to lock down their support in November.


motherjones--2020-01-24--The Main Trump Super-PAC Is Covering Up Its Own Role in the Impeachment Scandal

The number-one super-PAC for Donald Trump , which is expected to raise tens of millions of dollars to help re-elect him this year , has come up with a nifty fundraising gimmick : the “ Witch Hunt Timeline ” .
This interactive chronology supposedly details “ the road to a sham impeachment ” to show how a phony Russia scandal turned into a phony Ukraine scandal that turned into a phony impeachment .
But this is a highly selective timeline , and in a bout of Trump-sized chutzpah , America First Action leaves out at least one crucial episode : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a fear-mongering email seeking donations , the super-PAC claims that Trump is a victim of a nefarious and wide-ranging plot , insisting that “ federal law enforcement officers , intelligence agencies , and government bureaucrats engaged in a shocking effort to influence the 2016 election , crush the Trump campaign , and cripple our elected president.
” The timeline , it asserts , “ follows the genesis and development of the deep state ’ s Witch Hunt against President Donald J. Trump , a monstrous conspiracy against the American people and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that again—and it ’ s part of another rightwing buck-raking scam .
This alternative-reality con job is not being mounted by a group of GOP schmoes or wannabes .
This super-PAC is run by the the cream of Trump World .
It is chaired by Linda McMahon , who was Trump ’ s pick to run the Small Business Administration .
Its senior adviser and spokesperson is Sean Spicer , Trump ’ s first White House press secretary .
Kelly Sadler , formerly a senior Trump White House official in charge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the group .
Steve Cortes , another adviser for this super-PAC , has been a member of Trump ’ s Hispanic Advisory Council .
It raised $ 39 million for the 2018 elections to support pro-Trump Republicans , and in Trumpistan , it is the Trump-approved place to go for donors who want to give big-bucks for Trump ’ s reelection .
It had over $ 10 million cash in the bank as of last June , the latest data available .
But that amount will likely swell by several times as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it is supposed to act independently of Trump ’ s official reelection campaign .
But its affiliated non-profit , America First Policies , which last month announced it was spending $ 2 million on anti-impeachment ads , was cofounded by Brad Parscale , who is now Trump ’ s campaign manager .
The timeline ignores many significant moments of Trump ’ s Russia and Ukraine scandals .
Gone are key contacts between the Trump campaign and Russians in 2016 .
There ’ s nothing on Trump ’ s secret endeavors during that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to develop a tower that could earn him hundreds of millions of dollars ( while telling voters he had “ nothing ” to do with Russia ) .
Trump ’ s denials that Russia was attacking the US election ?
Nope , not there .
The release of Russian-stolen Democratic emails just when the grab-them-by-the-pussy tape emerged ?
They forgot that , too .
The timeline neglects to mention that the US intelligence community concluded Moscow attacked the 2016 election in part to help Trump win the White House .
( Interest declared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I posted on October 31 , 2016 , that first revealed the existence of what would become known as the Steele dossier and that disclosed the FBI ’ s interest in the allegations they contained .
Somehow , presumably , that was part of a Deep State operation . )
The timeline indicates this Trump super-PAC suffers from selective amnesia .
Especially regarding one incriminating incident .
In October , two Soviet-born American businessmen who were working with Rudy Giuliani to dig up dirt on Joe Biden in Ukraine , Lev Parnas , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violating campaign finance law by allegedly creating a dummy company to provide cover for large donations they were making to Republicans .
One of the payments cited was a hefty $ 325,000 contribution made in May 2018 to…the America First Action Super-PAC .
And here ’ s where it gets truly interesting : The indictment , issued by a US attorney in New York City , notes that this donation and others the pair slipped to Republicans “ were made for the purpose of gaining influence with politicians so as to advance their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interests of Ukrainian government officials , including at least one Ukrainian government official with whom they were working.
” So Parnas and Fruman were allegedly using the America First Action super-PAC to do the bidding of Ukrainian officials .
How did this work ?
The indictment explains that during the 2018 election , the America First Action Super-PAC spent $ 3 million to help a member of Congress referred to as “ Congressman-1 ” who was running for reelection , and it implies that the $ 325,000 donation was related to this particular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Fruman also contributed directly to “ Congressman-1 , ” who has been identified as Pete Sessions , a Texas Republican .
Moreover , the feds point out that during this stretch , Parnas met with Sessions and sought his “ assistance in causing the U.S. Government to remove or recall ” Marie Yovanovitch , the US ambassador to Ukraine , “ at least in part , at the request of one or more Ukrainian government officials.
” In fact , on the day that Parnas met with Sessions in the US Capitol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urging the firing of Yovanovitch .
And around that time , Parnas and Fruman had an intimate dinner with Trump during which they claimed that Yovanovitch was bad-mouthing him—to which Trump replied , “ Get rid of her !
…Take her out.
” A year later , Giuliani and others would push for Yovanovitch ’ s ouster as part of their campaign to gather mud to throw at Biden .
( Sessions lost his reelection bid in 2018 , and this year he is running for a US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) The indictment paints a clear picture : Parnas and Fruman were dropping lots of money on Republicans to buy influence so they could do dirty work for one or more Ukrainian government officials and nail a US ambassador who was seen as an impediment to the Biden-dirt-digging operation , which relied upon past and present Ukrainian officials who were widely considered corrupt .
And the pair apparently used America First Action to get close to Sessions and to accomplish this mission .
Sadler , the spokesperson for America First Action , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money from Parnas and Fruman would be used to support Sessions .
( Sadler did not respond to a request from Mother Jones to explain why this matter is missing from the timeline . )
The Sessions scheme was an early step in the anti-Yovanovitch campaign that would be waged by Parnas , Fruman , Giuliani , and other Trump associates .
And that effort has been a critical piece of the Ukraine scandal and Trump ’ s impeachment .
It was investigated by the House , much discussed at the House impeachment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic impeachment managers during their presentations at the Senate trial this week .
It ’ s not a hoax , not a sham .
Yet when the America Action crafted this impeachment timeline , it did not include the Parnas and Fruman donation to the PAC or any reference to how the super-PAC itself was exploited by these indicted Guiliani associates as part of an underhanded scheme to secretly influence Washington for the benefit of shady Ukrainian officials .
( The timeline also has no data point for the Parnas and Fruman indictment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that CBS that month was beginning production on a miniseries based on former FBI director James Comey ’ s book . )
This is reality-denying revisionism .
Yes , America First Action , the Ukraine scandal is real , and you know that because you were involved in the caper .
But the goal here is to squeeze money out of Trump-loving donors on the PAC ’ s email list .
That is , to follow the lead of Trump himself and con them by playing up the false narrative that there ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Ukraine scandals and by depicting Trump as the innocent target of an evil cabal .
This timeline is rank disinformation , designed to scam and to serve Trump first .

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The number-one super-PAC for Donald Trump, which is expected to raise tens of millions of dollars to help re-elect him this year, has come up with a nifty fundraising gimmick: the “Witch Hunt Timeline”. This interactive chronology supposedly details “the road to a sham impeachment” to show how a phony Russia scandal turned into a phony Ukraine scandal that turned into a phony impeachment. But this is a highly selective timeline, and in a bout of Trump-sized chutzpah, America First Action leaves out at least one crucial episode: its own role in the Ukraine scandal.
In a fear-mongering email seeking donations, the super-PAC claims that Trump is a victim of a nefarious and wide-ranging plot, insisting that “federal law enforcement officers, intelligence agencies, and government bureaucrats engaged in a shocking effort to influence the 2016 election, crush the Trump campaign, and cripple our elected president.” The timeline, it asserts, “follows the genesis and development of the deep state’s Witch Hunt against President Donald J. Trump, a monstrous conspiracy against the American people and the American system of government.” Yeah, that again—and it’s part of another rightwing buck-raking scam.
This alternative-reality con job is not being mounted by a group of GOP schmoes or wannabes. This super-PAC is run by the the cream of Trump World. It is chaired by Linda McMahon, who was Trump’s pick to run the Small Business Administration. Its senior adviser and spokesperson is Sean Spicer, Trump’s first White House press secretary. Kelly Sadler, formerly a senior Trump White House official in charge of coalitions outreach, is the communications director for the group. Steve Cortes, another adviser for this super-PAC, has been a member of Trump’s Hispanic Advisory Council.
It raised $39 million for the 2018 elections to support pro-Trump Republicans, and in Trumpistan, it is the Trump-approved place to go for donors who want to give big-bucks for Trump’s reelection. It had over $10 million cash in the bank as of last June, the latest data available. But that amount will likely swell by several times as the election approaches. As a super-PAC, it is supposed to act independently of Trump’s official reelection campaign. But its affiliated non-profit, America First Policies, which last month announced it was spending $2 million on anti-impeachment ads, was cofounded by Brad Parscale, who is now Trump’s campaign manager.
The timeline ignores many significant moments of Trump’s Russia and Ukraine scandals. Gone are key contacts between the Trump campaign and Russians in 2016. There’s nothing on Trump’s secret endeavors during that campaign to score a deal in Moscow to develop a tower that could earn him hundreds of millions of dollars (while telling voters he had “nothing” to do with Russia). Trump’s denials that Russia was attacking the US election? Nope, not there. The release of Russian-stolen Democratic emails just when the grab-them-by-the-pussy tape emerged? They forgot that, too. The timeline neglects to mention that the US intelligence community concluded Moscow attacked the 2016 election in part to help Trump win the White House. (Interest declared: the timeline does note the story I posted on October 31, 2016, that first revealed the existence of what would become known as the Steele dossier and that disclosed the FBI’s interest in the allegations they contained. Somehow, presumably, that was part of a Deep State operation.)
The timeline indicates this Trump super-PAC suffers from selective amnesia. Especially regarding one incriminating incident.
In October, two Soviet-born American businessmen who were working with Rudy Giuliani to dig up dirt on Joe Biden in Ukraine, Lev Parnas, and Igor Fruman, were indicted for violating campaign finance law by allegedly creating a dummy company to provide cover for large donations they were making to Republicans. One of the payments cited was a hefty $325,000 contribution made in May 2018 to…the America First Action Super-PAC. And here’s where it gets truly interesting: The indictment, issued by a US attorney in New York City, notes that this donation and others the pair slipped to Republicans “were made for the purpose of gaining influence with politicians so as to advance their own personal financial interests and the political interests of Ukrainian government officials, including at least one Ukrainian government official with whom they were working.”
So Parnas and Fruman were allegedly using the America First Action super-PAC to do the bidding of Ukrainian officials. How did this work? The indictment explains that during the 2018 election, the America First Action Super-PAC spent $3 million to help a member of Congress referred to as “Congressman-1” who was running for reelection, and it implies that the $325,000 donation was related to this particular effort. The indictment states that Parnas and Fruman also contributed directly to “Congressman-1,” who has been identified as Pete Sessions, a Texas Republican. Moreover, the feds point out that during this stretch, Parnas met with Sessions and sought his “assistance in causing the U.S. Government to remove or recall” Marie Yovanovitch, the US ambassador to Ukraine, “at least in part, at the request of one or more Ukrainian government officials.” In fact, on the day that Parnas met with Sessions in the US Capitol, the congressman sent a letter to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urging the firing of Yovanovitch. And around that time, Parnas and Fruman had an intimate dinner with Trump during which they claimed that Yovanovitch was bad-mouthing him—to which Trump replied, “Get rid of her!…Take her out.” A year later, Giuliani and others would push for Yovanovitch’s ouster as part of their campaign to gather mud to throw at Biden. (Sessions lost his reelection bid in 2018, and this year he is running for a US House seat in an adjacent district.)
The indictment paints a clear picture: Parnas and Fruman were dropping lots of money on Republicans to buy influence so they could do dirty work for one or more Ukrainian government officials and nail a US ambassador who was seen as an impediment to the Biden-dirt-digging operation, which relied upon past and present Ukrainian officials who were widely considered corrupt. And the pair apparently used America First Action to get close to Sessions and to accomplish this mission. Sadler, the spokesperson for America First Action, has said there was no agreement that the money from Parnas and Fruman would be used to support Sessions. (Sadler did not respond to a request from Mother Jones to explain why this matter is missing from the timeline.)
The Sessions scheme was an early step in the anti-Yovanovitch campaign that would be waged by Parnas, Fruman, Giuliani, and other Trump associates. And that effort has been a critical piece of the Ukraine scandal and Trump’s impeachment. It was investigated by the House, much discussed at the House impeachment hearings, and extensively cited by the Democratic impeachment managers during their presentations at the Senate trial this week. It’s not a hoax, not a sham.
Yet when the America Action crafted this impeachment timeline, it did not include the Parnas and Fruman donation to the PAC or any reference to how the super-PAC itself was exploited by these indicted Guiliani associates as part of an underhanded scheme to secretly influence Washington for the benefit of shady Ukrainian officials. (The timeline also has no data point for the Parnas and Fruman indictment in October, but it does note that CBS that month was beginning production on a miniseries based on former FBI director James Comey’s book.) This is reality-denying revisionism.
Yes, America First Action, the Ukraine scandal is real, and you know that because you were involved in the caper. But the goal here is to squeeze money out of Trump-loving donors on the PAC’s email list. That is, to follow the lead of Trump himself and con them by playing up the false narrative that there’s nothing to Trump’s Russia and Ukraine scandals and by depicting Trump as the innocent target of an evil cabal. This timeline is rank disinformation, designed to scam and to serve Trump first.


motherjones--2020-01-24--Pentagon Now Says 34 US Troops Suffered Brain Injuries During Iran’s Missile Attacks

At least 34 US service members were diagnosed with traumatic brain injuries after Iran fired missiles on two military bases in Iraq , the Pentagon confirmed Friday .
That new figure , more than tripling the 11 head injuries acknowledged by military leaders last week , further undermines President Donald Trump ’ s initial boast that “ no Americans were harmed ” by the attack .
Only yesterday , Trump refused to revise that false assessment , telling reporters in Switzerland that the injured troops “ had headaches , and a couple of other things , ” and adding , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The injuries in this particular case were serious enough that at least eight affected service members had to be sent back to the United States for treatment while others received medical attention in Germany and Kuwait , Pentagon spokesperson Jonathan Hoffman said .
More injuries could still be revealed .
The symptoms for a traumatic brain injury , or TBI , tend to take days to reveal themselves and even then , TBI “ may be under-reported , due to fear of stigma , ” a Center for a New American Security report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service members have been diagnosed with a serious brain injury and the actual number of personnel affected is probably much higher , the Military Times reported .
Part of the problem is a stigma among service members against reporting head injuries , but the military itself also has not always rigorously tested for them .
“ Before June 2010 , TBI screening was not routinely implemented in Afghanistan or Iraq , and there were no standardized provisions for recurrent TBI prevention or treatment , ” a 2017 study found .
“ Return-to-duty decisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not medical providers .
Thus , many injuries were not immediately reported.
” Trump , unwittingly or not , fed into that stigma yesterday by downplaying the importance of head injuries relative to other effects of war .
“ I ’ ve seen people with no legs and with no arms , ” he said .
“ I consider them to be really bad injuries.
” He ’ s made comments like this before , usually on the campaign trail and in the context of NFL players suffering concussions—which he called “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argument was not received well by many who seen seen the effects of TBI in the military up close .
Given that reaction , the military has been loathe to address Trump ’ s comments .
When asked yesterday about Trump describing brain injuries as “ not very serious , ” Secretary of Defense Mark Esper demurred .
“ Those are typically things we don ’ t report.
” he said .
“ This is mostly outpatient stuff .
So we can track that if—if you ’ re really interested in it.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Rep. Bill Pascrell ( D-N.J. ) , founder of the Congressional Brain Injury Task Force , wrote to senior Pentagon leaders in the hours after Trump ’ s remarks demanding that they avoid minimizing the importance of head injuries .
“ Brain injuries are serious and can often be life-altering , ” he wrote , according to a copy of the letter obtained by the Hill .
“ We can not and must not go backwards .
It is critical that the Department of Defense strongly affirm its commitment to prevention , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concussion and brain injury.
” As several veterans and journalists noted this week , the military has worked in recent years to better identify and treat TBI .
But then , as one defense reporter wryly noted , “ Trump says something like this .
”

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At least 34 US service members were diagnosed with traumatic brain injuries after Iran fired missiles on two military bases in Iraq, the Pentagon confirmed Friday. That new figure, more than tripling the 11 head injuries acknowledged by military leaders last week, further undermines President Donald Trump’s initial boast that “no Americans were harmed” by the attack.
Only yesterday, Trump refused to revise that false assessment, telling reporters in Switzerland that the injured troops “had headaches, and a couple of other things,” and adding, “It is not very serious.” The injuries in this particular case were serious enough that at least eight affected service members had to be sent back to the United States for treatment while others received medical attention in Germany and Kuwait, Pentagon spokesperson Jonathan Hoffman said.
More injuries could still be revealed. The symptoms for a traumatic brain injury, or TBI, tend to take days to reveal themselves and even then, TBI “may be under-reported, due to fear of stigma,” a Center for a New American Security report found in 2018.
As I wrote yesterday:
More than 408,000 service members have been diagnosed with a serious brain injury and the actual number of personnel affected is probably much higher, the Military Times reported. Part of the problem is a stigma among service members against reporting head injuries, but the military itself also has not always rigorously tested for them. “Before June 2010, TBI screening was not routinely implemented in Afghanistan or Iraq, and there were no standardized provisions for recurrent TBI prevention or treatment,” a 2017 study found. “Return-to-duty decisions were generally left to line commanders, not medical providers. Thus, many injuries were not immediately reported.”
Trump, unwittingly or not, fed into that stigma yesterday by downplaying the importance of head injuries relative to other effects of war. “I’ve seen people with no legs and with no arms,” he said. “I consider them to be really bad injuries.” He’s made comments like this before, usually on the campaign trail and in the context of NFL players suffering concussions—which he called “a little ding on the head.” That argument was not received well by many who seen seen the effects of TBI in the military up close.
@realDonaldTrump dismissive language aimed at our TBI injured from the Iranian missile attack he provoked is appalling and is yet another reminder of his insulting behavior directed at our military. And the GOP is as ever in follow and support. Vote Democratic! We need a change. — Major General (ret) Paul Eaton (@PaulDEaton52) January 22, 2020
Potential traumatic brain injuries should be taken VERY seriously. I hope these men & women get the treatment they need and that our President will understand these injuries often have long-term consequences. https://t.co/x7Cps6xZLX — Wes Clark (@GeneralClark) January 22, 2020
Of all my husband’s injuries (Infantry 10th IED blast, Iraq) TBI is the most life changing. It impacts us each day, even 12 years later. Mistakenly thinking it wasn’t serious & sending him back out over and over is exactly what caused so much cumulative damage in the last blast. — Blair Hughes 🧢 (@BlairLorelei) January 22, 2020
Given that reaction, the military has been loathe to address Trump’s comments. When asked yesterday about Trump describing brain injuries as “not very serious,” Secretary of Defense Mark Esper demurred. “Those are typically things we don’t report.” he said. “This is mostly outpatient stuff. So we can track that if—if you’re really interested in it.” Reporters remained interested and so did Congress.
Rep. Bill Pascrell (D-N.J.), founder of the Congressional Brain Injury Task Force, wrote to senior Pentagon leaders in the hours after Trump’s remarks demanding that they avoid minimizing the importance of head injuries. “Brain injuries are serious and can often be life-altering,” he wrote, according to a copy of the letter obtained by the Hill. “We cannot and must not go backwards. It is critical that the Department of Defense strongly affirm its commitment to prevention, treatment, rehabilitation, and research regarding concussion and brain injury.”
As several veterans and journalists noted this week, the military has worked in recent years to better identify and treat TBI. But then, as one defense reporter wryly noted, “Trump says something like this.”


motherjones--2020-01-24--New Court Documents Reveal That Corruption at the Trump Inaugural Fund Went to the Very Top

The Trump Presidential Inaugural Committee was swimming in cash , and by the time the festivities had ended , it had raised over $ 107 million—far more than any other presidential inaugural in history .
But it also spent extravagantly , and according to documents recently revealed as part of a lawsuit , staffers were worrying about the bad optics of some of their financial decisions even as they moved forward with them—much of it under the watchful eye of Ivanka Trump .
The records made public as part of the lawsuit reveal that there was a real lack of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Trumps as the incoming first family .
Shortly after the 2016 election , as the newly formed committee was scrambling to organize inaugural events , Rick Gates , the committee ’ s deputy chair , received a quote from the Trump International Hotel in Washington for the cost of using the hotel ’ s ballroom .
The price tag for the luxury DC establishment , housed in the historic Old Post Office building and owned and operated by the family of the president-elect was huge : $ 3.6 million for eight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ per day .
Gates emailed Ivanka Trump , who owns a piece of the hotel , to raise his concerns .
“ First , the cost itself seems quite high compared to other property buyouts for the week , ” Gates wrote .
“ Second , I am a bit worried about the optics of PIC [ Presidential Inaugural Committee ] paying Trump Hotel a high fee and the media making a big story out of it.
” A few days later , Ivanka Trump told Gates that she had called the general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came back to the inaugural committee with a new quote—better , but still asking for $ 175,000 a day .
That rate far exceeded the hotel ’ s own internal pricing guidelines , and it seems likely that Ivanka Trump , as a part-owner , knew that .
( For comparison , the new court filing shows that another nonprofit paid just $ 5,000 to use part of the Trump Hotel ballroom for part of one of the days the Inaugural Committee had rented it , which matched the internal guidelines . )
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an event planner and personal friend of Melania Trump who managed much of the inaugural planning , warned Ivanka Trump and Gates that when all was said and done , there would be scrutiny of their decision here—audits on what locations were used and how much was paid to use them would be made public .
“ I understand that compared to the original pricing this is great but we should look at the whole context , ” Winston Wolkoff wrote , adding that she thought $ 85,000 a day was the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Winston Wolkoff ’ s concerns were ignored .
The Presidential Inaugural Committee ended up paying the Trump Hotel $ 1 million for four days use of the hotel ’ s ballroom .
They probably should have heeded Winston Wolkoff ’ s warnings .
The lawsuit bringing these records to light was filed by Karl Racine , the attorney general of Washington , DC , against the Inaugural Committee and the Trump Organization .
Racine is arguing that the district has the right to seek the repayment of funds because nonprofits operating in Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did , may not work to create profits for a private organization or individual .
According to Racine , the Inaugural Committee “ coordinated with the Trump family to grossly overpay for event space in the Trump International Hotel.
” The attorney general is asking that the money be returned and given to charities that promote civic engagement .
( Racine is also separately involved with one of the emoluments lawsuits against the president regarding the Trump Old Post Office hotel , brought by the District of Columbia and the state of Maryland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which was filed this week , goes forward , it could release a further avalanche of details on how the most lavishly funded inaugural celebration frittered away tens of millions of dollars—and more details about how involved the Trump family itself was in the decision-making .
Unsurprisingly , representatives of the inaugural committee issued a statement to the Washington Post insisting that there was no misconduct .
Racine ’ s lawsuit also highlights how negotiations between the inaugural committee and the hotel happened specifically in the context of profits for the hotel .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee was considering pulling out of at least one event at the hotel , the hotel ’ s manager emailed Gates highlighting his concerns : “ Just heard that the Friday night reception had been canceled .
Is it accurate ?
Tough on us if it is as it was a lot of revenue for 1,250 people , ” Mickael Damelincourt wrote .
Gates continued the negotiation .
Racine ’ s supporting documents also offer a sense of the ( sometimes comical ) internal decisions being made for the most expensive inaugural celebration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far fewer events than normal .
( Lists of tasks for inaugural committee staff are included in the suit because of the explicit references in them to the negotiations over use of the hotel space . )
For instance , there are repeated mentions of Trump ’ s desire to arrive at a celebration on the mall in a military helicopter , flanked by members of the military .
This idea was apparently nixed because at the time of the celebrations , Trump was not yet commander in chief .
The documents also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military helicopters and tanks to flank the stage at the outdoor celebration .
Another note describes how Donald and Ivanka Trump jointly decided that the Beach Boys would not be performing .
At one point , a to-do list item includes asking Melania Trump about a family-and-friends tea reception at the White House , followed by a note from an inaugural committee staffer , “ There should be NO reception.
” Later , a more adamant note appeared : “ Confirmed that NO tea will be hosted at WH and must be removed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most damning material revealed here has nothing to do with the Trump family and their over-the-top plans for the celebration .
The documents repeatedly mention that inaugural committee staff should consult with Steve Wynn , the billionaire owner of Wynn Resorts who is a longtime GOP donor and personal friend of Donald Trump .
The suggestions are highly specific—Wynn directing that the song “ 40 Hours a Week ” by the band Alabama be played at an inaugural event .
In 2018 , Wynn was accused of sexual misconduct , which led @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his casino company and as a finance chair for the Republican National Committee .
Correction : An earlier version of this story misidentified Steve Wynn ’ s role as former finance chair of the Republican National Committee .

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The Trump Presidential Inaugural Committee was swimming in cash, and by the time the festivities had ended, it had raised over $107 million—far more than any other presidential inaugural in history. But it also spent extravagantly, and according to documents recently revealed as part of a lawsuit, staffers were worrying about the bad optics of some of their financial decisions even as they moved forward with them—much of it under the watchful eye of Ivanka Trump.
The records made public as part of the lawsuit reveal that there was a real lack of separation between the Trumps as business owners and the Trumps as the incoming first family. Shortly after the 2016 election, as the newly formed committee was scrambling to organize inaugural events, Rick Gates, the committee’s deputy chair, received a quote from the Trump International Hotel in Washington for the cost of using the hotel’s ballroom. The price tag for the luxury DC establishment, housed in the historic Old Post Office building and owned and operated by the family of the president-elect was huge: $3.6 million for eight days of use, or $450,000 per day. Gates emailed Ivanka Trump, who owns a piece of the hotel, to raise his concerns.
Staffers were worrying about the bad optics of some of their financial decisions even as they moved forward with them—much of it under the watchful eye of Ivanka Trump.
“First, the cost itself seems quite high compared to other property buyouts for the week,” Gates wrote. “Second, I am a bit worried about the optics of PIC [Presidential Inaugural Committee] paying Trump Hotel a high fee and the media making a big story out of it.”
A few days later, Ivanka Trump told Gates that she had called the general manager of the property and the hotel came back to the inaugural committee with a new quote—better, but still asking for $175,000 a day. That rate far exceeded the hotel’s own internal pricing guidelines, and it seems likely that Ivanka Trump, as a part-owner, knew that. (For comparison, the new court filing shows that another nonprofit paid just $5,000 to use part of the Trump Hotel ballroom for part of one of the days the Inaugural Committee had rented it, which matched the internal guidelines.)
At this point, Stephanie Winston Wolkoff, an event planner and personal friend of Melania Trump who managed much of the inaugural planning, warned Ivanka Trump and Gates that when all was said and done, there would be scrutiny of their decision here—audits on what locations were used and how much was paid to use them would be made public. “I understand that compared to the original pricing this is great but we should look at the whole context,” Winston Wolkoff wrote, adding that she thought $85,000 a day was the most she considered to be reasonable.
Winston Wolkoff’s concerns were ignored. The Presidential Inaugural Committee ended up paying the Trump Hotel $1 million for four days use of the hotel’s ballroom.
They probably should have heeded Winston Wolkoff’s warnings. The lawsuit bringing these records to light was filed by Karl Racine, the attorney general of Washington, DC, against the Inaugural Committee and the Trump Organization. Racine is arguing that the district has the right to seek the repayment of funds because nonprofits operating in Washington, DC, which the Inaugural Committee did, may not work to create profits for a private organization or individual. According to Racine, the Inaugural Committee “coordinated with the Trump family to grossly overpay for event space in the Trump International Hotel.” The attorney general is asking that the money be returned and given to charities that promote civic engagement. (Racine is also separately involved with one of the emoluments lawsuits against the president regarding the Trump Old Post Office hotel, brought by the District of Columbia and the state of Maryland.)
If the new lawsuit, which was filed this week, goes forward, it could release a further avalanche of details on how the most lavishly funded inaugural celebration frittered away tens of millions of dollars—and more details about how involved the Trump family itself was in the decision-making.
Unsurprisingly, representatives of the inaugural committee issued a statement to the Washington Post insisting that there was no misconduct.
Racine’s lawsuit also highlights how negotiations between the inaugural committee and the hotel happened specifically in the context of profits for the hotel. In early January 2017, when the committee was considering pulling out of at least one event at the hotel, the hotel’s manager emailed Gates highlighting his concerns: “Just heard that the Friday night reception had been canceled. Is it accurate? Tough on us if it is as it was a lot of revenue for 1,250 people,” Mickael Damelincourt wrote. Gates continued the negotiation.
Stephanie Winston Wolkoff, an event planner and personal friend of Melania Trump, warned Ivanka Trump and Rick Gates that when all was said and done, there would be scrutiny of their decision here. Her concerns were ignored.
Racine’s supporting documents also offer a sense of the (sometimes comical) internal decisions being made for the most expensive inaugural celebration ever, which featured sparse crowds and far fewer events than normal. (Lists of tasks for inaugural committee staff are included in the suit because of the explicit references in them to the negotiations over use of the hotel space.) For instance, there are repeated mentions of Trump’s desire to arrive at a celebration on the mall in a military helicopter, flanked by members of the military. This idea was apparently nixed because at the time of the celebrations, Trump was not yet commander in chief. The documents also describe the president-elect’s hopes for military helicopters and tanks to flank the stage at the outdoor celebration. Another note describes how Donald and Ivanka Trump jointly decided that the Beach Boys would not be performing. At one point, a to-do list item includes asking Melania Trump about a family-and-friends tea reception at the White House, followed by a note from an inaugural committee staffer, “There should be NO reception.” Later, a more adamant note appeared: “Confirmed that NO tea will be hosted at WH and must be removed from schedule.”
Still, some of the most damning material revealed here has nothing to do with the Trump family and their over-the-top plans for the celebration. The documents repeatedly mention that inaugural committee staff should consult with Steve Wynn, the billionaire owner of Wynn Resorts who is a longtime GOP donor and personal friend of Donald Trump. The suggestions are highly specific—Wynn directing that the song “40 Hours a Week” by the band Alabama be played at an inaugural event. In 2018, Wynn was accused of sexual misconduct, which led him to step down as CEO of his casino company and as a finance chair for the Republican National Committee.
Correction: An earlier version of this story misidentified Steve Wynn’s role as former finance chair of the Republican National Committee.


motherjones--2020-01-24--The Most Racist Thing I Saw This Week Was a Bunch of Stuff Joe Biden Said

On Monday , Biden stepped in front of a Black congregation at Bethlehem Baptist Church in South Carolina and condemned the hate pushed by President Donald Trump and his white supremacist supporters .
Throughout his campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination , Biden has framed the fight against the white supremacist president as a battle for America ’ s soul .
“ Folks , some mornings I wake up and I think it ’ s more like what it must have been in 1920 than 2020 , ” Biden said early in his remarks .
He lauded the civil rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progress ” that had seemed unstoppable until recently .
“ I thought you could defeat hate .
But hate only hides .
It never fully goes away , ” Biden noted .
He turned to tiki-torch-touting white nationalists in Charlottesville , condemning the anti-Semitic bile that reminded him of Nazi Germany , and brought up the president ’ s response to that moment : that “ there were very fine people on both sides.
” He talked of the segregationist Bull Connor , who , Biden said , intended to “ drive a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civil rights ] movement.
” He linked the president to the Ku Klux Klan and drew battle lines between the president ’ s white supremacist views and those of people like Biden who support racial progress .
“ They think they ’ ve beaten us again but they have no idea .
We ’ re just coming back , ” Biden said to applause .
All well and good , as these things go .
It was a Martin Luther King Jr. Day event , and various pieties about “ racial progress ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be expected .
But Biden made some other remarks in South Carolina , and whatever germs of racial obtuseness you might have discerned in his comments above now began to flower .
The Washington Post reported : Former vice president Joe Biden , who has been leading the polls in South Carolina by a large margin , spoke of the racial progress that occurred when he served under Obama , the first black president .
He told the crowd that , with this election , “ we have a chance to rip out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country.
” “ The Bull Connors of today don ’ t stand in the street with fire hoses and dogs , ” he said , referring to the infamous segregationist .
“ They wear nice suits .
They wield their power rolling back rights , punishing the poor , denying access to health care and quality education and turning away refugees and asylum seekers.
” Biden added : “ It ’ s not snarling dogs that ’ s part of this inflection point — it ’ s Donald Trump ’ s poisonous , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Bull Connors of Bull Connor ’ s day also wore suits .
Bull Connor wore suits .
The suit-wearers and the snarling dogs were and remain part of the same system of racial apartheid .
Biden prefers a fairy-tale version of history in which racism was once solely the province of the oafish bad guys because in those days he was throwing his lot in with the suit-wearers .
The “ poisonous , divisionist politics ” espoused by President Donald Trump are grounded in the same racism of those who decried busing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ played nice with segregationists in the spirit of “ civility ” and supported measures that resulted in mass incarceration and ravaged Black and Brown communities for decades .
The racial order Trump has promised to defend , Biden helped to build .
Just last week , the New York Times published an interview with Biden in which its editorial board pressed him on comments he had made earlier in the campaign about disparities in educational achievement between white and Black children .
In a debate in September , Biden had said some garbled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ player in their kids ’ bedrooms at night , citing dated and disputed research about the so-called “ word gap.
” ( It ’ s hard to accept a study in which most of the “ welfare ” families were black and most of the “ professional ” households were white . )
He was making a point about the failures of Black parenting .
“ We bring social workers in to homes and parents to help them deal with how to raise their children , ” he said , touting a home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act .
“ It ’ s not want they don ’ t want to help .
They don ’ t know quite what to do.
” In the Times interview , Biden continued in this vein , blaming Black parents for racial disparities in educational achievement : “ My point was to make it clear that there are a number of things we can do now to help parents who have been disadvantaged as a consequence of lack of opportunity to be able to provide more guidance and better guidance for themselves and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a longtime teacher .
“ The people who don ’ t show up on the nights when there ’ s a parent-teacher meeting are not people who in fact don ’ t care , but folks from poor backgrounds .
They don ’ t show up because they ’ re embarrassed , ” he said .
“ They ’ re embarrassed the teacher ’ s going to say—and it ’ s hard to say , ‘ Well , I can ’ t read . '
” Paternalistic , suffused with the goodness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer called to mind a different sort of suit-wearer—not the genteel segregationist but the concerned liberal who identifies in the black family “ a tangle of pathologies.
” He was responding to a question about how he ’ d combat the legacies of slavery .
To chalk up to bad parenting what is plainly a residue of structural racism it to perpetuate the myths that Biden has sought to condemn .

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On Monday, Biden stepped in front of a Black congregation at Bethlehem Baptist Church in South Carolina and condemned the hate pushed by President Donald Trump and his white supremacist supporters. Throughout his campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination, Biden has framed the fight against the white supremacist president as a battle for America’s soul.
“Folks, some mornings I wake up and I think it’s more like what it must have been in 1920 than 2020,” Biden said early in his remarks. He lauded the civil rights movement, which had made “real progress” that had seemed unstoppable until recently.
“I thought you could defeat hate. But hate only hides. It never fully goes away,” Biden noted. He turned to tiki-torch-touting white nationalists in Charlottesville, condemning the anti-Semitic bile that reminded him of Nazi Germany, and brought up the president’s response to that moment: that “there were very fine people on both sides.” He talked of the segregationist Bull Connor, who, Biden said, intended to “drive a stake in the heart of the [civil rights] movement.” He linked the president to the Ku Klux Klan and drew battle lines between the president’s white supremacist views and those of people like Biden who support racial progress.
“They think they’ve beaten us again but they have no idea. We’re just coming back,” Biden said to applause.
All well and good, as these things go. It was a Martin Luther King Jr. Day event, and various pieties about “racial progress” and defeating “hate” are to be expected. But Biden made some other remarks in South Carolina, and whatever germs of racial obtuseness you might have discerned in his comments above now began to flower. The Washington Post reported:
Former vice president Joe Biden, who has been leading the polls in South Carolina by a large margin, spoke of the racial progress that occurred when he served under Obama, the first black president. He told the crowd that, with this election, “we have a chance to rip out the roots of systemic racism in this country.” “The Bull Connors of today don’t stand in the street with fire hoses and dogs,” he said, referring to the infamous segregationist. “They wear nice suits. They wield their power rolling back rights, punishing the poor, denying access to health care and quality education and turning away refugees and asylum seekers.” Biden added: “It’s not snarling dogs that’s part of this inflection point — it’s Donald Trump’s poisonous, divisionist politics.”
The problem is that the Bull Connors of Bull Connor’s day also wore suits. Bull Connor wore suits. The suit-wearers and the snarling dogs were and remain part of the same system of racial apartheid. Biden prefers a fairy-tale version of history in which racism was once solely the province of the oafish bad guys because in those days he was throwing his lot in with the suit-wearers. The “poisonous, divisionist politics” espoused by President Donald Trump are grounded in the same racism of those who decried busing during the pursuit of school integration and played nice with segregationists in the spirit of “civility” and supported measures that resulted in mass incarceration and ravaged Black and Brown communities for decades. The racial order Trump has promised to defend, Biden helped to build.
Just last week, the New York Times published an interview with Biden in which its editorial board pressed him on comments he had made earlier in the campaign about disparities in educational achievement between white and Black children. In a debate in September, Biden had said some garbled stuff about Black parents putting a record player in their kids’ bedrooms at night, citing dated and disputed research about the so-called “word gap.” (It’s hard to accept a study in which most of the “welfare” families were black and most of the “professional” households were white.) He was making a point about the failures of Black parenting. “We bring social workers in to homes and parents to help them deal with how to raise their children,” he said, touting a home visitation program begun under the Affordable Care Act. “It’s not want they don’t want to help. They don’t know quite what to do.”
In the Times interview, Biden continued in this vein, blaming Black parents for racial disparities in educational achievement: “My point was to make it clear that there are a number of things we can do now to help parents who have been disadvantaged as a consequence of lack of opportunity to be able to provide more guidance and better guidance for themselves and their families.” He mentioned his wife, a longtime teacher. “The people who don’t show up on the nights when there’s a parent-teacher meeting are not people who in fact don’t care, but folks from poor backgrounds. They don’t show up because they’re embarrassed,” he said. “They’re embarrassed the teacher’s going to say—and it’s hard to say, ‘Well, I can’t read.'”
Paternalistic, suffused with the goodness of its intentions, Biden’s answer called to mind a different sort of suit-wearer—not the genteel segregationist but the concerned liberal who identifies in the black family “a tangle of pathologies.” He was responding to a question about how he’d combat the legacies of slavery. To chalk up to bad parenting what is plainly a residue of structural racism it to perpetuate the myths that Biden has sought to condemn.


motherjones--2020-01-25--Meet the Millennial Farmers We’ll Be Counting on to Endure Climate Change

Nearly four years ago , Maddie Oatman , Kiera Butler , and I launched Bite , Mother Jones ’ food podcast .
Looking back over Bite ’ s first 99 episodes , I ’ m proud of the way we ’ ve stuck to our original vision : to explore “ how your food intersects with other important topics like identity , social justice , health , corporate influence , and climate change , ” as Maddie put it at the time .
For episode 100 , we decided to dig into the dirt , for a look at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : the farm .
Specifically , the rising generation of farmers who will be tasked with keeping us fed while climate change brings increasingly furious storms and droughts , while also dealing with stratospheric land prices , enduring legacies of racism , and corporate domination of food markets that weighs down crop prices .
It ’ s no wonder that the average age of US farmers has been rising for four decades , and now stands at nearly 58 .
Despite these challenges , Maddie and I found reporting this episode , many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to start farms or hold onto family land .
Nikiko Masumoto , who works on her family ’ s small organic stone fruit farm in the midst of California ’ s Central Valley , describes what it ’ s like to grow food in the middle if global hub of industrial agriculture .
A yonsei ( Japanese for fourth generation ) farmer , Masumoto loves getting to “ touch the same soil ” on her parents and grandparents ( who were locked behind by barbwire in an interment camp for Japanese Americans during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s also bracing for “ another severe drought , ” in the wake of the epochal one that gripped her region in early 2010s .
The prospect is “ daunting and scary , ” she says , because climate models suggest even more-severe droughts are inevitable in the near future .
Leah Penniman , who runs Soul Fire Farm in upstate New York , explains why she combines food production with activism to “ end racism and injustice in the food system.
” For the young farmers of color who move through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she says , “ access to land is the number-one barrier to being able to get started as a farmer , she says .
The problem is deeply rooted in US history , from the from land grabs to slavery to Jim Crow .
“ By 1910 , black farmers had accumulated almost 16 million acres of land , ” she says .
“ And almost all of that has gone through a combination of outright racist violence , like burning people ’ s houses down and kicking them off their land , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discriminating against black farmers , leading to foreclosures , and most recently , the way that people who don ’ t have a will are really subject to losing their land , particularly black farmers.
” Many young farmers are forced to launch their operations on rented land , but that is an extremely tough row to hoe , says Lindsey Shute , founder and former executive director of the National Young Farmers coalition , who farms in upstate New York with her husband , Ben .
“ We ’ ve known so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have only been able to rent land , and it is such a detriment to their business , ” she says .
“ They don ’ t have an to capitalize their farm and build appropriate infrastructure to comply with food safety standards , to build fencing for their animals , to have wash-pack facility , and a loading dock and all these things that are that are basic , but really essential , if you ’ re looking to to farm full time.
” In the episode , you ’ ll hear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” in Oakland who grows food inspired by her farm-worker parents , to a “ party farmer ” in Williamsburg , Brooklyn who ’ s “ cash crop ” is the events he hosts at his urban garden .
You ’ ll also hear from a public-school teacher in the South Bronx who has turned his classroom and and the schoolyard into a makeshift farm that yields both fresh food and learning opportunities for his students .
You ’ ll hear about a lots of challenges , including crops wiped out by freak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losses .
But also strong currents of that special optimism of the will required to make a go of teasing a living out of the dirt .
“ I honestly thought that I ’ d be all alone out there in the snowy hills at Soul Fire Farm , but we had been open not even a week , and folks were calling us saying , Can we come and learn how to farm ?
” says Penniman .
“ We have a waiting list many years long of aspiring black and brown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the land.
” As Michael Masefield , that Bronx teacher/farmer , tells his skeptical students at sowing time , “ I mean , people have been planting seeds for thousands of years , and we still exist .
So if you try it , it ’ ll probably work .
”

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Nearly four years ago, Maddie Oatman, Kiera Butler, and I launched Bite, Mother Jones’ food podcast. Looking back over Bite’s first 99 episodes, I’m proud of the way we’ve stuck to our original vision: to explore “how your food intersects with other important topics like identity, social justice, health, corporate influence, and climate change,” as Maddie put it at the time.
For episode 100, we decided to dig into the dirt, for a look at the roots of where your food comes from: the farm. Specifically, the rising generation of farmers who will be tasked with keeping us fed while climate change brings increasingly furious storms and droughts, while also dealing with stratospheric land prices, enduring legacies of racism, and corporate domination of food markets that weighs down crop prices. It’s no wonder that the average age of US farmers has been rising for four decades, and now stands at nearly 58.
Despite these challenges, Maddie and I found reporting this episode, many young folks are champing at the bit to start farms or hold onto family land.
Listen to the latest episode of Bite: Subscribe using Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or your favorite podcast app.
Nikiko Masumoto, who works on her family’s small organic stone fruit farm in the midst of California’s Central Valley, describes what it’s like to grow food in the middle if global hub of industrial agriculture. A yonsei (Japanese for fourth generation) farmer, Masumoto loves getting to “touch the same soil” on her parents and grandparents (who were locked behind by barbwire in an interment camp for Japanese Americans during World War II). But she’s also bracing for “another severe drought,” in the wake of the epochal one that gripped her region in early 2010s. The prospect is “daunting and scary,” she says, because climate models suggest even more-severe droughts are inevitable in the near future.
Leah Penniman, who runs Soul Fire Farm in upstate New York, explains why she combines food production with activism to “end racism and injustice in the food system.” For the young farmers of color who move through Soul Fire’s immersion program, she says, “access to land is the number-one barrier to being able to get started as a farmer, she says. The problem is deeply rooted in US history, from land grabs to slavery to Jim Crow. “By 1910, black farmers had accumulated almost 16 million acres of land,” she says. “And almost all of that has gone through a combination of outright racist violence, like burning people’s houses down and kicking them off their land, the role of the federal government and discriminating against black farmers, leading to foreclosures, and most recently, the way that people who don’t have a will are really subject to losing their land, particularly black farmers.”
“We have a waiting list many years long of aspiring black and brown farmers who want to come get connected to the land,” says Penniman.
Many young farmers are forced to launch their operations on rented land, but that is an extremely tough row to hoe, says Lindsey Shute, founder and former executive director of the National Young Farmers coalition, who farms in upstate New York with her husband, Ben. “We’ve known so many farmers throughout the years who have have only been able to rent land, and it is such a detriment to their business,” she says. “They don’t have an asset to capitalize their farm with, and build appropriate infrastructure to comply with food safety standards, to build fencing for their animals, to have wash-pack facility, and a loading dock and all these things that are that are basic, but really essential, if you’re looking to to farm full time.”
In the episode, you’ll hear several other voices—from a “landless farmer” in Oakland who grows food inspired by her farm-worker parents, to a “party farmer” in Williamsburg, Brooklyn whose “cash crop” is the events he hosts at his urban garden. You’ll also hear from a public-school teacher in the South Bronx who has turned his the schoolyard into a makeshift farm that yields both fresh food and learning opportunities for his students.
You’ll hear about a lots of challenges, including crops wiped out by freak storms, saddling young farmers with uninsured losses. But also strong currents of that special optimism of the will required of anyone who dares attempt to squeeze a living out of the dirt. “I honestly thought that I’d be all alone out there in the snowy hills at Soul Fire Farm, but we had been open not even a week, and folks were calling us saying, Can we come and learn how to farm?” says Penniman. “We have a waiting list many years long of aspiring black and brown farmers who want to come get connected to the land.”
As Michael Masefield, that Bronx teacher/farmer, tells his skeptical students at sowing time, “I mean, people have been planting seeds for thousands of years, and we still exist. So if you try it, it’ll probably work.”