motherjones--2020-07-16--He Was Praised on the Senate Floor as a Model DACA Recipient. Now He’s in Detention—With COVID-19.

Carlos Martinez was one of the first people in Arizona to get DACA back in 2012 .
He was literally a poster child for the program : In 2012 and again in 2015 , Sen. Richard Durbin ( D-Ill. ) brought a large poster board portrait of Martinez to the Senate floor to help illustrate the need to protect Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals from Republican efforts to kill it .
Durbin argued that Martinez was the kind of Dreamer whose overachieving personality and talents contributed to this country and its economy .
He told his fellow senators that though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when he started college , he ended up graduating with a computer engineering degree and was named top Hispanic graduate of his class at the University of Arizona .
He pointed out that Martinez went on to get a master ’ s and later worked for a major tech company in San Francisco .
“ Giving up on these Dreamers , ” Durbin said , “ is giving up on the future of this country.
” But for the last 11 months , Martinez has been locked up in a for-profit immigration detention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his DACA status and fallen ill with COVID-19 .
And all of it happened because of a poorly thought-out decision to take a brief detour into Mexico—and an immigration justice system more interested in walls and hardliner rhetoric than in showing the slightest bit of mercy to people who have jumped through hoop after hoop to continue living in the only country they ’ ve ever called home .
“ This has been the toughest time of my life , ” Martinez said in a phone call from inside the Eloy Detention Center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrible .
You never want to be in a place where your freedom is taken away from you , especially when you worked so hard to achieve your goals and be a role model.
” Martinez , 38 , has been living in the United States since he was 8 years old .
He came with his brother and his parents , Sylvia Baldenegro and Salvador Martinez , from a small city in Sonora , Mexico , 50 miles south of the US border .
They settled in Tucson , where Martinez and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s mom told me that , from a young age , Martinez was studious and always wanted to succeed in school .
Martinez ’ s father works in construction , and when we spoke on the phone , he had just come home after working in 110-degree heat .
“ I know what it means to work pico y pala , ” he said .
“ I always told my son to study and work hard , so he wouldn ’ t have to struggle like I have.
” So when President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Martinez was one of the first to apply and receive the two-year work permit that provides protection from deportation .
He met all the requirements for DACA back then and continued to meet them every two years when he renewed it .
DACA eventually allowed him to get a job at IBM in San Francisco , but after a round of layoffs a few years ago he returned to his parents ’ home in Tucson .
Martinez renewed his DACA status in 2018 , so it was still valid for another year while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , last summer .
He told me he flew to California for multiple rounds of interviews for developer gigs at tech companies like Google , Pinterest , and Niantic , the creator of the Pokémon Go app .
“ I kept getting so close that I was definitely getting frustrated , plus I had the pressures every day thinking DACA might be eliminated , ” he said .
“ Then I heard a couple recruiters say they don ’ t trust DACA because it may end tomorrow.
” So in an impulsive moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting yet another rejection from a potential employer , he decided he ’ d get out of Tucson for a while to visit his grandmother in Sonora .
He was at the US-Mexico border within an hour .
But as he drove into Mexico , he realized what he had done : In leaving the United States , he ’ d just forfeited the protections that went with his DACA status .
He turned the car around and was back at the port of entry 45 minutes later , explaining to US Customs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He showed them his DACA permit , hoping that ’ d be enough to be let in .
Instead , he was taken into custody , classified as an “ arriving alien , ” and sent to the Eloy Detention Center .
“ I regret the whole thing .
I regret driving over to Mexico , I regret not stopping at the McDonald ’ s in Nogales , Arizona , not getting an ice cream , and just stopping to think about it.
” Martinez said .
“ Frustration and stress can make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t make under regular circumstances ” DACA provides temporary protection from deportation and allows recipients to apply for employment .
It does not , however , serve as proof of legal status when entering the United States .
To leave the country and come back , Martinez needed to have filled out an I-131 form with US Citizenship and Immigration Services requesting advance parole , said Claudia Arévalo , an attorney representing Martinez .
That ’ s how he ended up with a Notice to Appear , the first step in deportation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything to get Martinez out of Eloy , first requesting bond in a hearing and saying he feared returning to Mexico , and then filing for asylum because that was his only chance to get in front of an immigration judge .
“ It breaks your heart to see how the system is not taking cases individually , ” Arévalo said .
“ We ’ re losing a good kid here.
” But the DHS attorney immediately appealed the judge ’ s decision , putting Martinez ’ s release on hold .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything I ’ ve done to be a good citizen , it seems like they don ’ t care , ” Martinez said .
“ I ’ ve given so much to this country that still doesn ’ t want me here.
” Had the DHS attorney accepted the judge ’ s decision in February , Martinez wouldn ’ t have been in a detention center when the coronavirus hit .
He had been watching the news about the pandemic on the TV at the detention center and talking about it with his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We were scared that he was going to get sick , ” his mother told me .
“ And then he did.
” On June 12 , after staff at Eloy tested his pod of detainees , Martinez ’ s COVID-19 test came back positive .
Of the 50 men he was housed with , 45 tested positive for the virus , Martinez said .
He hadn ’ t felt ill , but they were all taken to a separate building and put in solitary confinement .
They were only allowed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a day .
Shortly after his diagnosis Martinez started getting chills and feeling worse .
He felt as though he had a fever for more than five days—a nurse checked his temperature on day one of solitary confinement and didn ’ t come back for three days .
He had no energy , got a cough , and lost his sense of taste .
“ The officers didn ’ t care , they just delivered food , ” and sometimes that food came later than scheduled because , he thinks , some guards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was terrible the way Eloy handled it , honestly .
I was scared that I was just going to die there.
” Martinez said he didn ’ t receive any medication for seven days .
After a week he was given Tylenol and cough syrup .
After 19 days , he was taken to a separate building with other men who had already spent a couple of weeks in isolation .
He remains there now and thinks he ’ ll be released to the general population again soon .
The Eloy Detention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the largest for-profit private prison companies in the United States .
As of Tuesday , it had one of the highest numbers of active COVID-19 cases at 118 .
Since ICE started reporting COVID-19 cases for its detainee population , 252 have tested positive at Eloy .
One guard has died of COVID-19 and about 40 percent of all Eloy staff have tested positive for the virus .
For the last four months , public health experts , lawyers , and immigrant rights groups have called on ICE to release people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but the agency has largely refused to do so .
A doctor we spoke to in April called ICE ’ s coronavirus response “ cruel and usual punishment ” and “ a form of torture.
” Arévalo said ICE has denied her requests to release Martinez after he tested positive for COVID-19 .
Her latest attempt is still pending .
Last week , the Arizona Dream Act Coalition put a callout on social media in support of Martinez .
Meanwhile , Arévalo has been in contact with Durbin ’ s office to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ You ’ ve heard they ’ re making money off each day we ’ re detained , right ?
” Martinez asked me on the phone .
“ We ’ ve tried so many things in the last 11 months to get out of here and nothing has worked…I ’ m not here because of a DUI or because of domestic violence .
I ’ m not here because I ’ m a criminal .
I ’ m here because I crossed the border for 45 minutes.
” Martinez ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how their son could once have been held up as the model DACA recipient and just years later end up stuck inside an immigration detention center .
“ I felt so proud to see my son graduating from the university .
Imagine how that feels as a parent—it was beautiful to see my two sons graduate , ” Martinez ’ s dad told me .
“ And now it ’ s too painful to go to this jail and see my son in a brown uniform with all the other people in prison @ @ @ @ @

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Carlos Martinez was one of the first people in Arizona to get DACA back in 2012. He was literally a poster child for the program: In 2012 and again in 2015, Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Ill.) brought a large poster board portrait of Martinez to the Senate floor to help illustrate the need to protect Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals from Republican efforts to kill it.
Durbin argued that Martinez was the kind of Dreamer whose overachieving personality and talents contributed to this country and its economy. He told his fellow senators that though Martinez couldn’t afford a computer when he started college, he ended up graduating with a computer engineering degree and was named top Hispanic graduate of his class at the University of Arizona. He pointed out that Martinez went on to get a master’s and later worked for a major tech company in San Francisco. “Giving up on these Dreamers,” Durbin said, “is giving up on the future of this country.”
But for the last 11 months, Martinez has been locked up in a for-profit immigration detention center in Arizona. He has lost his DACA status and fallen ill with COVID-19. And all of it happened because of a poorly thought-out decision to take a brief detour into Mexico—and an immigration justice system more interested in walls and hardliner rhetoric than in showing the slightest bit of mercy to people who have jumped through hoop after hoop to continue living in the only country they’ve ever called home.
“This has been the toughest time of my life,” Martinez said in a phone call from inside the Eloy Detention Center last week. “Being here is terrible. You never want to be in a place where your freedom is taken away from you, especially when you worked so hard to achieve your goals and be a role model.”
“This has been the toughest time of my life,” Martinez said from inside the Eloy Detention Center. “Being here is terrible.”
Martinez, 38, has been living in the United States since he was 8 years old. He came with his brother and his parents, Sylvia Baldenegro and Salvador Martinez, from a small city in Sonora, Mexico, 50 miles south of the US border. They settled in Tucson, where Martinez and his brother went to school. Martinez’s mom told me that, from a young age, Martinez was studious and always wanted to succeed in school. Martinez’s father works in construction, and when we spoke on the phone, he had just come home after working in 110-degree heat. “I know what it means to work pico y pala,” he said. “I always told my son to study and work hard, so he wouldn’t have to struggle like I have.”
So when President Obama created DACA by executive action, Martinez was one of the first to apply and receive the two-year work permit that provides protection from deportation. He met all the requirements for DACA back then and continued to meet them every two years when he renewed it. DACA eventually allowed him to get a job at IBM in San Francisco, but after a round of layoffs a few years ago he returned to his parents’ home in Tucson.
Martinez renewed his DACA status in 2018, so it was still valid for another year while he hunted for a job, unsuccessfully, last summer. He told me he flew to California for multiple rounds of interviews for developer gigs at tech companies like Google, Pinterest, and Niantic, the creator of the Pokémon Go app. “I kept getting so close that I was definitely getting frustrated, plus I had the pressures every day thinking DACA might be eliminated,” he said. “Then I heard a couple recruiters say they don’t trust DACA because it may end tomorrow.”
As he drove into Mexico, he realized what he had done: In leaving the United States, he’d just forfeited the protections that went with his DACA status.
So in an impulsive moment on August 7, 2019, after getting yet another rejection from a potential employer, he decided he’d get out of Tucson for a while to visit his grandmother in Sonora. He was at the US-Mexico border within an hour. But as he drove into Mexico, he realized what he had done: In leaving the United States, he’d just forfeited the protections that went with his DACA status. He turned the car around and was back at the port of entry 45 minutes later, explaining to US Customs and Border agents what had happened. He showed them his DACA permit, hoping that’d be enough to be let in. Instead, he was taken into custody, classified as an “arriving alien,” and sent to the Eloy Detention Center.
“I regret the whole thing. I regret driving over to Mexico, I regret not stopping at the McDonald’s in Nogales, Arizona, not getting an ice cream, and just stopping to think about it,” Martinez said. “Frustration and stress can make you make mistakes or decisions you wouldn’t make under regular circumstances.”
DACA provides temporary protection from deportation and allows recipients to apply for employment. It does not, however, serve as proof of legal status when entering the United States. To leave the country and come back, Martinez needed to have filled out an I-131 form with US Citizenship and Immigration Services requesting advance parole, said Claudia Arévalo, an attorney representing Martinez. That’s how he ended up with a Notice to Appear, the first step in deportation proceedings.
For months, Arévalo tried everything to get Martinez out of Eloy, first requesting bond in a hearing and saying he feared returning to Mexico, and then filing for asylum because that was his only chance to get in front of an immigration judge. “It breaks your heart to see how the system is not taking cases individually,” Arévalo said. “We’re losing a good kid here.”
“It breaks your heart to see how the system is not taking cases individually. We’re losing a good kid here.”


motherjones--2020-07-15--Ivanka Pivots to Bean Influencer

Ivanka Pivots to Bean Influencer

Hours after encouraging the country ’ s unemployed millions to “ find something new , ” Ivanka Trump appears to have taken her own advice , adding the unlikely credit of all-powerful bean influencer to her already chaotic resume .
The image is an apparent response to calls to boycott Goya after its CEO on Friday claimed that the country was “ truly blessed ” to have Donald Trump as their leader .
The surprising bit of praise angered many in the Latino community , a core fixture of Goya ’ s market .
But in elegantly posing with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have broken a government ethics rule prohibiting executive branch employees from using their office for “ own private gain , for the endorsement of any product.
” “ Ms .
Trump ’ s Goya tweet is clearly a violation of the government ’ s misuse of position regulation , ” Walter Shaub , former director for the Office of Government Ethics , said in a series of tweets .
“ She knows better .
But she did it anyway because no one in this administration cares about government ethics.
” The potential violation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of similar accusations of Ivanka breaking federal rules since arriving at the White House .
It ’ s proof that as her new project claims , you really can use the familiar to leverage up in these tough times .
Amid mounting criticism of Ivanka ’ s photo , her father on Wednesday posed with not one but five Goya products inside the Oval Office , cementing the Trump family ’ s status as bean influencers for these cursed times .
This post has been updated to include dad ’ s beans .

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Hours after encouraging the country’s unemployed millions to “find something new,” Ivanka Trump appears to have taken her own advice, adding the unlikely credit of all-powerful bean influencer to her already chaotic resume.
If it’s Goya, it has to be good.
Si es Goya, tiene que ser bueno. pic.twitter.com/9tjVrfmo9z — Ivanka Trump (@IvankaTrump) July 15, 2020
The image is an apparent response to calls to boycott Goya after its CEO on Friday claimed that the country was “truly blessed” to have Donald Trump as their leader. The surprising bit of praise angered many in the Latino community, a core fixture of Goya’s market.
But in elegantly posing with a can of beans, Ivanka appears to have broken a government ethics rule prohibiting executive branch employees from using their office for “own private gain, for the endorsement of any product.” “Ms. Trump’s Goya tweet is clearly a violation of the government’s misuse of position regulation,” Walter Shaub, former director for the Office of Government Ethics, said in a series of tweets. “She knows better. But she did it anyway because no one in this administration cares about government ethics.”
The potential violation comes as the latest in a string of similar accusations of Ivanka breaking federal rules since arriving at the White House. It’s proof that as her new project claims, you really can use the familiar to leverage up in these tough times.
Amid mounting criticism of Ivanka’s photo, her father on Wednesday posed with not one but five Goya products inside the Oval Office, cementing the Trump family’s status as bean influencers for these cursed times.
Just posted on the president’s Instagram pic.twitter.com/kAs4f3QaB0 — Yashar Ali 🐘 (@yashar) July 15, 2020
This post has been updated to include dad’s beans.


motherjones--2020-07-14--“Delay and Disruption”: A Fired Prosecutor Has “Serious Concerns” About Bill Barr’s Motives

Geoffrey Berman , the recently ousted US attorney for the Southern District of New York , last Thursday told the House Judiciary Committee , around 25 times , that he feared Attorney General William Barr ’ s efforts to replace him with someone from outside that office would have caused the “ delay and disruption ” of active investigations .
Berman ’ s former office is reportedly investigating Trump ’ s lawyer , Rudy Giuliani , in relation to a scheme to help Trump by digging up dirt on Joe Biden in Ukraine .
The office has looked into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee .
It is prosecuting Halkbank , a Turkish state-run bank , for violating US sanctions on Iran—a probe that former national security adviser John Bolton alleges Trump promised to curtail as a favor to Turkey ’ s president .
And Manhattan prosecutors have probed the Trump Organization and hush money payments related to Trump ’ s 2016 campaign .
“ I believe the attorney general was trying to entice me to resign so that an outsider could be put into the acting US attorney position at the Southern District of New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delay and disruption of ongoing investigations , ” Berman said , one of various iterations of this assertion .
Berman also threw in the word “ impede ” half a dozen times .
Berman , under the terms he negotiated with the Justice Department , declined to be more specific .
During the three-hour , 41 minute interview , he said , around 15 times , that he didn ’ t know what Barr ’ s “ motives ” were .
But he described Barr ’ s actions , eight times , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the interview—the transcript of which was released to the public Monday evening—has received only modest attention .
In more normal times , like February , it would probably have been a bigger deal that the just-fired head of one of the most powerful prosecutor ’ s offices in the country seemed to suggest , over and over again , that the attorney general ’ s scheme might have derailed investigations of personal interest to the president .
Quick rehash : On June 19 , Barr pressed Berman to accept a nomination for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and proposed replacing him with an official from outside the office .
Barr ’ s plan was to have Trump nominate Jay Clayton , the head of the Securities and Exchange Commission , for Berman ’ s job .
Barr also wanted Craig Carpenito , the United States attorney for New Jersey , to serve simultaneously as acting head of the Manhattan office while Clayton awaited Senate confirmation .
( “ The U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York is not a part-time position , ” Berman remarked in his congressional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but Barr nevertheless issued a press release that falsely said Berman had agreed to step down .
( This was one of a series of highly controversial moves the Trump administration has recently announced on Friday nights .
Last Friday , Trump commuted the three-year prison sentence that his longtime adviser Roger Stone received for lying to Congress and witness tampering ) .
Berman responded to Barr with his own defiant release , refuting Barr ’ s claim that he was resigning and arguing , based on the unusual circumstances of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to oust him .
The next day , Barr announced Trump had fired Berman , a claim Trump promptly undermined by denying any involvement .
Still , Berman then agreed to step down .
He says that is because Barr quietly agreed to make Berman ’ s deputy , Audrey Strauss—rather than Carpenito—the acting head of the office .
“ With that concession , and having full confidence that Audrey would continue the important work of the office , I decided to step down and not litigate my removal , ” Berman said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ congressional lawyer who drew attention for his stumbles during last fall ’ s impeachment hearings , returned to form Thursday when he asked Berman : “ There was no quid pro quo proposed , correct ?
” Berman : “ You know , he wanted me to resign to take a position .
I assume you could call that a quid pro quo .
You resign and you get this , that would mean quid pro quo.
” Absent from Thursday ’ s interview was discussion of which specific investigations Berman was worried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impeded—and what if any impact they might have on Trump ’ s chances in November .
Berman declined , 35 times , to answer questions related to investigations .
But Democratic aides pointed out Thursday that prosecutors in Manhattan are reportedly investigating Giuliani , Trump ’ s personal lawyer , for activity connected to the scheme that led to Trump ’ s impeachment .
Reuters reported last year that a New York grand jury subpoenaed records of payments to Giuliani .
And the New York Times said prosecutors were looking into whether Giuliani @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Ukrainian official influence US policy toward Ukraine .
Giuliani disputes doing this and has questioned whether he is really under investigation .
Wherever that alleged investigation stands , a “ delay and disruption ” of it would presumably benefit Trump .
Berman ’ s former office in 2018 also essentially called Trump an unindicted conspirator ( “ Individual-1 ” ) in a campaign fraud scheme in which his former personal lawyer , Michael Cohen , paid women who said they ’ d had affairs with Trump to stay silent ahead of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a policy that bars prosecuting a sitting president .
If Trump loses , prosecutors at least in theory could charge Trump in January .
“ Do you know one way or another whether Attorney General Barr removed you so that you would not be making the decision whether to investigate the president prior to the 2020 elections or whether to indict him after the 2020 elections ?
” a Democratic aide asked Berman .
“ I do not know what the attorney general ’ s motives were , ” replied Berman , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the attorney general raised serious concerns for me .
”

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Geoffrey Berman, the recently ousted US attorney for the Southern District of New York, last Thursday told the House Judiciary Committee, around 25 times, that he feared Attorney General William Barr’s efforts to replace him with someone from outside that office would have caused the “delay and disruption” of active investigations.
Berman’s former office is reportedly investigating Trump’s lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, in relation to a scheme to help Trump by digging up dirt on Joe Biden in Ukraine. The office has looked into the finances of Trump’s 2016 inaugural committee. It is prosecuting Halkbank, a Turkish state-run bank, for violating US sanctions on Iran—a probe that former national security adviser John Bolton alleges Trump promised to curtail as a favor to Turkey’s president. And Manhattan prosecutors have probed the Trump Organization and hush money payments related to Trump’s 2016 campaign.
“I believe the attorney general was trying to entice me to resign so that an outsider could be put into the acting US attorney position at the Southern District of New York, which would have resulted in the delay and disruption of ongoing investigations,” Berman said, one of various iterations of this assertion. Berman also threw in the word “impede” half a dozen times.
Berman, under the terms he negotiated with the Justice Department, declined to be more specific. During the three-hour, 41 minute interview, he said, around 15 times, that he didn’t know what Barr’s “motives” were. But he described Barr’s actions, eight times, as “irregular and unexplained.” Even so, the interview—the transcript of which was released to the public Monday evening—has received only modest attention.
In more normal times, like February, it would probably have been a bigger deal that the just-fired head of one of the most powerful prosecutor’s offices in the country seemed to suggest, over and over again, that the attorney general’s scheme might have derailed investigations of personal interest to the president.
Quick rehash: On June 19, Barr pressed Berman to accept a nomination for a different job in the Trump administration and proposed replacing him with an official from outside the office. Barr’s plan was to have Trump nominate Jay Clayton, the head of the Securities and Exchange Commission, for Berman’s job. Barr also wanted Craig Carpenito, the United States attorney for New Jersey, to serve simultaneously as acting head of the Manhattan office while Clayton awaited Senate confirmation. (“The U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York is not a part-time position,” Berman remarked in his congressional testimony.)
Berman refused to resign, but Barr nevertheless issued a press release that falsely said Berman had agreed to step down. (This was one of a series of highly controversial moves the Trump administration has recently announced on Friday nights. Last Friday, Trump commuted the three-year prison sentence that his longtime adviser Roger Stone received for lying to Congress and witness tampering). Berman responded to Barr with his own defiant release, refuting Barr’s claim that he was resigning and arguing, based on the unusual circumstances of his appointment, that Barr lacked the power to oust him. The next day, Barr announced Trump had fired Berman, a claim Trump promptly undermined by denying any involvement. Still, Berman then agreed to step down. He says that is because Barr quietly agreed to make Berman’s deputy, Audrey Strauss—rather than Carpenito—the acting head of the office. “With that concession, and having full confidence that Audrey would continue the important work of the office, I decided to step down and not litigate my removal,” Berman said Thursday.
Stephen Castor, the GOP congressional lawyer who drew attention for his stumbles during last fall’s impeachment hearings, returned to form Thursday when he asked Berman: “There was no quid pro quo proposed, correct?” Berman: “You know, he wanted me to resign to take a position. I assume you could call that a quid pro quo. You resign and you get this, that would mean quid pro quo.”
Absent from Thursday’s interview was discussion of which specific investigations Berman was worried about being delayed, disrupted, or impeded—and what if any impact they might have on Trump’s chances in November. Berman declined, 35 times, to answer questions related to investigations.
But Democratic aides pointed out Thursday that prosecutors in Manhattan are reportedly investigating Giuliani, Trump’s personal lawyer, for activity connected to the scheme that led to Trump’s impeachment. Reuters reported last year that a New York grand jury subpoenaed records of payments to Giuliani. And the New York Times said prosecutors were looking into whether Giuliani broke foreign lobbying laws by allegedly helping a Ukrainian official influence US policy toward Ukraine. Giuliani disputes doing this and has questioned whether he is really under investigation.
Wherever that alleged investigation stands, a “delay and disruption” of it would presumably benefit Trump.
Berman’s former office in 2018 also essentially called Trump an unindicted conspirator (“Individual-1”) in a campaign fraud scheme in which his former personal lawyer, Michael Cohen, paid women who said they’d had affairs with Trump to stay silent ahead of the 2016 election. The Justice Department has a policy that bars prosecuting a sitting president. If Trump loses, prosecutors at least in theory could charge Trump in January.
“Do you know one way or another whether Attorney General Barr removed you so that you would not be making the decision whether to investigate the president prior to the 2020 elections or whether to indict him after the 2020 elections?” a Democratic aide asked Berman.
“I do not know what the attorney general’s motives were,” replied Berman, “but the irregular and unexplained actions by the attorney general raised serious concerns for me.”


motherjones--2020-07-16--A New State Department Report Cements Mike Pompeo’s Twisted View of Human Rights

Last July , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo launched an advisory panel to help the US practice “ a moral foreign policy … grounded in [ a ] conception of human rights.
” Crucially , its mission , Pompeo explained , would include reining in a dangerous proliferation of “ new ” human rights .
“ Unalienable rights are by nature universal .
Not everything good , or everything granted by a government , can be a universal right , ” he wrote in a Wall Street Journal op-ed explaining the formation of this Commission on Unalienable Rights .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us from the principles of liberal democracy.
” It didn ’ t take long for human rights experts to read between the lines .
Pompeo , whose leadership of the State Department has become in many ways an experiment in how quickly he can orient American foreign policy toward his evangelical Christian faith , stocked the commission with academics and diplomats best known for defending religious freedom while opposing reproductive rights and LGBTQ equality .
On Thursday , the commission finally unveiled a draft of its long-anticipated report , finding—surprise , surprise—just what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not all rights are created equal .
Describing a human rights landscape “ in crisis , ” the report focuses mainly on the Declaration of Independence and Universal Declaration of Human Rights and mostly ignores the binding treaties establishing a framework for international human rights law .
The problem , as the commissioners see it , is that a proliferation of new rights include many in competition with one another , which has eroded the international consensus around human rights .
The solution , then , is to boost protections of certain rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others .
“ As anticipated , the report elevates religious freedom as an unalienable right , while dismissing abortion and same-sex marriages as not rights but instead ‘ divisive social and political controversies , ' ” Jayne Huckerby , director of the International Human Rights Clinic at Duke Law School , tells me .
She notes that the report “ recognizes that legally there should be no hierarchy between different types of rights , ” but “ still calls for US foreign policy to de-emphasize economic and social rights compared with civil and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has already started to happen .
With Pompeo leading from Foggy Bottom , the United States has renounced its role as a leader in promoting LGBTQ equality and reproductive rights abroad , most prominently in Trump ’ s expansion of the so-called global gag rule , which restricts which nongovernmental organizations can receive US aid based on whether they perform any abortion-related activities .
US diplomats have teamed up with countries with abominable records on these issues—Saudi Arabia and Brazil among them—to oppose international agreements aimed at preserving those rights .
When Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last year , he chose to host an event focused on religious freedom .
And , while his administration regularly attempts to cut back on international aid , the president still recently signed an executive order giving $ 50 million to support international religious freedom .
“ This administration practices consistent and continued erasure of LGBTQ people and refuses to acknowledge that access to reproductive health care is essential for survival , ” says Molly Bangs , director of reproductive rights advocacy group Equity Forward .
“ LGBTQ people face threats to their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here at home and around the globe and this report makes zero mention of protecting their rights.
” Since the commission ’ s formation , Pompeo has been a public cheerleader of its work , taking care to note that the group is not crafting policy , but simply elaborating “ the principles through which we can ground America ’ s commitment to championing human rights in our enduring dedication to unalienable rights and our tradition of constitutional self-government , ” as he wrote in the Washington Post this week .
For the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been tweeting in anticipation of the release of its draft report , pairing quotes from Elizabeth Cady Stanton , Frederick Douglass , and Martin Luther King Jr. with the hashtag “ UnalienableRights.
” Still , his support for the panel has often been nakedly political and , of course , does not exactly honor the legacy of the very individuals he ’ s held up as symbols of these unalienable rights .
Pompeo traveled to Philadelphia on Thursday , ignoring concerns about the safety of himself , his team , and others during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speech at the National Constitutional Center .
In his remarks , he took time to criticize “ rioters ” for “ desecrating monuments to those who fought for unalienable rights ” and suggested that the New York Times ‘ 1619 Project , which examines the legacy of slavery in the United States , was “ a disturbed reading of history ” and “ a slander on our great people.
” Rob Berschinski , a former State Department official who is now senior vice president for policy at Human Rights First , said Pompeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foray into the culture wars under the seal of the US State Department .
It should rightfully be seen as a political speech unbecoming of a Secretary of State.
” The speech , though , is just the culmination of a year ’ s worth of work that , while abstract in its consideration of the historical and philosophical roots of human rights , is intensely political .
Across its five public meetings , which Huckerby and her colleagues at Duke Law analyzed in an article for Just Security , “ religious freedom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focus of the commission ” and was “ frequently discussed ” by the commissioners , including in the context of when it clashes with the right to have an abortion .
There ’ s also the simple matter of who Pompeo chose to serve as commissioners , including chair Mary Ann Glendon , a former US ambassador to the Vatican who once said awarding the Pulitzer Prize to the Boston Globe for its coverage of sexual abuse by Catholic priests “ would be like giving the Nobel Peace Prize to Osama bin Laden.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Thursday , noted that he once worked as Glendon ’ s research assistant , calling the experience “ one of my life ’ s greatest gifts.
” ) The commissioners ’ selection is also one reason several human rights advocacy organizations , including Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights , sued Pompeo in March , alleging that the Commission on Unalienable Rights violates federal law requiring advisory bodies be independent and “ fairly balanced among competing points of view.
” “ There is reason to believe the Secretary carefully selected the Commission members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the understanding of ‘ unalienable ’ human rights to the narrow set of rights allegedly grounded in theories of natural law , ” the lawsuit states .
This , though , was of course the point .
Just look at the reaction among Pompeo ’ s core group of supporters , the evangelical right , to see what was expected of this panel when it was announced last year .
Back then , Tony Perkins , president of the right-wing Family Research Council , praised the newly-formed panel for “ ensuring that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of which is freedom of religion or belief—is a core element of strategic policy discussions .
”

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Last July, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo launched an advisory panel to help the US practice “a moral foreign policy … grounded in [a] conception of human rights.” Crucially, its mission, Pompeo explained, would include reining in a dangerous proliferation of “new” human rights. “Unalienable rights are by nature universal. Not everything good, or everything granted by a government, can be a universal right,” he wrote in a Wall Street Journal op-ed explaining the formation of this Commission on Unalienable Rights. “Loose talk of ‘rights’ unmoors us from the principles of liberal democracy.”
It didn’t take long for human rights experts to read between the lines. Pompeo, whose leadership of the State Department has become in many ways an experiment in how quickly he can orient American foreign policy toward his evangelical Christian faith, stocked the commission with academics and diplomats best known for defending religious freedom while opposing reproductive rights and LGBTQ equality.
Pompeo, whose leadership has become in many ways an experiment in how quickly he can orient American foreign policy toward his evangelical Christian faith, stocked the commission with academics and diplomats best known for defending religious freedom.
On Thursday, the commission finally unveiled a draft of its long-anticipated report, finding—surprise, surprise—just what Pompeo suggested in his initial op-ed: not all rights are created equal. Describing a human rights landscape “in crisis,” the report focuses mainly on the Declaration of Independence and Universal Declaration of Human Rights and mostly ignores the binding treaties establishing a framework for international human rights law. The problem, as the commissioners see it, is that a proliferation of new rights include many in competition with one another, which has eroded the international consensus around human rights. The solution, then, is to boost protections of certain rights, particularly religious freedom, while diminishing others.
“As anticipated, the report elevates religious freedom as an unalienable right, while dismissing abortion and same-sex marriages as not rights but instead ‘divisive social and political controversies,'” Jayne Huckerby, director of the International Human Rights Clinic at Duke Law School, tells me. She notes that the report “recognizes that legally there should be no hierarchy between different types of rights,” but “still calls for US foreign policy to de-emphasize economic and social rights compared with civil and political ones.”
In practice, that has already started to happen. With Pompeo leading from Foggy Bottom, the United States has renounced its role as a leader in promoting LGBTQ equality and reproductive rights abroad, most prominently in Trump’s expansion of the so-called global gag rule, which restricts which nongovernmental organizations can receive US aid based on whether they perform any abortion-related activities. US diplomats have teamed up with countries with abominable records on these issues—Saudi Arabia and Brazil among them—to oppose international agreements aimed at preserving those rights. When Trump appeared at the United Nations General Assembly last year, he chose to host an event focused on religious freedom. And, while his administration regularly attempts to cut back on international aid, the president still recently signed an executive order giving $50 million to support international religious freedom.
“This administration practices consistent and continued erasure of LGBTQ people and refuses to acknowledge that access to reproductive health care is essential for survival,” says Molly Bangs, director of reproductive rights advocacy group Equity Forward. “LGBTQ people face threats to their health, safety, and civil rights here at home and around the globe and this report makes zero mention of protecting their rights.”
Since the commission’s formation, Pompeo has been a public cheerleader of its work, taking care to note that the group is not crafting policy, but simply elaborating “the principles through which we can ground America’s commitment to championing human rights in our enduring dedication to unalienable rights and our tradition of constitutional self-government,” as he wrote in the Washington Post this week. For the past several days, he’s been tweeting in anticipation of the release of its draft report, pairing quotes from Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Frederick Douglass, and Martin Luther King Jr. with the hashtag “UnalienableRights.” Still, his support for the panel has often been nakedly political and, of course, does not exactly honor the legacy of the very individuals he’s held up as symbols of these unalienable rights. Pompeo traveled to Philadelphia on Thursday, ignoring concerns about the safety of himself, his team, and others during the coronavirus pandemic, to give a speech at the National Constitutional Center. In his remarks, he took time to criticize “rioters” for “desecrating monuments to those who fought for unalienable rights” and suggested that the New York Times‘ 1619 Project, which examines the legacy of slavery in the United States, was “a disturbed reading of history” and “a slander on our great people.”
Pompeo took time to criticize “rioters” for “desecrating monuments to those who fought for unalienable rights” and suggested that the New York Times‘ 1619 Project, which examines the legacy of slavery in the United States, was “a slander on our great people.”
Rob Berschinski, a former State Department official who is now senior vice president for policy at Human Rights First, said Pompeo’s remarks “loosely clothed a foray into the culture wars under the seal of the US State Department. It should rightfully be seen as a political speech unbecoming of a Secretary of State.”
The speech, though, is just the culmination of a year’s worth of work that, while abstract in its consideration of the historical and philosophical roots of human rights, is intensely political. Across its five public meetings, which Huckerby and her colleagues at Duke Law analyzed in an article for Just Security, “religious freedom was clearly intended to be a core focus of the commission” and was “frequently discussed” by the commissioners, including in the context of when it clashes with the right to have an abortion.
There’s also the simple matter of who Pompeo chose to serve as commissioners, including chair Mary Ann Glendon, a former US ambassador to the Vatican who once said awarding the Pulitzer Prize to the Boston Globe for its coverage of sexual abuse by Catholic priests “would be like giving the Nobel Peace Prize to Osama bin Laden.” (Pompeo, in his remarks on Thursday, noted that he once worked as Glendon’s research assistant, calling the experience “one of my life’s greatest gifts.”) The commissioners’ selection is also one reason several human rights advocacy organizations, including Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights, sued Pompeo in March, alleging that the Commission on Unalienable Rights violates federal law requiring advisory bodies be independent and “fairly balanced among competing points of view.”
“There is reason to believe the Secretary carefully selected the Commission members to yield a pre-determined result: constraining the understanding of ‘unalienable’ human rights to the narrow set of rights allegedly grounded in theories of natural law,” the lawsuit states.
This, though, was of course the point. Just look at the reaction among Pompeo’s core group of supporters, the evangelical right, to see what was expected of this panel when it was announced last year. Back then, Tony Perkins, president of the right-wing Family Research Council, praised the newly-formed panel for “ensuring that the protection of these fundamental rights—the most foundational of which is freedom of religion or belief—is a core element of strategic policy discussions.”


motherjones--2020-07-17--How Chad Wolf Became Donald Trump’s New Made-for-TV Enforcer

Back in November , I explained how Chad Wolf , the acting Homeland Security secretary President Trump now fawns over , got his job .
The short answer was incompetence : In April , President Donald Trump got rid of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen after finding her to be weak and ineffectual .
A half-year later , Nielsen ’ s replacement is on his way out , and Trump ’ s apparent pick to replace him is…Nielsen ’ s former chief of staff .
Trump almost certainly doesn ’ t want Chad Wolf , a mostly unknown former lobbyist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office , running the Cabinet department most responsible for carrying out his attacks on immigration .
The problem is that he doesn ’ t have much of a choice .
He ’ s been so negligent about appointing people to run DHS that there ’ s no one to his liking in the line of succession .
Nine of the 11 top DHS positions are vacant .
If Trump had bothered to nominate people and pushed the Senate to confirm them , he could have chosen among them for acting DHS chief .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ someone already confirmed by the Senate , in the line of succession , or having served at least 90 days under the previous secretary .
His top hardline picks don ’ t meet those criteria , and so he ’ s stuck with Wolf .
Fast forward eight months , and Trump does not feel at all stuck with Wolf .
At a recent appearance with Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador , Trump made a point of singling out his new friend , saying , “ What a great job you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explains how Wolf got his jump , sycophancy explains how he ’ s kept it .
Wolf oversees the Federal Emergency Management Agency , whose responsibilities you ’ d think he might be preoccupied with during a global pandemic .
But Wolf works for a man whose strategy is to ignore mounting death tolls in favor of attacking the political left .
So for July 4 , with COVID-19 cases skyrocketing , Wolf wrote a piece in the conservative Federalist decrying the “ violent mob ” targeting statues of George Washington , one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Founding Fathers .
It read like inane right-wing virtue signaling , except that it was written by an acting Cabinet secretary on a day when 589 Americans died from COVID-19 .
More ominously , Wolf concluded by stating that “ we will leverage every tool and authority in our arsenal ” to protect some statues .
Two weeks later , Wolf ’ s public affairs office put out a press release attacking a “ violent mob ” in Portland , Oregon .
The release included the phrase “ violent anarchists ” on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of a reader , so Wolf traveled to Portland as unidentified federal agents picked people off the streets .
While he was there , he role-played as General Patton .
And he stared down an enemy that was not quite Rommel—namely , some graffiti .
He concluded his Twitter thread with melodrama , writing , “ We will prevail.
” For reference , below is the area of the midsized American city within which Wolf is talking about vanquishing unarmed protesters with Border Patrol tactical response teams .
Wolf ’ s Twitter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a headset as he does his very best to look very tough .
From all the posturing , you might think the Homeland Security secretary had spent some time in law enforcement .
In reality , he was an airport security bureaucrat who became a lobbyist .
But he ’ s learned an important lesson : When your boss became president by pretending to be a brilliant dealmaker on television , image is all that counts .

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Back in November, I explained how Chad Wolf, the acting Homeland Security secretary President Trump now fawns over, got his job. The short answer was incompetence:
In April, President Donald Trump got rid of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen after finding her to be weak and ineffectual. A half-year later, Nielsen’s replacement is on his way out, and Trump’s apparent pick to replace him is…Nielsen’s former chief of staff. Trump almost certainly doesn’t want Chad Wolf, a mostly unknown former lobbyist in charge of DHS’s policy office, running the Cabinet department most responsible for carrying out his attacks on immigration. The problem is that he doesn’t have much of a choice. He’s been so negligent about appointing people to run DHS that there’s no one to his liking in the line of succession. Nine of the 11 top DHS positions are vacant. If Trump had bothered to nominate people and pushed the Senate to confirm them, he could have chosen among them for acting DHS chief. But the rules require him to pick someone already confirmed by the Senate, in the line of succession, or having served at least 90 days under the previous secretary. His top hardline picks don’t meet those criteria, and so he’s stuck with Wolf.
Fast forward eight months, and Trump does not feel at all stuck with Wolf. At a recent appearance with Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Trump made a point of singling out his new friend, saying, “What a great job you’re doing, Chad.”
If incompetence explains how Wolf got his jump, sycophancy explains how he’s kept it. Wolf oversees the Federal Emergency Management Agency, whose responsibilities you’d think he might be preoccupied with during a global pandemic. But Wolf works for a man whose strategy is to ignore mounting death tolls in favor of attacking the political left. So for July 4, with COVID-19 cases skyrocketing, Wolf wrote a piece in the conservative Federalist decrying the “violent mob” targeting statues of George Washington, one of America’s “exceptionally virtuous” Founding Fathers. It read like inane right-wing virtue signaling, except that it was written by an acting Cabinet secretary on a day when 589 Americans died from COVID-19.
More ominously, Wolf concluded by stating that “we will leverage every tool and authority in our arsenal” to protect some statues. Two weeks later, Wolf’s public affairs office put out a press release attacking a “violent mob” in Portland, Oregon. The release included the phrase “violent anarchists” on 70 separate occasions.
Trump is not much of a reader, so Wolf traveled to Portland as unidentified federal agents picked people off the streets. While he was there, he role-played as General Patton.
Our men and women in uniform are patriots. We will never surrender to violent extremists on my watch. pic.twitter.com/kG8w8kyw9E — Acting Secretary Chad Wolf (@DHS_Wolf) July 17, 2020
And he stared down an enemy that was not quite Rommel—namely, some graffiti.
Here is what I saw in Portland yesterday. pic.twitter.com/B0xvTTYvIj — Acting Secretary Chad Wolf (@DHS_Wolf) July 17, 2020
He concluded his Twitter thread with melodrama, writing, “We will prevail.” For reference, below is the area of the midsized American city within which Wolf is talking about vanquishing unarmed protesters with Border Patrol tactical response teams.
Interesting how some folks portray all of Portland based on scenes from *incredibly* small portions of the city. This is Portland, Oregon. The circles are generous boundaries for what you see on cable news and put forth by bad-faith attention seekers. pic.twitter.com/HKo0yoflQ6 — Eder Campuzano 🇲🇽🇺🇸✏🍎📚 (@edercampuzano) July 16, 2020
Wolf’s Twitter profile photo shows him in sunglasses and a headset as he does his very best to look very tough. From all the posturing, you might think the Homeland Security secretary had spent some time in law enforcement. In reality, he was an airport security bureaucrat who became a lobbyist. But he’s learned an important lesson: When your boss became president by pretending to be a brilliant dealmaker on television, image is all that counts.


motherjones--2020-07-18--They Praise John Lewis but Hate Black Voting Rights and Black Lives Matter

Not long after the passing of John Lewis , tributes began pouring in from all points on the political compass , including some from ardent foes of the goals Lewis championed right up to his death on Friday .
Vote suppressors praised the work of a public servant who had devoted his career to securing voting rights in America .
Cop enablers praised a man who was nearly killed by a state trooper ’ s truncheon on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in 1965 .
The hypocrisy was too much to bear .
Below are a few of the worst offenders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called Lewis “ a pioneering civil rights leader who put his life on the line to fight racism , promote equal rights , and bring our nation into greater alignment with its founding principles.
” Why that ’ s so rich : The GOP leader is blocking action on voting rights legislation that Lewis championed , including a bill to restore key protections for voters that the Supreme Court removed in its 2013 Shelby County v. Holder ruling .
Shelby County is in Alabama , the state where state troopers fractured Lewis ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll taxes and other methods used to stop Black Americans from voting .
As it was during the civil rights movement , the Senate is no ally to the cause ; it ’ s the thing to overcome .
The praise : On Friday night , Lauffler , a Republican appointed to a Senate seat in Lewis ’ home state of Georgia , tweeted about Lewis : “ Few people have his grit , tenacity or courage .
Georgia & our entire nation are better because of his leadership & courage.
” Why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way Lewis showed grit was by appearing last month with DC Mayor Muriel Bowser at the newly named Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington , DC .
Battling cancer , Lewis , in some of his last public remarks , celebrated the Black Lives Matter movement and praised recent demonstrations .
Loeffler , meanwhile , has capitalized on her ownership of a WNBA team in Atlanta , Lewis ’ hometown , to push the league to stop its players from putting “ Black Lives Matter ” and “ Say Her Name ” slogans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less—not more politics in sports , ” Loeffler wrote in a letter to the league ’ s commissioner .
“ In a time when polarizing politics is as divisive as ever , sports has the power to be a unifying antidote.
” The praise : In a statement on Saturday , Kemp called Lewis “ a Civil Rights hero , freedom fighter , devoted public servant , and beloved Georgian who changed our world in a profound way.
” Why that ’ s so rich : Running for governor in 2018 , Kemp @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state , purged the state ’ s voter rolls .
The move constituted an epic conflict of interest , reduced the number of eligible Black voters , and helped Kemp defeat Stacey Abrams .
The praise : Rubio on Saturday tweeted a picture of himself with a person he apparently thought was John Lewis .
It was actually the late Rep. Elijah Cummings .
Rubio , undaunted , corrected the error , displaying a picture of himself with the correct deceased Black guy and the words : “ John Lewis was a genuine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so rich : Rubio in the past hasn ’ t much cared about voters waiting in line for hours to vote , a problem that tends to occur in heavily Black and Democratic areas in Republican-run states .
Asked in 2016 by a voter about six-hour lines to vote in Miami , Rubio responded : “ That is only on Election Day.
” The praise : The libertarian Cato Institute on Saturday tweeted a January article by one its scholar headlined “ John Lewis , Libertarian Hero.
” The article says that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is a libertarian cause , which , yeah , OK , sure .
Why that ’ s so rich : In 2013 , Cato supported Shelby County ’ s successful bid to gut the Voting Rights Act .

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Not long after the passing of John Lewis, tributes began pouring in from all points on the political compass, including some from ardent foes of the goals Lewis championed right up to his death on Friday. Vote suppressors praised the work of a public servant who had devoted his career to securing voting rights in America. Cop enablers praised a man who was nearly killed by a state trooper’s truncheon on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in 1965. The hypocrisy was too much to bear.
Below are a few of the worst offenders.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)
The praise: McConnell on Saturday called Lewis “a pioneering civil rights leader who put his life on the line to fight racism, promote equal rights, and bring our nation into greater alignment with its founding principles.”
I will never forget joining hands with John as Congress sang We Shall Overcome at a 2008 ceremony honoring his friend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. It could not have been more humbling to consider what he had suffered and sacrificed so those words could be sung in that place. — Leader McConnell (@senatemajldr) July 18, 2020
Why that’s so rich: The GOP leader is blocking action on voting rights legislation that Lewis championed, including a bill to restore key protections for voters that the Supreme Court removed in its 2013 Shelby County v. Holder ruling. Shelby County is in Alabama, the state where state troopers fractured Lewis’ skull in 1963 as he marched against poll taxes and other methods used to stop Black Americans from voting. As it was during the civil rights movement, the Senate is no ally to the cause; it’s the thing to overcome.
Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-Ga.)
The praise: On Friday night, Loeffler, a Republican appointed to a Senate seat in Lewis’ home state of Georgia, tweeted about Lewis: “Few people have his grit, tenacity or courage. Georgia & our entire nation are better because of his leadership & courage.”
The passing of John Lewis is a tremendous loss for America. Few people have his grit, tenacity or courage. Georgia & our entire nation are better because of his leadership & courage. May God comfort his loved ones during this difficult time. Full statement: pic.twitter.com/yMt9IGuzKD — Senator Kelly Loeffler (@SenatorLoeffler) July 18, 2020
Why that’s so rich: One way Lewis showed grit was by appearing last month with DC Mayor Muriel Bowser at the newly named Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington, DC. Battling cancer, Lewis, in some of his last public remarks, celebrated the Black Lives Matter movement and praised recent demonstrations.
Loeffler, meanwhile, has capitalized on her ownership of a WNBA team in Atlanta, Lewis’ hometown, to push the league to stop its players from putting “Black Lives Matter” and “Say Her Name” slogans on their uniforms. “We need less—not more politics in sports,” Loeffler wrote in a letter to the league’s commissioner. “In a time when polarizing politics is as divisive as ever, sports has the power to be a unifying antidote.”
Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp
The praise: In a statement on Saturday, Kemp called Lewis “a Civil Rights hero, freedom fighter, devoted public servant, and beloved Georgian who changed our world in a profound way.”
Congressman John Lewis was a Civil Rights hero, freedom fighter, devoted public servant, and beloved Georgian who changed our world in a profound way. The Kemp Family is praying for his loved ones as they honor his life & mourn his passing. #RIPJohnLewis https://t.co/PnbhMCTHz9 — Brian Kemp (@BrianKempGA) July 18, 2020
Why that’s so rich: Running for governor in 2018, Kemp, as Georgia’s secretary of state, purged the state’s voter rolls. The move constituted an epic conflict of interest, reduced the number of eligible Black voters, and helped Kemp defeat Stacey Abrams.
Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.)
The praise: Rubio on Saturday tweeted a picture of himself with a person he apparently thought was John Lewis. It was actually the late Rep. Elijah Cummings.
marco rubio's tweet about john lewis – which is now his profile pic – is a photo of elijah cummings. pic.twitter.com/S5N53I2tRI — Oliver Willis (@owillis) July 18, 2020
Rubio, undaunted, corrected the error, displaying a picture of himself with the correct deceased Black guy and the words: “John Lewis was a genuine American hero.”
Why that’s so rich: Rubio in the past hasn’t much cared about voters waiting in line for hours to vote, a problem that tends to occur in heavily Black and Democratic areas in Republican-run states. Asked in 2016 by a voter about six-hour lines to vote in Miami, Rubio responded: “That is only on Election Day.”
Cato Institute
The praise: The libertarian Cato Institute on Saturday tweeted a January article by one its scholar headlined “John Lewis, Libertarian Hero.” The article says that the right to vote, which Lewis championed, is a libertarian cause, which, yeah, OK, sure.
Why that’s so rich: In 2013, Cato supported Shelby County’s successful bid to gut the Voting Rights Act.


motherjones--2020-07-18--Marco Rubio Eulogizes the Wrong Black Guy

Here ’ s Sen. Marco Rubio , in a since-deleted tweet , eulogizing the late John Lewis by confusing him @ @ @ @ @ ( whom Fox News confused with John Lewis back in October ) .
He got @ @ @ @ @ : Give Rubio credit .
The half-assedness of his tribute told a truth that his @ @ @ @ @ their lip service to Lewis ’ heroism , were working diligently to obscure : They @ @ @ @ @ a shit .
Update , 3:30 p.m. PT : Let ’ s welcome Sen. Dan @ @ @ @ @ the club :

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motherjones--2020-07-18--John Lewis Was Once Dismissed Even by His Allies. Now He’s Praised by Everyone, Give or Take a Presi

John Lewis Was Once Dismissed Even by His Allies. Now He’s Praised by Everyone, Give or Take a President.

Civil rights hero John Lewis , 80 , very much still needed , died Friday of pancreatic cancer .
He had helped in the early 1960s to pioneer the regime of nonviolent confrontation in the fight against racial segregation , and his death came amid an uprising that had heartened him with its echoes of the racial justice movement of his youth .
“ It was very moving , very moving to see hundreds of thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets — to speak up , to speak out , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trouble , ’ ” Lewis told CBS in June , referring to massive Black Lives Matter demonstrations across the country .
“ This feels and looks so different .
It is so much more massive and all inclusive .
“ There will be no turning back , ” he said .
Lewis was a son of sharecroppers .
He spoke with a stammer , and he was once thought too country , too unpolished , by the movement he would eventually help lead .
Taylor Branch , in his landmark history of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , describes the first meeting between Martin Luther King and Lewis , then 18 years old : King encountered a young man somewhat like himself in appearance—small , study , dark-skinned , with a rounded face built for warmth more than looks—but completely lacking in refinement .
Lewis spoke with a stammer , and could barely complete a full sentence even when the stammer gave him peace .
He said he had “ come up ” so far back in the country that he could not remember even seeing a white person in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not the type the NAACP lawyers had been choosing for integration test cases , because he appeared to be a Negro whom no amount of education could polish .
Yet there was an incandescence in Lewis that shone through all his shortcomings .
Lewis took part in the 1961 “ Freedom Rides ” interstate buses into the segregated Southern United States .
As the chair of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee he was a key organizer of the 1963 March on Washington , where he was the youngest speaker .
( His speech @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said but for what he was not permitted to say . )
Lewis worked with King on voting rights demonstrations in Selma , Alabama .
That ’ s where Lewis and other marchers were brutally attacked by Alabama state troopers on March 7 , 1964 , “ Bloody Sunday , ” after they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge .
Lewis worked to register Black voters in the 1970s , worked in Carter Administration , served five years on Atlanta ’ s city council before claiming a House seat representing Atlanta in 1986 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bond in a primary .
Lewis , who in his younger days clashed with movement elders like attorney Thurgood Marshall who favored less aggressive tactics , died a universally celebrated figure .
His passing caused “ Not John Lewis ” to trend on Twitter .
On Saturday , even Republicans who are working to thwart voting rights , the principal cause of Lewis ’ career , celebrated his early civil rights work , saying little of his more recent efforts .
“ Congressman John Lewis was a Civil Rights hero , freedom fighter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgian who changed our world in a profound way , ” said Georgia Gov .
Brian Kemp .
As Georgia ’ s secretary of state , Kemp ’ s purge of voter rolls , which disproportionately affected Black voters , helped him defeat Stacey Abrams in the 2018 gubernatorial contest .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , who has declined to take up a voting rights bill passed by the House and championed by Lewis , called the late congressman “ a pioneering civil rights leader who put his life on the line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and bring our nation into greater alignment with its founding principles.
” President Donald Trump is an exception .
He tweeted Friday night and went golfing Saturday before mentioning Lewis ’ passing .
On Saturday , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi also ordered that flags at the Capitol be lowered to half-staff .
“ In the Congress , John Lewis was revered and beloved on both sides of the aisle and both sides of the Capitol , ” she said .
“ All of us were humbled to call Congressman Lewis a colleague @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
May his memory be an inspiration that moves us all to , in the face of injustice , make ‘ good trouble , necessary trouble . '
” “ In so many ways , John ’ s life was exceptional , ” Obama wrote .
“ But he never believed that what he did was more than any citizen of this country might do .
He believed that in all of us , there exists the capacity for great courage , a longing to do what ’ s right , a willingness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extend to them their God-given rights to dignity and respect .
And it ’ s because he saw the best in all of us that he will continue , even in his passing , to serve as a beacon in that long journey towards a more perfect union .
”

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Civil rights hero John Lewis, 80, very much still needed, died Friday of pancreatic cancer. He had helped in the early 1960s to pioneer the regime of nonviolent confrontation in the fight against racial segregation, and his death came amid an uprising that had heartened him with its echoes of the racial justice movement of his youth.
“It was very moving, very moving to see hundreds of thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets — to speak up, to speak out, to get into what I call ‘good trouble,’” Lewis told CBS in June, referring to massive Black Lives Matter demonstrations across the country. “This feels and looks so different. It is so much more massive and all inclusive.
“There will be no turning back,” he said.
Lewis was a son of sharecroppers. He spoke with a stammer, and he was once thought too country, too unpolished, by the movement he would eventually help lead. Taylor Branch, in his landmark history of the civil rights era, Parting the Waters, describes the first meeting between Martin Luther King and Lewis, then 18 years old:
King encountered a young man somewhat like himself in appearance—small, study, dark-skinned, with a rounded face built for warmth more than looks—but completely lacking in refinement. Lewis spoke with a stammer, and could barely complete a full sentence even when the stammer gave him peace. He said he had “come up” so far back in the country that he could not remember even seeing a white person in his youth. This made him decidedly not the type the NAACP lawyers had been choosing for integration test cases, because he appeared to be a Negro whom no amount of education could polish. Yet there was an incandescence in Lewis that shone through all his shortcomings.
Lewis took part in the 1961 “Freedom Rides” interstate buses into the segregated Southern United States. As the chair of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee he was a key organizer of the 1963 March on Washington, where he was the youngest speaker. (His speech is notable not just for what he said but for what he was not permitted to say.) Lewis worked with King on voting rights demonstrations in Selma, Alabama. That’s where Lewis and other marchers were brutally attacked by Alabama state troopers on March 7, 1964, “Bloody Sunday,” after they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Lewis worked to register Black voters in the 1970s, worked in Carter Administration, served five years on Atlanta’s city council before claiming a House seat representing Atlanta in 1986, having defeated fellow civil rights activist Julian Bond in a primary.
Lewis, who in his younger days clashed with movement elders like attorney Thurgood Marshall who favored less aggressive tactics, died a universally celebrated figure. His passing caused “Not John Lewis” to trend on Twitter. On Saturday, even Republicans who are working to thwart voting rights, the principal cause of Lewis’ career, celebrated his early civil rights work, saying little of his more recent efforts.
“Congressman John Lewis was a Civil Rights hero, freedom fighter, devoted public servant, and beloved Georgian who changed our world in a profound way,” said Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp. As Georgia’s secretary of state, Kemp’s purge of voter rolls, which disproportionately affected Black voters, helped him defeat Stacey Abrams in the 2018 gubernatorial contest.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who has declined to take up a voting rights bill passed by the House and championed by Lewis, called the late congressman “a pioneering civil rights leader who put his life on the line to fight racism, promote equal rights, and bring our nation into greater alignment with its founding principles.”
President Donald Trump is an exception. He tweeted Friday night and went golfing Saturday before mentioning Lewis’ passing.
On Saturday, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi also ordered that flags at the Capitol be lowered to half-staff. “In the Congress, John Lewis was revered and beloved on both sides of the aisle and both sides of the Capitol,” she said. “All of us were humbled to call Congressman Lewis a colleague, and are heartbroken by his passing. May his memory be an inspiration that moves us all to, in the face of injustice, make ‘good trouble, necessary trouble.'”
President Barack Obama cited Lewis’ “gentleness and humility” in a Medium post.
Not many of us get to live to see our own legacy play out in such a meaningful, remarkable way. John Lewis did:https://t.co/KbVfYt5CeQ — Barack Obama (@BarackObama) July 18, 2020
“In so many ways, John’s life was exceptional,” Obama wrote. “But he never believed that what he did was more than any citizen of this country might do. He believed that in all of us, there exists the capacity for great courage, a longing to do what’s right, a willingness to love all people, and to extend to them their God-given rights to dignity and respect. And it’s because he saw the best in all of us that he will continue, even in his passing, to serve as a beacon in that long journey towards a more perfect union.”


motherjones--2020-07-18--John Lewis’ Legacy Is the Right to Vote. And It’s Under Attack.

On March 1 , as he was battling stage 4 cancer , John Lewis returned to Selma , Alabama , to commemorate the 55th anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march , when he was brutally beaten marching for voting rights .
“ We must go out and vote , ” he told a crowd of thousands on the Edmund Pettus Bridge , “ like we ’ ve never , ever voted before.
” He urged the people gathered there to vote in order to “ redeem the soul of America.
” The vote was personal for Lewis , who passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He called it “ precious , almost sacred.
” He was more responsible than just about anyone for the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 .
This is Lewis ’ most powerful legacy—showing us how powerful the vote can be but also how fragile it remains today .
Lewis didn ’ t stop fighting for voting rights after Lyndon Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act , with Lewis by his side .
He made expanding access to the ballot his life ’ s mission .
In the 1970s , he led @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the South to register Black voters and help elect Black officials to office for the first time since Reconstruction .
“ Hands that pick cotton , ” said the group ’ s slogan , “ now can pick our public officials.
” In 1975 , he championed the expansion of the Voting Rights Act to protect not just African Americans but language minorities like Hispanics , Native Americans , and Asian Americans who had been disenfranchised as well .
He powerfully advocated for each reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act—in 1970 , 1975 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Republicans embarked on a new campaign to suppress voting rights after the 2010 election , by passing restrictions like voter ID laws and cuts to early voting and closing polling places , Lewis was among the first to denounce it .
“ Voting rights are under attack in America , ” he said in the House chamber in July 2011 .
“ There ’ s a deliberate and systematic attempt to prevent millions of elderly voters , young voters , students , minority and low-income voters from exercising their constitutional right to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ described how in the Jim Crow South , election officials had once prevented Blacks from voting by demanding that they count the number of bubbles in a bar of soap or the number of jellybeans in a jar .
“ We must not step back to another dark period in our history , ” Lewis warned .
“ The vote is the most powerful nonviolent tool we have in a democratic society.
” Lewis was sitting in the Supreme Court chamber when it heard a challenge to the Voting Rights Act and told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scalia compared the VRA to a “ racial entitlement.
” He called the decision gutting the law “ a dagger into the very heart of the Voting Rights Act.
” ( I tell this story in my 2015 book Give Us the Ballot , which extensively details Lewis ’ s long fight for voting rights and which he reviewed for the Washington Post . )
This wasn ’ t just history to Lewis .
I traveled with him on civil rights pilgrimages with members of Congress to Alabama in 2013 and 2015 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bloody Sunday march , when he crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge with Barack Obama and 100,000 people behind them—one of the most powerful images of the past decade .
He wanted young people in particular to understand the power of the civil rights movement .
I remember when he led a group of kids , including the granddaughter of House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer , on a tour of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham , where four little girls were killed in bombing by KKK in 1963 .
He showed them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activists—including Lewis himself—being attacked by dogs on the orders of Birmingham Police Commissioner Bull Connor .
“ You were attacked by dogs ?
” Hoyer ’ s granddaughter asked Lewis in disbelief .
But as much as Lewis wanted people to know civil rights history , he also wanted them to know that the fight for voting rights didn ’ t end in 1965 .
“ I truly believe , ” Lewis said last year , when Democrats introduced a sweeping democracy reform bill to make it easier to vote , “ that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purged in states like Georgia and Florida and other states changed the outcome of the last election .
That must never happen again in our country .
We will make it illegal.
” The bill , HR 1 : The For the People Act , passed the House , but Senate Republicans never brought it up for a vote .
In December 2019 , Lewis presided over the House as it passed legislation to restore and modernize the Voting Rights Act , requiring states with a long history of voting discrimination to once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to voting procedures .
In a primary season marred by voting problems , like six-hour lines in Lewis ’ home state of Georgia , it ’ s been sitting on Mitch McConnell ’ s desk for 225 days .
Lewis , ultimately , was a man of action , not words .
As he said many times , he spoke with his body and his feet—marching , protesting , getting arrested more than 40 times to advocate for change .
There have already been petitions to rename the Edmund Pettus Bridge ( named @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alabama Ku Klux Klan ) to honor Lewis .
Maybe one day , a new Voting Rights Act will be named after him as well .

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On March 1, as he was battling stage 4 cancer, John Lewis returned to Selma, Alabama, to commemorate the 55th anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march, when he was brutally beaten marching for voting rights. “We must go out and vote,” he told a crowd of thousands on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, “like we’ve never, ever voted before.” He urged the people gathered there to vote in order to “redeem the soul of America.”
“I thought I was going to die on this bridge.” Incredible moment in the middle of the Edmund Pettus bridge during #Selma55 bridge crossing. Thank you @repjohnlewis. We will never stop working to honor you and all who risked their lives for the right to vote. pic.twitter.com/v0V05D36uI — Vanita Gupta (@vanitaguptaCR) March 1, 2020
The vote was personal for Lewis, who passed away late Friday evening at 80. He called it “precious, almost sacred.” He was more responsible than just about anyone for the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
This is Lewis’ most powerful legacy—showing us how powerful the vote can be but also how fragile it remains today.
Lewis didn’t stop fighting for voting rights after Lyndon Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, with Lewis by his side. He made expanding access to the ballot his life’s mission.
John Lewis with LBJ at signing of Voting Rights Act, August 1965: pic.twitter.com/wd5mHrqbHU — Michael Beschloss (@BeschlossDC) July 18, 2020
In the 1970s, he led the Voter Education Project, traveling throughout the South to register Black voters and help elect Black officials to office for the first time since Reconstruction. “Hands that pick cotton,” said the group’s slogan, “now can pick our public officials.”
In 1975, he championed the expansion of the Voting Rights Act to protect not just African Americans but language minorities like Hispanics, Native Americans, and Asian Americans who had been disenfranchised as well. He powerfully advocated for each reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act—in 1970, 1975, 1982, and 2006.
And when Republicans embarked on a new campaign to suppress voting rights after the 2010 election, by passing restrictions like voter ID laws and cuts to early voting and closing polling places, Lewis was among the first to denounce it. “Voting rights are under attack in America,” he said in the House chamber in July 2011. “There’s a deliberate and systematic attempt to prevent millions of elderly voters, young voters, students, minority and low-income voters from exercising their constitutional right to engage in the democratic process.”
He described how in the Jim Crow South, election officials had once prevented Blacks from voting by demanding that they count the number of bubbles in a bar of soap or the number of jellybeans in a jar. “We must not step back to another dark period in our history,” Lewis warned. “The vote is the most powerful nonviolent tool we have in a democratic society.”
Lewis was sitting in the Supreme Court chamber when it heard a challenge to the Voting Rights Act and told me he almost cried when Justice Antonin Scalia compared the VRA to a “racial entitlement.” He called the decision gutting the law “a dagger into the very heart of the Voting Rights Act.” (I tell this story in my 2015 book Give Us the Ballot, which extensively details Lewis’s long fight for voting rights and which he reviewed for the Washington Post.)
This wasn’t just history to Lewis. I traveled with him on civil rights pilgrimages with members of Congress to Alabama in 2013 and 2015, including for the 50th anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march, when he crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge with Barack Obama and 100,000 people behind them—one of the most powerful images of the past decade.
"If Selma taught us anything, it’s that our work is never done." —President Obama #Selma51 pic.twitter.com/MoaVS02Crw — Barack Obama (@BarackObama) March 7, 2016
He wanted young people in particular to understand the power of the civil rights movement. I remember when he led a group of kids, including the granddaughter of House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, on a tour of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, where four little girls were killed in bombing by KKK in 1963. He showed them pictures in the basement of civil rights activists—including Lewis himself—being attacked by dogs on the orders of Birmingham Police Commissioner Bull Connor.
“You were attacked by dogs?” Hoyer’s granddaughter asked Lewis in disbelief.
“Yes, we were,” he replied sadly.
.@repjohnlewis telling the story of Bloody Sunday entering Selma (Elizabeth Warren behind him) #Selma50 pic.twitter.com/zmmbnZUOos — Ari Berman (@AriBerman) March 7, 2015
But as much as Lewis wanted people to know civil rights history, he also wanted them to know that the fight for voting rights didn’t end in 1965. “I truly believe,” Lewis said last year, when Democrats introduced a sweeping democracy reform bill to make it easier to vote, “that the way votes were not counted and purged in states like Georgia and Florida and other states changed the outcome of the last election. That must never happen again in our country. We will make it illegal.” The bill, HR 1: The For the People Act, passed the House, but Senate Republicans never brought it up for a vote.
In December 2019, Lewis presided over the House as it passed legislation to restore and modernize the Voting Rights Act, requiring states with a long history of voting discrimination to once again get federal approval for any changes to voting procedures. In a primary season marred by voting problems, like six-hour lines in Lewis’ home state of Georgia, it’s been sitting on Mitch McConnell’s desk for 225 days.
Lewis, ultimately, was a man of action, not words. As he said many times, he spoke with his body and his feet—marching, protesting, getting arrested more than 40 times to advocate for change. There have already been petitions to rename the Edmund Pettus Bridge (named after a former Grand Dragon of the Alabama Ku Klux Klan) to honor Lewis. Maybe one day, a new Voting Rights Act will be named after him as well.


motherjones--2020-07-19--Roger Stone Appears to Use Racial Slur on a Black Radio Host’s Show

Fresh off of receiving a presidential commutation , Roger Stone on Saturday appeared to use a racial slur during a live taping of a radio show hosted by a Black man .
Stone , a longtime adviser to Donald Trump , has insisted that he made no such remark , and he told Buzzfeed Sunday that he has “ hired the best technicians in the country and will disapprove ( sic ) shortly.
” The comments came while Morris O ’ Kelly , host of the Mo ’ Kelly Show , and Stone were engaged in a heated discussion over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to commute Stone ’ s 40-month prison sentence for lying to Congress and witness tampering in the Russia investigation .
“ There are thousands of people treated unfairly daily , ” O ’ Kelly said at one point .
“ How your number just happened to come up in the lottery , I ’ m guessing it was more than just luck , Roger , right ?
” Stone , who up until that moment had been providing rapid-fire , animated responses to O ’ Kelly ’ s questions , paused .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mumbling a few unintelligible words before uttering the phrase “ arguing with this Negro.
” “ I ’ m sorry , what was that ?
” O ’ Kelly , clearly taken aback , asked .
“ Roger ?
I ’ m sorry , what did you say ?
” For awhile , Stone didn ’ t respond to O ’ Kelly .
“ I thought we were having just a very spirited conversation , what happened ?
” O ’ Kelly continued .
After O ’ Kelly said that he could hear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Stone reappeared and suggested that the phone signal had been wonky .
“ I was talking , and you said something about negroes , so I wasn ’ t exactly sure , ” O ’ Kelly told Stone , who quickly denied the accusation .
“ You ’ re out of your mind , ” Stone said .
According to the Associated Press , Stone elaborated on this denial in a statement after the interview : In a statement , Stone defended himself by saying that anyone familiar with him “ knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
O ’ Kelly needs a good peroxide cleaning of the wax in his ears because at no time did I call him a negro , ” Stone said , using lowercase for the word .
“ That said , Mr. O ’ Kelly needs to spend a little more time studying black history and institutions .
The word negro is far from a slur.
” He cited the United Negro College Fund and the historical use of the word .
At one time , “ Negro ” was common in the American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the late 1960s , however , the word was scorned by activists in favor of such descriptors as “ Black.
” These days , the antiquated word is widely viewed as derogatory in most uses .
In his statement , Stone noted that some of the program ’ s audio was garbled and alleged that there was cross-talk from another radio show and that his sound was cut off .
Stone claims that it was actually someone else who uttered the slur and told Buzzfeed that he has hired technical experts to prove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ dirty trickster , ” has long spewed racist , sexist , and inflammatory language , including the word “ Negro.
” This story has been revised .

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Fresh off of receiving a presidential commutation, Roger Stone on Saturday appeared to use a racial slur during a live taping of a radio show hosted by a Black man. Stone, a longtime adviser to Donald Trump, has insisted that he made no such remark, and he told Buzzfeed Sunday that he has “hired the best technicians in the country and will disapprove (sic) shortly.”
The comments came while Morris O’Kelly, host of the Mo’Kelly Show, and Stone were engaged in a heated discussion over the president’s July 10 decision to commute Stone’s 40-month prison sentence for lying to Congress and witness tampering in the Russia investigation.
“There are thousands of people treated unfairly daily,” O’Kelly said at one point. “How your number just happened to come up in the lottery, I’m guessing it was more than just luck, Roger, right?”
Stone, who up until that moment had been providing rapid-fire, animated responses to O’Kelly’s questions, paused. A muffled voice—apparently Stone’s—was then heard mumbling a few unintelligible words before uttering the phrase “arguing with this Negro.”
“I’m sorry, what was that?” O’Kelly, clearly taken aback, asked. “Roger? I’m sorry, what did you say?”
For awhile, Stone didn’t respond to O’Kelly. “I thought we were having just a very spirited conversation, what happened?” O’Kelly continued.
After O’Kelly said that he could hear that the phone line was still open, Stone reappeared and suggested that the phone signal had been wonky.
“I was talking, and you said something about negroes, so I wasn’t exactly sure,” O’Kelly told Stone, who quickly denied the accusation. “You’re out of your mind,” Stone said.
According to the Associated Press, Stone elaborated on this denial in a statement after the interview:
In a statement, Stone defended himself by saying that anyone familiar with him “knows I despise racism!” “Mr. O’Kelly needs a good peroxide cleaning of the wax in his ears because at no time did I call him a negro,” Stone said, using lowercase for the word. “That said, Mr. O’Kelly needs to spend a little more time studying black history and institutions. The word negro is far from a slur.” He cited the United Negro College Fund and the historical use of the word. At one time, “Negro” was common in the American vernacular to describe African Americans. By the late 1960s, however, the word was scorned by activists in favor of such descriptors as “Black.” These days, the antiquated word is widely viewed as derogatory in most uses. In his statement, Stone noted that some of the program’s audio was garbled and alleged that there was cross-talk from another radio show and that his sound was cut off.
Stone claims that it was actually someone else who uttered the slur and told Buzzfeed that he has hired technical experts to prove his innocence.
Stone, a self-proclaimed “dirty trickster,” has long spewed racist, sexist, and inflammatory language, including the word “Negro.”
This story has been revised.