motherjones--2020-12-23--The Shockingly Long List of Corrupt Officials and Political Allies Pardoned by Trump

Versions of this story were published on April 13 , 2020 , July 10 , 2020 , and November 25 , 2020 .
Donald Trump on Tuesday added another batch of names to the long list of friends , loyalists , cronies , and conservative celebrities who have received presidential pardons or commutations .
This time , the beneficiaries included three corrupt former members of Congress—Reps .
Duncan Hunter ( R-Calif. ) , Chris Collins ( R-N.Y. ) , and Steve Stockman ( R-Texas ) —and two men , George Papadopoulos and Alex van der Zwaan , who pleaded guilty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trump-Russia Scandal .
Trump also pardoned four former security contractors—Nicholas Slatten , Paul Slough , Evan Liberty , and Dustin Heard—who had been convicted for their roles in the 2007 killings of Iraqi civilians .
The four men were employees of Blackwater , the company founded by Erik Prince , the brother of Trump Education Secretary Betsy DeVos .
Trump also pardoned Ignacio Ramos and Jose Compean , former border patrol agents who were convicted in the 2005 shooting of an alleged drug smuggler .
Trump ’ s use—and abuse—of executive clemency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One widely discussed Trump 2020 campaign ad , aired during the Super Bowl , featured Alice Johnson—a Black woman who served 21 years in prison for a nonviolent drug offense before Trump commuted her sentence in 2018 .
“ Thanks to President Trump , people like Alice are getting a second chance , ” the ad stated .
On Tuesday , Trump granted clemency to several women who served time with Johnson .
But Johnson ’ s case is far from typical .
More often , Trump has used his pardon powers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who were the first two Republican members of Congress to endorse him in the 2016 primaries .
Here ’ s a list of right-wing icons , corrupt public officials , accused war criminals , and other controversial figures who have received clemency from Trump .
Flynn , who briefly served as Trump ’ s first national security adviser , pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI in connection with the Trump-Russia investigation .
The Trump connection : Weeks into his administration , Trump fired Flynn for lying about his conversations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led to Flynn ’ s guilty plea .
But in subsequent years , Trump defended Flynn , and his Department of Justice attempted to drop the charges in the case .
Flynn ’ s lawyer , Sidney Powell , joined Trump ’ s legal team after the 2020 election , peddling bizarre conspiracy theories about voting machines and election fraud .
Trump pardoned Flynn on November 25 .
Stone , a longtime Trump adviser , was convicted of lying to Congress , obstruction , and witness tampering in connection with the Russia investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s 2019 trial revealed that Trump likely lied to special counsel Robert Mueller about his own role in the scandal , but Stone has remained staunchly loyal to the president .
Trump returned the favor .
He repeatedly sought to intervene on Stone ’ s behalf—publicly berating federal prosecutors , the judge in the case , and even a juror .
Senior Justice Department officials allegedly pressured government attorneys to “ cut Stone a break.
” On July 10 , Trump commuted Stone ’ s sentence , just days before Stone would have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ During his 24 years as the sheriff of Maricopa County , Arizona , Arpaio called himself “ America ’ s toughest sheriff ” and became known for his severe treatment of immigrants and the harsh conditions in his county jail .
When a judge ordered him to stop detaining people based solely on suspicion of their immigration status , which amounted to racial profiling , he refused .
In 2017 , he was found guilty of criminal contempt of court for violating that order .
The Trump connection : Arpaio endorsed Trump in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigration and stumping for him in Iowa .
The two men also share a fondness for racist conspiracy theories .
At the same time Trump was pushing the false claim that President Barack Obama was not born in the United States , Arpaio sent one of his deputies and a member of his volunteer birther posse to Hawaii to investigate Obama ’ s birth certificate .
At an August 2017 rally in Phoenix , Trump hinted at a pardon .
“ Was Sheriff Joe convicted for doing his job ?
” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prediction : I think he ’ s going to be just fine.
” Days later , the president followed through .
“ Sheriff Joe is a patriot , ” he declared .
“ Sheriff Joe loves our country .
Sheriff Joe protected our borders .
And Sheriff Joe was very unfairly treated by the Obama administration.
” When Oregon ranchers Dwight and Steven Hammond were convicted of arson for burning more than 100 acres of federal land , their case became a flashpoint in the fight for control over public lands .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cover up evidence of illegal hunting ; the Hammonds said they started the fire on their own property to burn off invasive species and it accidentally spread . )
“ They have become symbols of the way many rural Americans feel they ’ ve been wronged by federal overreach , ” BuzzFeed News reported .
Their case sparked a 41-day standoff with federal agents at a wildlife refuge in Oregon , led by Ryan and Ammon Bundy .
Many people joining the protest were members of unofficial militias , armed with long guns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gear .
One Arizona rancher was killed by police .
The Trump connection : The Hammonds had support both from right-wing extremists willing to take up arms against government regulation and from a multimillionaire oil magnate .
Forrest Lucas—a GOP megadonor who holds naming rights to the Indianapolis Colts stadium and has close ties to Vice President Mike Pence—made the Hammonds a personal cause as a symbol of his anti-regulation agenda .
Trump pardoned them in July 2018 .
Lucas flew the Hammonds home in his private plane after they were released .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ when then-Senator Barack Obama won the presidency , leaving Blagojevich to pick Obama ’ s successor .
The governor was convicted of trying to shake down a children ’ s hospital and sell Obama ’ s Senate seat .
“ I ’ ve got this thing and it ’ s fucking golden , ” he said on a secretly recorded call , referring to the Senate seat .
“ I ’ m not just giving it up for fucking nothing.
” The Trump connection : Blagojevich appeared on Trump ’ s Celebrity Apprentice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to prison .
( He was fired from Celebrity Apprentice , Trump told him , because his “ Harry Potter facts were not accurate.
” ) In recent years , Blagojevich ’ s wife Patti became a regular on Fox News , hoping to catch the president ’ s ear as she pleaded for clemency and shopped the theory that Robert Mueller and James Comey—two of the key law enforcement officials who later investigated the Trump-Russia scandal—were behind her husband ’ s downfall .
( Mueller was head of the FBI at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; Comey was in private practice . )
“ They took down a governor , and now they ’ ve got their sights much higher , ” she said .
Trump commuted Blagojevich ’ s sentence on February 18 , freeing him from prison six years early .
Former Vice President Dick Cheney ’ s chief of staff was convicted of perjury and obstruction of justice in 2007 in an infamous case involving the disclosure of the identity of CIA officer Valerie Plame .
At the time , Plame was married to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of twisting intelligence to justify the invasion of Iraq .
The Trump connection : Comey , who was deputy attorney general at the time , appointed Patrick Fitzgerald—the same US attorney who prosecuted Blagojevich—as special counsel to investigate the Plame scandal .
Bush commuted Libby ’ s sentence in 2007 , allowing him to avoid prison time but leaving the conviction on his record .
Libby ’ s defenders continued to argue that he ’ d been railroaded by overzealous prosecutors , and Trump pardoned him in 2018 .
Victoria Toensing—who was Libby @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vocal Trump ally and a key player in the Ukraine scandal—told the Washington Post that Libby was the victim of an “ injustice inflicted on him and his family ” by Comey and Fitzgerald .
The White House gave a similar explanation .
“ Many people think that Scooter Libby was the victim of a special counsel gone amok , ” Trump adviser Kellyanne Conway said .
The same day Trump pardoned Libby , he attacked Comey .
Kerik , the former New York City police commissioner under Rudy Giuliani , pleaded guilty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax fraud and lying to White House officials .
During sentencing , the judge said Kerik had made “ a conscious decision to essentially lie to the president of the United States to get a cabinet position ” —a reference to the fact that Bush had nominated him in 2004 to serve as Homeland Security secretary .
He served three years in prison .
The Trump connection : Kerik has been a regular on Fox News , where he has suggested House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-Calif. ) and Rep. Adam Schiff ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roles in Trump ’ s impeachment .
According to a White House statement , Giuliani and Fox host Geraldo Rivera were among those who pushed for a Kerik pardon , which Trump granted on February 18 .
Billionaire Michael Milken , once the highest-paid man in the history of Wall Street , helped create the market for junk bonds in the 1980s .
The “ junk bond king ” was charged with insider trading and convicted of securities fraud in 1990 .
He served 22 months in prison .
The Trump connection : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The president ’ s adviser and son-in-law , Jared Kushner , lobbied for Milken ’ s pardon , as did Giuliani , whose US attorney office had prosecuted Milken .
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin—a longtime friend who flew on Milken ’ s private jet last year—pushed for the pardon .
So did Rupert Murdoch , who relied on Milken ’ s services to fuel the growth of News Corp .
According to the White House , the pardon was also supported by GOP megadonor Sheldon Adelson , Trump fundraiser and inaugural committee chairman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft .
Pogue , who owned a Texas construction company , was convicted of underpaying his taxes by nearly $ 500,000 in 2010 .
He was sentenced to three years of probation .
The Trump connection : Pogue ’ s son Ben and daughter-in-law Ashleigh donated more than $ 200,000 to the Trump Victory PAC .
The Daily Beast reported that on the day of their first donation , Ashleigh posted an Instagram photo of the couple posing with Donald Trump Jr. and his girlfriend Kimberly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the Hamptons .
The president pardoned Pogue on February 18 .
Safavian was convicted of obstruction of justice and making false statements in 2008 in connection with the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal .
( Abramoff pleaded guilty to , among other things , defrauding Native American tribes ) .
Safavian , who was working in George W. Bush ’ s budget office at the time , went on a golf trip to London and Scotland with Abramoff .
Safavian was sentenced to a year in prison .
The Trump connection : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conservative Union , which is chaired by Matt Schlapp , whose wife Mercedes was formerly the White House director of strategic communications and went on to serve as a spokesperson for Trump ’ s 2020 reelection campaign .
Trump pardoned Safavian on February 18 .
Nolan , a Republican former California state legislator , pleaded guilty in 1994 in an FBI political corruption sting known as “ Shrimpscam , ” in which federal agents pretending to represent a shrimp business offered bribes to lawmakers .
He served 26 months in prison .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voice on criminal justice reform .
The Trump connection : Nolan leads the Center for Criminal Justice Reform at the American Conservative Union Foundation .
Nolan was also an influential voice in favor of the First Step Act , a bipartisan criminal justice reform law that Trump sees as one of his signature legislative achievements .
( The measure was highlighted in Trump ’ s Super Bowl ad that featured Alice Johnson . )
Trump pardoned Nolan in May 2019 .
While a sailor in the Navy , Saucier illegally retained photographs he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ submarine .
He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 12 months in prison .
The Trump connection : On the campaign trail in 2016 , Trump frequently referred to Saucier ’ s conviction as an example of punishment for what he deemed a lesser offense than Hillary Clinton ’ s use of a private email server as secretary of State .
He pardoned Saucier in March 2018 .
D ’ Souza—a conservative provocateur and former Reagan adviser—is known for his incendiary articles and films , including ones that have focused on Obama-related conspiracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of making illegal campaign contributions to Wendy Long , a Republican Senate candidate in New York , funneling $ 20,000 through straw donors to evade campaign finance limits .
He was sentenced to five years probation , including eight months of confinement in a community center .
The Trump connection : D ’ Souza claimed that Obama ’ s Justice Department had pursued the case because D ’ Souza had made a movie critical of Obama .
A judge at the time called this theory “ nonsense , ” but it resonated with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) was among those who lobbied for a pardon for D ’ Souza , which Trump granted in May 2018 .
Jeanine Pirro , a Fox News host and former judge who is one of Trump ’ s most vocal supporters , applauded it .
Roger Stone cited D ’ Souza ’ s pardon as a signal that Trump had the backs of former aides who had been indicted in the Mueller investigation .
“ It has to be a signal to Mike Flynn and Paul Manafort and even Robert S. Mueller III @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t pertain to Russian collusion and this is what could happen , ” Stone told the Washington Post .
Black was a media mogul who at one point ran the world ’ s third-largest newspaper company , which owned papers such as the Chicago Sun-Times and the Daily Telegraph .
In 2007—in yet another case prosecuted by Patrick Fitzgerald—Black was convicted of obstruction of justice and fraud for swindling his company out of $ 60 million that should have gone to stockholders .
Black served three and a half years in prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ultimately overturned .
The Trump connection : At Black ’ s 2007 trial , Trump had been expected to testify that Black ’ s wife ’ s $ 62,000 birthday party was a business event , rather than a social gathering—but Black ’ s lawyers changed their minds at the last minute .
In recent years , Black has become a prolific writer of op-eds praising the president , as well as the sycophantic book Donald J. Trump : A President Like No Other .
Rush Limbaugh and Henry Kissinger were among those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he did so in May 2019 .
Stanton was convicted on federal conspiracy charges for her role in a car theft ring in 2004 .
After serving her two-year prison sentence , she became a television personality and author , starring in a BET docuseries and writing an inflammatory book called Lies of a Real Housewife , alleging that one of the stars of Real Housewives of Atlanta had been part of her “ hustler ’ s life of crime ” years ago .
The Trump connection : Stanton helped push for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she participated in a Fox News panel of Black voters as a Trump supporter .
After being pardoned on February 18 , she announced plans to run for Congress as a Republican .
She ultimately lost her race by more than 70 percentage points .
DeBartolo , a former owner of the San Francisco 49ers , was convicted in 1998 of failing to report a $ 400,000 bribe the governor of Louisiana solicited from him .
He was sentenced to two years ’ probation and $ 1 million in penalties .
The Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential campaign and hosted a pre-inauguration party headlined by Kimberly Guilfoyle and Omarosa Manigault .
DeBartolo is also a local celebrity in his hometown of Youngstown , Ohio .
As Philip Bump wrote in the Washington Post , Trump ’ s pardon of DeBartolo , issued on February 18 , could have been part of his effort to keep Ohio red in 2020 .
Behenna was an Army lieutenant who served five years in prison for the 2008 murder of Ali Mansur , an Iraqi prisoner .
US forces took Mansur into custody @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Behenna ’ s friends and platoon members , but he was freed when the military couldn ’ t conclusively link him to the bombing .
Behenna was supposed to drive Mansur back to his village .
Instead , Behenna stripped him naked , interrogated him without authorization , and fatally shot him .
He later claimed self-defense .
The Trump connection : Fox & Friends—one of Trump ’ s favorite shows—treated Behenna ’ s case favorably and gave Behenna ’ s parents a platform to lobby for a pardon .
Trump pardoned him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his parole restrictions five years early .
Major Mathew Golsteyn was charged with murder in 2018 when he acknowledged having killed an Afghan man in 2010 .
The man was suspected of making bombs and had been ordered to be released after questioning .
According to documents unearthed by the Washington Post in 2015 , an Army investigation found that Golsteyn and other soldiers buried the man ’ s body , dug it up , and then burned it .
Golsteyn ’ s lawyer had told the Post at the time that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and are biased , ” adding that “ it ’ s fantasy to say he confessed to shooting an unarmed detainee.
” The Trump connection : Pete Hegseth—a Fox & Friends host and a buddy of Trump—lobbied for months on air and off for Trump to intervene in the cases of Golsteyn and two other service members , Eddie Gallagher and Clint Lorance .
Hegseth said that doing so would be “ heartening for guys like me and others in the service.
” Golsteyn ’ s wife , Julie , repeatedly appeared on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her husband ’ s case .
Trump pardoned Golsteyn in November 2019 , while he was still awaiting trial .
The next month , Golsteyn appeared on stage at a fundraiser with Trump .
The Daily Beast reported that Trump wanted the accused war criminals he pardoned to campaign for him in 2020 .
Lieutenant Clint Lorance received a 19-year prison sentence for second-degree murder after ordering troops to fire on unarmed Afghan civilians in 2012 .
Two of them died .
The Trump connection : Lorance benefited from Hegseth ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cases of convicted and accused war criminals .
Trump pardoned Lorance in November 2019 , freeing him from prison after six years .
Lorance has since praised the president on Fox News and , along with Golsteyn , took the stage at a fundraiser with Trump .
Special Operations Chief Gallagher , a Navy SEAL , was charged with war crimes in 2018 .
He was acquitted of the most serious charges , sentenced to time served , and demoted .
The Trump connection : The case first came to Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocate for Gallagher ’ s family in conservative media , the AP reported .
Hegseth lobbied hard on behalf of Gallagher .
So did Trump allies Rep. Matt Gaetz ( R-Fla. ) and then-Rep. Duncan Hunter ( R-Calif. ) , who resigned in January after pleading guilty to conspiracy to misuse campaign funds .
Trump didn ’ t grant Gallagher a pardon or commutation , but he did reverse Gallagher ’ s demotion .

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Versions of this story were published on April 13, 2020, July 10, 2020, and November 25, 2020.
Donald Trump on Tuesday added another batch of names to the long list of friends, loyalists, cronies, and conservative celebrities who have received presidential pardons or commutations. This time, the beneficiaries included three corrupt former members of Congress—Reps. Duncan Hunter (R-Calif.), Chris Collins (R-N.Y.), and Steve Stockman (R-Texas)—and two men, George Papadopoulos and Alex van der Zwaan, who pleaded guilty to lying to investigators as part of the Trump-Russia Scandal.
Trump also pardoned four former security contractors—Nicholas Slatten, Paul Slough, Evan Liberty, and Dustin Heard—who had been convicted for their roles in the 2007 killings of Iraqi civilians. The four men were employees of Blackwater, the company founded by Erik Prince, the brother of Trump Education Secretary Betsy DeVos. Trump also pardoned Ignacio Ramos and Jose Compean, former border patrol agents who were convicted in the 2005 shooting of an alleged drug smuggler.
Trump’s use—and abuse—of executive clemency has figured prominently in his presidency. One widely discussed Trump 2020 campaign ad, aired during the Super Bowl, featured Alice Johnson—a Black woman who served 21 years in prison for a nonviolent drug offense before Trump commuted her sentence in 2018. “Thanks to President Trump, people like Alice are getting a second chance,” the ad stated. On Tuesday, Trump granted clemency to several women who served time with Johnson.
But Johnson’s case is far from typical. More often, Trump has used his pardon powers to reward political allies like Hunter and Collins, who were the first two Republican members of Congress to endorse him in the 2016 primaries. Here’s a list of right-wing icons, corrupt public officials, accused war criminals, and other controversial figures who have received clemency from Trump.
Michael Flynn
Flynn, who briefly served as Trump’s first national security adviser, pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI in connection with the Trump-Russia investigation.
The Trump connection: Weeks into his administration, Trump fired Flynn for lying about his conversations with the Russian ambassador—the scandal that ultimately led to Flynn’s guilty plea. But in subsequent years, Trump defended Flynn, and his Department of Justice attempted to drop the charges in the case. Flynn’s lawyer, Sidney Powell, joined Trump’s legal team after the 2020 election, peddling bizarre conspiracy theories about voting machines and election fraud. Trump pardoned Flynn on November 25.
It is my Great Honor to announce that General Michael T. Flynn has been granted a Full Pardon. Congratulations to @GenFlynn and his wonderful family, I know you will now have a truly fantastic Thanksgiving! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 25, 2020
Roger Stone
Stone, a longtime Trump adviser, was convicted of lying to Congress, obstruction, and witness tampering in connection with the Russia investigation.
The Trump connection: Stone’s 2019 trial revealed that Trump likely lied to special counsel Robert Mueller about his own role in the scandal, but Stone has remained staunchly loyal to the president. Trump returned the favor. He repeatedly sought to intervene on Stone’s behalf—publicly berating federal prosecutors, the judge in the case, and even a juror. Senior Justice Department officials allegedly pressured government attorneys to “cut Stone a break.” On July 10, Trump commuted Stone’s sentence, just days before Stone would have been required to report to prison.
Joe Arpaio
During his 24 years as the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Arpaio called himself “America’s toughest sheriff” and became known for his severe treatment of immigrants and the harsh conditions in his county jail. When a judge ordered him to stop detaining people based solely on suspicion of their immigration status, which amounted to racial profiling, he refused. In 2017, he was found guilty of criminal contempt of court for violating that order.
The Trump connection: Arpaio endorsed Trump in January 2016, citing his stances on immigration and stumping for him in Iowa. The two men also share a fondness for racist conspiracy theories. At the same time Trump was pushing the false claim that President Barack Obama was not born in the United States, Arpaio sent one of his deputies and a member of his volunteer birther posse to Hawaii to investigate Obama’s birth certificate. At an August 2017 rally in Phoenix, Trump hinted at a pardon. “Was Sheriff Joe convicted for doing his job?” he said. “I’ll make a prediction: I think he’s going to be just fine.” Days later, the president followed through. “Sheriff Joe is a patriot,” he declared. “Sheriff Joe loves our country. Sheriff Joe protected our borders. And Sheriff Joe was very unfairly treated by the Obama administration.”
Dwight and Steven Hammond
When Oregon ranchers Dwight and Steven Hammond were convicted of arson for burning more than 100 acres of federal land, their case became a flashpoint in the fight for control over public lands. (Witnesses testified the fire was intended to cover up evidence of illegal hunting; the Hammonds said they started the fire on their own property to burn off invasive species and it accidentally spread.) “They have become symbols of the way many rural Americans feel they’ve been wronged by federal overreach,” BuzzFeed News reported. Their case sparked a 41-day standoff with federal agents at a wildlife refuge in Oregon, led by Ryan and Ammon Bundy. Many people joining the protest were members of unofficial militias, armed with long guns and pistols and dressed in full tactical gear. One Arizona rancher was killed by police.
The Trump connection: The Hammonds had support both from right-wing extremists willing to take up arms against government regulation and from a multimillionaire oil magnate. Forrest Lucas—a GOP megadonor who holds naming rights to the Indianapolis Colts stadium and has close ties to Vice President Mike Pence—made the Hammonds a personal cause as a symbol of his anti-regulation agenda. Trump pardoned them in July 2018. Lucas flew the Hammonds home in his private plane after they were released.
Rod Blagojevich
Blagojevich was governor of Illinois in 2008 when then-Senator Barack Obama won the presidency, leaving Blagojevich to pick Obama’s successor. The governor was convicted of trying to shake down a children’s hospital and sell Obama’s Senate seat. “I’ve got this thing and it’s fucking golden,” he said on a secretly recorded call, referring to the Senate seat. “I’m not just giving it up for fucking nothing.”
The Trump connection: Blagojevich appeared on Trump’s Celebrity Apprentice reality show after leaving office but before going to prison. (He was fired from Celebrity Apprentice, Trump told him, because his “Harry Potter facts were not accurate.”) In recent years, Blagojevich’s wife Patti became a regular on Fox News, hoping to catch the president’s ear as she pleaded for clemency and shopped the theory that Robert Mueller and James Comey—two of the key law enforcement officials who later investigated the Trump-Russia scandal—were behind her husband’s downfall. (Mueller was head of the FBI at the time of Blagojevich’s conviction; Comey was in private practice.) “They took down a governor, and now they’ve got their sights much higher,” she said. Trump commuted Blagojevich’s sentence on February 18, freeing him from prison six years early.
Rod Blagojevich did not sell the Senate seat. He served 8 years in prison, with many remaining. He paid a big price. Another Comey and gang deal! Thank you to @LisaMarieBoothe who really “gets” what’s going on! @FoxNews — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) February 19, 2020
Scooter Libby
Former Vice President Dick Cheney’s chief of staff was convicted of perjury and obstruction of justice in 2007 in an infamous case involving the disclosure of the identity of CIA officer Valerie Plame. At the time, Plame was married to a diplomat who had accused the Bush administration of twisting intelligence to justify the invasion of Iraq.
The Trump connection: Comey, who was deputy attorney general at the time, appointed Patrick Fitzgerald—the same US attorney who prosecuted Blagojevich—as special counsel to investigate the Plame scandal. Bush commuted Libby’s sentence in 2007, allowing him to avoid prison time but leaving the conviction on his record. Libby’s defenders continued to argue that he’d been railroaded by overzealous prosecutors, and Trump pardoned him in 2018. Victoria Toensing—who was Libby’s lawyer, as well as vocal Trump ally and a key player in the Ukraine scandal—told the Washington Post that Libby was the victim of an “injustice inflicted on him and his family” by Comey and Fitzgerald. The White House gave a similar explanation. “Many people think that Scooter Libby was the victim of a special counsel gone amok,” Trump adviser Kellyanne Conway said. The same day Trump pardoned Libby, he attacked Comey.
On the day the President wrongly attacks Comey for being a “leaker and liar” he considers pardoning a convicted leaker and liar, Scooter Libby. This is the President’s way of sending a message to those implicated in the Russia investigation: You have my back and I‘ll have yours. — Adam Schiff (@RepAdamSchiff) April 13, 2018
Bernard Kerik
Kerik, the former New York City police commissioner under Rudy Giuliani, pleaded guilty in 2009 to eight felonies, including tax fraud and lying to White House officials. During sentencing, the judge said Kerik had made “a conscious decision to essentially lie to the president of the United States to get a cabinet position”—a reference to the fact that Bush had nominated him in 2004 to serve as Homeland Security secretary. He served three years in prison.
The Trump connection: Kerik has been a regular on Fox News, where he has suggested House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) should be arrested over their roles in Trump’s impeachment. According to a White House statement, Giuliani and Fox host Geraldo Rivera were among those who pushed for a Kerik pardon, which Trump granted on February 18.
Michael Milken
Billionaire Michael Milken, once the highest-paid man in the history of Wall Street, helped create the market for junk bonds in the 1980s. The “junk bond king” was charged with insider trading and convicted of securities fraud in 1990. He served 22 months in prison.
The Trump connection: Trump pardoned Milken on February 18. The president’s adviser and son-in-law, Jared Kushner, lobbied for Milken’s pardon, as did Giuliani, whose US attorney office had prosecuted Milken. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin—a longtime friend who flew on Milken’s private jet last year—pushed for the pardon. So did Rupert Murdoch, who relied on Milken’s services to fuel the growth of News Corp. According to the White House, the pardon was also supported by GOP megadonor Sheldon Adelson, Trump fundraiser and inaugural committee chairman Tom Barrack, Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao, and New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft.
Paul Pogue
Pogue, who owned a Texas construction company, was convicted of underpaying his taxes by nearly $500,000 in 2010. He was sentenced to three years of probation.
The Trump connection: Pogue’s son Ben and daughter-in-law Ashleigh donated more than $200,000 to the Trump Victory PAC. The Daily Beast reported that on the day of their first donation, Ashleigh posted an Instagram photo of the couple posing with Donald Trump Jr. and his girlfriend Kimberly Guilfoyle, a former Fox News host, in the Hamptons. The president pardoned Pogue on February 18.
David Safavian
Safavian was convicted of obstruction of justice and making false statements in 2008 in connection with the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal. (Abramoff pleaded guilty to, among other things, defrauding Native American tribes). Safavian, who was working in George W. Bush’s budget office at the time, went on a golf trip to London and Scotland with Abramoff. Safavian was sentenced to a year in prison.
The Trump connection: Safavian is general counsel at the American Conservative Union, which is chaired by Matt Schlapp, whose wife Mercedes was formerly the White House director of strategic communications and went on to serve as a spokesperson for Trump’s 2020 reelection campaign. Trump pardoned Safavian on February 18.
Pat Nolan
Nolan, a Republican former California state legislator, pleaded guilty in 1994 in an FBI political corruption sting known as “Shrimpscam,” in which federal agents pretending to represent a shrimp business offered bribes to lawmakers. He served 26 months in prison. He’s since become a leading conservative voice on criminal justice reform.
The Trump connection: Nolan leads the Center for Criminal Justice Reform at the American Conservative Union Foundation. Nolan was also an influential voice in favor of the First Step Act, a bipartisan criminal justice reform law that Trump sees as one of his signature legislative achievements. (The measure was highlighted in Trump’s Super Bowl ad that featured Alice Johnson.) Trump pardoned Nolan in May 2019.
Kristian Saucier
While a sailor in the Navy, Saucier illegally retained photographs he took of classified areas of a nuclear submarine. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 12 months in prison.
The Trump connection: On the campaign trail in 2016, Trump frequently referred to Saucier’s conviction as an example of punishment for what he deemed a lesser offense than Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server as secretary of State. He pardoned Saucier in March 2018.
Dinesh D’Souza
D’Souza—a conservative provocateur and former Reagan adviser—is known for his incendiary articles and films, including ones that have focused on Obama-related conspiracy theories. He was convicted in 2014 of making illegal campaign contributions to Wendy Long, a Republican Senate candidate in New York, funneling $20,000 through straw donors to evade campaign finance limits. He was sentenced to five years probation, including eight months of confinement in a community center.
The Trump connection: D’Souza claimed that Obama’s Justice Department had pursued the case because D’Souza had made a movie critical of Obama. A judge at the time called this theory “nonsense,” but it resonated with Trump. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) was among those who lobbied for a pardon for D’Souza, which Trump granted in May 2018. Jeanine Pirro, a Fox News host and former judge who is one of Trump’s most vocal supporters, applauded it. Roger Stone cited D’Souza’s pardon as a signal that Trump had the backs of former aides who had been indicted in the Mueller investigation. “It has to be a signal to Mike Flynn and Paul Manafort and even Robert S. Mueller III: Indict people for crimes that don’t pertain to Russian collusion and this is what could happen,” Stone told the Washington Post.
Conrad Black
Black was a media mogul who at one point ran the world’s third-largest newspaper company, which owned papers such as the Chicago Sun-Times and the Daily Telegraph. In 2007—in yet another case prosecuted by Patrick Fitzgerald—Black was convicted of obstruction of justice and fraud for swindling his company out of $60 million that should have gone to stockholders. Black served three and a half years in prison, though parts or his conviction were ultimately overturned.
The Trump connection: At Black’s 2007 trial, Trump had been expected to testify that Black’s wife’s $62,000 birthday party was a business event, rather than a social gathering—but Black’s lawyers changed their minds at the last minute. In recent years, Black has become a prolific writer of op-eds praising the president, as well as the sycophantic book Donald J. Trump: A President Like No Other. Rush Limbaugh and Henry Kissinger were among those who pressed Trump to pardon Black; he did so in May 2019.
Angela Stanton
Stanton was convicted on federal conspiracy charges for her role in a car theft ring in 2004. After serving her two-year prison sentence, she became a television personality and author, starring in a BET docuseries and writing an inflammatory book called Lies of a Real Housewife, alleging that one of the stars of Real Housewives of Atlanta had been part of her “hustler’s life of crime” years ago.
The Trump connection: Stanton helped push for the First Step Act. In 2019, she participated in a Fox News panel of Black voters as a Trump supporter. After being pardoned on February 18, she announced plans to run for Congress as a Republican. She ultimately lost her race by more than 70 percentage points.
Eddie DeBartolo Jr.
DeBartolo, a former owner of the San Francisco 49ers, was convicted in 1998 of failing to report a $400,000 bribe the governor of Louisiana solicited from him. He was sentenced to two years’ probation and $1 million in penalties.
The Trump connection: DeBartolo supported Trump’s presidential campaign and hosted a pre-inauguration party headlined by Kimberly Guilfoyle and Omarosa Manigault. DeBartolo is also a local celebrity in his hometown of Youngstown, Ohio. As Philip Bump wrote in the Washington Post, Trump’s pardon of DeBartolo, issued on February 18, could have been part of his effort to keep Ohio red in 2020.
Michael Behenna
Behenna was an Army lieutenant who served five years in prison for the 2008 murder of Ali Mansur, an Iraqi prisoner. US forces took Mansur into custody after a roadside bomb killed two of Behenna’s friends and platoon members, but he was freed when the military couldn’t conclusively link him to the bombing. Behenna was supposed to drive Mansur back to his village. Instead, Behenna stripped him naked, interrogated him without authorization, and fatally shot him. He later claimed self-defense.
The Trump connection: Fox & Friends—one of Trump’s favorite shows—treated Behenna’s case favorably and gave Behenna’s parents a platform to lobby for a pardon. Trump pardoned him in May 2019, freeing him from his parole restrictions five years early.
Mathew Golsteyn
Major Mathew Golsteyn was charged with murder in 2018 when he acknowledged having killed an Afghan man in 2010. The man was suspected of making bombs and had been ordered to be released after questioning. According to documents unearthed by the Washington Post in 2015, an Army investigation found that Golsteyn and other soldiers buried the man’s body, dug it up, and then burned it. Golsteyn’s lawyer had told the Post at the time that the documents “are taken out of context and are biased,” adding that “it’s fantasy to say he confessed to shooting an unarmed detainee.”
The Trump connection: Pete Hegseth—a Fox & Friends host and a buddy of Trump—lobbied for months on air and off for Trump to intervene in the cases of Golsteyn and two other service members, Eddie Gallagher and Clint Lorance. Hegseth said that doing so would be “heartening for guys like me and others in the service.” Golsteyn’s wife, Julie, repeatedly appeared on Fox & Friends with Hegseth to plead her husband’s case. Trump pardoned Golsteyn in November 2019, while he was still awaiting trial. The next month, Golsteyn appeared on stage at a fundraiser with Trump. The Daily Beast reported that Trump wanted the accused war criminals he pardoned to campaign for him in 2020.
The case of Major Mathew Golsteyn is now under review at the White House. Mathew is a highly decorated Green Beret who is being tried for killing a Taliban bombmaker. We train our boys to be killing machines, then prosecute them when they kill! @PeteHegseth — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) October 12, 2019
Clint Lorance
Lieutenant Clint Lorance received a 19-year prison sentence for second-degree murder after ordering troops to fire on unarmed Afghan civilians in 2012. Two of them died.
The Trump connection: Lorance benefited from Hegseth’s campaign to secure Trump’s intervention in the cases of convicted and accused war criminals. Trump pardoned Lorance in November 2019, freeing him from prison after six years. Lorance has since praised the president on Fox News and, along with Golsteyn, took the stage at a fundraiser with Trump.
Eddie Gallagher
Special Operations Chief Gallagher, a Navy SEAL, was charged with war crimes in 2018. He was acquitted of the most serious charges, sentenced to time served, and demoted.
The Trump connection: The case first came to Trump’s attention when Bernard Kerik became an advocate for Gallagher’s family in conservative media, the AP reported. Hegseth lobbied hard on behalf of Gallagher. So did Trump allies Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) and then-Rep. Duncan Hunter (R-Calif.), who resigned in January after pleading guilty to conspiracy to misuse campaign funds. Trump didn’t grant Gallagher a pardon or commutation, but he did reverse Gallagher’s demotion.


motherjones--2020-12-22--2020 Was the Deadliest Year on Record for Migrants Crossing the Arizona Desert

The remains of 225 migrants trying to cross the Arizona desert have been found so far in 2020 , making it the deadliest year on record .
While there ’ s no one reason for the high number of deaths , they are likely the result of a combination of changes to border policy by the Trump administration , an increase in hostility by US Border Patrol toward humanitarian aid workers , and record-breaking heat in the state .
This is a significant uptick from last year , when 144 remains were found ; from 2018 , when there were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there were 124 , according to data compiled by the Pima County Medical Examiner ’ s Office and Humane Borders , a Tucson-based human rights group .
The previous record was in 2010 , when 224 remains were found in the Arizona desert .
Back in 2013 , the Pima County Medical Examiner ’ s Office and Humane Borders first published an online database mapping the deaths of people identified as migrants in Southern Arizona .
The public database was set up to help researchers , family members searching for a missing person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could use the information to identify where to leave more water .
The map shows a red dot for every body recovered : 3,365 since 2001 .
The red dots , even for a single year , can look overwhelming .
It ’ s important to remember each red dot represents someone ’ s loved one who died trying to reach the United States .
Consider just how much red there is in 2020 alone : According to Greg Hess , chief medical examiner in Pima County , “ the heat is likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of remains that we are finding.
” This year , Arizona broke many records with nonstop extreme heat for months , and with the least amount of rain during the summer .
But the heat alone may not be responsible for the increase .
Since March , the Trump administration has used the pandemic to seal shut an already virtually closed US-Mexico border to migrants who turn themselves in to border agents and to asylum seekers .
This is forcing more of them to take the dangerous trek through the Arizona desert to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t apply for asylum , so their options are considerably cut down and they ’ re forced into more and more dangerous situations , ” says Montana Thames , a humanitarian aid worker with No More Deaths , an advocacy group that seeks to aid migrants crossing in the desert .
“ Plus , wall construction is happening closer to Nogales and Sasabe , where there are more resources—so because of the wall constitution , they have to go to more dangerous and more remote parts of the desert.
” Robin Reineke , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Arizona Southwest Center , adds , “ We have witnessed over the past 20 years , as deaths have increased each time , efforts are made by the US federal government to restrict safe and legal avenues for migration.
” She points to the pandemic border closure , as well as the 2019 Remain in Mexico policy , which has kept more than 65,000 asylum seekers stuck in Mexican border towns , as exacerbating the situation .
“ When the desert is left as the only option , people will choose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dangers of severe poverty and violence if they stay [ in their home countries or in Mexican border towns ] , ” says Reineke , who also co-founded the Colibrí Center for Human Rights , which works to identify the remains of migrants .
“ The rights of migrants and refugees should be respected under international human rights law , not sacrificed in the name of a failed border security spectacle.
” Making matters worse , as part of the changes to border policy since the pandemic started , Border Patrol has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desert , many of whom are already in bad shape—often dehydrated and disoriented—right back to the border to be released into Mexico .
Thames notes this has meant that when they have tried to cross again , they are more vulnerable , already mentally and physically defeated and with fewer resources .
Throughout the years , most of the people who have passed away in the desert have died from exposure to the elements , resulting in hypothermia or hyperthermia .
For more than a decade , No More Deaths has been able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ giving them food and water to providing first aid as they cross the desert .
The organization has long had a functioning relationship with Border Patrol , and there was even mutual respect between the two , Thames says .
But this year , Thames and other humanitarian aid workers say previous agreements with Border Patrol seemed to go out the window—even as the workers saw people in desperate need of water , food , and medical attention as temperatures reached 120 degrees in the hottest moths .
“ Everything we do is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Border Patrol what we were doing and where the camps would be , ” Thames says .
Over the summer , Border Patrol raided a No More Deaths camp 10 miles north of the border that had been running since 2004 .
Heavily armed agents then conducted a second raid in the middle of the night just days later .
The agents confiscated phones and records of the migrants who had passed through the camp .
“ They turned their backs on this relationship and upped the violence , ” Thames says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Border Patrol agent apprehended a person and put them in the back of their truck for almost five hours without allowing aid workers to give the person food or water .
“ They must ’ ve had the AC on , because it was 120 degrees out , ” she says .
“ But we had to call the local fire department so they could reason with Border Patrol and allow the person to get food , water , and medical attention.
” Border Patrol did not respond directly to the comments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an email to Mother Jones that “ walking through remote inhospitable terrain is only one of many dangers illegal immigrants face during their dangerous journey into the United States.
” The agency , it adds , “ has strategically placed rescue beacons in remote locations where individuals in distress can call for help.
” ( Border Patrol has a specialized unit with EMTs and paramedics to help migrants in distress . )
Crossing the Arizona desert has been dangerous and deadly for decades .
Many of people who die while crossing are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 1,000 of those who have died in the last two decades remain unidentified and the Pima County Medical Examiner ’ s Office keeps the few items found on each body to try to figure out who the person was .
Since 2006 , the Colibrí Center for Human Rights has worked to connect thousands of missing persons reports with unidentified remains , and has identified 142 of them .
In one small bit of good news from this year , on December 18 , Congress passed a bipartisan bill called the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which will expand funding to process unidentified remains and help resolve missing persons cases across the country , including at the border .
The bill was sent to the president on Monday .
Still , as we head into the new year , Thames warns that the picture of what happened in 2020 could still get worse : “ There are many more people who have disappeared , and so many people who haven ’ t been recovered yet in the desert , so the number could be two or three times what @ @ @ @ @

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The remains of 225 migrants trying to cross the Arizona desert have been found so far in 2020, making it the deadliest year on record. While there’s no one reason for the high number of deaths, they are likely the result of a combination of changes to border policy by the Trump administration, an increase in hostility by US Border Patrol toward humanitarian aid workers, and record-breaking heat in the state.
“They can’t apply for asylum, so their options are considerably cut down and they’re forced into more and more dangerous situations.”
This is a significant uptick from last year, when 144 remains were found; from 2018, when there were 128; and from 2017, when there were 124, according to data compiled by the Pima County Medical Examiner’s Office and Humane Borders, a Tucson-based human rights group. The previous record was in 2010, when 224 remains were found in the Arizona desert.
Back in 2013, the Pima County Medical Examiner’s Office and Humane Borders first published an online database mapping the deaths of people identified as migrants in Southern Arizona. The public database was set up to help researchers, family members searching for a missing person, and humanitarian aid workers, who could use the information to identify where to leave more water. The map shows a red dot for every body recovered: 3,365 since 2001.
The red dots, even for a single year, can look overwhelming. It’s important to remember each red dot represents someone’s loved one who died trying to reach the United States. Consider just how much red there is in 2020 alone:
According to Greg Hess, chief medical examiner in Pima County, “the heat is likely the biggest contributing factor for the uptick of remains that we are finding.” This year, Arizona broke many records with nonstop extreme heat for months, and with the least amount of rain during the summer.
But the heat alone may not be responsible for the increase. Since March, the Trump administration has used the pandemic to seal shut an already virtually closed US-Mexico border to migrants who turn themselves in to border agents and to asylum seekers. This is forcing more of them to take the dangerous trek through the Arizona desert to avoid apprehension. “They can’t apply for asylum, so their options are considerably cut down and they’re forced into more and more dangerous situations,” says Montana Thames, a humanitarian aid worker with No More Deaths, an advocacy group that seeks to aid migrants crossing in the desert. “Plus, wall construction is happening closer to Nogales and Sasabe, where there are more resources—so because of the wall constitution, they have to go to more dangerous and more remote parts of the desert.”
“The rights of migrants and refugees should be respected under international human rights law, not sacrificed in the name of a failed border security spectacle.”
Robin Reineke, an assistant research social scientist at the University of Arizona Southwest Center, adds, “We have witnessed over the past 20 years, as deaths have increased each time, efforts are made by the US federal government to restrict safe and legal avenues for migration.” She points to the pandemic border closure, as well as the 2019 Remain in Mexico policy, which has kept more than 65,000 asylum seekers stuck in Mexican border towns, as exacerbating the situation.
“When the desert is left as the only option, people will choose it rather than facing the very real dangers of severe poverty and violence if they stay [in their home countries or in Mexican border towns],” says Reineke, who also co-founded the Colibrí Center for Human Rights, which works to identify the remains of migrants. “The rights of migrants and refugees should be respected under international human rights law, not sacrificed in the name of a failed border security spectacle.”
Making matters worse, as part of the changes to border policy since the pandemic started, Border Patrol has been immediately sending people they apprehend in the desert, many of whom are already in bad shape—often dehydrated and disoriented—right back to the border to be released into Mexico. Thames notes this has meant that when they have tried to cross again, they are more vulnerable, already mentally and physically defeated and with fewer resources.
Throughout the years, most of the people who have passed away in the desert have died from exposure to the elements, resulting in hypothermia or hyperthermia. For more than a decade, No More Deaths has been able to help migrants in need, from giving them food and water to providing first aid as they cross the desert. The organization has long had a functioning relationship with Border Patrol, and there was even mutual respect between the two, Thames says. But this year, Thames and other humanitarian aid workers say previous agreements with Border Patrol seemed to go out the window—even as the workers saw people in desperate need of water, food, and medical attention as temperatures reached 120 degrees in the hottest moths. “Everything we do is legal and transparent and we always told Border Patrol what we were doing and where the camps would be,” Thames says.
Over the summer, Border Patrol raided a No More Deaths camp 10 miles north of the border that had been running since 2004. Heavily armed agents then conducted a second raid in the middle of the night just days later. The agents confiscated phones and records of the migrants who had passed through the camp. “They turned their backs on this relationship and upped the violence,” Thames says.
Thames remembers one case this summer when a Border Patrol agent apprehended a person and put them in the back of their truck for almost five hours without allowing aid workers to give the person food or water. “They must’ve had the AC on, because it was 120 degrees out,” she says. “But we had to call the local fire department so they could reason with Border Patrol and allow the person to get food, water, and medical attention.”
Border Patrol did not respond directly to the comments from No More Deaths, but said in an email to Mother Jones that “walking through remote inhospitable terrain is only one of many dangers illegal immigrants face during their dangerous journey into the United States.” The agency, it adds, “has strategically placed rescue beacons in remote locations where individuals in distress can call for help.” (Border Patrol has a specialized unit with EMTs and paramedics to help migrants in distress.)
Since 2006, the Colibrí Center for Human Rights has worked to connect thousands of missing persons reports with unidentified remains. It has identified 142 of them.
Crossing the Arizona desert has been dangerous and deadly for decades. Many of people who die while crossing are never even identified; in fact, more than 1,000 of those who have died in the last two decades remain unidentified and the Pima County Medical Examiner’s Office keeps the few items found on each body to try to figure out who the person was. Since 2006, the Colibrí Center for Human Rights has worked to connect thousands of missing persons reports with unidentified remains, and has identified 142 of them. In one small bit of good news from this year, on December 18, Congress passed a bipartisan bill called the Missing Persons and Unidentified Remains Act, which will expand funding to process unidentified remains and help resolve missing persons cases across the country, including at the border. The bill was sent to the president on Monday.
Still, as we head into the new year, Thames warns that the picture of what happened in 2020 could still get worse: “There are many more people who have disappeared, and so many people who haven’t been recovered yet in the desert, so the number could be two or three times what we even know.”


motherjones--2020-12-22--Congress Passed a New COVID Relief Bill. It’s Not Nearly Enough.

Congress is poised to pass a long-awaited $ 900 billion COVID-relief package that will bring temporary economic assistance to struggling families , as the country approaches a new year and the 11th month of a pandemic that has killed almost 320,000 , upended livelihoods , shuttered businesses , and plunged millions into poverty—even as the nation ’ s wealthiest citizens have fared quite well .
The bill ’ s additional unemployment benefits alone will keep nearly 5 million people from falling into poverty next month .
But given that vaccines are unlikely to be widely available until the mid-summer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at best , a temporary and incomplete solution for families and for the broader economy .
The limited aid means workers won ’ t have a substantial cushion “ until a point closer to when the vaccine can roll out and people can go back to their shuttered occupations , ” Andrew Stettner , senior fellow at the Century Foundation , says in a statement .
“ Congress has given itself little choice but to immediately get to work on the next economic stimulus package as soon as President-elect Biden takes office.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cash into the hands of families who need it , thereby stimulating spending and the economy .
The first one provides one-time stimulus payments of $ 600 to all who qualify .
The other consists of extensions on different forms of unemployment assistance , and will expire in mid-March or early April .
These include : • an enhancement that adds $ 300 per week to unemployment checks for 11 weeks , beginning at the end of December .
• extensions of both regular unemployment benefits and the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance program—which provided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t normally qualify for unemployment—for an additional 11 weeks .
“ This is a lot better than nothing , ” says Heidi Shierholz , a senior economist and the director of policy at the Economic Policy Institute .
“ But it is not enough .
Millions of people will exhaust those benefits in the middle of March.
” None of the unemployment extensions are retroactive , and some are less generous than the proposals put forth by Democrats earlier in the pandemic .
The $ 300/week top-up , for instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The CARES Act enacted in March , which included a $ 600/week enhancement that expired July 31 , has been credited with preventing jobless Americans from falling off an income cliff early in the pandemic—and even allowing many to save .
But in the five months since those extra benefits have expired , recipients have blasted through their savings , and then some .
The lack of retroactivity for these new benefits , “ is a terrible missed opportunity to alleviate suffering and help the economy , ” says EPI ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stettner of the Century Foundation , the 11-week extension is unprecedented in its brevity .
Unemployment extensions are often passed during tough economic times , he explains , including in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis .
The norm is at least 13 weeks .
A relief proposal unveiled earlier this month by Sens .
Mitt Romney and Joe Manchin would have extended benefits for 16 weeks .
But that was curtailed at the last minute , probably to make room for the $ 600 stimulus checks , according to the Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is really bad economics , ” Shierholz points out .
“ Stimulus checks should never make unemployment benefits less generous as a result.
” That ’ s because , while both are helpful , unemployment benefits are targeted to people who will immediately spend , not save , the cash , providing a stronger stimulus effect .
“ This is a good bridge to the other side of the Trump administration , ” Mark Zandi , the chief economist at Moody ’ s Analysts , told CNBC .
“ But a lot more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an eviction crisis.
” There are additional benefits in the new relief package set to expire quickly .
The legislation extends the eviction moratorium imposed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention this fall , but only for one month , until the end of January .
The bill contains $ 25 billion in rental assistance to help tenants cover back rent , since the eviction moratorium does not cancel their debts to landlords .
But this rental assistance pales in comparison to the estimated $ 70 billion in back rent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will owe as of January 1 .
Lawmakers also failed to include aid to state and local governments , which are strapped for cash after months of lockdowns and feeble economic activity .
Shierholz calls this an “ egregious omission ” on the part of Congress that could slow economic recovery , including that of individual households , for years to come .
“ State and local aid is crucial to the pace of the recovery , ” she says .
That ’ s because states and local governments typically have balanced-budget requirements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced to make huge cuts , creating an economic slowdown .
This is precisely what happened in the 2008 crisis , Shierholz notes , when Congress provided insufficient assistance to state and local governments , resigning those regions to extended periods of austerity , delaying recovery “ from the Great Recession by over four years , ” she says .
“ So Congress leaving state and local aid out from this bill will deeply and negatively affect the strength of our recovery.
” The legislation is expected to get a vote on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely a Senate vote late on Monday or in the wee hours on Tuesday .

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Update: Congress passed the COVID relief package late Monday night.
Congress is poised to pass a long-awaited $900 billion COVID-relief package that will bring temporary economic assistance to struggling families, as the country approaches a new year and the 11th month of a pandemic that has killed almost 320,000, upended livelihoods, shuttered businesses, and plunged millions into poverty—even as the nation’s wealthiest citizens have fared quite well.
The bill’s additional unemployment benefits alone will keep nearly 5 million people from falling into poverty next month. But given that vaccines are unlikely to be widely available until the mid-summer, experts say this stimulus will provide, at best, a temporary and incomplete solution for families and for the broader economy.
“Congress has given itself little choice but to immediately get to work on the next economic stimulus package.”
The limited aid means workers won’t have a substantial cushion “until a point closer to when the vaccine can roll out and people can go back to their shuttered occupations,” Andrew Stettner, senior fellow at the Century Foundation, says in a statement. “Congress has given itself little choice but to immediately get to work on the next economic stimulus package as soon as President-elect Biden takes office.”
The bill contains two programs for putting cash into the hands of families who need it, thereby stimulating spending and the economy. The first one provides one-time stimulus payments of $600 to all who qualify. The other consists of extensions on different forms of unemployment assistance, and will expire in mid-March or early April. These include:
an enhancement that adds $300 per week to unemployment checks for 11 weeks, beginning at the end of December.
extensions of both regular unemployment benefits and the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance program—which provided benefits to independent contractors and others who don’t normally qualify for unemployment—for an additional 11 weeks.
“This is a lot better than nothing,” says Heidi Shierholz, a senior economist and the director of policy at the Economic Policy Institute. “But it is not enough. Millions of people will exhaust those benefits in the middle of March.”
None of the unemployment extensions are retroactive, and some are less generous than the proposals put forth by Democrats earlier in the pandemic. The $300/week top-up, for instance, is half of what the Democrats wanted. The CARES Act enacted in March, which included a $600/week enhancement that expired July 31, has been credited with preventing jobless Americans from falling off an income cliff early in the pandemic—and even allowing many to save. But in the five months since those extra benefits have expired, recipients have blasted through their savings, and then some.
The lack of retroactivity for these new benefits, “is a terrible missed opportunity to alleviate suffering and help the economy,” says EPI’s Shierholz. In addition, according to Stettner of the Century Foundation, the 11-week extension is unprecedented in its brevity. Unemployment extensions are often passed during tough economic times, he explains, including in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The norm is at least 13 weeks. A relief proposal unveiled earlier this month by Sens. Mitt Romney and Joe Manchin would have extended benefits for 16 weeks. But that was curtailed at the last minute, probably to make room for the $600 stimulus checks, according to the Washington Post.
“Trading those things off is really bad economics,” Shierholz points out. “Stimulus checks should never make unemployment benefits less generous as a result.” That’s because, while both are helpful, unemployment benefits are targeted to people who will immediately spend, not save, the cash, providing a stronger stimulus effect.
“This is a good bridge to the other side of the Trump administration,” Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody’s Analysts, told CNBC. “But a lot more building needs to be done to avoid an eviction crisis.”There are additional benefits in the new relief package set to expire quickly. The legislation extends the eviction moratorium imposed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention this fall, but only for one month, until the end of January. The bill contains $25 billion in rental assistance to help tenants cover back rent, since the eviction moratorium does not cancel their debts to landlords. But this rental assistance pales in comparison to the estimated $70 billion in back rent, late fees, and unpaid utilities tenants will owe as of January 1.
Lawmakers also failed to include aid to state and local governments, which are strapped for cash after months of lockdowns and feeble economic activity. Shierholz calls this an “egregious omission” on the part of Congress that could slow economic recovery, including that of individual households, for years to come.
“Leaving state and local aid out from this bill will deeply and negatively affect the strength of our recovery.”
“State and local aid is crucial to the pace of the recovery,” she says. That’s because states and local governments typically have balanced-budget requirements. Lacking aid, they will be forced to make huge cuts, creating an economic slowdown. This is precisely what happened in the 2008 crisis, Shierholz notes, when Congress provided insufficient assistance to state and local governments, resigning those regions to extended periods of austerity, delaying recovery “from the Great Recession by over four years,” she says. “So Congress leaving state and local aid out from this bill will deeply and negatively affect the strength of our recovery.”
The legislation is expected to get a vote on the House floor on Monday night, and likely a Senate vote late on Monday or in the wee hours on Tuesday.


motherjones--2020-12-23--Los Angeles’ New District Attorney Eliminated Cash Bail. Judges and Prosecutors Are Pushing Back.

In early December , when George Gascón was sworn in as Los Angeles County ’ s new district attorney , one public defender said it felt like a “ weight had been lifted off of their shoulders.
” Gascón , a former Los Angeles beat cop , is an unlikely reformer for the largest prosecutor ’ s office in the country—which filters defendants into the largest jail system in the world .
But within the growing ranks of progressive prosecutors , Gascón is carving out a reputation for moving fast .
His first two weeks in office sent shockwaves across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special directives , Gascón announced that Los Angeles prosecutors will no longer seek cash bail , sentencing enhancements , or capital punishment .
His transition team , which includes just one prosecutor , is composed of community advocates , bail experts , and people with lived experience in the justice system .
In his first public meeting as DA , he met with Black Lives Matter activists and family members of people shot by LAPD , promising to reopen police shooting cases that were closed by his predecessor .
“ Whether you were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutor , I ask that you walk with me , ” Gascón said in his inauguration speech .
“ Join me on this journey.
” Not everyone has .
Gascón ’ s former union , the Los Angeles Police Protective League—which spent at least $ 1 million to oppose his candidacy—is furious .
So are some rank-and-file district attorneys .
Multiple Los Angeles public defenders told Mother Jones that those prosecutors , along with tough-on-crime judges , are fighting implementation of Gascón ’ s directives every step of the way .
Take Gasón @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The directive , which went into effect in early December , has the potential to address longstanding racial and economic disparities in Los Angeles County ’ s jails , where pretrial detainees make up some 44 percent of people incarcerated—many because they don ’ t have the money to make bail .
The rule change covers all misdemeanors and non-serious or non-violent felony charges , except in instances when a defendant poses a threat to public safety or is a flight risk .
One attorney in the public defender ’ s office hopes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cash bail will alleviate overcrowding , curb COVID exposure , and ultimately slow down what she sees as an “ assembly-line ” approach to justice .
The attorney especially fears for one of her younger clients facing felony charges .
The client has sickle cell anemia and has had to quarantine in jail .
Now , they may be eligible for release without bail .
“ I also feel like it shouldn ’ t be a life sentence with dying from COVID either , ” she says .
“ That ’ s scary.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , four Los Angeles public defenders told Mother Jones that Gascón ’ s directive is meeting a wave of pushback from both prosecutors and judges .
One public defender says that , despite the directive , a judge kept her client , who faced non-violent , non-serious felony charges , incarcerated with bail that had been reduced to $ 150,000—although both she and the prosecutor argued that the client should be released on his own recognizance .
The following day , the attorney said , the judge cited public safety grounds to raise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dictated by California ’ s bail schedule .
“ I argued that she needs to consider my client ’ s financial situation , ” the attorney says .
“ This may as well be a no-bail , because he can ’ t pay it .
She wouldn ’ t budge.
” Another attorney says that deputy prosecutors have mounted their own challenges to Gascón ’ s bail order .
Even as prosecutors give the directive lip service , reading from the directive to ask for a dismissal , she says she ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their argument , that they believe the directive to be “ unethical.
” “ They ’ re making it well known that they ’ re not about the bail policy , ” she says .
Gascón ’ s sentencing enhancement directive has faced similar backlash .
Last week , high-profile deputy DA Richard Ceballos refused to tell a judge in a case he was prosecuting that dismissing hate crime enhancements would serve the interest of justice ; the Los Angeles Times reported that the judge in the case “ ultimately blocked the motion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had “ no independent authority ” to dismiss an enhancement in a felony case , “ drawing a cheer from two LAPD detectives sitting in the back of the courtroom.
” On Friday , Gascón walked back part of his sentencing enhancement ban .
Now prosecutors can seek additional prison time for charges of hate crimes , elder or child abuse , and sex trafficking .
A memo obtained by the Los Angeles Times revealed that Gascón is now ordering prosecutors to notify their supervisors when a judge refuses to dismiss an enhancement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ document—now taken down—circulated among public defenders to track “ non-compliant ” deputy prosecutors .
Both the public defender ’ s office and Gascón ’ s transition team denied creating or sharing the file .
Despite the hurdles , reform experts say Gascon has plenty of time to reshape the office .
“ At the end of the day , prosecutors are just one part of this puzzle , ” says Robin Steinberg , a bail expert on Gascón ’ s transition team .
( Disclosure : Steinberg is CEO of the Bail Project @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 2017 to June 2019 . )
“ Judges are going to have discretion over what they do with respect to bail and whether they hold somebody pretrial or not , and in the end , the police are the ones who make decisions about who they arrest.
” “ I think that ’ s just a culture change that ’ s going to take a while , ” says Alicia Virani , who directs the criminal justice program at the University of California , Los Angeles .
“ It ’ s going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have a more similar mindset , to make sure that these policies can actually be effective.
” Lex Steppling , director of campaigns and policy for advocacy group Dignity and Power Now , says that any reform is difficult to implement without judicial accountability .
Steppling ’ s organization is at work on a countywide bill that would establish an independent , community-based pretrial services agency , ban risk assessments , require the county to finance restrictive release tools like ankle monitors , and , ultimately , allow most people in pretrial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obviously don ’ t believe that our salvation or liberation lives inside the district attorney ’ s office , ” Steppling says .
“ But the goal is to have more people home , back in our community and safer .
And much of what he plans to do will help with that .
”

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In early December, when George Gascón was sworn in as Los Angeles County’s new district attorney, one public defender said it felt like a “weight had been lifted off of their shoulders.” Gascón, a former Los Angeles beat cop, is an unlikely reformer for the largest prosecutor’s office in the country—which filters defendants into the largest jail system in the world. But within the growing ranks of progressive prosecutors, Gascón is carving out a reputation for moving fast.
His first two weeks in office sent shockwaves across Los Angeles: in a series of special directives, Gascón announced that Los Angeles prosecutors will no longer seek cash bail, sentencing enhancements, or capital punishment. His transition team, which includes just one prosecutor, is composed of community advocates, bail experts, and people with lived experience in the justice system. In his first public meeting as DA, he met with Black Lives Matter activists and family members of people shot by LAPD, promising to reopen police shooting cases that were closed by his predecessor.
“Whether you were a protestor, police officer, or prosecutor, I ask that you walk with me,” Gascón said in his inauguration speech. “Join me on this journey.”
Not everyone has. Gascón’s former union, the Los Angeles Police Protective League—which spent at least $1 million to oppose his candidacy—is furious. So are some rank-and-file district attorneys. Multiple Los Angeles public defenders told Mother Jones that those prosecutors, along with tough-on-crime judges, are fighting implementation of Gascón’s directives every step of the way.
Take Gasón’s elimination of cash bail. The directive, which went into effect in early December, has the potential to address longstanding racial and economic disparities in Los Angeles County’s jails, where pretrial detainees make up some 44 percent of people incarcerated—many because they don’t have the money to make bail. The rule change covers all misdemeanors and non-serious or non-violent felony charges, except in instances when a defendant poses a threat to public safety or is a flight risk.
One attorney in the public defender’s office hopes that Gascón’s decision to end cash bail will alleviate overcrowding, curb COVID exposure, and ultimately slow down what she sees as an “assembly-line” approach to justice. The attorney especially fears for one of her younger clients facing felony charges. The client has sickle cell anemia and has had to quarantine in jail. Now, they may be eligible for release without bail. “I also feel like it shouldn’t be a life sentence with dying from COVID either,” she says. “That’s scary.”
But speaking on condition of anonymity, four Los Angeles public defenders told Mother Jones that Gascón’s directive is meeting a wave of pushback from both prosecutors and judges.
One public defender says that, despite the directive, a judge kept her client, who faced non-violent, non-serious felony charges, incarcerated with bail that had been reduced to $150,000—although both she and the prosecutor argued that the client should be released on his own recognizance. The following day, the attorney said, the judge cited public safety grounds to raise his bail back to the $560,000 dictated by California’s bail schedule.
“I argued that she needs to consider my client’s financial situation,” the attorney says. “This may as well be a no-bail, because he can’t pay it. She wouldn’t budge.”
Another attorney says that deputy prosecutors have mounted their own challenges to Gascón’s bail order. Even as prosecutors give the directive lip service, reading from the directive to ask for a dismissal, she says she’s witnessed them telling the judges, after their argument, that they believe the directive to be “unethical.”
“They’re making it well known that they’re not about the bail policy,” she says.
Gascón’s sentencing enhancement directive has faced similar backlash. Last week, high-profile deputy DA Richard Ceballos refused to tell a judge in a case he was prosecuting that dismissing hate crime enhancements would serve the interest of justice; the Los Angeles Times reported that the judge in the case “ultimately blocked the motion to dismiss.” Another judge said prosecutors had “no independent authority” to dismiss an enhancement in a felony case, “drawing a cheer from two LAPD detectives sitting in the back of the courtroom.”
On Friday, Gascón walked back part of his sentencing enhancement ban. Now prosecutors can seek additional prison time for charges of hate crimes, elder or child abuse, and sex trafficking.
A memo obtained by the Los Angeles Times revealed that Gascón is now ordering prosecutors to notify their supervisors when a judge refuses to dismiss an enhancement. In addition, a recent Google document—now taken down—circulated among public defenders to track “non-compliant” deputy prosecutors. Both the public defender’s office and Gascón’s transition team denied creating or sharing the file.
Despite the hurdles, reform experts say Gascon has plenty of time to reshape the office. “At the end of the day, prosecutors are just one part of this puzzle,” says Robin Steinberg, a bail expert on Gascón’s transition team. (Disclosure: Steinberg is CEO of the Bail Project, where I worked from the end of 2017 to June 2019.) “Judges are going to have discretion over what they do with respect to bail and whether they hold somebody pretrial or not, and in the end, the police are the ones who make decisions about who they arrest.”
“I think that’s just a culture change that’s going to take a while,” says Alicia Virani, who directs the criminal justice program at the University of California, Los Angeles. “It’s going to take [Gascón] recruiting DAs who have a more similar mindset, to make sure that these policies can actually be effective.”
Lex Steppling, director of campaigns and policy for advocacy group Dignity and Power Now, says that any reform is difficult to implement without judicial accountability. Steppling’s organization is at work on a countywide bill that would establish an independent, community-based pretrial services agency, ban risk assessments, require the county to finance restrictive release tools like ankle monitors, and, ultimately, allow most people in pretrial detention to return home.
“We obviously don’t believe that our salvation or liberation lives inside the district attorney’s office,” Steppling says. “But the goal is to have more people home, back in our community and safer. And much of what he plans to do will help with that.”


motherjones--2020-12-23--Trump’s Very Swampy Pardon of a Ben Carson Crony

President Donald Trump ’ s recent spate of pardons has justifiably provoked outrage .
War criminals , crooked Republican congressmen ( who had supported Trump ) , and Mueller probe felons—Trump provided passes to a wide assortment of convicted scoundrels and up-ended the justice system .
Among these scurrilous pardons , one has slipped by without much notice : the pardon of a Pittsburgh oral surgeon named Alfonso Costa , who committed criminal health care fraud .
Costa just happened to be a close friend of Ben Carson , the secretary of Housing and Urban Development , and he had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dollars .
It is another example of how the Trump swamp works .
In 2007 , Costa and a partner were charged with health care fraud for defrauding insurance companies , including Blue Cross Blue Shield , of $ 44,000 .
They pleaded guilty .
Carson sent a gushing letter to a federal judge in Pittsburgh asking for leniency for Costa , who he has called his “ best friend.
” ( Carson wrote that “ next to my wife of 32 years , there is no one on this planet I trust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was sentenced to three years probation , one year of house arrest , 100 hours of community service .
He was ordered to pay restitution of $ 44,000 and a $ 250,000 fine .
His dental license was revoked .
He served two years of probation .
Costa did his community service working for Carson ’ s charity .
But Costa was more than a close friend to Carson .
He was a business partner .
As Mother Jones ’ Russ Choma and the Associated Press revealed in 2015 , Carson had close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Costa owned called Costa Land Management .
( Carson did not mention this in his letter to the judge . )
And Costa ’ s company helped oversee a lucrative investment for Carson and his wife .
As we reported five years ago , Costa , who met Carson in the 1990s , was key to Carson ’ s acquisition of a profitable multi-million-dollar commercial real estate property : Carson [ in 2007 ] created two limited liability corporations in Pennsylvania—BenCan LLC AND INBS LLC—that listed Costa ’ s residence at that time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still do , though Costa sold that house in 2011 . )
Shortly after their formation , the companies were used to purchase an office building in Mount Lebanon , a Pittsburgh suburb .
Real estate records list Carson as the owner of BenCan and his wife Candy as the owner of INBS ; the couple jointly purchased the building for $ 3 million , $ 2.4 million of which they borrowed .
On both the mortgage and the deed , Carson and his wife state their official addresses as Costa ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documents associated with this property , including lease agreements , are signed not by Carson or his wife , but by various executives from the Costa Land Company , including the outfit ’ s chief operating officer , Sarah Piccione .
Neither Costa nor Piccione responded to requests for comment .
These LLCs made the Carsons between $ 200,000 and $ 2 million a year , according to the candidate financial disclosure form Carson filed in 2015 .
At the time , the Carson campaign refused to discuss the details of Carson ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stories on Carson and Costa appeared , Carson released a statement : “ Al Costa is my best friend .
Al Costa is my very best friend .
I know his heart .
I am proud to call him my friend .
I have always and will continue to stand by him .
That is what real friends do !
” And there was more to the Carson-Costa story .
We discovered a curious item on Carson ’ s financial form .
He listed a plot of land in West Palm Beach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million and described the property as “ CPC Grand Prix South Lot.
” But Palm Beach County real estate records showed no Carson ownership of such a lot .
Those records only registered Carson ’ s ownership of his personal residence , a home on a golf course in West Palm Beach that had been purchased for $ 775,000 in 2013 .
And neither of the shell companies he and his wife had used for their Pittsburgh real estate deal with Costa owned property in Palm Beach County .
So there was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Palm Beach property listed on the disclosure form ?
There was one clue .
According to Palm Beach County real estate records , Costa ’ s real estate company purchased a lot in a development called Grand Prix Village South in March 2014 for $ 2.8 million .
Was this connected to Carson ’ s real estate investment ?
Was Costa fronting for Carson ?
Was Carson sharing this investment with the felonious fraudster ?
The Carson campaign refused to clear up the puzzle .
“ We are not offering up the detail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign spokesman told Mother Jones at the time .
And Costa did not respond to requests for comment .
Costa has done much for and with Carson .
He has worked with Carson ’ s charity .
He has taken family vacations with the Carsons , including to Costa ’ s luxury property on the Amalfi coast .
( The “ most beautiful spot on earth , ” Carson has said . )
He has helped Carson acquire a large amount of cash .
And Carson , who has loyally served Trump for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pardon for Costa .
Pardons are supposed to be used to correct miscarriages of justice .
Of course , Trump sees them as gifts he can dole out to reward loyalists and cronies or to score political points .
In this case , it appears Trump was doing a personal favor for Carson , who was doing a personal favor for an old buddy who made him money .
It ’ s not the most egregious of Trump ’ s pardons .
But it is a reminder that Trump has kept the @ @ @

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President Donald Trump’s recent spate of pardons has justifiably provoked outrage. War criminals, crooked Republican congressmen (who had supported Trump), and Mueller probe felons—Trump provided passes to a wide assortment of convicted scoundrels and up-ended the justice system. Among these scurrilous pardons, one has slipped by without much notice: the pardon of a Pittsburgh oral surgeon named Alfonso Costa, who committed criminal health care fraud. Costa just happened to be a close friend of Ben Carson, the secretary of Housing and Urban Development, and he had helped Carson pocket hundreds of thousands—perhaps millions—of dollars.
It is another example of how the Trump swamp works.
In 2007, Costa and a partner were charged with health care fraud for defrauding insurance companies, including Blue Cross Blue Shield, of $44,000. They pleaded guilty. Carson sent a gushing letter to a federal judge in Pittsburgh asking for leniency for Costa, who he has called his “best friend.” (Carson wrote that “next to my wife of 32 years, there is no one on this planet I trust more than Al Costa.”) Costa was sentenced to three years probation, one year of house arrest, 100 hours of community service. He was ordered to pay restitution of $44,000 and a $250,000 fine. His dental license was revoked. He served two years of probation. Costa did his community service working for Carson’s charity.
But Costa was more than a close friend to Carson. He was a business partner. As Mother Jones’ Russ Choma and the Associated Press revealed in 2015, Carson had close business links with a real estate firm Costa owned called Costa Land Management. (Carson did not mention this in his letter to the judge.) And Costa’s company helped oversee a lucrative investment for Carson and his wife.
As we reported five years ago, Costa, who met Carson in the 1990s, was key to Carson’s acquisition of a profitable multi-million-dollar commercial real estate property:
Carson [in 2007] created two limited liability corporations in Pennsylvania—BenCan LLC AND INBS LLC—that listed Costa’s residence at that time as their address. (And they still do, though Costa sold that house in 2011.) Shortly after their formation, the companies were used to purchase an office building in Mount Lebanon, a Pittsburgh suburb. Real estate records list Carson as the owner of BenCan and his wife Candy as the owner of INBS; the couple jointly purchased the building for $3 million, $2.4 million of which they borrowed. On both the mortgage and the deed, Carson and his wife state their official addresses as Costa’s office. Many of the publicly available documents associated with this property, including lease agreements, are signed not by Carson or his wife, but by various executives from the Costa Land Company, including the outfit’s chief operating officer, Sarah Piccione. Neither Costa nor Piccione responded to requests for comment.
These LLCs made the Carsons between $200,000 and $2 million a year, according to the candidate financial disclosure form Carson filed in 2015.
At the time, the Carson campaign refused to discuss the details of Carson’s business relationship with Costa. After the stories on Carson and Costa appeared, Carson released a statement: “Al Costa is my best friend. Al Costa is my very best friend. I know his heart. I am proud to call him my friend. I have always and will continue to stand by him. That is what real friends do!”
And there was more to the Carson-Costa story. We discovered a curious item on Carson’s financial form. He listed a plot of land in West Palm Beach worth $1 million to $5 million and described the property as “CPC Grand Prix South Lot.” But Palm Beach County real estate records showed no Carson ownership of such a lot. Those records only registered Carson’s ownership of his personal residence, a home on a golf course in West Palm Beach that had been purchased for $775,000 in 2013. And neither of the shell companies he and his wife had used for their Pittsburgh real estate deal with Costa owned property in Palm Beach County. So there was a mystery: How did Carson own the Palm Beach property listed on the disclosure form?
There was one clue. According to Palm Beach County real estate records, Costa’s real estate company purchased a lot in a development called Grand Prix Village South in March 2014 for $2.8 million. Was this connected to Carson’s real estate investment? Was Costa fronting for Carson? Was Carson sharing this investment with the felonious fraudster?
The Carson campaign refused to clear up the puzzle. “We are not offering up the detail you have requested,” a Carson campaign spokesman told Mother Jones at the time. And Costa did not respond to requests for comment.
Costa has done much for and with Carson. He has worked with Carson’s charity. He has taken family vacations with the Carsons, including to Costa’s luxury property on the Amalfi coast. (The “most beautiful spot on earth,” Carson has said.) He has helped Carson acquire a large amount of cash. And Carson, who has loyally served Trump for years, used his influence and requested the pardon for Costa.
Pardons are supposed to be used to correct miscarriages of justice. Of course, Trump sees them as gifts he can dole out to reward loyalists and cronies or to score political points. In this case, it appears Trump was doing a personal favor for Carson, who was doing a personal favor for an old buddy who made him money. It’s not the most egregious of Trump’s pardons. But it is a reminder that Trump has kept the swamp alive.