motherjones--2020-07-29--Will America’s Elite Get a Hidden COVID Bailout?

Federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle are pushing to include in the new coronavirus relief bill a $ 100 billion-plus giveaway skewed toward the Americans who need it least .
It ’ s a tax provision , and while it doesn ’ t appear in the GOP version of the bill announced this week , congressional aides say it ’ s far from dead .
Congressional Democrats expressed outrage back in April when it turned out that the $ 2 trillion CARES Act had included a couple of sneaky Republican provisions that added up to $ 161 billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wealthy owners of “ pass through ” businesses—a category that includes hedge funds , venture capital firms , private equity partnerships , real-estate interests ( including the Trump Organization ) , and professional entities such as lobbying firms , law firms , accounting firms , consulting firms , and medical practices .
“ It ’ s a scandal for Republicans to loot American taxpayers in the midst of an economic and human tragedy , ” Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island and Rep. Lloyd Doggett of Texas said in a joint statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two breaks .
“ Congress should repeal this rotten , un-American giveaway and use the revenue to help workers battling through this crisis.
” Indeed , the following month , House Democrats passed the HEROES Act , which included language to repeal the controversial provisions .
But the $ 3 trillion HEROES Act , which died in the Senate , included a provision that would have had a similar effect by allowing beneficiaries of federal Paycheck Protection Program ( PPP ) loans to “ double dip.
” That is , even if these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the government , thus making the money a tax-free grant , the recipient would still be able to deduct all of their business expenses from their taxable income—including the amount the government paid for .
The result , calculates Steven Rosenthal , a tax attorney and senior fellow at the nonprofit Tax Policy Center , would be a stealth break of $ 100 billion to $ 150 billion that skews heavily in favor of the nation ’ s wealthiest business owners .
Martin Sullivan , an expert in federal tax policy and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department and Congress ’ bipartisan Joint Committee on Taxation , estimated the cost at roughly $ 100 billion .
Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin recently noted that allowing the deduction would be a departure from longstanding IRS policy , and the IRS agrees .
But ranking Senate Finance Committee members Chuck Grassley ( R-Iowa ) and Ron Wyden ( D-Oregon ) and House Ways and Means chairman Richard Neal ( D-Massachusetts ) argued in a May 5 letter to Mnuchin—without evidence , Rosenthal claims—that Congress had intended to include the double-dip deduction in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designed to provide critical relief to America ’ s small businesses that are experiencing unprecedented economic disruption , ” Grassley , Wyden , and Neal wrote .
“ The PPP was intended to provide a lifeline to allow these businesses to pay rent and keep employees on payroll.
” The three promptly introduced a standalone bill to codify the deduction , and are now leading a push to include the douple-dip in the latest relief bill .
If the effort is bipartisan , so is the opposition to it : Mnuchin remains a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Allowing a deduction for an expense never incurred is unjustifiable , ” Doggett tells Mother Jones in a statement .
Kimberly Clausing , an economist at Reed College who specializes in trade and taxation , went on Twitter in May to explain why she felt the deduction made no sense .
Suppose your small business has $ 1.5 million in sales and $ 1 million in payroll and other allowable costs .
The pandemic hits and sales drop to $ 500,000 .
Damn !
Your $ 500K profit just turned into a $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1 million PPP loan .
You follow the rules and your loan is forgiven .
Clausing offers three scenarios : Scenario 1 : The IRS treats your loan as taxable income , so your overall income is now $ 1.5 million , as before .
But the tax agency lets you deduct the payroll and other expenses covered by your $ 1 million loan .
You are left with $ 500,000 .
“ This reflects the true profitability of the firm , ” Clausing writes .
Scenario 2 : The IRS lets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ income , but it does not allow you to then deduct the covered business expenses .
The outcome is the same .
You still end up with taxable income of $ 500,000 , and your employees get paid .
This is the scenario the IRS favors .
Scenario 3 : Here ’ s the double-dip scenario .
The IRS lets you exclude the forgiven loan from your taxable income and lets you deduct those business expenses .
Now you have $ 500,000 in income and $ 1 million in deductible expenses .
You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taxes , even though you actually made $ 500,000 .
This is a giveaway to business owners and the wealthiest investors—who own , according to a 2019 Goldman Sachs analysis , 56 percent of the total value of all equities , public and private , held by U.S. households—none of whom would be under any obligation to pass that money along to the workers .
“ The wage deduction should not be allowed if loan forgiveness is not included as income , ” Clausing tweeted .
“ Doing otherwise is both very expensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad precedent for tax policy in the future.
” Congress established the PPP under the CARES Act to help “ small ” pandemic-battered businesses cover payroll and overhead , but as things turned out , the beneficiaries weren ’ t necessarily mom-and-pops .
During the first round of PPP loans , the banks serving as the government ’ s intermediaries put their established customers first—ensuring that larger , wealthier firms were bailed out while legitimately small businesses were left hanging .
( The banks earned larger transaction fees to boot , based on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first batch of recipients included major private equity-owned restaurant chains such as PF Chang ’ s and Silver Diner , and dozens of publicly traded companies .
The latter scored more than $ 500 million in forgivable loans , the Wall Street Journal reported .
Topping the list was AutoNation Inc. , whose market cap is north of $ 3 billion .
( Facing public outcry , the Treasury Department changed its guidance on PPP eligibility and some companies returned the money . )
As of July 10 , the average loan size @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Small Business Administration , but more than $ 177 billion of the $ 517 total went to about 82,000 entities that got loans in the $ 1 million to $ 10 million range .
More than $ 375 billion—close to 75 percent of the total cash—went to businesses receiving $ 150,000 and up .
Rosenthal tallied up the latter recipients and found that , roughly speaking , less than 10 percent were nonprofits , 40 percent were corporations , and half were pass-through businesses .
The overwhelming majority of these pass-throughs were S @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose owners tend to be quite wealthy .
In 2019 , according to the Tax Policy Center , 72 percent of the business income from such entities flowed to the top-earning 1 percent of American households , and 33 percent of the spoils went to the top 0.1 percent .
Equity partners in Rosenthal ’ s profession stand to benefit greatly from a double-dip .
The two most prominent PPP applicant categories , according to the SBA , include medical and dental offices and law , accounting , and lobbying practices .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep Americans employed—hence “ paycheck protection.
” Current rules stipulate that the loans will be forgiven so long as 60 percent of the money goes toward payroll and the rest is used for approved expenses such as rent , mortgage interest , and business utility payments over a 24-week period .
Forgiving a loan makes the business whole , Rosenthal argues .
But allowing the deduction as well will leave some of the nation ’ s wealthiest business owners better off than they were before the pandemic .
The rationale for Democratic support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ characteristic of the rival party , has been pretty boilerplate , filled with the usual anguished pleas on behalf of America ’ s small businesses .
Barry Melancon , CEO of the American Institute of Certified Professional Accountants , channeled that sentiment last week in a letter urging House and Senate leaders to include the deduction in the new relief bill .
“ PPP recipients , particularly the smallest businesses , can not afford to be surprised with a tax bill on their PPP loan expenses next year.
” Business owners face “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a former KPMG consultant who runs a firm catering to “ small and medium sized businesses , wrote in an op-ed in The Hill .
“ But throughout the past few months , they ’ ve managed to operate and keep their people employed .
Maybe they ’ re one of the countless essential businesses that were allowed to stay open , or maybe they ’ ve managed to keep things going with their employees working remotely.
” The data , however , doesn ’ t quite jibe with what most Americans would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mostly talking about professional firms with up to 500 employees , and C corporations—including public companies with hundreds of millions of dollars in revenues .
But another thing that makes the deduction more palatable is that it doesn ’ t appear to cost anything on paper .
For whatever reason , the Joint Committee on Taxation—the body that writes tax legislation based on the intent of the Ways and Means Committees and publishes estimates for the cost of each provision—appears not to have included in its CARES Act analysis an estimate for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the HEROES Act , based on the notion that the double-dip deduction had been Congress ’ intent , the JCT—of which both Grassley and Neal are members—scored the deduction as a technical fix with “ no revenue effect.
” This is bureaucratic subterfuge .
Any way you slice it , the deduction will have a rather large revenue effect .
The JCT ’ s failure to score the deduction , however , would make it easier to obscure the fact that Treasury may soon be channeling another $ 100 billion or more to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individuals .
“ This approach provides the most for the insiders who got the biggest and quickest PPP loans , ” Doggett says .
“ Treating this unwarranted multi-billion-dollar bonus for PPP winners as a technical correction with no cost is inexplicable.
” Frank Clemente , executive director of the nonprofit Americans for Tax Fairness , which is pressing Congress to nix the deduction , says , “ This is a ridiculous tax break that will just give businesses more money without the public knowing about it .
They get a subsidy at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use that subsidy to claim it as a business expense to reduce their taxes at the back end .
It ’ s Alice in Wonderland stuff .
”

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Federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle are pushing to include in the new coronavirus relief bill a $100 billion-plus giveaway skewed toward the Americans who need it least. It’s a tax provision, and while it doesn’t appear in the GOP version of the bill announced this week, congressional aides say it’s far from dead.
Congressional Democrats expressed outrage back in April when it turned out that the $2 trillion CARES Act had included a couple of sneaky Republican provisions that added up to $161 billion in tax breaks for big corporations and the wealthy owners of “pass through” businesses—a category that includes hedge funds, venture capital firms, private equity partnerships, real-estate interests (including the Trump Organization), and professional entities such as lobbying firms, law firms, accounting firms, consulting firms, and medical practices.
“It’s a scandal for Republicans to loot American taxpayers in the midst of an economic and human tragedy,” Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island and Rep. Lloyd Doggett of Texas said in a joint statement, referring to the larger of the two breaks. “Congress should repeal this rotten, un-American giveaway and use the revenue to help workers battling through this crisis.”
Indeed, the following month, House Democrats passed the HEROES Act, which included language to repeal the controversial provisions.
But the $3 trillion HEROES Act, which died in the Senate, included a provision that would have had a similar effect by allowing beneficiaries of federal Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans to “double dip.” That is, even if these “small business” loans were forgiven by the government, thus making the money a tax-free grant, the recipient would still be able to deduct all of their business expenses from their taxable income—including the amount the government paid for.
The result, calculates Steven Rosenthal, a tax attorney and senior fellow at the nonprofit Tax Policy Center, would be a stealth break of $100 billion to $150 billion that skews heavily in favor of the nation’s wealthiest business owners. Martin Sullivan, an expert in federal tax policy and former staff economist for both the Treasury Department and Congress’ bipartisan Joint Committee on Taxation, estimated the cost at roughly $100 billion.
Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin recently noted that allowing the deduction would be a departure from longstanding IRS policy, and the IRS agrees. But ranking Senate Finance Committee members Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Ron Wyden (D-Oregon) and House Ways and Means chairman Richard Neal (D-Massachusetts) argued in a May 5 letter to Mnuchin—without evidence, Rosenthal claims—that Congress had intended to include the double-dip deduction in the CARES Act. “The PPP was designed to provide critical relief to America’s small businesses that are experiencing unprecedented economic disruption,” Grassley, Wyden, and Neal wrote. “The PPP was intended to provide a lifeline to allow these businesses to pay rent and keep employees on payroll.”
The three promptly introduced a standalone bill to codify the deduction, and are now leading a push to include the douple-dip in the latest relief bill. If the effort is bipartisan, so is the opposition to it: Mnuchin remains a skeptic, as does Doggett. “Allowing a deduction for an expense never incurred is unjustifiable,” Doggett tells Mother Jones in a statement.
Kimberly Clausing, an economist at Reed College who specializes in trade and taxation, went on Twitter in May to explain why she felt the deduction made no sense. Suppose your small business has $1.5 million in sales and $1 million in payroll and other allowable costs. The pandemic hits and sales drop to $500,000. Damn! Your $500K profit just turned into a $500K shortfall. So you land a $1 million PPP loan. You follow the rules and your loan is forgiven. Clausing offers three scenarios:
Scenario 1: The IRS treats your loan as taxable income, so your overall income is now $1.5 million, as before. But the tax agency lets you deduct the payroll and other expenses covered by your $1 million loan. You are left with $500,000. “This reflects the true profitability of the firm,” Clausing writes.
Scenario 2: The IRS lets you exclude your forgiven loan from taxable income, but it does not allow you to then deduct the covered business expenses. The outcome is the same. You still end up with taxable income of $500,000, and your employees get paid. This is the scenario the IRS favors.
Scenario 3: Here’s the double-dip scenario. The IRS lets you exclude the forgiven loan from your taxable income and lets you deduct those business expenses. Now you have $500,000 in income and $1 million in deductible expenses. You report a $500,000 loss on your taxes, even though you actually made $500,000. This is a giveaway to business owners and the wealthiest investors—who own, according to a 2019 Goldman Sachs analysis, 56 percent of the total value of all equities, public and private, held by U.S. households—none of whom would be under any obligation to pass that money along to the workers. “The wage deduction should not be allowed if loan forgiveness is not included as income,” Clausing tweeted. “Doing otherwise is both very expensive and unnecessary. It also sets a bad precedent for tax policy in the future.”
Congress established the PPP under the CARES Act to help “small” pandemic-battered businesses cover payroll and overhead, but as things turned out, the beneficiaries weren’t necessarily mom-and-pops. During the first round of PPP loans, the banks serving as the government’s intermediaries put their established customers first—ensuring that larger, wealthier firms were bailed out while legitimately small businesses were left hanging. (The banks earned larger transaction fees to boot, based on the larger loan amounts.)
The first batch of recipients included major private equity-owned restaurant chains such as PF Chang’s and Silver Diner, and dozens of publicly traded companies. The latter scored more than $500 million in forgivable loans, the Wall Street Journal reported. Topping the list was AutoNation Inc., whose market cap is north of $3 billion. (Facing public outcry, the Treasury Department changed its guidance on PPP eligibility and some companies returned the money.)
As of July 10, the average loan size was $105,000, according to the Small Business Administration, but more than $177 billion of the $517 total went to about 82,000 entities that got loans in the $1 million to $10 million range. More than $375 billion—close to 75 percent of the total cash—went to businesses receiving $150,000 and up. Rosenthal tallied up the latter recipients and found that, roughly speaking, less than 10 percent were nonprofits, 40 percent were corporations, and half were pass-through businesses.
The overwhelming majority of these pass-throughs were S corporations, LLCs, and partnerships, whose owners tend to be quite wealthy. In 2019, according to the Tax Policy Center, 72 percent of the business income from such entities flowed to the top-earning 1 percent of American households, and 33 percent of the spoils went to the top 0.1 percent. Equity partners in Rosenthal’s profession stand to benefit greatly from a double-dip. The two most prominent PPP applicant categories, according to the SBA, include medical and dental offices and law, accounting, and lobbying practices.
The ostensible goal of the PPP is to keep Americans employed—hence “paycheck protection.” Current rules stipulate that the loans will be forgiven so long as 60 percent of the money goes toward payroll and the rest is used for approved expenses such as rent, mortgage interest, and business utility payments over a 24-week period. Forgiving a loan makes the business whole, Rosenthal argues. But allowing the deduction as well will leave some of the nation’s wealthiest business owners better off than they were before the pandemic.
The rationale for Democratic support of the double-dip, which seems more characteristic of the rival party, has been pretty boilerplate, filled with the usual anguished pleas on behalf of America’s small businesses. Barry Melancon, CEO of the American Institute of Certified Professional Accountants, channeled that sentiment last week in a letter urging House and Senate leaders to include the deduction in the new relief bill. “PPP recipients, particularly the smallest businesses, cannot afford to be surprised with a tax bill on their PPP loan expenses next year.”
Business owners face “enormous challenges,” Gene Marks, a former KPMG consultant who runs a firm catering to “small and medium sized businesses, wrote in an op-ed in The Hill. “But throughout the past few months, they’ve managed to operate and keep their people employed. Maybe they’re one of the countless essential businesses that were allowed to stay open, or maybe they’ve managed to keep things going with their employees working remotely.”
The data, however, doesn’t quite jibe with what most Americans would consider small business. We’re mostly talking about professional firms with up to 500 employees, and C corporations—including public companies with hundreds of millions of dollars in revenues. But another thing that makes the deduction more palatable is that it doesn’t appear to cost anything on paper. For whatever reason, the Joint Committee on Taxation—the body that writes tax legislation based on the intent of the Ways and Means Committees and publishes estimates for the cost of each provision—appears not to have included in its CARES Act analysis an estimate for the cost of forgiving PPP loans.
For the HEROES Act, based on the notion that the double-dip deduction had been Congress’ intent, the JCT—of which both Grassley and Neal are members—scored the deduction as a technical fix with “no revenue effect.” This is bureaucratic subterfuge. Any way you slice it, the deduction will have a rather large revenue effect. The JCT’s failure to score the deduction, however, would make it easier to obscure the fact that Treasury may soon be channeling another $100 billion or more to some of America’s most privileged individuals. “This approach provides the most for the insiders who got the biggest and quickest PPP loans,” Doggett says. “Treating this unwarranted multi-billion-dollar bonus for PPP winners as a technical correction with no cost is inexplicable.”
Frank Clemente, executive director of the nonprofit Americans for Tax Fairness, which is pressing Congress to nix the deduction, says, “This is a ridiculous tax break that will just give businesses more money without the public knowing about it. They get a subsidy at the front end from taxpayers and then use that subsidy to claim it as a business expense to reduce their taxes at the back end. It’s Alice in Wonderland stuff.”


motherjones--2020-07-30--Herman Cain’s Death Is Political. All Coronavirus Deaths Are.

Herman Cain , the former presidential candidate and top Donald Trump surrogate as one of the leaders of the group Black Voices for Trump , died from coronavirus on Thursday .
The 74-year-old former pizza mogul had been hospitalized for a month , announcing that he ’ d been infected with the virus less than two weeks after attending the president ’ s infamous indoor rally in Tulsa , Oklahoma , on June 20 .
Cain was pictured with several other prominent Black Trump supporters with the signature maskless faces .
For weeks after the rally and his diagnosis , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ account gave the impression of someone still very much engaged in the effort .
And now he has died .
As with the passing of nearly every public and sometimes controversial person , there were calls to not politicize his death .
But why should we ignore a critical variable that has contributed to his death and the deaths of more than 150,000 less prominent others from the coronavirus ?
And that variable is politics .
We will never know if attending Trump ’ s Tulsa rally where more than 6,000 people gathered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social distancing and mask wearing in a state where the coronavirus was surging sealed his fate .
But it ’ s probably safe to say it didn ’ t decrease his chances of contracting the deadly virus .
Oklahoma public health officials urged the campaign to postpone the rally until it was safe .
Obviously that didn ’ t happen .
More important , the act of attending it without a mask and pressing up against other Trump supporters against the advice of public health officials and local leaders was a political act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company , quickly published a story feigning horror at how liberals were already politicizing Cain ’ s death .
But let ’ s be clear , politics contributed to Herman Cain ’ s death , and it ’ s much too late for conservatives to claim that this disease and its tragic outcomes should now be apolitical .
From the very beginning , they turned the coronavirus , which has killed 151,000 people and infected more than 4 million others , into a partisan cause .
First , there were the conservative pundits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats were using the virus to ruin Trump ’ s chances of being reelected .
Then , there were the “ lockdown protesters ” who claimed essential public health restrictions for containing the spread of the virus were impeding on their constitutional right to get a haircut .
And that doesn ’ t even include the xenophobic blame cast on Chinese people for the virus , with Trump ’ s repeated references to the “ China virus.
” Or the determination to sideline the Centers for Disease Control or science-based evidence out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fragile ego .
Once it became evident that the virus was a very serious problem , Trump acolytes suggested that older people , like Cain , should face death with equanimity , knowing that they might contribute to saving the economy and their grandchildren ’ s future .
Trump also withheld desperately needed medical supplies from states with Democratic governors .
Treatments became political as well .
Hydroxychlorquine , an anti-malarial drug , was touted by the president without evidence as having curative powers for the virus and received emergency use authorization use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But , after several studies showed that it could be dangerous for certain patients , the FDA revoked the emergency use authorization .
Undeterred , Trump and other conservatives touted its use to combat the virus , claiming liberals were against it because it would help the president .
Even reopening the economy was politicized , with Trump threatening to withhold federal aid from states that didn ’ t reopen their schools and businesses .
Ever the loyal soldier , in the days leading up to Cain ’ s announcement that he had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Twitter feed , the pizza magnate continued to downplay its seriousness .
The day after he was hospitalized , his personal website , HermanCain.com posted a blog about a study that showed hydroxychloroquine has positive affects on coronavirus patients , despite most experts saying that it doesn ’ t .
The post says that the only reason it ’ s even doubted as a drug to fight COVID-19 is because the president is for it .
When the Miami Marlins , a major league baseball team , announced an outbreak among players @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was good that the league didn ’ t panic “ like the media wanted.
” This was posted three days before his death .
The same day Cain ’ s death was announced , Congressman John Lewis , who died earlier this month from pancreatic cancer , was laid to rest .
Lewis ’ death was political in the best kind of way .
The civil rights hero spent his life fighting for voting rights , notably getting brutalized by Alabama State Troopers in 1965 .
As Republicans sought to align themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything he fought for , elected officials , and other activists demanded they explicitly politicize his death by passing voting rights legislation that has been idling on Mitch McConnell ’ s desk since December .
In a posthumous op-ed in the New York Times , Lewis wrote a call to action .
“ Democracy is not a state , ” he wrote .
“ It is an act , and each generation must do its part to help build what we called the Beloved Community , a nation and world society at peace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are from Lewis ’ dream for the nation .
Today , America has the dubious distinction of being the country most financially-equipped to handle a pandemic , but the most politically incompetent .
The Republican party has all but given up on providing relief , and we ’ re running out ways to describe the economic cliff we ’ re barreling toward because there ’ s hardly anything to compare it to .
This summer ’ s outbreak is worse than the outbreak in the spring .
Nobody knows what will happen when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flu season .
Instead of handling the virus with the guidance of science and expertise , Trump treated the virus like one big political game .
How can one not politicize the tens of thousands of deaths the partisan actions of Trump and his Republican enablers have caused ?
In a way , Cain was Trump before Trump .
His 2012 presidential campaign was marked with xenophobia and was eventually upended by allegations of sexual misconduct .
On Thursday afternoon , Trump paid tribute to Herman Cain on Twitter , calling him a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ great friend.
” He did not mention the cause of his death .
At a press conference that evening , however , Trump did say that Cain died from the “ China virus .
”

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Herman Cain, the former presidential candidate and top Donald Trump surrogate as one of the leaders of the group Black Voices for Trump, died from the coronavirus on Thursday. The 74-year-old former pizza mogul had been hospitalized for a month, announcing that he’d been infected with the virus less than two weeks after attending the president’s infamous indoor rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, on June 20. Cain was pictured with several other prominent Black Trump supporters with the signature maskless faces.
For weeks after the rally and his diagnosis, regular tweets from Cain’s Twitter account gave the impression of someone still very much engaged in the effort. And now he has died. As with the passing of nearly every public and sometimes controversial person, there were calls not to politicize his death. But why should we ignore a critical variable that has contributed to his death and the deaths of more than 150,000 less prominent others from the coronavirus? And that variable is politics.
We will never know if attending Trump’s Tulsa rally, where more than 6,000 people gathered in an indoor stadium with very little social distancing and mask wearing in a state where the coronavirus was surging, sealed his fate. But it’s probably safe to say it didn’t decrease his chances of contracting the deadly virus. Oklahoma public health officials urged the campaign to postpone the rally until it was safe. Obviously that didn’t happen. More important, the act of attending it without a mask and pressing up against other Trump supporters against the advice of public health officials and local leaders was a political act.
The Blaze, a right-wing media company, quickly published a story feigning horror at how liberals were already politicizing Cain’s death. But let’s be clear, politics contributed to Cain’s death, and it’s much too late for conservatives to claim that this disease and its tragic outcomes should now be apolitical. From the very beginning, they turned the coronavirus, which has killed 151,000 people and infected more than 4 million others, into a partisan cause. First, there were the conservative pundits and the president himself who claimed that Democrats were using the virus to ruin Trump’s chances of reelection. Then, there were the “lockdown protesters” who claimed essential public health restrictions for containing the spread of the virus were impeding their constitutional right to get a haircut. And that doesn’t even include the xenophobic blame cast on Chinese people for the virus, with Trump’s repeated references to the “China virus.” Or the determination to sideline the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention or science-based evidence out of concern of hurting the president’s fragile ego.
Once it became evident that the virus was a very serious problem, Trump acolytes suggested that older people, like Cain, should face death with equanimity.
Once it became evident that the virus was a very serious problem, Trump acolytes suggested that older people, like Cain, should face death with equanimity, knowing that they might contribute to saving the economy and their grandchildren’s future. Trump also withheld desperately needed medical supplies from states with Democratic governors. Treatments became political as well. Hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malarial drug, was touted by the president without evidence as having curative powers for the virus and received emergency use authorization use by the Food and Drug Administration. But after several studies showed that it could be dangerous for certain patients, the FDA revoked the emergency use authorization. Undeterred, Trump and other conservatives touted its use to combat the virus, claiming liberals were against it because it would help the president. Even reopening the economy was politicized, with Trump threatening to withhold federal aid from states that didn’t reopen their schools and businesses.
Ever the loyal soldier, in the days leading up to Cain’s announcement that he had contracted the coronavirus, on his personal website and Twitter feed, the pizza magnate continued to downplay its seriousness.
Never again. We now have the evidence it didn't help at all. #Coronavirus https://t.co/57n1VphXak — Herman Cain (@THEHermanCain) June 24, 2020
The day after he was hospitalized, his personal website, HermanCain.com posted a blog about a study that showed hydroxychloroquine has positive affects on coronavirus patients, despite most experts saying that it doesn’t. The post says that the only reason it’s even doubted as a drug to fight COVID-19 is because the president is for it. When the Miami Marlins, a major league baseball team, announced an outbreak among players, Cain’s blog thought it was good that the league didn’t panic “like the media wanted.”
This was posted three days before his death.
The same day Cain’s death was announced, Rep. John Lewis, who died earlier this month from pancreatic cancer, was laid to rest. Lewis’ death was political in the best kind of way. The civil rights hero spent his life fighting for voting rights, notably getting brutalized by Alabama State Troopers in 1965. As Republicans sought to align themselves with the civil rights hero despite blocking everything he fought for, elected officials, and other activists demanded they explicitly politicize his death by passing voting rights legislation that has been idling on Mitch McConnell’s desk since December. In a posthumous op-ed in the New York Times, Lewis wrote a call to action. “Democracy is not a state,” he wrote. “It is an act, and each generation must do its part to help build what we called the Beloved Community, a nation and world society at peace with itself.”
How far away we are from Lewis’ dream for the nation. Today, America has the dubious distinction of being the country most financially-equipped to handle a pandemic, but the most politically incompetent. The Republican party has all but given up on providing relief, and we’re running out ways to describe the economic cliff we’re barreling toward because there’s hardly anything to compare it to. This summer’s outbreak is worse than the outbreak in the spring. Nobody knows what will happen when schools start reopening and COVID-19 coincides with flu season. Instead of handling the virus with the guidance of science and expertise, Trump treated the virus like one big political game. How can one not politicize the tens of thousands of deaths the partisan actions of Trump and his Republican enablers have caused?
In a way, Cain was Trump before Trump. His 2012 presidential campaign was marked by xenophobia and was eventually upended by allegations of sexual misconduct. On Thursday afternoon, Trump paid tribute to Cain on Twitter, calling him a “powerful voice of freedom” and a “great friend.” He did not mention the cause of his death. At a press conference that evening, however, Trump did say that Cain died from the “China virus.”


motherjones--2020-07-30--Herman Cain’s Enduring Lobbying Triumph

Herman Cain’s Enduring Lobbying Triumph

Herman Cain , who died this week of COVID-19 , lived quite a life : He was a fast-food magnate , a zealously anti–immigrant presidential candidate , a staunch supporter of Donald Trump to the very end , and more .
But his accomplishment with the most lasting impact happened during his days as the number-one lobbyist for the restaurant industry .
During the 1990s , as president of the National Restaurant Association—an outfit representing mainly chain restaurants—Cain transformed the NRA “ from a sleepy little trade association to earning a spot in Forbes magazine ’ s 1997 Survey of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups , coming [ in ] at number 24 , ” as labor reporter Mike Elk put it in a 2011 piece .
Cain earned his stripes as an ace lobbyist in 1994 , when he emerged as a key cog in the successful corporate campaign to kibosh President Bill Clinton ’ s push to reform the healthcare system .
In 1996 , Cain won his greatest triumph as a lobbyist .
In a 2016 piece on the racist history of tipping , my colleague Maddie Oatman explained : Restaurant employers were supposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up the difference between this tipped minimum wage and the regular minimum wage .
But the result was by and large a disaster for restaurant servers .
According to the Economic Policy Institute , in 1996 , the tipped minimum was half the regular minimum wage ; by 2014 , it was “ equal to a record low 29.4 percent of the regular federal minimum wage of $ 7.25 , ” where it remains today .
Around two-thirds of workers making the tipped minimum are women , EPI reports .
Forcing women to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bulk of their livelihoods exposes them to sexual harassment : “ Tipped workers have a median wage ( including tips ) of $ 10.22 , compared with $ 16.48 for all workers .
While the poverty rate of non-tipped workers is 6.5 percent , tipped workers have a poverty rate of 12.8 percent.
” Tipped workers rely on food stamps at a rate twice that of the general population .
A recent report from One Fair Wage , which seeks to abolish the lower minimum wage for tipped workers , shows that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accomplishment falls heaviest on Black women .
“ The subminimum wage results in a nearly $ 5 per hour differential in wages ( including tips ) between Black tipped women and white men tipped workers nationally , and a nearly $ 8 per hour differential in New York , ” the group found .
The low minimum is more painful still , the group adds , as the coronavirus destroys demand for restaurant dining , and a “ majority of workers and employers surveyed are reporting that tips are down at least 50 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wage and other advocates , there has been a stirring among restaurateurs in recent years to abandon the whole vexed institution of tipping and pay all workers a regular wage .
But one of the most high-profile of the nation ’ s no-tip restaurant pioneers has backslid .
In 2015 , the influential New York City restaurant empire Union Square Hospitality Group began phasing out tips .
In July 2020 , the company ’ s CEO , Danny Mayer , announced he would return to the practice , suggesting the current economic climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full liveable wages and benefits for all of our employees into our menu prices , ” while competitors still relied on the generosity of diners to provide the bulk of compensation to servers .
Amanda Cohen of Dirt Candy , a small , celebrated no-tip Manhattan restaurant , wasn ’ t impressed by the logic .
Despite Mayer ’ s reversal , restaurants might not be able to lean on tipping to compensate servers for much longer .
Presumptive Democratic Presidential nominee Joe Biden has vowed to double the federal minimum wage and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s elected .
Meanwhile , the National Restaurant Association , the trade group Cain once helmed , continues its lobbying to keep servers ’ wages low , putting their livelihoods at the whim of diners .

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Herman Cain, who died this week of COVID-19, lived quite a life: He was a fast-food magnate, a zealously anti–immigrant presidential candidate, a staunch supporter of Donald Trump to the very end, and more. But his accomplishment with the most lasting impact happened during his days as the number-one lobbyist for the restaurant industry.
During the 1990s, as president of the National Restaurant Association—an outfit representing mainly chain restaurants—Cain transformed the NRA “from a sleepy little trade association to earning a spot in Forbes magazine’s 1997 Survey of Washington’s 25 most powerful pressure groups, coming [in] at number 24,” as labor reporter Mike Elk put it in a 2011 piece. Cain earned his stripes as an ace lobbyist in 1994, when he emerged as a key cog in the successful corporate campaign to kibosh President Bill Clinton’s push to reform the healthcare system.
In 1996, Cain won his greatest triumph as a lobbyist. In a 2016 piece on the racist history of tipping, my colleague Maddie Oatman explained:
America’s first minimum-wage law, passed by Congress in 1938, allowed states to set a lower wage for tipped workers, but it wasn’t until the ’60s that labor advocates persuaded Congress to adopt a federal tipped minimum wage that increased in tandem with the regular minimum wage. In 1996, former Godfather’s Pizza CEO Herman Cain, who was then head of the National Restaurant Association, helped convince a Republican-led Congress to decouple the two wages. The tipped minimum has been stuck at $2.13 ever since.
Restaurant employers were supposed to help servers earn tips to make up the difference between this tipped minimum wage and the regular minimum wage. But the result was by and large a disaster for restaurant servers. According to the Economic Policy Institute, in 1996, the tipped minimum was half the regular minimum wage; by 2014, it was “equal to a record low 29.4 percent of the regular federal minimum wage of $7.25,” where it remains today. Around two-thirds of workers making the tipped minimum are women, EPI reports. Forcing women to rely on the whims of customers for the bulk of their livelihoods exposes them to sexual harassment: “Tipped workers have a median wage (including tips) of $10.22, compared with $16.48 for all workers. While the poverty rate of non-tipped workers is 6.5 percent, tipped workers have a poverty rate of 12.8 percent.” Tipped workers rely on food stamps at a rate twice that of the general population.
Around two-thirds of workers making the tipped minimum are women.
A recent report from One Fair Wage, which seeks to abolish the lower minimum wage for tipped workers, shows that the burden of Cain’s lobbying accomplishment falls heaviest on Black women. “The subminimum wage results in a nearly $5 per hour differential in wages (including tips) between Black tipped women and white men tipped workers nationally, and a nearly $8 per hour differential in New York,” the group found. The low minimum is more painful still, the group adds, as the coronavirus destroys demand for restaurant dining, and a “majority of workers and employers surveyed are reporting that tips are down at least 50 percent.”
Under pressure from One Fair Wage and other advocates, there has been a stirring among restaurateurs in recent years to abandon the whole vexed institution of tipping and pay all workers a regular wage. But one of the most high-profile of the nation’s no-tip restaurant pioneers has backslid. In 2015, the influential New York City restaurant empire Union Square Hospitality Group began phasing out tips. In July 2020, the company’s CEO, Danny Meyer, announced he would return to the practice, suggesting the current economic climate made it too onerous to factor “full liveable wages and benefits for all of our employees into our menu prices,” while competitors still relied on the generosity of diners to provide the bulk of compensation to servers.
Amanda Cohen of Dirt Candy, a small, celebrated no-tip Manhattan restaurant, wasn’t impressed by the logic.
If restaurant groups were clever enough to figure out how to grow and expand and make $$$ then surely they must be clever enough to figure out how to pay all their employees a living wage that is not dependent on the generosity of their customers. — dirtcandy (@dirtcandy) July 29, 2020
Despite Meyer’s reversal, restaurants might not be able to lean on tipping to compensate servers for much longer. Presumptive Democratic Presidential nominee Joe Biden has vowed to double the federal minimum wage and eliminate the tipped minimum if he’s elected. Meanwhile, the National Restaurant Association, the trade group Cain once helmed, continues its lobbying to keep servers’ wages low, putting their livelihoods at the whim of diners.


motherjones--2020-07-30--Big Tech Won’t Admit They Are the Only Game in Town

Big tech companies love to say how , no matter how much the little guy criticizes their actions , the time and resources that users spend on their products show that people still love them .
In April of last year , Google CEO Eric Schmidt pushed back on the idea that people were growing frustrated with big tech , saying that “ all the studies I ’ ve [ seen ] indicated that people really like our products…We know that because they use them more and more and more.
” This , of course , is something like bragging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DMV because there ’ s always a long line to get in .
There ’ s a simple reason for both institutions ’ popularity : Like the DMV , to get the basics of what you need for modern life , Google is the only option .
Regardless , this kind of refrain is common among the leaders of big tech companies and was on full display during Wednesday ’ s hearing of the House Judiciary Committee , in which the CEOs of Apple , Amazon , Facebook , and Google answered a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the companies ’ competitive practices and anti-trust profiles .
The hearing pulled the mask off such all-is-well sentiments , demonstrating the relationships between the companies and their users aren ’ t as good as the platforms want people to believe .
This came through during an exchange between Amazon CEO ’ s Jeff Bezos and Rep. David Cicilline ( D-R.I. ) , when Bezos boasted about all the merchants who choose his company ’ s services—a version of something that he and his Amazon colleagues have said many times before .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ options for small sellers .
I believe that Amazon is a great one .
We ’ ve worked very hard .
I think we are the best one , ” the Amazon CEO said .
Cicilline replied that he had heard from small businesses that they feel they have no choice but to work with the online giant .
“ We ’ ve heard again and again from third-party sellers that Amazon is the only game in town , ” Cicilline said , recalling what one entrepreneur told him : “ We ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a choice to sell but to sell through Amazon.
” He relayed that another small business owner had said “ they ’ ve never been a great partner but we have to work with them.
” A similar exchange took place between Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Rep. Pramila Jayapal ( D-Wash. ) about the company ’ s acquisition of Instagram .
In a 2012 email discussing the then potential acquisition , Zuckerberg wrote “ I think this is a good outcome for everyone.
” Jayapal revealed documents that showed that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s co-founders , Kevin Systrom , actually thought the outcome would be good “ for everyone.
” Instead , Jayapal read emails detailing how Systrom , at the time Facebook was attempting the purchase , was afraid that if he didn ’ t agree to the sale , Facebook would go into “ destroy mode ” and try to crush his product with a new app .
“ Facebook cloned a popular product , approached the company you identified as a competitive threat , and told them that if they didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be consequences , ” Jayapal summarized .
These exchanges with Zuckerberg and Bezos focus on vastly different business relationships but have the same motif running through them : a massive company taking advantage of its size to force smaller businesses to capitulate .
The mutually beneficial relationships that technology companies love to tout might look like normal customer or business agreements , but they can be coercive arrangements in which the weaker party had few to no other options .
At a certain point , that kind of dynamic starts looking a @ @ @ @ @

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Big tech companies love to say how, no matter how much the little guy criticizes their actions, the time and resources that users spend on their products show that people still love them.
The relationships between the companies and users aren’t as good as the platforms want people to believe.
In April of last year, Google CEO Eric Schmidt pushed back on the idea that people were growing frustrated with big tech, saying that “all the studies I’ve [seen] indicated that people really like our products…We know that because they use them more and more and more.” This, of course, is something like bragging about how people love going to the DMV because there’s always a long line to get in. There’s a simple reason for both institutions’ popularity: Like the DMV, to get the basics of what you need for modern life, Google is the only option.
Regardless, this kind of refrain is common among the leaders of big tech companies and was on full display during Wednesday’s hearing of the House Judiciary Committee, in which the CEOs of Apple, Amazon, Facebook, and Google answered a range of questions, including many related to the companies’ competitive practices and anti-trust profiles. The hearing pulled the mask off such all-is-well sentiments, demonstrating the relationships between the companies and their users aren’t as good as the platforms want people to believe.
This came through during an exchange between Amazon CEO’s Jeff Bezos and Rep. David Cicilline (D-R.I.), when Bezos boasted about all the merchants who choose his company’s services—a version of something that he and his Amazon colleagues have said many times before. “I believe that there a lot of options for small sellers. I believe that Amazon is a great one. We’ve worked very hard. I think we are the best one,” the Amazon CEO said.
Cicilline replied that he had heard from small businesses that they feel they have no choice but to work with the online giant. “We’ve heard again and again from third-party sellers that Amazon is the only game in town,” Cicilline said, recalling what one entrepreneur told him: “We’re stuck. We don’t have a choice to sell but to sell through Amazon.” He relayed that another small business owner had said “they’ve never been a great partner but we have to work with them.”
A similar exchange took place between Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) about the company’s acquisition of Instagram. In a 2012 email discussing the then potential acquisition, Zuckerberg wrote “I think this is a good outcome for everyone.”
Documents from the Hearing on “Online Platforms and Market Power: Examining the Dominance of Amazon, Apple, Facebook and Google" pic.twitter.com/WyZFapAE29 — House Judiciary Dems (@HouseJudiciary) July 29, 2020
Jayapal revealed documents that showed that it was unclear if one of Instagram’s co-founders, Kevin Systrom, actually thought the outcome would be good “for everyone.” Instead, Jayapal read emails detailing how Systrom, at the time Facebook was attempting the purchase, was afraid that if he didn’t agree to the sale, Facebook would go into “destroy mode” and try to crush his product with a new app. “Facebook cloned a popular product, approached the company you identified as a competitive threat, and told them that if they didn’t let you buy them up, there would be consequences,” Jayapal summarized.
These exchanges with Zuckerberg and Bezos focus on vastly different business relationships but have the same motif running through them: a massive company taking advantage of its size to force smaller businesses to capitulate.
The mutually beneficial relationships that technology companies love to tout might look like normal customer or business agreements, but they can be coercive arrangements in which the weaker party had few to no other options. At a certain point, that kind of dynamic starts looking a little like a monopoly.


motherjones--2020-07-30--Obama’s John Lewis Eulogy: “Let’s Honor Him by Revitalizing” the Voting Rights Act

In 1965 , John Lewis was brutally beaten by Alabama state troopers as he led a march advocating for the protection of Black Americans ’ right to vote—an event that helped lead to the signing of the 1965 Voting Rights Act .
In his gripping eulogy to Lewis at the late lawmaker ’ s memorial service Thursday , former President Barack Obama condemned the modern-era restrictions on voting rights that have undermined Lewis ’ legacy .
“ We may no longer have to guess the number of jelly beans in a jar to be able to cast a ballot , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the applause that rang out from Ebenezer Baptist Church , “ but even as we sit here , there are those in power who are doing their darnedest to discourage people from voting by closing polling locations and targeting minorities and students with restrictive ID laws and attacking our voting rights with surgical precision—even undermining the Postal Service in the run-up to an election that ’ s going to be dependent on mail-in ballots so people don ’ t get sick.
” Obama applauded President George W. Bush for signing a reauthorization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and President Bill Clinton for signing a law making it easier for people to register to vote .
“ But once the Supreme Court weakened the Voting Rights Act , ” he said , referring to conservative justices ’ decision in 2013 to allow states with a history of discrimination to change voting laws without federal approval , “ some state legislators unleashed a flood of laws designed specifically to make voting harder—especially , by the way , state legislators where there ’ s a lot minority turnout.
” Republicans in Congress have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high court invalidated .
As my colleague Ari Berman wrote the day after Lewis ’ death : “ I know this is a celebration of John ’ s life , ” Obama said .
“ There are some who might say we shouldn ’ t dwell on such things .
But that ’ s why I ’ m talking about it .
John Lewis devoted his time on this earth to fighting the very attacks on democracy and what ’ s best in America that we ’ re seeing circulate right now.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights law , recently renamed the John Lewis Voting Rights Act , that Republicans have been blocking .
“ You want to honor John ?
” he said , as the audience rose to their feet .
“ Let ’ s honor him by revitalizing the law he was willing to die for.
” And the former president went further , calling on lawmakers to eliminate the filibuster ( “ another Jim Crow relic ” ) , enact automatic voter registration , enfranchise former inmates , make Election Day a national holiday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and grant congressional representation to Washington , DC , and Puerto Rico .
He also urged every eligible citizen to exercise their right to vote and praised the young protesters who have taken to the streets in the wake of George Floyd ’ s killing—activism he sees as a crucial extension of Lewis ’ legacy .
Read the transcript of Obama ’ s eulogy below : James wrote to the believers , “ Consider it pure joy , my brothers and sisters , whenever you face trials of many kinds because you know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perseverance .
Let perseverance finish its work so that you may be mature and complete , lacking nothing.
” It is a great honor to be back in Ebenezer Baptist Church in the pulpit of its greatest pastor , Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. , to pay my respects to perhaps his finest disciple .
An American whose faith was tested again and again , to produce a man of pure joy and unbreakable perseverance : John Robert Lewis .
To those who have spoken , to Presidents Bush and Clinton , Madame @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , John ’ s family , friends , his beloved staff , Mayor Bottoms , I ’ ve come here today because I , like so many Americans , owe a great debt to John Lewis and his forceful vision of freedom .
You know , this country is a constant work in progress .
We ’ re born with instructions : to form a more perfect union .
Explicit in those words is the idea that we ’ re imperfect .
That what gives each new generation purpose is to take up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carry it further than any might have thought possible .
John Lewis , first of the Freedom Riders ; head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee ; youngest speaker at the March on Washington ; leader of the march from Selma to Montgomery ; member of Congress , representing the people of this state and this district for 33 years ; mentor to young people—including me at the time—until his final day on this Earth , he not only embraced that responsibility , but he made it his life ’ s work .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ boy from Troy .
John was born into modest means—that means he was poor .
In the heart of the Jim Crow South to parents who picked somebody else ’ s cotton .
Apparently he didn ’ t take to farm work .
On days when he was supposed to help his brothers and sisters with their labor , he ’ d hide under the porch and make a break for the school bus when it showed up .
His mother , Willie May Lewis , nurtured that curiosity in this shy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something , ” she told her son , “ once you get something inside your head , no one can take it away from you.
” As a boy , John listened through the door after bedtime as his father ’ s friends complained about the Klan .
One Sunday as a teenager , he heard Dr. King preach on the radio .
As a college student in Tennessee , he signed up for Jim Lawson ’ s workshops on the tactic of nonviolent civil disobedience .
John Lewis was getting something inside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t shake .
It took hold of him .
That nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience were the means to change laws but also change hearts and change minds and change nations and change the world .
So he helped organize the Nashville campaign in 1960 .
He and other young men and women sat at a segregated lunch counter , well dressed , straight back , refusing to let a milkshake poured on their heads or a cigarette extinguished on their backs or a foot aimed at their ribs—refuse to let that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purpose .
And after a few months , the Nashville campaign achieved the first successful desegregation of public facilities of any major city in the South .
John got a taste of jail for the first , second , third—well , several times .
But he also got a taste of victory , and it consumed him with righteous purpose and he took the battle deeper into the South .
That same year , just weeks after the Supreme Court ruled that segregation of interstate bus facilities was unconstitutional , John and Bernard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Greyhound , sat up front , and refused to move .
This was months before the first official Freedom Rides .
He was doing a test .
Trip was unsanctioned .
Few knew what they were up to .
And at every stop through the night , apparently , the angry driver stormed out of the bus and into the bus station .
And John and Bernard had no idea what he might come back with .
Or who he might come back with .
Nobody was there to protect them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ events .
We—you know , sometimes , Rev—we read about this and we kind of take it for granted .
Or at least we , we act as if it was inevitable .
Imagine the courage of two people Malia ’ s age—younger than my oldest daughter .
On their own .
To challenge an entire infrastructure of oppression .
John was only 20 years old .
But he pushed all 20 of those years to the center of the table , betting everything , all of it , that his example could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brutal violence and countless daily indignities suffered by African Americans .
Like John the Baptist preparing the way , like those Old Testament prophets speaking truth to kings .
John Lewis did not hesitate , and he kept on , getting onboard buses and sitting at lunch counters , got his mug shot taken again and again .
Marched again and again on a mission to change America .
Spoke to a quarter of a million people at the March on Washington when he was just 23 .
Helped organize the Freedom Summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the ripe old age of 25 , John was asked to lead the march from Selma to Montgomery .
He was warned that Governor Wallace had ordered troopers to use violence .
But he and Hosea Williams and others led them across that bridge anyway .
And we ’ ve all seen the film and the footage and the photographs .
President Clinton mentioned the trench coat , the knapsack , the book to read , the apple to eat , the toothbrush .
Apparently , jails weren ’ t big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at those pictures , and John looked so young and he ’ s small in stature .
Looking every bit that shy , serious child that his mother had raised , and yet , he ’ s full of purpose .
God put perseverance in him .
And we know what happened to the marchers that day .
Their bones were cracked by billy clubs .
Their eyes and lungs choked with tear gas .
They knelt to pray , which made their heads easier targets .
And John was struck in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was going to die , surrounded by the sight of young Americans gagging and bleeding and trampled .
Victims in their own country of state-sponsored violence .
And the thing is , I imagine initially that day the troopers thought they ’ d won the battle .
You can imagine the conversations they had afterwards .
You can imagine them saying , “ Yeah , we showed them.
” They figured they ’ d turn the protesters back over the bridge .
That they ’ d kept , they ’ d preserved a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their fellow citizens .
Except this time there were some cameras there .
This time the world saw what happened , bore witness to Black Americans , who were asking for nothing more than to be treated like other Americans , who were not asking for special treatment , just equal treatment , promised to them a century before , and almost another century before that .
And when John woke up and checked himself out of the hospital , he would make sure the world saw a movement that was , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressed on every side but not crushed .
Perplexed , but not in despair .
Persecuted but not Abandoned .
Struck down but not destroyed.
” They returned to Brown Chapel , a battered prophet , bandages around his head , and he said , “ More marchers will come now.
” And the people came .
And the troopers parted .
And the marchers reached Montgomery .
And their words reached the White House .
And Lyndon Johnson , son of the South , said , “ We shall overcome.
” And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law .
The life of John Lewis was , in so many ways , exceptional .
It vindicated the faith in our founding .
Redeemed that faith .
That most American of ideas , the idea that any of us , ordinary people without rank or wealth or title or fame , can somehow point out the imperfections of this nation and come together and challenge the status quo .
And decide that it is in our power to remake this country , that we love , until it more closely aligns with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea .
What a revolutionary notion .
This idea that any of us ordinary people , a young kid from Troy , can stand up to the powers and principalities and say , “ No , this isn ’ t right ; this isn ’ t true ; this isn ’ t just .
We can do better.
” On the battlefield of justice , Americans like John , Americans like Lowery and C. T. Vivian , two other patriots we lost this year , liberated all of us .
That many Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was built by people like them .
America was built by John Lewises .
He , as much as anyone in our history , brought this country a little bit closer to our highest ideals .
And someday when we do finish that long journey towards freedom , when we do form a more perfect union , whether it ’ s years from now or decades , or even if it takes another two centuries , John Lewis will be a founding father of that fuller , fairer , better America .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , here ’ s the thing : John never believed that what he did was more than any citizen of this country can do .
I mentioned in the statement the day John passed , the thing about John was how gentle and humble he was .
And despite this storied , remarkable career , he treated everyone with kindness and respect because it was innate to him , this idea that any of us can do what he did—if we ’ re willing to persevere .
He believed that in all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ courage .
That in all of us , there ’ s a longing to do what ’ s right .
That in all of us there ’ s a willingness to love all people , and extend to them their God-given rights .
So many of us lose that sense .
It ’ s taught out of us .
We start feeling as if , in fact , we can ’ t afford to extend kindness or decency to other people .
That we ’ re better off if we ’ re above @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and so often that ’ s encouraged in our culture .
But John always said he always saw the best in us , and he never gave up and never stopped speaking out because he saw the best in us .
He believed in us even when we didn ’ t believe in ourselves .
And as a congressman , he didn ’ t rest .
He kept getting himself arrested .
As an old man , he didn ’ t sit out any fight , sat in all night long on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I know his staff was stressed .
But the testing of his faith produced perseverance .
He knew that the march is not over .
That the race is not yet won .
That we have not yet reached that blessed destination , where we are judged by the content of our character .
He knew from his own life that progress is fragile , that we have to be vigilant against the darker currents of this country ’ s history .
Of our own history .
Where there are whirlpools of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always rise again .
Bull Connor may be gone , but today we witness with our own eyes , police officers kneeling on the necks of Black Americans .
George Wallace may be gone , but we can witness our federal government sending agents to use tear gas and batons against peaceful demonstrators .
We may no longer have to guess the number of jelly beans in a jar in order to cast a ballot , but even as we sit here , there are those in power who are doing their darnedest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polling locations and targeting minorities and students with restrictive ID laws and attacking our voting rights with surgical precision , even undermining the Postal Service in the run-up to an election that ’ s going to be dependent on mail-in ballots so people don ’ t get sick .
I know this is a celebration of John ’ s life .
There are some who might say we shouldn ’ t dwell on such things .
But that ’ s why I ’ m talking about it .
John Lewis devoted his time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on democracy and what ’ s best in America that we ’ re seeing circulate right now .
He knew that every single one of us has a God-given power and that the faith of this democracy depends on how we use it .
That democracy isn ’ t automatic .
It has to be nurtured .
It has to be tended to .
We have to work at it .
It ’ s hard .
And so he knew that it depends on whether we summoned a measure , just a measure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to question what ’ s right and what ’ s wrong .
And call things as they are .
He said that as long as he had a breath in his body , he would do everything he could to preserve this democracy , and as long as we have breath in our bodies , we had to continue his cause .
If we want our children to grow up in a democracy , not just with elections , but a true democracy , a representative democracy , and a big-hearted tolerant , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , then we ’ re going to have to be more like John .
We don ’ t have to do all the things he had to do , because he did them for us .
But we got to do something .
As the Lord instructed Paul , “ Do not be afraid .
Go on speaketh .
Do not be silent .
For I am with you and no one will attack you to harm you for I have many in this city who are my people.
” It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come out and vote .
We got all those people in the city , but they can ’ t do nothing .
Like John , we ’ ve got to keep getting into that good trouble .
He knew that nonviolent protest is patriotic , a way to raise public awareness and put a spotlight on injustice and make the powers that be uncomfortable .
Like John , we don ’ t have to choose between protests and politics .
It ’ s not an either/or situation .
It ’ s a both/and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests where that ’ s effective , but we also have to translate our passion and our causes into laws .
Institutional practices .
That ’ s why John ran for Congress 34 years ago .
Like John , we ’ ve got to fight even harder for the most powerful tool that we have , which is the right to vote .
The Voting Rights Act is one of the crowning achievements of our democracy .
It ’ s why John crossed that bridge , why he spilled that blood .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result of Democrat and Republican efforts .
President Bush , who spoke here earlier , and his father , signed its renewal when they were in office .
President Clinton didn ’ t have to because it was the law when he arrived .
So instead , he made a law to make it easier for people to register to vote .
But once the Supreme Court weakened the Voting Rights Act , some state legislators unleashed a flood of laws designed specifically to make voting harder , especially , by the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of minority turnout and population growth .
That ’ s not necessarily a mystery or an accident .
It was an attack on what John fought for .
It was an attack on our democratic freedoms , and we should treat it as such .
If politicians want to honor John , and I ’ m so grateful for the legacy and work of all the congressional leaders who are here , but there ’ s a better way than a statement calling him a hero .
You want to honor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by revitalizing the law that he was willing to die for .
And by the way , naming the John Lewis Voting Rights Act , that is a fine tribute .
But John wouldn ’ t want us to stop there .
Just trying to get back to where we already were .
Once we pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act , we should keep marching to make it even better by making sure every American is automatically registered to vote , including former inmates who ’ ve earned their second chance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early voting and making Election Day a national holiday , so if you are somebody who ’ s working in a factory or you ’ re a single mom , who ’ s got to go to her job and doesn ’ t get time off , you can still cast your ballot .
By guaranteeing that every American citizen has equal representation in our government , including the American citizens who live in Washington , D.C. , and in Puerto Rico .
They ’ re Americans .
By ending some of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have the power to choose their politicians , not the other way around .
And if all this takes eliminating the filibuster , another Jim Crow relic , in order to secure the God-given rights of every American , then that ’ s what we should do .
Now , even if we do all this , even if every bogus voter-suppression law is struck off the books today , we ’ ve got to be honest with ourselves that too many of us choose not to exercise the franchise .
Too many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t make a difference , or they buy into the cynicism that , by the way , is the central strategy of voter suppression , to make you discouraged , to stop believing in your own power .
So , we ’ re also going to have to remember what John said .
If you don ’ t do everything you can do to change things , then they will remain the same .
You only pass this way once .
You have to give it all you have .
As long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ streets hoping real change takes hold , I ’ m hopeful , but we can ’ t casually abandon them at the ballot box .
Not when few elections have been as urgent on so many levels as this one .
We can ’ t treat voting as an errand to run if we have some time .
We have to treat it as the most important action we can take on behalf of democracy , and like John , we have to give it all we have .
I was proud that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I met him when I was in law school .
He came to speak .
And I went up and I said , “ Mr .
Lewis , you are one of my heroes .
What inspired me more than anything as a young man was to see what you and Reverend Lawson and Bob Moses and Diane Nash and others did.
” And he got that kind of “ Aw shucks , thank you very much.
” Next time I saw him , I ’ d been elected to the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ John , I ’ m here because of you.
” And on Inauguration Day in 2008-2009 , he was one of the first people I greeted and hugged on that stand .
And I told him , “ This is your day too.
” He was a good and kind and gentle man .
And he believed in us .
Even when we don ’ t believe in ourselves .
And it ’ s fitting that the last time John and I shared a public forum was on Zoom .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nor I set up the Zoom call because we didn ’ t know how to work it .
It was a virtual town hall with a gathering of young activists , who had been helping to lead this summer ’ s demonstrations in the wake of George Floyd ’ s death .
And afterward , I spoke to John privately .
And he could not have been prouder to see this new generation of activists standing up for freedom and equality .
A new generation that was intent on voting and protecting the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a new generation running for political office .
And I told him all those young people , John , of every race and every religion , from every background and gender and sexual orientation—John , those are your children .
They learned from your example , even if they didn ’ t always know it .
They had understood through him what American citizenship requires , even if they ’ d only heard about his courage through the history books .
By the thousands , faceless , anonymous young people , Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.
” Dr. King said that in the 1960s .
And it came true again this summer .
We see it outside our windows in big cities and rural towns .
In men and women ; young and old ; straight Americans and LGBTQ Americans ; Blacks , who long for equal treatment , and whites , who can no longer accept freedom for themselves while witnessing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We see it in everybody doing the hard work of overcoming complacency , of overcoming our own fears and our own prejudices , our own hatreds .
You see it in people trying to be better , truer versions of ourselves .
And that ’ s what John Lewis teaches us .
That ’ s where real courage comes from , not from turning on each other , but by turning towards one another .
Not by sowing hatred and division , but by spreading love and truth .
Not by avoiding our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a better world , but by embracing those responsibilities with joy and perseverance and discovering that , in our beloved community , we do not walk alone .
What a gift John Lewis was .
We are all so lucky to have had him walk with us for a while and show us the way .
God bless you all .
God bless America .
God bless this gentle soul who pulled it closer to its promise .
Thank you very much .

In 1965, John Lewis was brutally beaten by Alabama state troopers as he led a march advocating for the protection of Black Americans’ right to vote—an event that helped lead to the signing of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. In his gripping eulogy to Lewis at the late lawmaker’s memorial service Thursday, former President Barack Obama condemned the modern-era restrictions on voting rights that have undermined Lewis’ legacy.
“We may no longer have to guess the number of jelly beans in a jar to be able to cast a ballot,” Obama said, raising his voice over the applause that rang out from Ebenezer Baptist Church, “but even as we sit here, there are those in power who are doing their darnedest to discourage people from voting by closing polling locations and targeting minorities and students with restrictive ID laws and attacking our voting rights with surgical precision—even undermining the Postal Service in the run-up to an election that’s going to be dependent on mail-in ballots so people don’t get sick.”
Obama applauded President George W. Bush for signing a reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act in 2006 and President Bill Clinton for signing a law making it easier for people to register to vote. “But once the Supreme Court weakened the Voting Rights Act,” he said, referring to conservative justices’ decision in 2013 to allow states with a history of discrimination to change voting laws without federal approval, “some state legislators unleashed a flood of laws designed specifically to make voting harder—especially, by the way, state legislators where there’s a lot minority turnout.”
Republicans in Congress have blocked legislation to restore the protections the high court invalidated. As my colleague Ari Berman wrote the day after Lewis’ death:
In December 2019, Lewis presided over the House as it passed legislation to restore and modernize the Voting Rights Act, requiring states with a long history of voting discrimination to once again get federal approval for any changes to voting procedures. In a primary season marred by voting problems, like six-hour lines in Lewis’ home state of Georgia, it’s been sitting on Mitch McConnell’s desk for 225 days.
“I know this is a celebration of John’s life,” Obama said. “There are some who might say we shouldn’t dwell on such things. But that’s why I’m talking about it. John Lewis devoted his time on this earth to fighting the very attacks on democracy and what’s best in America that we’re seeing circulate right now.”
Obama called for passing the renewed voting rights law, recently renamed the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, that Republicans have been blocking. “You want to honor John?” he said, as the audience rose to their feet. “Let’s honor him by revitalizing the law he was willing to die for.”
And the former president went further, calling on lawmakers to eliminate the filibuster (“another Jim Crow relic”), enact automatic voter registration, enfranchise former inmates, make Election Day a national holiday, expand early voting, end gerrymandering, and grant congressional representation to Washington, DC, and Puerto Rico. He also urged every eligible citizen to exercise their right to vote and praised the young protesters who have taken to the streets in the wake of George Floyd’s killing—activism he sees as a crucial extension of Lewis’ legacy.
Read the transcript of Obama’s eulogy below:
James wrote to the believers, “Consider it pure joy, my brothers and sisters, whenever you face trials of many kinds because you know that the testing of your faith produces perseverance. Let perseverance finish its work so that you may be mature and complete, lacking nothing.” It is a great honor to be back in Ebenezer Baptist Church in the pulpit of its greatest pastor, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., to pay my respects to perhaps his finest disciple. An American whose faith was tested again and again, to produce a man of pure joy and unbreakable perseverance: John Robert Lewis.
To those who have spoken, to Presidents Bush and Clinton, Madame Speaker, Reverend Warnock, Reverend King, John’s family, friends, his beloved staff, Mayor Bottoms, I’ve come here today because I, like so many Americans, owe a great debt to John Lewis and his forceful vision of freedom.
You know, this country is a constant work in progress. We’re born with instructions: to form a more perfect union. Explicit in those words is the idea that we’re imperfect. That what gives each new generation purpose is to take up the unfinished work of the last and carry it further than any might have thought possible. John Lewis, first of the Freedom Riders; head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; youngest speaker at the March on Washington; leader of the march from Selma to Montgomery; member of Congress, representing the people of this state and this district for 33 years; mentor to young people—including me at the time—until his final day on this Earth, he not only embraced that responsibility, but he made it his life’s work. Which isn’t bad for a boy from Troy.
John was born into modest means—that means he was poor. In the heart of the Jim Crow South to parents who picked somebody else’s cotton. Apparently he didn’t take to farm work. On days when he was supposed to help his brothers and sisters with their labor, he’d hide under the porch and make a break for the school bus when it showed up. His mother, Willie May Lewis, nurtured that curiosity in this shy, serious child. “Once you learn something,” she told her son, “once you get something inside your head, no one can take it away from you.” As a boy, John listened through the door after bedtime as his father’s friends complained about the Klan. One Sunday as a teenager, he heard Dr. King preach on the radio. As a college student in Tennessee, he signed up for Jim Lawson’s workshops on the tactic of nonviolent civil disobedience. John Lewis was getting something inside his head. An idea he couldn’t shake. It took hold of him. That nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience were the means to change laws but also change hearts and change minds and change nations and change the world.
So he helped organize the Nashville campaign in 1960. He and other young men and women sat at a segregated lunch counter, well dressed, straight back, refusing to let a milkshake poured on their heads or a cigarette extinguished on their backs or a foot aimed at their ribs—refuse to let that dent their dignity and their sense of purpose. And after a few months, the Nashville campaign achieved the first successful desegregation of public facilities of any major city in the South. John got a taste of jail for the first, second, third—well, several times. But he also got a taste of victory, and it consumed him with righteous purpose and he took the battle deeper into the South.
That same year, just weeks after the Supreme Court ruled that segregation of interstate bus facilities was unconstitutional, John and Bernard Lafayette bought two tickets, climbed aboard a Greyhound, sat up front, and refused to move. This was months before the first official Freedom Rides. He was doing a test. Trip was unsanctioned. Few knew what they were up to. And at every stop through the night, apparently, the angry driver stormed out of the bus and into the bus station. And John and Bernard had no idea what he might come back with. Or who he might come back with. Nobody was there to protect them. There were no camera crews to record events. We—you know, sometimes, Rev—we read about this and we kind of take it for granted. Or at least we, we act as if it was inevitable.
Imagine the courage of two people Malia’s age—younger than my oldest daughter. On their own. To challenge an entire infrastructure of oppression. John was only 20 years old. But he pushed all 20 of those years to the center of the table, betting everything, all of it, that his example could challenge centuries of convention and generations of brutal violence and countless daily indignities suffered by African Americans. Like John the Baptist preparing the way, like those Old Testament prophets speaking truth to kings.
John Lewis did not hesitate, and he kept on, getting onboard buses and sitting at lunch counters, got his mug shot taken again and again. Marched again and again on a mission to change America. Spoke to a quarter of a million people at the March on Washington when he was just 23. Helped organize the Freedom Summer in Mississippi when he was just 24. At the ripe old age of 25, John was asked to lead the march from Selma to Montgomery. He was warned that Governor Wallace had ordered troopers to use violence. But he and Hosea Williams and others led them across that bridge anyway. And we’ve all seen the film and the footage and the photographs. President Clinton mentioned the trench coat, the knapsack, the book to read, the apple to eat, the toothbrush. Apparently, jails weren’t big on such creature comforts. And you look at those pictures, and John looked so young and he’s small in stature. Looking every bit that shy, serious child that his mother had raised, and yet, he’s full of purpose. God put perseverance in him.
And we know what happened to the marchers that day. Their bones were cracked by billy clubs. Their eyes and lungs choked with tear gas. They knelt to pray, which made their heads easier targets. And John was struck in the skull. And he thought he was going to die, surrounded by the sight of young Americans gagging and bleeding and trampled. Victims in their own country of state-sponsored violence.
And the thing is, I imagine initially that day the troopers thought they’d won the battle. You can imagine the conversations they had afterwards. You can imagine them saying, “Yeah, we showed them.” They figured they’d turn the protesters back over the bridge. That they’d kept, they’d preserved a system that denied the basic humanity of their fellow citizens. Except this time there were some cameras there. This time the world saw what happened, bore witness to Black Americans, who were asking for nothing more than to be treated like other Americans, who were not asking for special treatment, just equal treatment, promised to them a century before, and almost another century before that. And when John woke up and checked himself out of the hospital, he would make sure the world saw a movement that was, in the words of scripture, “hard pressed on every side but not crushed. Perplexed, but not in despair. Persecuted but not Abandoned. Struck down but not destroyed.” They returned to Brown Chapel, a battered prophet, bandages around his head, and he said, “More marchers will come now.” And the people came. And the troopers parted. And the marchers reached Montgomery. And their words reached the White House. And Lyndon Johnson, son of the South, said, “We shall overcome.” And the Voting Rights Act was signed into law.
The life of John Lewis was, in so many ways, exceptional. It vindicated the faith in our founding. Redeemed that faith. That most American of ideas, the idea that any of us, ordinary people without rank or wealth or title or fame, can somehow point out the imperfections of this nation and come together and challenge the status quo. And decide that it is in our power to remake this country, that we love, until it more closely aligns with our highest ideals. What a radical idea. What a revolutionary notion. This idea that any of us ordinary people, a young kid from Troy, can stand up to the powers and principalities and say, “No, this isn’t right; this isn’t true; this isn’t just. We can do better.” On the battlefield of justice, Americans like John, Americans like Lowery and C. T. Vivian, two other patriots we lost this year, liberated all of us. That many Americans came to take for granted. America was built by people like them. America was built by John Lewises. He, as much as anyone in our history, brought this country a little bit closer to our highest ideals. And someday when we do finish that long journey towards freedom, when we do form a more perfect union, whether it’s years from now or decades, or even if it takes another two centuries, John Lewis will be a founding father of that fuller, fairer, better America.
And yet, as exceptional as John was, here’s the thing: John never believed that what he did was more than any citizen of this country can do. I mentioned in the statement the day John passed, the thing about John was how gentle and humble he was. And despite this storied, remarkable career, he treated everyone with kindness and respect because it was innate to him, this idea that any of us can do what he did—if we’re willing to persevere. He believed that in all of us there exists the capacity for great courage. That in all of us, there’s a longing to do what’s right. That in all of us there’s a willingness to love all people, and extend to them their God-given rights. So many of us lose that sense. It’s taught out of us. We start feeling as if, in fact, we can’t afford to extend kindness or decency to other people. That we’re better off if we’re above other people and looking down on them, and so often that’s encouraged in our culture. But John always said he always saw the best in us, and he never gave up and never stopped speaking out because he saw the best in us. He believed in us even when we didn’t believe in ourselves.
And as a congressman, he didn’t rest. He kept getting himself arrested. As an old man, he didn’t sit out any fight, sat in all night long on the floor of the United States Capitol. I know his staff was stressed. But the testing of his faith produced perseverance. He knew that the march is not over. That the race is not yet won. That we have not yet reached that blessed destination, where we are judged by the content of our character. He knew from his own life that progress is fragile, that we have to be vigilant against the darker currents of this country’s history. Of our own history. Where there are whirlpools of violence and hatred and despair that can always rise again. Bull Connor may be gone, but today we witness with our own eyes, police officers kneeling on the necks of Black Americans. George Wallace may be gone, but we can witness our federal government sending agents to use tear gas and batons against peaceful demonstrators.
We may no longer have to guess the number of jelly beans in a jar in order to cast a ballot, but even as we sit here, there are those in power who are doing their darnedest to discourage people from voting by closing polling locations and targeting minorities and students with restrictive ID laws and attacking our voting rights with surgical precision, even undermining the Postal Service in the run-up to an election that’s going to be dependent on mail-in ballots so people don’t get sick.
I know this is a celebration of John’s life. There are some who might say we shouldn’t dwell on such things. But that’s why I’m talking about it. John Lewis devoted his time on this Earth fighting the very attacks on democracy and what’s best in America that we’re seeing circulate right now. He knew that every single one of us has a God-given power and that the faith of this democracy depends on how we use it. That democracy isn’t automatic. It has to be nurtured. It has to be tended to. We have to work at it. It’s hard. And so he knew that it depends on whether we summoned a measure, just a measure of John’s moral courage, to question what’s right and what’s wrong. And call things as they are. He said that as long as he had a breath in his body, he would do everything he could to preserve this democracy, and as long as we have breath in our bodies, we had to continue his cause.
If we want our children to grow up in a democracy, not just with elections, but a true democracy, a representative democracy, and a big-hearted tolerant, vibrant, inclusive America of perpetual self-creation, then we’re going to have to be more like John. We don’t have to do all the things he had to do, because he did them for us. But we got to do something. As the Lord instructed Paul, “Do not be afraid. Go on speaketh. Do not be silent. For I am with you and no one will attack you to harm you for I have many in this city who are my people.” It’s just, everybody’s got to come out and vote. We got all those people in the city, but they can’t do nothing. Like John, we’ve got to keep getting into that good trouble. He knew that nonviolent protest is patriotic, a way to raise public awareness and put a spotlight on injustice and make the powers that be uncomfortable. Like John, we don’t have to choose between protests and politics. It’s not an either/or situation. It’s a both/and situation. We have to engage in protests where that’s effective, but we also have to translate our passion and our causes into laws. Institutional practices. That’s why John ran for Congress 34 years ago. Like John, we’ve got to fight even harder for the most powerful tool that we have, which is the right to vote.
The Voting Rights Act is one of the crowning achievements of our democracy. It’s why John crossed that bridge, why he spilled that blood. And by the way, it was the result of Democrat and Republican efforts. President Bush, who spoke here earlier, and his father, signed its renewal when they were in office. President Clinton didn’t have to because it was the law when he arrived. So instead, he made a law to make it easier for people to register to vote. But once the Supreme Court weakened the Voting Rights Act, some state legislators unleashed a flood of laws designed specifically to make voting harder, especially, by the way, state legislators where there’s a lot of minority turnout and population growth. That’s not necessarily a mystery or an accident. It was an attack on what John fought for. It was an attack on our democratic freedoms, and we should treat it as such. If politicians want to honor John, and I’m so grateful for the legacy and work of all the congressional leaders who are here, but there’s a better way than a statement calling him a hero. You want to honor John? Let’s honor him by revitalizing the law that he was willing to die for. And by the way, naming the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, that is a fine tribute. But John wouldn’t want us to stop there. Just trying to get back to where we already were.
Once we pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, we should keep marching to make it even better by making sure every American is automatically registered to vote, including former inmates who’ve earned their second chance. By adding polling places and expanding early voting and making Election Day a national holiday, so if you are somebody who’s working in a factory or you’re a single mom, who’s got to go to her job and doesn’t get time off, you can still cast your ballot. By guaranteeing that every American citizen has equal representation in our government, including the American citizens who live in Washington, D.C., and in Puerto Rico. They’re Americans. By ending some of the partisan gerrymandering, so that all voters have the power to choose their politicians, not the other way around. And if all this takes eliminating the filibuster, another Jim Crow relic, in order to secure the God-given rights of every American, then that’s what we should do.
Now, even if we do all this, even if every bogus voter-suppression law is struck off the books today, we’ve got to be honest with ourselves that too many of us choose not to exercise the franchise. Too many of our citizens believe their vote won’t make a difference, or they buy into the cynicism that, by the way, is the central strategy of voter suppression, to make you discouraged, to stop believing in your own power. So, we’re also going to have to remember what John said. If you don’t do everything you can do to change things, then they will remain the same. You only pass this way once. You have to give it all you have. As long as young people are protesting in the streets hoping real change takes hold, I’m hopeful, but we can’t casually abandon them at the ballot box. Not when few elections have been as urgent on so many levels as this one. We can’t treat voting as an errand to run if we have some time. We have to treat it as the most important action we can take on behalf of democracy, and like John, we have to give it all we have.
I was proud that John Lewis was a friend of mine. I met him when I was in law school. He came to speak. And I went up and I said, “Mr. Lewis, you are one of my heroes. What inspired me more than anything as a young man was to see what you and Reverend Lawson and Bob Moses and Diane Nash and others did.” And he got that kind of “Aw shucks, thank you very much.” Next time I saw him, I’d been elected to the United States Senate. And I told him, “John, I’m here because of you.” And on Inauguration Day in 2008-2009, he was one of the first people I greeted and hugged on that stand. And I told him, “This is your day too.”
He was a good and kind and gentle man. And he believed in us. Even when we don’t believe in ourselves. And it’s fitting that the last time John and I shared a public forum was on Zoom. And I’m pretty sure neither he nor I set up the Zoom call because we didn’t know how to work it. It was a virtual town hall with a gathering of young activists, who had been helping to lead this summer’s demonstrations in the wake of George Floyd’s death. And afterward, I spoke to John privately. And he could not have been prouder to see this new generation of activists standing up for freedom and equality. A new generation that was intent on voting and protecting the right to vote. In some cases, a new generation running for political office. And I told him all those young people, John, of every race and every religion, from every background and gender and sexual orientation—John, those are your children. They learned from your example, even if they didn’t always know it. They had understood through him what American citizenship requires, even if they’d only heard about his courage through the history books.
By the thousands, faceless, anonymous young people, Black and white, have taken our nation “back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.” Dr. King said that in the 1960s. And it came true again this summer. We see it outside our windows in big cities and rural towns. In men and women; young and old; straight Americans and LGBTQ Americans; Blacks, who long for equal treatment, and whites, who can no longer accept freedom for themselves while witnessing the subjugation of their fellow Americans. We see it in everybody doing the hard work of overcoming complacency, of overcoming our own fears and our own prejudices, our own hatreds. You see it in people trying to be better, truer versions of ourselves.
And that’s what John Lewis teaches us. That’s where real courage comes from, not from turning on each other, but by turning towards one another. Not by sowing hatred and division, but by spreading love and truth. Not by avoiding our responsibilities to create a better America and a better world, but by embracing those responsibilities with joy and perseverance and discovering that, in our beloved community, we do not walk alone.
What a gift John Lewis was. We are all so lucky to have had him walk with us for a while and show us the way. God bless you all. God bless America. God bless this gentle soul who pulled it closer to its promise. Thank you very much.