motherjones--2020-12-18--“Crisis Mode”: Mass Vaccination Could Get Very Messy Without Major Funding From Congress

The start of COVID-19 vaccinations for health care workers has sparked hope that the end of the pandemic crisis is within sight , but when it comes to vaccine distribution , this is still the easy part .
Local and state health agencies say they will struggle to get hundreds of millions of doses of the vaccines to the general public without a huge amount of additional funding .
Even if Congress does manage to pass a compromise relief bill , the amount it provides may not be enough .
The fates of the vaccine and the relief bill , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ linked .
The $ 900 billion proposal that Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill continue to debate has a number of provisions to mitigate the COVID economic crisis , including additional unemployment benefits and small business support .
The latest available version also contains $ 6 billion in vaccine distribution funding for state and local health departments .
But groups that represent state and local health departments say that this funding , while crucial , won ’ t be sufficient to distribute the vaccine on a massive scale as efficiently and widely as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 6 billion that ’ s on the table as an important down payment to scale up staffing , develop and enact communications plans to address vaccine hesitant populations , and enroll more vaccinators , ” Jasmine Berry , the communications director at the Association for Immunization Managers , says in an email .
“ There ’ s still going to be a need for additional funding for state and local health agencies.
” What ’ s more , the already months-long delay in getting this funding to state and local health departments may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ’ s vaccination campaigns expand beyond health care workers and nursing homes .
“ Where we ’ ll really start to see potential delays , or where we are not as successful as we could have been , may be as we move through the phases to the next group , where there ’ s a much larger population that would need to be served , ” says Adriane Casalotti , the chief of government and public affairs at the National Association of County and City Health Officials , which represents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlighted this point during a press conference this week , turning the stimulus spotlight—which has long focused on economic measures like unemployment and state and local aid—to vaccine distribution and calling for more federal funds to help localities get the vaccine out .
For months , Trump administration officials have insisted that states need little extra funding for vaccine distribution .
A White House spokesman told ABC last month that states won ’ t have many additional expenses , given that the federal government will cover the costs of the doses , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by private insurers , Medicare , and Medicaid .
The Department of Health and Human Services has so far designated just $ 480 million to states for both COVID and flu vaccine planning .
In an informational document , HHS wrote , “ In considering funding needs , states should recognize that most of the major costs of a vaccine campaign are already being covered.
” It cited the fact that the federal government will pay for vaccine doses and has a contract with the pharmaceutical distribution firm McKesson to transport the vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says Claire Hannan , executive director of the Association for Immunization Managers .
“ It ’ s just not enough logistically to send a box with vaccine in it to a hospital ’ s loading dock , ” she says .
“ That ’ s step one.
” There are many additional costs that state and local health departments have to take on to make this massive vaccination campaign work at scale , such as recruiting and training staff to deliver the vaccines and coordinating outreach efforts to strengthen trust in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about the fact that the vaccine is being provided free of charge , and that providers who give the vaccine can bill for reimbursement of administration fees to insurers , so there ’ s really no cost [ to states ] , ” says Hannan .
“ It really shows a disconnect between logistics and an actual vaccination campaign.
” In September , Centers for Disease Control director Robert Redfield told a Senate appropriations subcommittee that his agency would need up to $ 6 billion to deliver and administer the vaccine .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that wouldn ’ t be enough , sending a letter the next month to House and Senate leaders asking for $ 8.4 billion .
That figure includes $ 3 billion to hire and train vaccination staff for state and local health departments ; $ 1 billion to build additional vaccination sites ; $ 1.2 billion for storage , transportation , equipment , and staff training ; and $ 500 million for outreach efforts and education campaigns to increase trust in the vaccine .
The latter may suffer in particular if Congress doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is all just going to be made much worse if we don ’ t have any ability to reach out to communities , communicate with them about the benefits and any of the challenges of vaccination , and just build trust , ” says Marcus Plescia , chief medical officer of the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials .
“ My concern is that it may not be an issue of being able to get it administered to people , because we may have a lot of people who are just reluctant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place.
” Casalotti notes that the months-long delay in vaccine distribution funding may have already hurt trust-building efforts .
“ We ’ ve seen the confidence in these vaccines plummet , ” she says .
“ So every day that we ’ re not combating the misinformation that is out there is a day that we really need to be making up for.
” There are also logistical challenges .
Even though insurers will cover the cost of administering vaccines , states and local health departments will have to front those costs when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reimbursement .
That ’ s a problem for localities that are already cash-strapped after months of depressed economic activity and now have to hire vaccinators .
“ They can ’ t tell the vaccinators we ’ re going to pay you when we get reimbursed , ” says Hannan .
Many public health departments also lack the staffing or funds for the complex billing process itself .
When the Association for Immunization Managers polled its members—immunization officials across the country—earlier this year , a quarter said their state ’ s health department lacked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fees , according to Hannan .
Another 47 percent said they were unsure about the capacity to bill for reimbursement .
There does seem to be broad bipartisan support for vaccine distribution funding , and Republicans and Democrats appear to be nearing a deal that includes $ 6 billion in funding .
But even if the money comes through , it should not be seen as the end of the discussion , says Casalotti .
Congress should revisit the funding question in a month or two , she says , to ensure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running out of money in the midst of their vaccine campaigns .
“ It makes it harder on the local health department staff to do this work when everything has to be done in crisis mode , ” she says .
“ When you are working full-time and overtime , eight months , nonstop fighting the hardest battle you ’ ve ever had to as a public health staff person , trying to keep your community healthy and safe , what these delays really mean is that instead of being able to focus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , [ health departments ] are sometimes focused on the bank account and trying to fight for the resources they need to do the work they know is coming .
”

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
The start of COVID-19 vaccinations for health care workers has sparked hope that the end of the pandemic crisis is within sight, but when it comes to vaccine distribution, this is still the easy part. Local and state health agencies say they will struggle to get hundreds of millions of doses of the vaccines to the general public without a huge amount of additional funding. Even if Congress does manage to pass a compromise relief bill, the amount it provides may not be enough.
The fates of the vaccine and the relief bill, both months in the making, are linked. The $900 billion proposal that Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill continue to debate has a number of provisions to mitigate the COVID economic crisis, including additional unemployment benefits and small business support. The latest available version also contains $6 billion in vaccine distribution funding for state and local health departments. But groups that represent state and local health departments say that this funding, while crucial, won’t be sufficient to distribute the vaccine on a massive scale as efficiently and widely as possible.
“We see the $6 billion that’s on the table as an important down payment to scale up staffing, develop and enact communications plans to address vaccine hesitant populations, and enroll more vaccinators,” Jasmine Berry, the communications director at the Association for Immunization Managers, says in an email. “There’s still going to be a need for additional funding for state and local health agencies.”
What’s more, the already months-long delay in getting this funding to state and local health departments may create problems down the line, as the country’s vaccination campaigns expand beyond health care workers and nursing homes.
“Where we’ll really start to see potential delays, or where we are not as successful as we could have been, may be as we move through the phases to the next group, where there’s a much larger population that would need to be served,” says Adriane Casalotti, the chief of government and public affairs at the National Association of County and City Health Officials, which represents local health departments.
Several top Democrats highlighted this point during a press conference this week, turning the stimulus spotlight—which has long focused on economic measures like unemployment and state and local aid—to vaccine distribution and calling for more federal funds to help localities get the vaccine out.
“It’s just not enough logistically to send a box with vaccine in it to a hospital’s loading dock. That’s step one.”
For months, Trump administration officials have insisted that states need little extra funding for vaccine distribution. A White House spokesman told ABC last month that states won’t have many additional expenses, given that the federal government will cover the costs of the doses, while administration of the vaccine will be covered by private insurers, Medicare, and Medicaid. The Department of Health and Human Services has so far designated just $480 million to states for both COVID and flu vaccine planning. In an informational document, HHS wrote, “In considering funding needs, states should recognize that most of the major costs of a vaccine campaign are already being covered.” It cited the fact that the federal government will pay for vaccine doses and has a contract with the pharmaceutical distribution firm McKesson to transport the vaccine.
But that is far from sufficient, says Claire Hannan, executive director of the Association for Immunization Managers. “It’s just not enough logistically to send a box with vaccine in it to a hospital’s loading dock,” she says. “That’s step one.” There are many additional costs that state and local health departments have to take on to make this massive vaccination campaign work at scale, such as recruiting and training staff to deliver the vaccines and coordinating outreach efforts to strengthen trust in the vaccine and combat misinformation.
“They talk about the fact that the vaccine is being provided free of charge, and that providers who give the vaccine can bill for reimbursement of administration fees to insurers, so there’s really no cost [to states],” says Hannan. “It really shows a disconnect between logistics and an actual vaccination campaign.”
In September, Centers for Disease Control director Robert Redfield told a Senate appropriations subcommittee that his agency would need up to $6 billion to deliver and administer the vaccine. Local and state health officials said even that wouldn’t be enough, sending a letter the next month to House and Senate leaders asking for $8.4 billion. That figure includes $3 billion to hire and train vaccination staff for state and local health departments; $1 billion to build additional vaccination sites; $1.2 billion for storage, transportation, equipment, and staff training; and $500 million for outreach efforts and education campaigns to increase trust in the vaccine.
The latter may suffer in particular if Congress doesn’t supply enough funds. “This is all just going to be made much worse if we don’t have any ability to reach out to communities, communicate with them about the benefits and any of the challenges of vaccination, and just build trust,” says Marcus Plescia, chief medical officer of the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials. “My concern is that it may not be an issue of being able to get it administered to people, because we may have a lot of people who are just reluctant to get the vaccine in the first place.”
Casalotti notes that the months-long delay in vaccine distribution funding may have already hurt trust-building efforts. “We’ve seen the confidence in these vaccines plummet,” she says. “So every day that we’re not combating the misinformation that is out there is a day that we really need to be making up for.”
There are also logistical challenges. Even though insurers will cover the cost of administering vaccines, states and local health departments will have to front those costs when vaccinating people and then bill insurers for reimbursement. That’s a problem for localities that are already cash-strapped after months of depressed economic activity and now have to hire vaccinators. “They can’t tell the vaccinators we’re going to pay you when we get reimbursed,” says Hannan. Many public health departments also lack the staffing or funds for the complex billing process itself. When the Association for Immunization Managers polled its members—immunization officials across the country—earlier this year, a quarter said their state’s health department lacked the capacity to bill for vaccine administration fees, according to Hannan. Another 47 percent said they were unsure about the capacity to bill for reimbursement.
There does seem to be broad bipartisan support for vaccine distribution funding, and Republicans and Democrats appear to be nearing a deal that includes $6 billion in funding. But even if the money comes through, it should not be seen as the end of the discussion, says Casalotti. Congress should revisit the funding question in a month or two, she says, to ensure that health departments don’t worry about running out of money in the midst of their vaccine campaigns.
“It makes it harder on the local health department staff to do this work when everything has to be done in crisis mode,” she says. “When you are working full-time and overtime, eight months, nonstop fighting the hardest battle you’ve ever had to as a public health staff person, trying to keep your community healthy and safe, what these delays really mean is that instead of being able to focus on their community, on their neighbors, [health departments] are sometimes focused on the bank account and trying to fight for the resources they need to do the work they know is coming.”


motherjones--2020-12-18--Here’s What It’s Like to Be a Staunch Democrat in a Deep Red Georgia County

Andrea Baerwalde is the interim chair of the Democrats of Paulding County , Georgia , a subdivision-filled exurb about an hour northwest of Atlanta .
Baerwalde and the other Democrats in the group often feel out of place in the Republican stronghold where they live .
The county made national news earlier this year when a student at a local high school was suspended for snapping a photo of a hallway crowded with maskless students .
Like much of the rest of Georgia , though , Paulding County is becoming bluer , This year , about 35 percent of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while in 2016 , just 28 percent voted for Hillary Clinton .
Baerwalde is 61 and works as a speech and language pathologist for young children .
Her husband is a physical therapist and a Trump supporter .
We met on the patio of a Starbucks in Dallas , Georgia , not far from where she lives .
I asked her about how Paulding County has changed , what it ’ s like to be married to a Trump supporter , and what Paulding County Democrats are doing as they get ready for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 5 .
On what Paulding County used to be like : We moved to Paulding County in 1994 .
We had lived in [ neighboring ] Cobb County , and we decided to build a house here because we could afford a bigger place .
It was very rural , there was nothing except an old general store—that was actually beautiful , with these big oak trees—and they tore it down .
Even to go grocery shopping , you had to drive 10 or 15 minutes .
I was working in the schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bartow County .
I always assumed that people in education would be Democrats .
But I found that the people I worked with were not Democrats .
I thought that was weird , but it just wasn ’ t that big of a deal back then .
When I first got married , my husband had been a Republican , but then he voted twice for Bill Clinton .
Because he ’ s a physical therapist , and he was traveling , doing home health , he started listening to Rush Limbaugh [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get into discussions around election time , but other than that it wasn ’ t that big of a deal .
I didn ’ t used to say much about the fact that I was a Democrat to people around here .
We moved into our new neighborhood in 2006 .
It just so happened that the person who lived next door was a Democrat , and people who lived behind me were Democrats .
I ’ ve learned since then that there are a lot of Democrats—well , not a lot , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On yard signs : In 2008 I had an Obama sign .
I had never gotten a political sign before .
Not ever .
I was so excited .
And I put it out .
But my husband , who by this time was full on back to being a Republican , wouldn ’ t let me put it in front of our house .
Next to our house , there ’ s a big depressed area , like a bowl , You can ’ t really tell that the property in front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is .
So he made me put my sign down there .
I put it up , not even a week before the election , and when I got home , it was gone .
It turned out that my neighbor across the street , who I had never had any problems with , yanked it out of the ground and put it in the garbage because she didn ’ t like Barack Obama .
Before the 2016 election , I put out a Hillary Clinton sign .
And again , I had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It was a Sunday afternoon and I lay down to take a nap .
When I woke up , like an hour later , it was gone .
On Black Lives Matter : This past June I had a Black Lives Matter sign out .
My husband was not at all happy that I put it up .
Then one night , we were all sitting at dinner , and somebody knocked at the door .
We went out there , and somebody in our neighborhood stopped by to say that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back in , and my husband was kind of grumbling .
And my daughter said , “ You see that ?
This is good .
Look what we did .
Look what that sign did for one person .
So let ’ s keep it up.
” I can ’ t say that I ’ m totally without prejudice , because I know that I ’ m not .
It really hits me the wrong way when people are like , “ I ’ m not racist .
I ’ m not prejudiced.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a little bit if you just look inside .
This summer , for the Black Lives Matter protests , we had a really cool car parade .
It was really inspiring to see how long the car parade was .
But what was really cool was to see people coming from the other direction and honking and waving .
On getting involved with the Paulding County Democrats : When I went to my first Paulding County Democrats meetings in 2017 , there were these old white men , you know , with white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the grocery store , I would have assumed they were Republican Trump supporters .
It ’ s been neat to see the variety in the community of Democrats here .
We got 2,800 postcards out to Paulding County for the general election , which was amazing .
This time , some people from Pennsylvania contacted us .
It ’ s a group called Tinicum Together , and they ’ re from Bucks County .
They have a group of women across the country sending out postcards .
They wanted to know if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said yes !
All said and done , I think we ’ ll have sent out about 10,000 postcards .
On the Republicans in her family : My 24-year-old son voted for Trump in 2016 , but he didn ’ t tell me for a few years .
This time he voted for [ Libertarian candidate ] Jo Jorgensen .
But he ’ s supporting Warnock and Ossoff [ the Democratic Senate candidates ] in the runoff .
I guess he just doesn ’ t like [ Republican candidates ] Purdue and Loeffler @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the Second Amendment and being able to own guns .
They ’ re convinced that Biden would do something to take their guns away .
My husband collects World War II guns , so they learned about guns from him .
I used to go shooting before I met my husband , but I don ’ t think I need to go shooting now .
My husband has just bought into the rhetoric about how awful liberal people are .
We have to not talk about a lot of these things .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman ’ s right to choose is to me , people not being able to choose is important to him .
Before the pandemic , we would go out to dinner and a movie .
We go hiking sometimes .
We like doing stuff to the house .
But we ’ ve also become more entrenched in our sides .
Sometimes it ’ s just really , really hard .
On campaigning before the upcoming double Senate runoff : I think Warnock and Ossoff do have a chance .
I always worry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats who have a chance in Georgia .
So I ’ m trying not to get ahead of myself .
I have 200 Warnock-Ossoff joint signs that somebody from up north is distributing all over Georgia .
And after I leave here , I ’ m running to pick up some signs for [ Georgia Public Service Commission candidate ] Daniel Blackman .
In 2018 , with Stacey Abrams campaign , we had a sign-waving event , and we got lots of people giving us the finger and booing .
F-you Stacey , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response has been so much more positive .
We had one sign waving event on highway 120 , just over the Cobb County line that was almost all positive .
It was a change from just two years before .
More people from other places have moved in here .
Now people are saying , “ I ’ m not going to sit , sit here and keep my mouth shut .
I ’ m going to say I ’ m a Democrat , loud and proud and stand up for what we @ @ @ @

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
Andrea Baerwalde is the interim chair of the Democrats of Paulding County, Georgia, a subdivision-filled exurb about an hour northwest of Atlanta. Baerwalde and the other Democrats in the group often feel out of place in the Republican stronghold where they live. The county made national news earlier this year when a student at a local high school was suspended for snapping a photo of a hallway crowded with maskless students.
Like much of the rest of Georgia, though, Paulding County is becoming bluer, This year, about 35 percent of its 168,000 residents voted for Joe Biden, while in 2016, just 28 percent voted for Hillary Clinton. Baerwalde is 61 and works as a speech and language pathologist for young children. Her husband is a physical therapist and a Trump supporter. We met on the patio of a Starbucks in Dallas, Georgia, not far from where she lives. I asked her about how Paulding County has changed, what it’s like to be married to a Trump supporter, and what Paulding County Democrats are doing as they get ready for the historic double Senate runoff on January 5.
On what Paulding County used to be like: We moved to Paulding County in 1994. We had lived in [neighboring] Cobb County, and we decided to build a house here because we could afford a bigger place. It was very rural, there was nothing except an old general store—that was actually beautiful, with these big oak trees—and they tore it down. Even to go grocery shopping, you had to drive 10 or 15 minutes.
I was working in the schools and special education in [nearby] Bartow County. I always assumed that people in education would be Democrats. But I found that the people I worked with were not Democrats. I thought that was weird, but it just wasn’t that big of a deal back then. When I first got married, my husband had been a Republican, but then he voted twice for Bill Clinton. Because he’s a physical therapist, and he was traveling, doing home health, he started listening to Rush Limbaugh [during his drives]. We would get into discussions around election time, but other than that it wasn’t that big of a deal.
I didn’t used to say much about the fact that I was a Democrat to people around here.
I didn’t used to say much about the fact that I was a Democrat to people around here. We moved into our new neighborhood in 2006. It just so happened that the person who lived next door was a Democrat, and people who lived behind me were Democrats. I’ve learned since then that there are a lot of Democrats—well, not a lot, but more than you would think.
On yard signs: In 2008 I had an Obama sign. I had never gotten a political sign before. Not ever. I was so excited. And I put it out. But my husband, who by this time was full on back to being a Republican, wouldn’t let me put it in front of our house. Next to our house, there’s a big depressed area, like a bowl, You can’t really tell that the property in front of that is ours, but it is. So he made me put my sign down there.
I put it up, not even a week before the election, and when I got home, it was gone. It turned out that my neighbor across the street, who I had never had any problems with, yanked it out of the ground and put it in the garbage because she didn’t like Barack Obama.
Before the 2016 election, I put out a Hillary Clinton sign. And again, I had to put it away from the house. It was a Sunday afternoon and I lay down to take a nap. When I woke up, like an hour later, it was gone.
On Black Lives Matter: This past June I had a Black Lives Matter sign out. My husband was not at all happy that I put it up. Then one night, we were all sitting at dinner, and somebody knocked at the door. We went out there, and somebody in our neighborhood stopped by to say that he really appreciated our sign. We went back in, and my husband was kind of grumbling. And my daughter said, “You see that? This is good. Look what we did. Look what that sign did for one person. So let’s keep it up.”
I can’t say that I’m totally without prejudice, because I know that I’m not. It really hits me the wrong way when people are like, “I’m not racist. I’m not prejudiced.” No, you probably are just a little bit if you just look inside. This summer, for the Black Lives Matter protests, we had a really cool car parade. It was really inspiring to see how long the car parade was. But what was really cool was to see people coming from the other direction and honking and waving.
On getting involved with the Paulding County Democrats: When I went to my first Paulding County Democrats meetings in 2017, there were these old white men, you know, with white hair. If I had seen them at the grocery store, I would have assumed they were Republican Trump supporters. It’s been neat to see the variety in the community of Democrats here.
We got 2,800 postcards out to Paulding County for the general election, which was amazing. This time, some people from Pennsylvania contacted us. It’s a group called Tinicum Together, and they’re from Bucks County. They have a group of women across the country sending out postcards. They wanted to know if Paulding County needed help, and we said yes! All said and done, I think we’ll have sent out about 10,000 postcards.
On the Republicans in her family: My 24-year-old son voted for Trump in 2016, but he didn’t tell me for a few years. This time he voted for [Libertarian candidate] Jo Jorgensen. But he’s supporting Warnock and Ossoff [the Democratic Senate candidates] in the runoff. I guess he just doesn’t like [Republican candidates] Purdue and Loeffler.
My two sons are very much about the Second Amendment and being able to own guns. They’re convinced that Biden would do something to take their guns away. My husband collects World War II guns, so they learned about guns from him. I used to go shooting before I met my husband, but I don’t think I need to go shooting now.
My husband has just bought into the rhetoric about how awful liberal people are. We have to not talk about a lot of these things. I think, as important as a woman’s right to choose is to me, people not being able to choose is important to him. Before the pandemic, we would go out to dinner and a movie. We go hiking sometimes. We like doing stuff to the house. But we’ve also become more entrenched in our sides. Sometimes it’s just really, really hard.
On campaigning before the upcoming double Senate runoff: I think Warnock and Ossoff do have a chance. I always worry, because I’m not used to Democrats who have a chance in Georgia. So I’m trying not to get ahead of myself.
I have 200 Warnock-Ossoff joint signs that somebody from up north is distributing all over Georgia. And after I leave here, I’m running to pick up some signs for [Georgia Public Service Commission candidate] Daniel Blackman.
In 2018, with Stacey Abrams campaign, we had a sign-waving event, and we got lots of people giving us the finger and booing. F-you Stacey, and all that. This time the response has been so much more positive. We had one sign waving event on highway 120, just over the Cobb County line that was almost all positive. It was a change from just two years before.
More people from other places have moved in here. Now people are saying, “I’m not going to sit, sit here and keep my mouth shut. I’m going to say I’m a Democrat, loud and proud and stand up for what we believe in.”


motherjones--2020-12-18--These Recent Hacks Look Really Bad. How Should America Respond?

In the wake of a massive , potentially catastrophic hack that is reportedly affecting numerous federal agencies and large US corporations ( the scope of the intrusion is not yet fully known ) , a growing number of government officials , including President-Elect Joe Biden , are calling for an aggressive response .
But what that should be is up for debate .
Experts in the information security field are characterizing the deep penetration of important computer networks as acts of espionage—early signs point to Russia—but some politicians are casting the hacks in much starker terms .
Sen. Dick Durbin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a declaration of war by Russia.
” Sen. Marco Rubio ( R-Fla. ) , interim chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee , urged patience with attribution but , “ America must retaliate , and not just with sanctions.
” Biden said his administration would “ elevate cybersecurity as an imperative , ” and added that “ a good defense is not enough ; we need to disrupt and deter our adversaries , ” and let potential attackers know that “ I will not stand idly by in the face of cyber assaults on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not said a word about the hack publicly , but his press secretary , Kayleigh McEnany , insisted the government was “ taking all necessary steps to identify and remedy any possible issues related to the situation.
” It ’ s not as though the federal government has entirely sat on its hands , Ali points out .
In the wake of Russia ’ s 2016 election meddling , Congress imposed sanctions and President Barack Obama ’ s administration expelled Russian “ diplomats ” suspected of intelligence activities .
The US government has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own cyber operations and naming and indicting foreign hackers—as Special Counsel Robert Mueller did with certain Russian military hackers and the Justice Department did more recently , accusing Chinese military hackers of conducting operations related to COVID-19 research.Javed Ali , a former official with the Department of Homeland Security , the FBI , and the National Security Council—he ’ s now a professor at the University of Michigan ) —told me that if the hacks can be tied back to Moscow , they are just the latest in a string of significant and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Russian government against local , state , and federal governments and corporate entities , public and private .
“ We clearly have not imposed the right level of costs , ” he says .
Shortly after the November elections , the New York Times reported on the apparent success of American policy that relied on “ persistent engagement ” and “ defend forward ” tactics to stay ahead of foreign adversaries .
In a recent piece , however , the Times pointed out that the “ tens of billions ” the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sufficient to thwart “ among the greatest intelligence failures of modern times.
” “ We did a victory lap after the election , ” Ali says .
“ Putin must have been laughing his ass off the whole time .
He ’ s like ‘ You guys have no idea what we ’ re really doing to you.
’ ” The FBI , the Cybersecurity Infrastructure Security Agency ( CISA ) , and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence issued a joint statement Wednesday acknowledging “ a significant and ongoing cybersecurity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that has affected multiple federal agency networks .
The announcement came a little more than a week after FireEye , a major cybersecurity firm , revealed it had been the victim of a hack , and that the tools it used to investigate cyber activities were stolen .
Subsequent reports suggest that Homeland Security , Energy , and Treasury were among the departments compromised , along with local governments in Texas and Arizona .
The hackers , whoever they are , implanted malware into an update for a product supplied by the IT @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by many government and private-sector organizations .
The malware appears to have been downloaded and installed by more than 17,000 customers .
Officials don ’ t know , or have yet to reveal , exactly what the malware allowed the attacker to do—whether it was used simply to access information , or rather to establish a foothold for more serious future activity , such as the modification or deletion of important data , or destruction of infrastructure .
Brad Smith , the president of Microsoft , wrote in a blog post Thursday that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ successful espionage-based assault on both the confidential information of the US Government and the tech tools used by firms to protect them.
” In an op-ed this week , Alex Stamos , the former chief information security officer for Yahoo and Facebook , and now director of the Stanford Internet Observatory , wrote that , beyond retaliation , the US government needs to up its own cyber game .
He suggests the creation of a new government division to track attacks , investigate incidents , and issue recommendations .
Stamos also called for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private corporations to publicly disclose breaches that now fly under the radar , a strengthening of CISA ’ s abilities to defend public and private networks , and the appointment to key government roles of people with actual experience defending computer networks from attacks .
Security experts agree the feds need to get better at defense .
Less clear is how the government should retaliate to these latest attacks .
No option is perfect , Ali says .
These hacks seem to be “ a dramatic escalation , ” so the question is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and whether it should be made public .
“ Proportional response , whatever that is , loses some of its value if people don ’ t know that something has happened , ” he says .
“ Even if you ’ re able to conduct the operation and achieve the effects that you want , are we then willing to publicly acknowledge them and then incur the consequences ?
”

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
In the wake of a massive, potentially catastrophic hack that is reportedly affecting numerous federal agencies and large US corporations (the scope of the intrusion is not yet fully known), a growing number of government officials, including President-Elect Joe Biden, are calling for an aggressive response.
But what that should be is up for debate. Experts in the information security field are characterizing the deep penetration of important computer networks as acts of espionage—early signs point to Russia—but some politicians are casting the hacks in much starker terms. Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) called it “virtually a declaration of war by Russia.” Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), interim chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, urged patience with attribution but, “America must retaliate, and not just with sanctions.” Biden said his administration would “elevate cybersecurity as an imperative,” and added that “a good defense is not enough; we need to disrupt and deter our adversaries,” and let potential attackers know that “I will not stand idly by in the face of cyber assaults on our nation.”
President Donald Trump has not said a word about the hack publicly, but his press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, insisted the government was “taking all necessary steps to identify and remedy any possible issues related to the situation.”
It’s not as though the federal government has entirely sat on its hands, says Javed Ali, a University of Michigan professor focused on national security and cybersecurity policy. In the wake of Russia’s 2016 election meddling, Congress imposed sanctions and President Barack Obama’s administration expelled Russian “diplomats” suspected of intelligence activities. The US government has also grown more aggressive in conducting its own cyber operations and naming and indicting foreign hackers—as Special Counsel Robert Mueller did with certain Russian military hackers and the Justice Department did more recently, accusing Chinese military hackers of conducting operations related to COVID-19 research. Ali told me that if the hacks can be tied back to Moscow, they are just the latest in a string of significant and aggressive cyber operations perpetrated by elements of the Russian government against local, state, and federal governments and corporate entities. “We clearly have not imposed the right level of costs,” says Ali, who previously served at the Department of Homeland Security, the FBI, and the National Security Council.
“We did a victory lap after the election,” notes a former US security official. “Putin must have been laughing.”
Shortly after the November elections, the New York Times reported on the apparent success of American policy that relied on “persistent engagement” and “defend forward” tactics to stay ahead of foreign adversaries. In a recent piece, however, the Times pointed out that the “tens of billions” the US spent on its cyber capabilities was not sufficient to thwart “among the greatest intelligence failures of modern times.”
“We did a victory lap after the election,” Ali says. “Putin must have been laughing … the whole time. He’s like ‘You guys have no idea what we’re really doing to you.’”
The FBI, the Cybersecurity Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence issued a joint statement Wednesday acknowledging “a significant and ongoing cybersecurity campaign” dating back to March 2020 that has affected multiple federal agency networks. The announcement came a little more than a week after FireEye, a major cybersecurity firm, revealed it had been the victim of a hack, and that the tools it used to investigate cyber activities were stolen. Subsequent reports suggest that Homeland Security, Energy, and Treasury were among the departments compromised, along with local governments in Texas and Arizona.
The hackers, whoever they are, implanted malware into an update for a product supplied by the IT services company SolarWinds that’s used by many government and private-sector organizations. The malware appears to have been downloaded and installed by more than 17,000 customers. Officials don’t know, or have yet to reveal, exactly what the malware allowed the attacker to do—whether it was used simply to access information, or rather to establish a foothold for more serious future activity, such as the modification or deletion of important data, or destruction of infrastructure.
Brad Smith, the president of Microsoft, wrote in a blog post Thursday that the activity represents “a broad and successful espionage-based assault on both the confidential information of the US Government and the tech tools used by firms to protect them.”
In an op-ed this week, Alex Stamos, the former chief information security officer for Yahoo and Facebook, and now director of the Stanford Internet Observatory, wrote that, beyond retaliation, the US government needs to up its own cyber game. He suggests the creation of a new government division to track attacks, investigate incidents, and issue recommendations. Stamos also called for stronger laws to force government agencies or private corporations to publicly disclose breaches that now fly under the radar, a strengthening of CISA’s abilities to defend public and private networks, and the appointment to key government roles of people with actual experience defending computer networks from attacks.
Security experts agree the feds need to get better at defense. Less clear is how the government should retaliate to these latest attacks. No option is perfect, Ali says. These hacks seem to be “a dramatic escalation,” so the question is how aggressive the response should be, and whether it should be made public.
“Proportional response, whatever that is, loses some of its value if people don’t know that something has happened,” he says. “Even if you’re able to conduct the operation and achieve the effects that you want, are we then willing to publicly acknowledge them and then incur the consequences?”


motherjones--2020-12-18--US Student Debt Just Hit a Mind-Bending Milestone—So We Made This Animation

One point seven trillion .
That ’ s the amount of outstanding student debt in the United States—for now .
But don ’ t blink : That number is ballooning even as you read this sentence .
Since the Great Recession took hold in 2008 , student debt has been among the fastest-growing types of debt for everyday Americans .
It ’ s growing faster than mortgages , auto loans , and credit card debt .
And because we live in polarized nation , we can ’ t agree on what to do about it .
Republicans generally want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , let the debtors sink or swim without any additional lifelines .
Meanwhile , student debt is top-of-the-mind for Democrats , who are struggling to reach some kind of consensus in the weeks leading up to Joe Biden ’ s inauguration .
Biden supports modest debt forgiveness—namely $ 10,000 per borrower .
( With more than 40 million people eligible , the cost of that plan would be north of $ 400 billion . )
But progressive leaders don ’ t think that ’ s nearly enough .
The familiar voices of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D-Mass . )
have called for a much bolder plan : the wholesale cancellation of , if not all , then most student debt .
The costs will be enormous for any action , or lack thereof , and these unfathomably large figures are anything but human-scale .
But we know a thing or two about visualizing extreme sums of money .
For a sense of just how much is involved here , and how it compares with other mind-blowing sums—by comparison , $ 1 million per day since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a measly $ 737 billion—watch our animation above .
It ’ s our largest visualization to date .
For the millions of folks out there struggling with student loans , viewer discretion is advised .

One point seven trillion. That’s the amount of outstanding student debt in the United States—for now.
But don’t blink: That number is ballooning even as you read this sentence. Since the Great Recession took hold in 2008, student debt has been among the fastest-growing types of debt for everyday Americans. It’s growing faster than mortgages, auto loans, and credit card debt.
And because we live in polarized nation, we can’t agree on what to do about it. Republicans generally want to stay the course, which is to say, let the debtors sink or swim without any additional lifelines. Meanwhile, student debt is top-of-the-mind for Democrats, who are struggling to reach some kind of consensus in the weeks leading up to Joe Biden’s inauguration. Biden supports modest debt forgiveness—namely $10,000 per borrower. (With more than 40 million people eligible, the cost of that plan would be north of $400 billion.) But progressive leaders don’t think that’s nearly enough. The familiar voices of Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) have called for a much bolder plan: the wholesale cancellation of, if not all, then most student debt.
The costs will be enormous for any action, or lack thereof, and these unfathomably large figures are anything but human-scale. But we know a thing or two about visualizing extreme sums of money. For a sense of just how much is involved here, and how it compares with other mind-blowing sums—by comparison, $1 million per day since the birth of Jesus adds up to a measly $737 billion—watch our animation above. It’s our largest visualization to date.
For the millions of folks out there struggling with student loans, viewer discretion is advised.


motherjones--2020-12-18--Undocumented People Have Been on the COVID Front Lines for Months. Will They Be Scared Off the Vacci

Undocumented People Have Been on the COVID Front Lines for Months. Will They Be Scared Off the Vaccine?

For some undocumented people , the concern started in early November , when the CEO of Pfizer said in an interview that the COVID-19 vaccine “ would be available for free to all American citizens.
” What about the more than 10 million people living in the United States without legal status , they thought ?
Many are elderly , many live in multigenerational homes , many work essential jobs , and many have been hit incredibly hard by the coronavirus pandemic .
Would they have to pay exorbitant fees for the vaccine ?
Or would they simply not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This week , in the middle of a nationwide spike of coronavirus cases , millions watched videos of the first US health care workers receiving the vaccine , marking the start of the biggest distribution effort in US history .
As more news trickled out about the government ’ s plans , the New York Times reported on the Trump administration ’ s plan to ask states to share personal information—birth dates , ethnicities , and home addresses—of those receiving the vaccine .
Beyond their broader concerns about vaccine availability and cost , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrorized by the Trump administration now worried that getting the vaccine could expose them to additional government scrutiny—including the threat of deportation .
“ This should be a public health issue , and the public is everyone , ” said Juliana Macedo do Nascimento , policy manager with United We Dream , a nationwide immigrant-youth led network .
“ There shouldn ’ t be a division between immigration status , and there shouldn ’ t be any kind of scare tactics to keep people away.
” On December 1 , New York Gov @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Department of Health and Human Services , urging the agency to protect undocumented communities during the vaccination process .
“ [ B ] y asking for personal information , undocumented immigrants could be dissuaded from taking the vaccine , ” he wrote .
“ Time is of the essence as we get closer to the distribution date and I urge the administration to address these issues quickly.
” Other states are defying Trump ’ s request , saying they will provide only data that protects the patient ’ s identity .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even be a topic of conversation , because a patient ’ s information should be protected under HIPPA laws .
“ So now suddenly it doesn ’ t apply to the vaccine ?
” she said .
She worries that misinformation—say , if undocumented folks hear that they may be required to provide a Social Security number or show a passport—could keep people from receiving the vaccine .
( An official with Operation Warp Speed said there won ’ t be Social Security or driver licenses data collected , only dates of birth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shouldn ’ t have to pay anything out of pocket when receiving a dose of the vaccine , though there could be fees added by the vaccine administrator . )
To overcome this challenge , advocates and public health officials argue immigrant and undocumented communities will need to hear directly from trusted messengers—the kind of culturally competent leaders who understand why people may be skeptical of the vaccine distribution plan .
They must be able to address their fears and answer their questions , including in immigrants ’ native languages .
The Chicago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a city agency partnering with community-based organizations to make sure their coronavirus materials are translated ; Dr. Candace Robinson , medical director for the department , said they ’ re also working with people who are already trusted messengers within those communities .
In Boston , Dr. Joseph Betancourt—a primary care physician and chief equity and inclusion officer at Massachusetts General Hospital—has been working to get the right information to immigrant and Latinx communities since the beginning of the pandemic .
For months now , he and his team have been planning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities that this time they may be among the first to get something .
“ That usually never happens , ” he said .
“ If you never get anything first and then all of the sudden someone says , ‘ Tengo una vacuna , and you ’ re first , ’ that further adds to the level of mistrust.
” A few weeks ago , Betancourt participated in a Facebook live event with a local Spanish-language newspaper .
One of the things that came up was that some religious leaders were telling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I really hope it ’ s just local , and I pray it ’ s not national , but here we have a pastor in an evangelical church who has a big following on YouTube telling people not to take the vaccine , ” Betancourt said .
“ So we need to figure out if there are any particular threads of misinformation in your community , and you have to take that on.
” For a while there have been baseless conspiracy theories saying , “ Don ’ t get the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chip in you , ” do Nascimento said .
“ They say it ’ s not safe , and it ’ s a way for the government to control you .
So it ’ s clear that there needs to be a lot of education about how safe and how important the vaccine is.
” The outreach has to also highlight the importance of essential workers in all fields , said Dr. Georges Benjamin , executive director of the American Public Health Association .
They “ have to be prioritized to get the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To really fight this virus , “ we have to start with the premise of recognizing that infection anywhere is a risk to everyone everywhere.
” And at the time of vaccination , Benjamin says , health care workers will need to be clear with people about what personal information they need to collect and why .
For example , to track side effects of the vaccine , even if they ’ re minor , he says many people will get a follow-up phone call after each of the two shots .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when an unknown number calls , and that the call will be part of the process .
As Mass General ’ s first chief of equity and inclusion , Betancourt spends a lot of time thinking about how to address disparities and achieve equity in health care .
He believes that unlike at the beginning of the pandemic , equity is now playing a key role in how experts and state governments are planning to distribute the vaccine .
Issues of inequity for communities of color have become “ more real ” with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ awareness now about the importance of incorporating this into public health strategy.
” Do Nascimento is also optimistic because the timing of the vaccine rollout coincides with the final month of the Trump administration , whose strategy was to take an already flawed immigration system and make it as cruel as the courts would let it .
Having Joe Biden in the White House could change how many immigrants , documented or not , feel about getting the vaccine .
“ The next administration is going to have to do a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current administration has brought up in the undocumented community , ” she said .
“ For sure .
”

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
For some undocumented people, the concern started in early November, when the CEO of Pfizer said in an interview that the COVID-19 vaccine “would be available for free to all American citizens.” What about the more than 10 million people living in the United States without legal status, they thought? Many are elderly, many live in multigenerational homes, many work essential jobs, and many have been hit incredibly hard by the coronavirus pandemic. Would they have to pay exorbitant fees for the vaccine? Or would they simply not be able to get it at all?
This week, in the middle of a nationwide spike of coronavirus cases, millions watched videos of the first US health care workers receiving the vaccine, marking the start of the biggest distribution effort in US history. As more news trickled out about the government’s plans, the New York Times reported on the Trump administration’s plan to ask states to share personal information—birth dates, ethnicities, and home addresses—of those receiving the vaccine. Beyond their broader concerns about vaccine availability and cost, undocumented communities that have been demonized and terrorized by the Trump administration now worried that getting the vaccine could expose them to additional government scrutiny—including the threat of deportation.
“This should be a public health issue, and the public is everyone,” said Juliana Macedo do Nascimento, policy manager with United We Dream, a nationwide immigrant-youth led network. “There shouldn’t be a division between immigration status, and there shouldn’t be any kind of scare tactics to keep people away.”
“There shouldn’t be any kind of scare tactics to keep people away.”
On December 1, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo sent a letter to the Department of Health and Human Services, urging the agency to protect undocumented communities during the vaccination process. “[B]y asking for personal information, undocumented immigrants could be dissuaded from taking the vaccine,” he wrote. “Time is of the essence as we get closer to the distribution date and I urge the administration to address these issues quickly.” Other states are defying Trump’s request, saying they will provide only data that protects the patient’s identity.
For do Nascimento, this shouldn’t even be a topic of conversation, because a patient’s information should be protected under HIPPA laws. “So now suddenly it doesn’t apply to the vaccine?” she said. She worries that misinformation—say, if undocumented folks hear that they may be required to provide a Social Security number or show a passport—could keep people from receiving the vaccine. (An official with Operation Warp Speed said there won’t be Social Security or driver licenses data collected, only dates of birth; meanwhile, CDC rules say people shouldn’t have to pay anything out of pocket when receiving a dose of the vaccine, though there could be fees added by the vaccine administrator.)
To overcome this challenge, advocates and public health officials argue immigrant and undocumented communities will need to hear directly from trusted messengers—the kind of culturally competent leaders who understand why people may be skeptical of the vaccine distribution plan. They must be able to address their fears and answer their questions, including in immigrants’ native languages. The Chicago Public Health Department is just one example of a city agency partnering with community-based organizations to make sure their coronavirus materials are translated; Dr. Candace Robinson, medical director for the department, said they’re also working with people who are already trusted messengers within those communities.
In Boston, Dr. Joseph Betancourt—a primary care physician and chief equity and inclusion officer at Massachusetts General Hospital—has been working to get the right information to immigrant and Latinx communities since the beginning of the pandemic. For months now, he and his team have been planning on how to best explain to vulnerable communities that this time they may be among the first to get something. “That usually never happens,” he said. “If you never get anything first and then all of the sudden someone says, ‘Tengo una vacuna, and you’re first,’ that further adds to the level of mistrust.”
In Boston “we have a pastor in an evangelical church who has a big following on YouTube telling people not to take the vaccine.”
A few weeks ago, Betancourt participated in a Facebook live event with a local Spanish-language newspaper. One of the things that came up was that some religious leaders were telling their Latinx parishioners not to get vaccinated. “I really hope it’s just local, and I pray it’s not national, but here we have a pastor in an evangelical church who has a big following on YouTube telling people not to take the vaccine,” Betancourt said. “So we need to figure out if there are any particular threads of misinformation in your community, and you have to take that on.”
For a while there have been baseless conspiracy theories saying, “Don’t get the vaccine because the government will implant a chip in you,” do Nascimento said. “They say it’s not safe, and it’s a way for the government to control you. So it’s clear that there needs to be a lot of education about how safe and how important the vaccine is.”
The outreach has to also highlight the importance of essential workers in all fields, said Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association. They “have to be prioritized to get the vaccine” regardless of immigration status. To really fight this virus, “we have to start with the premise of recognizing that infection anywhere is a risk to everyone everywhere.”
And at the time of vaccination, Benjamin says, health care workers will need to be clear with people about what personal information they need to collect and why. For example, to track side effects of the vaccine, even if they’re minor, he says many people will get a follow-up phone call after each of the two shots. So folks should know to answer the phone when an unknown number calls, and that the call will be part of the process.
As Mass General’s first chief of equity and inclusion, Betancourt spends a lot of time thinking about how to address disparities and achieve equity in health care. He believes that unlike at the beginning of the pandemic, equity is now playing a key role in how experts and state governments are planning to distribute the vaccine. Issues of inequity for communities of color have become “more real” with COVID, and “there is larger awareness now about the importance of incorporating this into public health strategy.”
Do Nascimento is also optimistic because the timing of the vaccine rollout coincides with the final month of the Trump administration, whose strategy was to take an already flawed immigration system and make it as cruel as the courts would let it. Having Joe Biden in the White House could change how many immigrants, documented or not, feel about getting the vaccine. “The next administration is going to have to do a lot of education in eliminating the fear that this current administration has brought up in the undocumented community,” she said. “For sure.”


motherjones--2020-12-18--SCOTUS: Trump Can Try to Exclude Immigrants From Census, But He’s Unlikely to Succeed

The Supreme Court on Friday threw out a challenge to President Donald Trump ’ s plan to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count used to determine representation for the House of Representatives .
But the unsigned 6–3 opinion was not a clear victory for Trump .
The six conservative justices ruled against the ACLU and a group of Democratic-led states because they said it was unlikely the Trump administration would succeed in identifying a large number of undocumented immigrants to exclude from the census count or that the Census Bureau would be able to send that information to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The policy may not prove feasible to implement in any manner whatsoever , ” the six justices wrote .
“ Here the record is silent on which ( and how many ) aliens have administrative records that would allow the [ Commerce ] Secretary to avoid impermissible estimation , and whether the Census Bureau can even match the records in its possession to census data in a timely manner.
” They added , “ Everyone agrees by now that the Government can not feasibly implement the memorandum by excluding the estimated 10.5 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his bid to put a question about US citizenship on the 2020 census , Trump issued an executive order last year to collect citizenship data through government records .
He then issued a memorandum in July 2020 to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count used for House apportionment , a move that would reduce representation for states with a large number of immigrants and boost representation for whiter and more Republican states .
The plan almost certainly violates the 14th Amendment , which requires the “ whole number of persons in each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ representation .
But the court ’ s majority did not reach a verdict on the merits of the case , and during oral arguments even some conservative justices expressed skepticism that Trump ’ s policy was constitutional .
“ A lot of the historical evidence and longstanding practice really cuts against your position , ” Justice Amy Coney Barrett , Trump ’ s latest Supreme Court appointee , told Trump ’ s acting solicitor general .
“ Illegal aliens have never been excluded as a category from the census.
” That suggests that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ excluding undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment , the move would likely be struck down as unconstitutional if challenged again .
But Trump may not even be able to try , since the Census Bureau has discovered errors in the census count that could keep it from sending any census data to the president before he leaves office , allowing Biden to reverse the policy .
The House of Representatives , which has the final say over the census , could also reject the data as flawed .
Nonetheless , three liberal justices dissented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the policy right away .
“ Where , as here , the Government acknowledges it is working to achieve an allegedly illegal goal , this Court should not decline to resolve the case simply because the Government speculates that it might not fully succeed , ” wrote Justice Stephen Breyer , who was joined by Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor .

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
The Supreme Court on Friday threw out a challenge to President Donald Trump’s plan to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count used to determine representation for the House of Representatives.
But the unsigned 6–3 opinion was not a clear victory for Trump. The six conservative justices ruled against the ACLU and a group of Democratic-led states because they said it was unlikely the Trump administration would succeed in identifying a large number of undocumented immigrants to exclude from the census count or that the Census Bureau would be able to send that information to the president before Trump leaves office.
“The policy may not prove feasible to implement in any manner whatsoever,” the six justices wrote. “Here the record is silent on which (and how many) aliens have administrative records that would allow the [Commerce] Secretary to avoid impermissible estimation, and whether the Census Bureau can even match the records in its possession to census data in a timely manner.” They added, “Everyone agrees by now that the Government cannot feasibly implement the memorandum by excluding the estimated 10.5 million aliens without lawful status.”
After losing his bid to put a question about US citizenship on the 2020 census, Trump issued an executive order last year to collect citizenship data through government records. He then issued a memorandum in July 2020 to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count used for House apportionment, a move that would reduce representation for states with a large number of immigrants and boost representation for whiter and more Republican states. The plan almost certainly violates the 14th Amendment, which requires the “whole number of persons in each state” to be counted for congressional representation.
But the court’s majority did not reach a verdict on the merits of the case, and during oral arguments even some conservative justices expressed skepticism that Trump’s policy was constitutional.
“A lot of the historical evidence and longstanding practice really cuts against your position,” Justice Amy Coney Barrett, Trump’s latest Supreme Court appointee, told Trump’s acting solicitor general. “Illegal aliens have never been excluded as a category from the census.”
That suggests that if Trump were able to succeed in excluding undocumented immigrants from congressional apportionment, the move would likely be struck down as unconstitutional if challenged again. But Trump may not even be able to try, since the Census Bureau has discovered errors in the census count that could keep it from sending any census data to the president before he leaves office, allowing Biden to reverse the policy. The House of Representatives, which has the final say over the census, could also reject the data as flawed.
Nonetheless, three liberal justices dissented and said the court should strike down the policy right away. “Where, as here, the Government acknowledges it is working to achieve an allegedly illegal goal, this Court should not decline to resolve the case simply because the Government speculates that it might not fully succeed,” wrote Justice Stephen Breyer, who was joined by Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor.


motherjones--2020-12-19--Trump Loses It Because A Conservative Tabloid Recognizes Biden As the Next President

What was President Donald Trump doing Saturday morning in one of his final days occupying the Oval Office ?
Complaining about an absolutely insane editorial board by the New York Post .
The conservative tabloid , the New York Post , wrote an editorial board piece complaining about Late Show host Stephen Colbert ’ s interview with Joe Biden .
The Post was exceptionally unhappy that Colbert did not press Biden on the right-wing conspiracy theory about his son Hunter Biden and instead tossed “ softballs ” to Biden .
The piece focuses in on the completely unsubstantiated claim that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice-president , and complains about the media ’ s “ free pass ” to the president-elect .
Though Trump would find much he likes about the Post editorial , he zeroed in on a single line , calling Biden “ the next commander-in-chief.
” Calling Biden the next president is just accepting reality , because winning the popular vote by more than 7 million and the Electoral College 306 to 232 , a margin the Electoral College made official this week , just isn ’ t enough .
In fact , Twitter flagged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Trump has continued to call on Republican lawmakers to reject the results of the election , something that even Mitch McConnell has opposed .

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
What was President Donald Trump doing Saturday morning in one of his final days occupying the Oval Office? Complaining about an absolutely insane editorial board by the New York Post.
The conservative tabloid, the New York Post, wrote an editorial board piece complaining about Late Show host Stephen Colbert’s interview with Joe Biden. The Post was exceptionally unhappy that Colbert did not press Biden on the right-wing conspiracy theory about his son Hunter Biden and instead tossed “softballs” to Biden.
The piece focuses in on the completely unsubstantiated claim that Biden abused his power when he was vice president, and complains about the media’s “free pass” to the president-elect. Though Trump would find much he likes about the Post editorial, he zeroed in on a single line, calling Biden “the next commander-in-chief.” Calling Biden the next president is just accepting reality, because winning the popular vote by more than 7 million and the Electoral College 306 to 232, a margin the Electoral College made official this week, just isn’t enough.
In fact, Twitter flagged the tweet in its new fact-checking protocol:
He didn’t win the Election. He lost all 6 Swing States, by a lot. They then dumped hundreds of thousands of votes in each one, and got caught. Now Republican politicians have to fight so that their great victory is not stolen. Don’t be weak fools! https://t.co/d9Bgu8XPIj — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 19, 2020
Trump has continued to call on Republican lawmakers to reject the results of the election, something that even Mitch McConnell has opposed.


motherjones--2020-12-20--For the Last 4 Years “Tribes Have Been Pushed Aside by This Administration”

This story was originally published by High Country News When President Donald Trump took office in January 2017 , many tribal leaders took a wait-and-see approach , given his poor record on Indigenous affairs .
Four years later , Indian Country has weathered a failed pandemic response , budget cuts , and diminished environmental regulations .
Over the span of his administration , many leadership positions in the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Interior Department were left empty or filled by appointees never vetted by Congress .
The annual White House Tribal Nations Conference , held by President Barack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s three Supreme Court justices include one with a solid understanding of federal Indian law and the U.S government ’ s responsibility to tribes , as well as one whose judicial perspectives are actively harmful .
In the first year of his administration , Trump made his priorities clear with a series of memos and executive orders repealing protections for land and wildlife .
His “ America First ” energy plan expedited controversial projects like the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines , which faced monumental , sustained opposition by Native @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the newly established Bears Ears National Monument by 85 % , a monument whose creation had been Indigenous-led and centered .
“ Trump took the position against Native people first thing in office , ” said Matt Campbell , staff attorney at the Native American Rights Fund and enrolled member of the Native Village of Gambell .
“ So , I think that set the tone early on for the relationship.
” Trump ’ s policy directives also reduced environmental protections .
Federal laws like the National Environmental Policy Act , Clean Water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to give input on large-scale projects on their ancestral lands .
Under Trump , these were weakened .
“ The total onslaught of federal rule rollbacks under environmental laws was like nothing we ’ ve ever seen .
It was dizzying , ” said Gussie Lord ( Oneida Nation of Wisconsin ) , managing attorney of tribal partnerships at Earthjustice .
“ It resulted in not only a weakening of substantive environmental protection , but was also a real attack on public participation and access to information.
” And then , the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Post , tribal nations were not initially included in the first COVID-19 relief package .
Even when $ 10 billion was allocated to tribal nations , distribution was held up for months , withholding critical aid for personal protective equipment , financial aid and testing .
“ This administration ’ s record is one of repeated failures for Native communities , ” said Sen. Tom Udall , vice chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs , in a statement .
“ The truth is the White House is actively undermining Tribal sovereignty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic that is disproportionately hurting Native communities.
” The ramifications are still being felt in the current wave of COVID-19 infections and deaths .
Nationwide , thousands are dying daily .
The Navajo Nation , which saw a devastating rise in COVID cases and deaths in the summer , has begun to see the numbers go up again , according to reporting by the Navajo Times .
Meanwhile , the CARES Act funding deadline of Dec. 30 looms .
“ Tribes have been pushed aside by this administration , ” said Navajo Nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democratic National Convention in August , saying the difference between the Trump and Obama administrations was “ night and day.
” Even so , at the Republican National Convention , Navajo Nation Vice President Myron Lizer spoke in support of Trump .
Many of the decisions over the last four years will have a lasting impact on Indian Country no matter how quickly the new Biden/Harris administration works to reverse them : • The border wall : What started as a campaign-rally promise has resulted in 423 miles of steel walls cutting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority of those miles already had some kind of barrier , but those newly-added came at a high cost .
In Guadalupe Canyon , Arizona , a five-mile stretch that required blasting through rock cost $ 41 million per mile .
Tribal nations like the Tohono O ’ odham have been clear about their opposition to the construction , which has damaged important natural and cultural sites with no consultation process .
“ The Trump administration ’ s reckless disregard for our religious and constitutional rights is embodied in the dynamite and bulldozers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” wrote Tohono O ’ odham Nation Chairman Ned Norris Jr. in High Country News .
• Tribal lands : Although Trump signed two bills that federally recognized a total of seven tribal nations , his Interior Department also withdrew a legal opinion meant to help tribes regain ancestral lands , and sought to disestablish reservation lands of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe .
A federal judge called the legal memorandum written by Interior in Mashpee ’ s case “ incomprehensible ” and described it as “ one of the worst written documents I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency.
” • Four years of no climate action : In addition to pushing an oil and gas agenda , Trump removed the U.S. from the Paris Agreement in 2017 , even as tribal nations announced their intention to uphold the terms of the agreement .
In the meantime , tribes have made strides on their own .
This year , five tribal nations called for a U.N. investigation of the possible human rights violation shown by the United States ’ lack of response and action to climate-related crises , noting the lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relocate to higher ground by rising sea levels .
The Trump administration ’ s actions have not slowed in its final months , as its agencies continue to fast-track politically fraught projects .
In November , the U.S. Forest Service decided to repeal protections on the Tongass National Forest that kept new logging , mining and hydroelectric dams to a minimum .
None of the Southeastern Alaska Native tribes involved supported such a move , and by the end all 11 had resigned from participating in the Forest Service process .
Meanwhile , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decided to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas leasing , despite opposition from Alaska Native tribes and the Gwich ’ in Steering Committee .
In Arizona , the San Carlos Apache Tribe has rejected a U.S. Forest Service land swap that would allow copper mining in an area called Chi ’ chil Bildagoteel , or Oak Flat , which has important religious and cultural sites .
Even though the Forest Service on Dec. 1 moved the final decision date from April 2021 to Dec. 30 , the agency said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Some of this could be undone by incoming President Joe Biden , or by Congress .
Other decisions made by officials in an “ acting ” capacity could be invalidated .
But precious time has already been lost when it comes to addressing the climate crisis , and the lives that were lost in the worst public health crisis in a generation can not be regained .
On Nov. 8 , less than a week after Election Day , the National Congress for American Indians held its annual meeting this year focused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration .
“ We demand a reconciliation back to those basic foundational principles upon which this country was built — principles like justice , like equality , like liberty , like the freedom to just live as our ancestors have lived from when time began , ” NCAI President Fawn Sharp ( Quinault ) said .
“ Only then can we begin a healing process as a country and as a nation .
”

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.
This story was originally published by High Country News
When President Donald Trump took office in January 2017, many tribal leaders took a wait-and-see approach, given his poor record on Indigenous affairs. Four years later, Indian Country has weathered a failed pandemic response, budget cuts, and diminished environmental regulations.
Over the span of his administration, many leadership positions in the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Interior Department were left empty or filled by appointees never vetted by Congress. The annual White House Tribal Nations Conference, held by President Barack Obama for eight years, ceased. Trump’s three Supreme Court justices include one with a solid understanding of federal Indian law and the U.S government’s responsibility to tribes, as well as one whose judicial perspectives are actively harmful.
In the first year of his administration, Trump made his priorities clear with a series of memos and executive orders repealing protections for land and wildlife. His “America First” energy plan expedited controversial projects like the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines, which faced monumental, sustained opposition by Native nations and their allies. He reduced the newly established Bears Ears National Monument by 85%, a monument whose creation had been Indigenous-led and centered. “Trump took the position against Native people first thing in office,” said Matt Campbell, staff attorney at the Native American Rights Fund and enrolled member of the Native Village of Gambell. “So, I think that set the tone early on for the relationship.”
“The total onslaught of federal rule rollbacks under environmental laws was like nothing we’ve ever seen. It was dizzying.”
Trump’s policy directives also reduced environmental protections. Federal laws like the National Environmental Policy Act, Clean Water Act and Endangered Species Act enable tribes to give input on large-scale projects on their ancestral lands. Under Trump, these were weakened. “The total onslaught of federal rule rollbacks under environmental laws was like nothing we’ve ever seen. It was dizzying,” said Gussie Lord (Oneida Nation of Wisconsin), managing attorney of tribal partnerships at Earthjustice. “It resulted in not only a weakening of substantive environmental protection, but was also a real attack on public participation and access to information.”
And then, the pandemic: As Senate aides told the Huffington Post, tribal nations were not initially included in the first COVID-19 relief package. Even when $10 billion was allocated to tribal nations, distribution was held up for months, withholding critical aid for personal protective equipment, financial aid and testing. “This administration’s record is one of repeated failures for Native communities,” said Sen. Tom Udall, vice chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, in a statement. “The truth is the White House is actively undermining Tribal sovereignty across the country and mishandling a once-in-a-century pandemic that is disproportionately hurting Native communities.”
The ramifications are still being felt in the current wave of COVID-19 infections and deaths. Nationwide, thousands are dying daily. The Navajo Nation, which saw a devastating rise in COVID cases and deaths in the summer, has begun to see the numbers go up again, according to reporting by the Navajo Times. Meanwhile, the CARES Act funding deadline of Dec. 30 looms.
“Tribes have been pushed aside by this administration,” said Navajo Nation President Jonathan Nez during a speech to the Democratic National Convention in August, saying the difference between the Trump and Obama administrations was “night and day.” Even so, at the Republican National Convention, Navajo Nation Vice President Myron Lizer spoke in support of Trump.
Many of the decisions over the last four years will have a lasting impact on Indian Country no matter how quickly the new Biden/Harris administration works to reverse them:
The border wall: What started as a campaign-rally promise has resulted in 423 miles of steel walls cutting through the borderlands landscape. The vast majority of those miles already had some kind of barrier, but those newly-added came at a high cost. In Guadalupe Canyon, Arizona, a five-mile stretch that required blasting through rock cost $41 million per mile. Tribal nations like the Tohono O’odham have been clear about their opposition to the construction, which has damaged important natural and cultural sites with no consultation process. “The Trump administration’s reckless disregard for our religious and constitutional rights is embodied in the dynamite and bulldozers now rumbling through our original homelands,” wrote Tohono O’odham Nation Chairman Ned Norris Jr. in High Country News.
What started as a campaign-rally promise has resulted in 423 miles of steel walls cutting through the borderlands landscape. The vast majority of those miles already had some kind of barrier, but those newly-added came at a high cost. In Guadalupe Canyon, Arizona, a five-mile stretch that required blasting through rock cost $41 million per mile. Tribal nations like the Tohono O’odham have been clear about their opposition to the construction, which has damaged important natural and cultural sites with no consultation process. “The Trump administration’s reckless disregard for our religious and constitutional rights is embodied in the dynamite and bulldozers now rumbling through our original homelands,” wrote Tohono O’odham Nation Chairman Ned Norris Jr. in High Country News. Tribal lands: Although Trump signed two bills that federally recognized a total of seven tribal nations, his Interior Department also withdrew a legal opinion meant to help tribes regain ancestral lands, and sought to disestablish reservation lands of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe. A federal judge called the legal memorandum written by Interior in Mashpee’s case “incomprehensible” and described it as “one of the worst written documents I’ve ever read from any government agency.”
Four years of no climate action: In addition to pushing an oil and gas agenda, Trump removed the U.S. from the Paris Agreement in 2017, even as tribal nations announced their intention to uphold the terms of the agreement. In the meantime, tribes have made strides on their own. This year, five tribal nations called for a U.N. investigation of the possible human rights violation shown by the United States’ lack of response and action to climate-related crises, noting the lack of assistance for coastal communities forced to relocate to higher ground by rising sea levels.
The Trump administration’s actions have not slowed in its final months, as its agencies continue to fast-track politically fraught projects. In November, the U.S. Forest Service decided to repeal protections on the Tongass National Forest that kept new logging, mining and hydroelectric dams to a minimum. None of the Southeastern Alaska Native tribes involved supported such a move, and by the end all 11 had resigned from participating in the Forest Service process.
Meanwhile, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service decided to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas leasing, despite opposition from Alaska Native tribes and the Gwich’in Steering Committee. In Arizona, the San Carlos Apache Tribe has rejected a U.S. Forest Service land swap that would allow copper mining in an area called Chi’chil Bildagoteel, or Oak Flat, which has important religious and cultural sites. Even though the Forest Service on Dec. 1 moved the final decision date from April 2021 to Dec. 30, the agency said it “does not reflect an acceleration.”