motherjones--2020-11-07--Kamala Harris Will Make History and Be the First Black Woman Vice President

The 2020 presidential election has finally ended—and it marks a historic , yet muddled , start for Vice President–elect Kamala Harris .
Harris will become the first woman , first African American , and first Asian American ever to hold the vice presidency .
Harris ’ ascension is a huge deal , as it underscores just how critical Black women have been to the Democratic Party .
A staggering 87 percent of Black women identify as Democrats , according to one study , and Black women have been the party ’ s most reliable voting bloc for generations .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its candidates for national office—haven ’ t often reflected this .
Only 47 Black women have ever served in Congress , and Harris is just the second Black woman to serve in the Senate—behind Carol Moseley Braun , who was elected from Illinois in 1992 .
That ’ s slowly changing ; Harris will take the vice presidency at the same time as a handful of Black women who were elected to Congress this week , including Nikema Williams from Georgia and Cori Bush from Missouri .
At 56 years old , Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senator from California , is a relative newcomer to the national stage .
She was elected to the Senate in 2016 after racking up a series of firsts throughout a two-decade career of public service in California : In 2003 , she became San Francisco ’ s first woman and first Black and Asian American district attorney ; in 2010 , she carried those same firsts into California ’ s attorney general ’ s office .
And in the Senate , she ’ s made a name for herself mostly by grilling Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of ( their ) confusion .
In 2019 , she announced her own run for president , inspired by Rep. Shirley Chisholm ’ s historic run in 1972 .
Yet that campaign never quite found its footing in a Democratic primary that was marked by strong personalities with perhaps even stronger ideological political brands .
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Since ending her campaign in 2020 , Harris has worked hard behind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wrinkles of her political past ; namely , her record as a career prosecutor , which , depending on how you feel about policing in the United States , is a political asset or a political liability .
During the primary , the hashtag # KamalaIsACop was frequently used by critics , along with archival footage of speeches she once gave highlighting the importance of policing communities of color .
That past proved particularly incendiary during a turbulent summer of protests over police killings of unarmed Black people .
Harris , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in support of reforming law enforcement , a sign that she ’ s found herself on somewhat more comfortable footing as a public servant , not directly as an agent of law enforcement .
( She has also in recent months introduced policies meant to signal her willingness to advocate on behalf of Black women specifically ; in addition to anti-lynching legislation , she has introduced bills in the Senate to fund the study of uterine fibroids , from which Black women suffer disproportionately , and to reduce racial disparities in maternal mortality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Harris played a key role in organizing a meeting between the Movement for Black Lives and the Congressional Black Caucus to discuss the Breathe Act , a multifaceted bill that would redirect federal spending on law enforcement into programming that supports disenfranchised communities of color .
Harris has stopped short of endorsing the Breathe Act altogether , but the fact that she ’ s already got a direct line of communication with activists is a far cry from the nothing that exists now between radical activists and the Trump administration .
Of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fine line as vice president .
She is not the commander in chief , though she will effectively be seen as the face and the future of the Democratic Party .
President-elect Joe Biden is a Democratic Party stalwart who ’ s been in the public eye for many decades and is faced with the unenviable task of governing a deeply divided nation .
Biden will be 78 when he is sworn in , the oldest any president has been on their first day of the job .
Harris is one heartbeat away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t act like it—she ’ s second in command , and would risk seeming too aggressive or domineering or [ insert your favorite sexist euphemism here ] .
When I interviewed Harris shortly after she became a senator , she was still finding her footing in her new role .
She seemed content to take her time and use her skillset as a prosecutor to help ease the transition .
Based on her interrogations of Jeff Sessions , John Kelly , and Brett Kavanaugh , it ’ s fair to say she did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job before this barrier-breaking Black woman is even tougher : Harris has to help lead a polarized and pandemic-plagued country from behind .

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The 2020 presidential election has finally ended—and it marks a historic, yet muddled, start for Vice President–elect Kamala Harris.
Harris will become the first woman, first African American, and first Asian American ever to hold the vice presidency. Harris’ ascension is a huge deal, as it underscores just how critical Black women have been to the Democratic Party. A staggering 87 percent of Black women identify as Democrats, according to one study, and Black women have been the party’s most reliable voting bloc for generations. But the party’s political platforms—much less its candidates for national office—haven’t often reflected this. Only 47 Black women have ever served in Congress, and Harris is just the second Black woman to serve in the Senate—behind Carol Moseley Braun, who was elected from Illinois in 1992. That’s slowly changing; Harris will take the vice presidency at the same time as a handful of Black women who were elected to Congress this week, including Nikema Williams from Georgia and Cori Bush from Missouri.
At 56 years old, Harris, who is currently a first-term US senator from California, is a relative newcomer to the national stage. She was elected to the Senate in 2016 after racking up a series of firsts throughout a two-decade career of public service in California: In 2003, she became San Francisco’s first woman and first Black and Asian American district attorney; in 2010, she carried those same firsts into California’s attorney general’s office. And in the Senate, she’s made a name for herself mostly by grilling Trump administration nominees, often to the point of (their) confusion. In 2019, she announced her own run for president, inspired by Rep. Shirley Chisholm’s historic run in 1972. Yet that campaign never quite found its footing in a Democratic primary that was marked by strong personalities with perhaps even stronger ideological political brands.
Listen to the latest episode of the Mother Jones Podcast: Subscribe using Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or your favorite podcast app.
Since ending her campaign in 2020, Harris has worked hard behind the scenes to smooth out some of the wrinkles of her political past; namely, her record as a career prosecutor, which, depending on how you feel about policing in the United States, is a political asset or a political liability. During the primary, the hashtag #KamalaIsACop was frequently used by critics, along with archival footage of speeches she once gave highlighting the importance of policing communities of color. That past proved particularly incendiary during a turbulent summer of protests over police killings of unarmed Black people. Harris, though, took to the streets with protesters in support of reforming law enforcement, a sign that she’s found herself on somewhat more comfortable footing as a public servant, not directly as an agent of law enforcement. (She has also in recent months introduced policies meant to signal her willingness to advocate on behalf of Black women specifically; in addition to anti-lynching legislation, she has introduced bills in the Senate to fund the study of uterine fibroids, from which Black women suffer disproportionately, and to reduce racial disparities in maternal mortality.)
In August, Politico reported that Harris played a key role in organizing a meeting between the Movement for Black Lives and the Congressional Black Caucus to discuss the Breathe Act, a multifaceted bill that would redirect federal spending on law enforcement into programming that supports disenfranchised communities of color. Harris has stopped short of endorsing the Breathe Act altogether, but the fact that she’s already got a direct line of communication with activists is a far cry from the nothing that exists now between radical activists and the Trump administration.
Of course, Harris must walk an extremely fine line as vice president. She is not the commander in chief, though she will effectively be seen as the face and the future of the Democratic Party. President-elect Joe Biden is a Democratic Party stalwart who’s been in the public eye for many decades and is faced with the unenviable task of governing a deeply divided nation. Biden will be 78 when he is sworn in, the oldest any president has been on their first day of the job. Harris is one heartbeat away from the presidency, but can’t act like it—she’s second in command, and would risk seeming too aggressive or domineering or [insert your favorite sexist euphemism here].
When I interviewed Harris shortly after she became a senator, she was still finding her footing in her new role. She seemed content to take her time and use her skillset as a prosecutor to help ease the transition. Based on her interrogations of Jeff Sessions, John Kelly, and Brett Kavanaugh, it’s fair to say she did a great job. Now, the job before this barrier-breaking Black woman is even tougher: Harris has to help lead a polarized and pandemic-plagued country from behind.


It’s Over, Dad

We had just told my dad he was about to die .
He didn ’ t have years .
Or months .
“ A few weeks , ” his oncologist offered as the most optimistic course .
Further intervention would not help .
It was time to go home , and then to hospice .
“ Weeks ?
!
” “ I ’ m afraid so.
” My dad processed .
And then he said , “ I have a prediction : Trump will lose.
” What happened next was both excruciatingly slow and way too fast .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but close to it , as mitigating pain and news of the virus crashing the world became overwhelming , as we said our goodbyes and he gradually lost the ability to speak .
In the almost eight months since , I ’ ve thought about that a lot .
He wanted to live to see Trump lose , and he didn ’ t .
He couldn ’ t have imagined the overwhelming magnitude of chaos and death that Trump has since unleashed on the country .
He couldn ’ t have known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have had to say goodbye—if they were lucky to be able to say goodbye—to a loved one because the president was too consumed with personal grievances and a desire to cling to power to do his damn job .
But by then the oppressive awfulness of Trump , the cruelty , the racism , the corruption , the contempt for every supposed American value , was enough to have my father—a journalist , yes , but not a political animal ; a Democrat who still heard the call of split-ticket voting , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this utterance within a few minutes of coming to grips with the fact that he had only a short , and painful , time to live .
When he flew in a day later , I didn ’ t tell my brother—a Trump supporter—about this conversation .
I don ’ t think I ’ ve told anyone .
Then and since , my brother and I have mostly abided by a largely unspoken agreement not to talk politics , though sometimes he texts me things out of the fever swamp , and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ info , and he dismisses me .
And I ’ m glad , in a way , that my father hasn ’ t been around for all that , and that we held it together for the last week of his life , and since .
And while I ’ m not a particularly superstitious person , recounting this conversation to anyone seemed to be tempting fate .
Of course I know I can ’ t jinx the country , and yet… But it ’ s time to say : “ Daddy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over .
”

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We had just told my dad he was about to die. He didn’t have years. Or months. “A few weeks,” his oncologist offered as the most optimistic course. Further intervention would not help. It was time to go home, and then to hospice. “Weeks?!” “I’m afraid so.”
My dad processed. And then he said, “I have a prediction: Trump will lose.”
What happened next was both excruciatingly slow and way too fast. It was not the last real conversation we had, but close to it, as mitigating pain and news of the virus crashing the world became overwhelming, as we said our goodbyes and he gradually lost the ability to speak.
In the almost eight months since, I’ve thought about that a lot. He wanted to live to see Trump lose, and he didn’t. He couldn’t have imagined the overwhelming magnitude of chaos and death that Trump has since unleashed on the country. He couldn’t have known that hundreds of thousands of American families have had to say goodbye—if they were lucky to be able to say goodbye—to a loved one because the president was too consumed with personal grievances and a desire to cling to power to do his damn job. But by then the oppressive awfulness of Trump, the cruelty, the racism, the corruption, the contempt for every supposed American value, was enough to have my father—a journalist, yes, but not a political animal; a Democrat who still heard the call of split-ticket voting, at least when it came to Larry Hogan—make this utterance within a few minutes of coming to grips with the fact that he had only a short, and painful, time to live.
When he flew in a day later, I didn’t tell my brother—a Trump supporter—about this conversation. I don’t think I’ve told anyone. Then and since, my brother and I have mostly abided by a largely unspoken agreement not to talk politics, though sometimes he texts me things out of the fever swamp, and I beg him to find better sources of info, and he dismisses me. And I’m glad, in a way, that my father hasn’t been around for all that, and that we held it together for the last week of his life, and since. And while I’m not a particularly superstitious person, recounting this conversation to anyone seemed to be tempting fate. Of course I know I can’t jinx the country, and yet…
But it’s time to say: “Daddy, you were right. It’s over.”


motherjones--2020-11-07--Trump Was Golfing When He Lost the Presidency

For indispensable reporting on the coronavirus crisis , the election , and more , subscribe to the Mother Jones Daily @ @ @ @ @ when you found out the 2020 presidential election was called for Joe Biden ?
I @ @ @ @ @ .
My neighbors appear to have been “ at the store , shopping for airhorns.
@ @ @ @ @ Trump was : at the golf course .
According to the Associated Press , Trump @ @ @ @ @ in Virginia earlier this morning and hasn ’ t yet come back .
Thoughts and @ @ @ @ @

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How Trump Lost

President Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden in a nail-biter election in key swing states , demonstrating both the president ’ s enduring appeal among his fervent supporters and his inability to expand his sphere of support .
Going into election night , the polls appear to have missed the enthusiasm of Trump ’ s base , which turned out in force to reelect him .
But firing up his supporters wasn ’ t enough to win , especially after Trump had turned off key constituencies over the last four years .
The close margins in swing states show how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ let opportunities to ensure it slip through his fingers .
After assuming office in January 2017 , Trump wasted no time in building a campaign operation that his campaign manager unironically nicknamed the Death Star .
He amassed a war chest before Democrats even started running .
As their primary raged , the economy was strong enough for voters to keep faith in Trump ’ s handling of it .
His team exuded confidence they would coast to victory .
Then , the coronavirus hit .
Since Biden did not win in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think that the result could have been different if the country were not enduring a global pandemic that has killed more than 230,000 Americans and battered the economy in the span of just eight months .
Once it arrived , it was inevitable the coronavirus would shape the 2020 contest .
But it didn ’ t have to be a drag on Trump ’ s reelection .
If he had responded responsibly , it could have been his golden ticket to a second term by proving his leadership skills to voters already slipping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrived in force in March , national polls showed Trump was behind Joe Biden , then the presumptive Democratic nominee , by four percentage points .
Trump had always been unpopular : he earned fewer votes than his 2016 opponent , and after the first week of his presidency , his approval rating never outstripped his disapproval rating .
Rather than reach out to disaffected Republicans and independents , Trump pushed a xenophobic agenda that pandered to his base , alongside a conservative economic agenda that betrayed his populist appeals of 2016 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bullying demeanor immediately turned off voters who had hoped he would become presidential once in office .
In the 2018 midterms , his party lost decisively in a rebuke of the administration ’ s agenda .
But when the virus arrived , Americans were willing to give him a shot .
“ Trump ’ s best opportunity to get reelected was in his handling of the pandemic , particularly in the spring when it hit , ” says Jesse Ferguson , a Democratic strategist .
“ We saw early data where people wanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t want the virus to be this bad .
But he failed so miserably that he squandered the opportunity.
” Initially , a small majority of people thought Trump ’ s response to the virus was going fine .
According to a weekly poll tracking how Americans view the pandemic from Navigator Research , a progressive polling collective , in March they approved of his handling of the pandemic by a margin of 52 to 42 percent .
“ There certainly was a rallying-behind-the-leader effect , ” says Bryan Bennett , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ head of polling and analytics at the Hub Project .
“ Trump had an opportunity to at least develop a little bit more goodwill with the public.
” Then he blew it , and the poll quickly picked up growing misgivings .
Respondents came to believe that Trump was downplaying the risk of infection , bucking the advice of doctors and scientists , and lying to the American people .
( Democrats and their allies didn ’ t waste time mounting ad campaigns reminding voters of Trump ’ s virus failures . )
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ final pre-election survey , finding that such concerns about Trump remained unchanged , Bennett says , even “ after he had had COVID , after we had gone through two surges , entering a third , nine million cases , over 220,000 people dead…The biggest difference is that Donald Trump ’ s approval on handling the pandemic is underwater by 16 points.
” That number represents a 26 point drop from the group ’ s first poll .
The pandemic provided Trump a chance to do something the country liked , in contrast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trump ’ s attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act , first through Congress and currently through the courts , are unpopular .
So was his tax cut , which disproportionately benefited the rich .
But in response to the coronavirus , Trump could have focused on health care and stimulus , demonstrating an agenda responsive to working Americans .
Instead , the virus cast a spotlight on the shortcomings of his conservative policies .
He showed little interest in passing a recovery package during the summer and fall .
Weeks before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t have any sort of replacement plan should the courts strike down Obamacare .
In short , his actions in the pandemic did not win back the voters he had lost over the preceding three years , and likely lost him even more .
Instead , in late May , Trump seized on something else as his last best hope for reelection .
Following the videotaped murder of George Floyd under the knee of a police officer , an estimated 26 million protesters hit the streets to demand an end to anti-Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a chance to transform the election into a referendum on , as he began incessantly tweeting , “ Law & Order !
” Trump sought , like Richard Nixon in 1968 , to ride a wave of white racial angst over race riots to a presidential victory .
But to millions of Americans , Floyd ’ s death was a wake-up call that the country remained mired in systemic racism .
People were genuinely alarmed by his death , alongside the killings of Ahmaud Arbery , Breonna Taylor , and the ever-growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They were further alarmed by images of excessive force against protesters , including an elderly man whom Buffalo police shoved to the ground and left bleeding from the head .
On June 1 , federal agents used chemical irritants to disperse peaceful demonstrators in Lafayette Park outside the White House so that Trump could walk a few feet to St. John ’ s Church , where he held up a bible for a photo op .
When Navigator Research asked people if they approved of how chemical agents had been used on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respondents said yes .
According to the poll , “ that still remains the most disapproved of action that Trump has taken , ” Bennett says .
Democrats realized the photo-op , intended to bolster Trump ’ s image , was moving voters away from him .
The picture soon began appearing in pro-Biden ads .
Trump misjudged the uprising , which was not just a moment of Black protest , but a multi-racial coalition against longstanding injustice .
Nevertheless , Trump ’ s campaign reoriented its focus toward the protests , portraying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Antifa mobs .
Support for the protests largely held up , and as the campaign wore on , Trump ’ s appeals became more explicit .
He obsessed in particular over suburban women , warning them , in so many words , that their neighborhoods were at risk of a non-white invasion .
“ Suburban women , will you please like me ?
” he said in Johnstown , Pennsylvania , in October .
But the pleas were too late .
All you had to do was look at Republicans ’ shellacking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that women living there were already bolting from the GOP .
Trump ’ s desperate message of racial fear wasn ’ t winning enough of them back .
Many saw Floyd cry out to his mother as he was being killed , and dismissed Trump ’ s racial demagoguery .
By September , 64 percent of suburban woman disapproved of the president .
“ This is factoring in six months of the pandemic .
This is factoring in the protests against police brutality and racial injustice , ” Bennett says .
Another group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who broke for him in 2016 , but in 2020 , early indications suggest , broke for Biden .
A third critical subset is seniors , usually a stalwart Republican cohort , who drifted toward Biden .
For many in the group most at risk from the virus , the fact that Trump seemingly gave up on controlling it proved to be a dealbreaker .
Trump ’ s team wagered that there were more Trump supporters waiting to be turned out than had voted in 2016 , and invested significant resources and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This base-focused strategy was supposed to overcome his shrinking support among these other groups .
And it worked , to an extent : Turnout did expand among his base .
Trump ’ s campaign also smartly saw an opportunity among Latino men in particular .
It eased up on his anti-immigrant rhetoric as the election neared and instead targeted Latino voters .
The strategy brought them important gains in the Latino community .
But this base expansion wasn ’ t enough to make up for his losses elsewhere .
Biden ’ s gains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Trump ’ s 2016 coalition , won the day .
Trump ’ s ability to win back groups he was losing was doomed because he remained so loyal to his base—even when stoking their fervor came at the cost of winning other voters .
It ’ s why Trump shocked the country when he refused to denounce white supremacists during his first debate with Biden .
It ’ s why he continued to hold rallies , which studies show helped spread the surging coronavirus , even though only his most dedicated followers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good idea .
The emerging results suggest that strategy was enough to win something under half the votes cast , but not quite enough to win him a second term .
“ From the American carnage moment in his inaugural speech until the end of the campaign where he ’ s promising to fire Dr. Fauci , nothing he has done has expanded his coalition , ” says Ferguson .
“ All he ’ s done has been focused on getting as many claps from them as often as he can.
” Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failure to rise to the moment—a feature not just of his presidency but also of his personality .
He could not seize on the opportunity the pandemic presented because he was too incompetent , too corrupt , and too narcissistic .
Instead , he saw it as a personal attack , complaining to advisers that China had sent the virus to thwart his reelection .
Rather than care about the lives at risk , when the pandemic hit blue states first , he shrugged off the casualties .
Rather than send help to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer for lockdown measures to get the outbreak under control .
Rather than let the experts in the federal bureaucracy handle the pandemic response , he let his son-in-law Jared Kushner bring in a group of ethically conflicted businessmen of dubious expertise to coordinate a national response .
Some may have enriched themselves while failing to quickly implement a once-promised national testing and tracing strategy—one still lacking seven months later on Election Day .
A corrupt government is not an effective one .
The president ’ s campaign , run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fashion .
Like his businesses and his administration , his campaign was also run under the influence of his family , which prides itself on self-enrichment .
As campaign manager , Trump chose Brad Parscale , a political neophyte whose primary qualification , beyond serving as Trump ’ s 2016 digital director , was that he had ingratiated himself with Kushner and Trump ’ s children .
Trump ’ s instinct to pump up his base with extremist rhetoric and enjoy the adulation of his diehard fans went unchallenged by Parscale , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in no position to question Trump ’ s strategy .
In fact , Parscale had reportedly earned the president ’ s trust by indulging his racist instincts as a campaigner .
Parscale also took another page out of the Trump family playbook and began directing large sums of campaign funds toward his own companies ( as well as payments to Trump ’ s daughter-in-law Lara and Don Jr. ’ s girlfriend , Kimberly Guilfoyle ) .
Trump ’ s final campaign manager , Bill Stepien , announced an investigation of Parscale ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The campaign slugged through the final months with neither a strategy to win back the voters Trump had lost , nor enough cash for a strong finish .
Trump entered October with a third of the money that Biden had .
Yet even as his campaign ran low on cash , it continued to benefit the Trump family .
In September , the New York Times reported , the campaign and joint party committee made a $ 640,476 payment to the Trump Hotel Collection .
Though the effectiveness of television and social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never helps to be outgunned in advertising while down in the polls .
However much the Trump campaign ’ s cash crunch contributed to Trump ’ s loss , it was also a symptom of its dysfunction ; a campaign that put extremist ideology over pragmatic politics and self-dealing over winning .
In an election that came down to narrow margins in several states , his campaign ’ s financial shortfall and base-only strategy just wasn ’ t enough to replicate Trump ’ s narrow victory four years ago .

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President Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden in a nail-biter election in key swing states, demonstrating both the president’s enduring appeal among his fervent supporters and his inability to expand his sphere of support. Going into election night, the polls appear to have missed the enthusiasm of Trump’s base, which turned out in force to reelect him. But firing up his supporters wasn’t enough to win, especially after Trump had turned off key constituencies over the last four years. The close margins in swing states show how close Trump was to reelection—and how he let opportunities to ensure it slip through his fingers.
After assuming office in January 2017, Trump wasted no time in building a campaign operation that his campaign manager unironically nicknamed the Death Star. He amassed a war chest before Democrats even started running. As their primary raged, the economy was strong enough for voters to keep faith in Trump’s handling of it. His team exuded confidence they would coast to victory. Then, the coronavirus hit.
“He failed so miserably that he squandered the opportunity.”
Since Biden did not win in a landslide, it’s easy to think that the result could have been different if the country were not enduring a global pandemic that has killed more than 230,000 Americans and battered the economy in the span of just eight months. Once it arrived, it was inevitable the coronavirus would shape the 2020 contest. But it didn’t have to be a drag on Trump’s reelection. If he had responded responsibly, it could have been his golden ticket to a second term by proving his leadership skills to voters already slipping from his grasp.
When the pandemic arrived in force in March, national polls showed Trump was behind Joe Biden, then the presumptive Democratic nominee, by four percentage points. Trump had always been unpopular: he earned fewer votes than his 2016 opponent, and after the first week of his presidency, his approval rating never outstripped his disapproval rating. Rather than reach out to disaffected Republicans and independents, Trump pushed a xenophobic agenda that pandered to his base, alongside a conservative economic agenda that betrayed his populist appeals of 2016. His approval of white supremacists and his bullying demeanor immediately turned off voters who had hoped he would become presidential once in office. In the 2018 midterms, his party lost decisively in a rebuke of the administration’s agenda. But when the virus arrived, Americans were willing to give him a shot.
“Trump’s best opportunity to get reelected was in his handling of the pandemic, particularly in the spring when it hit,” says Jesse Ferguson, a Democratic strategist. “We saw early data where people wanted him to succeed, because they didn’t want the virus to be this bad. But he failed so miserably that he squandered the opportunity.”
Initially, a small majority of people thought Trump’s response to the virus was going fine. According to a weekly poll tracking how Americans view the pandemic from Navigator Research, a progressive polling collective, in March they approved of his handling of the pandemic by a margin of 52 to 42 percent. “There certainly was a rallying-behind-the-leader effect,” says Bryan Bennett, who took part in the research as the head of polling and analytics at the Hub Project. “Trump had an opportunity to at least develop a little bit more goodwill with the public.”
“Trump had an opportunity to at least develop a little bit more goodwill.”
Then he blew it, and the poll quickly picked up growing misgivings. Respondents came to believe that Trump was downplaying the risk of infection, bucking the advice of doctors and scientists, and lying to the American people. (Democrats and their allies didn’t waste time mounting ad campaigns reminding voters of Trump’s virus failures.) In late October, Navigator released its final pre-election survey, finding that such concerns about Trump remained unchanged, Bennett says, even “after he had had COVID, after we had gone through two surges, entering a third, nine million cases, over 220,000 people dead…The biggest difference is that Donald Trump’s approval on handling the pandemic is underwater by 16 points.” That number represents a 26 point drop from the group’s first poll.
The pandemic provided Trump a chance to do something the country liked, in contrast to two of his greatest policy weaknesses. Trump’s attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, first through Congress and currently through the courts, are unpopular. So was his tax cut, which disproportionately benefited the rich. But in response to the coronavirus, Trump could have focused on health care and stimulus, demonstrating an agenda responsive to working Americans. Instead, the virus cast a spotlight on the shortcomings of his conservative policies. He showed little interest in passing a recovery package during the summer and fall. Weeks before the election, he acknowledged he didn’t have any sort of replacement plan should the courts strike down Obamacare. In short, his actions in the pandemic did not win back the voters he had lost over the preceding three years, and likely lost him even more.
Instead, in late May, Trump seized on something else as his last best hope for reelection. Following the videotaped murder of George Floyd under the knee of a police officer, an estimated 26 million protesters hit the streets to demand an end to anti-Black police brutality. To Trump, it was a chance to transform the election into a referendum on, as he began incessantly tweeting, “Law & Order!”
Trump sought, like Richard Nixon in 1968, to ride a wave of white racial angst over race riots to a presidential victory. But to millions of Americans, Floyd’s death was a wake-up call that the country remained mired in systemic racism. People were genuinely alarmed by his death, alongside the killings of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and the ever-growing list of Black people killed by police. They were further alarmed by images of excessive force against protesters, including an elderly man whom Buffalo police shoved to the ground and left bleeding from the head.
Trump sought to ride a wave of white racial angst to victory.
On June 1, federal agents used chemical irritants to disperse peaceful demonstrators in Lafayette Park outside the White House so that Trump could walk a few feet to St. John’s Church, where he held up a bible for a photo op. When Navigator Research asked people if they approved of how chemical agents had been used on the protesters, only 23 percent of respondents said yes. According to the poll, “that still remains the most disapproved of action that Trump has taken,” Bennett says. Democrats realized the photo-op, intended to bolster Trump’s image, was moving voters away from him. The picture soon began appearing in pro-Biden ads.
Trump misjudged the uprising, which was not just a moment of Black protest, but a multi-racial coalition against longstanding injustice. Nevertheless, Trump’s campaign reoriented its focus toward the protests, portraying Democrats as the party of lawless rioters and Antifa mobs. Support for the protests largely held up, and as the campaign wore on, Trump’s appeals became more explicit. He obsessed in particular over suburban women, warning them, in so many words, that their neighborhoods were at risk of a non-white invasion. “Suburban women, will you please like me?” he said in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, in October.
But the pleas were too late. All you had to do was look at Republicans’ shellacking in the suburbs in 2018 to know that women living there were already bolting from the GOP. Trump’s desperate message of racial fear wasn’t winning enough of them back. Many saw Floyd cry out to his mother as he was being killed, and dismissed Trump’s racial demagoguery. By September, 64 percent of suburban woman disapproved of the president. “This is factoring in six months of the pandemic. This is factoring in the protests against police brutality and racial injustice,” Bennett says.
Another group estranged by Trump are independent voters, who broke for him in 2016, but in 2020, early indications suggest, broke for Biden. A third critical subset is seniors, usually a stalwart Republican cohort, who drifted toward Biden. For many in the group most at risk from the virus, the fact that Trump seemingly gave up on controlling it proved to be a dealbreaker. Trump’s team wagered that there were more Trump supporters waiting to be turned out than had voted in 2016, and invested significant resources and its entire digital strategy to locating them. This base-focused strategy was supposed to overcome his shrinking support among these other groups. And it worked, to an extent: Turnout did expand among his base. Trump’s campaign also smartly saw an opportunity among Latino men in particular. It eased up on his anti-immigrant rhetoric as the election neared and instead targeted Latino voters. The strategy brought them important gains in the Latino community. But this base expansion wasn’t enough to make up for his losses elsewhere. Biden’s gains, both in new voters and defectors from Trump’s 2016 coalition, won the day.
Trump never turned on his base, even as stoking its fervor came at the cost of winning other voters.
Trump’s ability to win back groups he was losing was doomed because he remained so loyal to his base—even when stoking their fervor came at the cost of winning other voters. It’s why Trump shocked the country when he refused to denounce white supremacists during his first debate with Biden. It’s why he continued to hold rallies, which studies show helped spread the surging coronavirus, even though only his most dedicated followers thought holding large mask-less gatherings was a good idea. The emerging results suggest that strategy was enough to win something under half the votes cast, but not quite enough to win him a second term.
“From the American carnage moment in his inaugural speech until the end of the campaign where he’s promising to fire Dr. Fauci, nothing he has done has expanded his coalition,” says Ferguson. “All he’s done has been focused on getting as many claps from them as often as he can.”
Trump’s loss feels like an acute failure to rise to the moment—a feature not just of his presidency but also of his personality. He could not seize on the opportunity the pandemic presented because he was too incompetent, too corrupt, and too narcissistic. Instead, he saw it as a personal attack, complaining to advisers that China had sent the virus to thwart his reelection.
Rather than care about the lives at risk, when the pandemic hit blue states first, he shrugged off the casualties. Rather than send help to states like Michigan, he attacked Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer for lockdown measures to get the outbreak under control. Rather than let the experts in the federal bureaucracy handle the pandemic response, he let his son-in-law Jared Kushner bring in a group of ethically conflicted businessmen of dubious expertise to coordinate a national response. Some may have enriched themselves while failing to quickly implement a once-promised national testing and tracing strategy—one still lacking seven months later on Election Day. A corrupt government is not an effective one.
The president’s campaign, run by sycophants, acted in a similar fashion. Like his businesses and his administration, his campaign was also run under the influence of his family, which prides itself on self-enrichment. As campaign manager, Trump chose Brad Parscale, a political neophyte whose primary qualification, beyond serving as Trump’s 2016 digital director, was that he had ingratiated himself with Kushner and Trump’s children.
Trump’s instinct to enjoy the adulation of his diehard fans went unchallenged.
Trump’s instinct to pump up his base with extremist rhetoric and enjoy the adulation of his diehard fans went unchallenged by Parscale, who, hired for his loyalty, was in no position to question Trump’s strategy. In fact, Parscale had reportedly earned the president’s trust by indulging his racist instincts as a campaigner. Parscale also took another page out of the Trump family playbook and began directing large sums of campaign funds toward his own companies (as well as payments to Trump’s daughter-in-law Lara and Don Jr.’s girlfriend, Kimberly Guilfoyle). Trump’s final campaign manager, Bill Stepien, announced an investigation of Parscale’s finances when he replaced him in July.
The campaign slugged through the final months with neither a strategy to win back the voters Trump had lost, nor enough cash for a strong finish. Trump entered October with a third of the money that Biden had. Yet even as his campaign ran low on cash, it continued to benefit the Trump family. In September, the New York Times reported, the campaign and joint party committee made a $640,476 payment to the Trump Hotel Collection.
Though the effectiveness of television and social media spending are often over-hyped, it never helps to be outgunned in advertising while down in the polls. However much the Trump campaign’s cash crunch contributed to Trump’s loss, it was also a symptom of its dysfunction; a campaign that put extremist ideology over pragmatic politics and self-dealing over winning.
In an election that came down to narrow margins in several states, his campaign’s financial shortfall and base-only strategy just wasn’t enough to replicate Trump’s narrow victory four years ago.


motherjones--2020-11-07--There’s Another Coronavirus Outbreak at the White House

Late Friday night , Bloomberg News dropped a bombshell : President Donald Trump ’ s chief of staff , Mark Meadows , tested positive for COVID-19 on Wednesday .
Four other White House staffers , including one of Meadows ’ top aides , have also tested positive , and so has a top Trump campaign aide .
One month after Amy Coney Barrett ’ s Supreme Court nomination ceremony turned into a possible superspreader event , the White House is in the midst of another coronavirus outbreak .
The New York Times added some more details : One White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the official was not allowed to speak publicly about internal discussions , said people were told to keep quiet about the various cases .
That follows how Mr. Meadows reacted when there was an outbreak in Vice President Mike Pence ’ s office a few weeks ago .
Anyone can get COVID , and whatever precautions you take are only as a helpful as the precautions other people take .
But that ’ s the thing : The White House still isn ’ t taking the kinds of precautions other workplaces are taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ positive test came less than a day after he attended a huge indoor mask-less party with hundreds of guests ( including the First Family ) at the White House to watch the election returns .
When ’ s the last time you went to a big hours-long indoor party , let alone one where people weren ’ t wearing masks ?
Meadows has made a point of defying the federal government ’ s recommendations on how to act in public during a pandemic .
In October , he refused to do an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away from reporters when they insisted he wear one .
In June , he made fun of reporters for wearing masks .
Keeping a positive COVID test a secret—let alone five positive COVID tests—leaves everyone who might have been exposed , or might have been exposed to someone who might have been exposed , in the dark .
Just like last time .
The emphasis on secrecy only underscores the administration ’ s apparent commitment to downplaying the pandemic even as it enters a truly dire stage .
The United States is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps worst , surge of COVID-19 heading into a cold winter , when we ’ ll be worst prepared to deal with it .
The White House appears to take the virus no more seriously than it did before that virus sent the president to the hospital .
And the president ?
He ’ s completely checked out from his day job .
We ’ re fast approaching a quarter of a million deaths , with cases still continuing to rise .
It ’ s getting really really bad , and the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , they don ’ t even seem to care when they have it .

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Late Friday night, Bloomberg News dropped a bombshell: President Donald Trump’s chief of staff, Mark Meadows, tested positive for COVID-19 on Wednesday. Four other White House staffers, including one of Meadows’ top aides, have also tested positive, and so has a top Trump campaign aide. One month after Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination ceremony turned into a possible superspreader event, the White House is in the midst of another coronavirus outbreak.
The New York Times added some more details:
One White House official, who asked for anonymity because the official was not allowed to speak publicly about internal discussions, said people were told to keep quiet about the various cases. That follows how Mr. Meadows reacted when there was an outbreak in Vice President Mike Pence’s office a few weeks ago.
Anyone can get COVID, and whatever precautions you take are only as a helpful as the precautions other people take. But that’s the thing: The White House still isn’t taking the kinds of precautions other workplaces are taking. As the Times noted, Meadows’ positive test came less than a day after he attended a huge indoor mask-less party with hundreds of guests (including the First Family) at the White House to watch the election returns. When’s the last time you went to a big hours-long indoor party, let alone one where people weren’t wearing masks?
Meadows has made a point of defying the federal government’s recommendations on how to act in public during a pandemic. In October, he refused to do an interview while wearing a mask and walked away from reporters when they insisted he wear one. In June, he made fun of reporters for wearing masks. Keeping a positive COVID test a secret—let alone five positive COVID tests—leaves everyone who might have been exposed, or might have been exposed to someone who might have been exposed, in the dark. Just like last time. The emphasis on secrecy only underscores the administration’s apparent commitment to downplaying the pandemic even as it enters a truly dire stage.
The United States is in the midst of its third, and perhaps worst, surge of COVID-19 heading into a cold winter, when we’ll be worst prepared to deal with it. The White House appears to take the virus no more seriously than it did before that virus sent the president to the hospital. And the president? He’s completely checked out from his day job. We’re fast approaching a quarter of a million deaths, with cases still continuing to rise. It’s getting really really bad, and the people in charge are so at peace with that, they don’t even seem to care when they have it.


motherjones--2020-11-07--Trump’s Pennsylvania Lies Are Too Desperate Even for Twitter

Things are looking very bad for President Trump in Pennsylvania .
Decision Desk , which is used by some outlets to track and call elections , has already declared Joe Biden the winner in the state—which Trump absolutely must win to have any shot at reelection .
Other outlets haven ’ t quite seen enough , but the absentee ballot count has gone overwhelmingly for Biden ( not surprising , given that the president discouraged his supporters from voting by mail ) , and since Biden passed Trump in the statewide totals early Thursday , his lead has steadily grown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes .
How is Trump taking this ?
Not well .
On Saturday morning , he fired off a series of tweets pushing false theories about what ’ s happening in Pennsylvania , in an attempt to egg on his supporters ’ protests and rally Republicans to his side : First : Ballots received after Election Day aren ’ t illegal , because a state court ruled a week before the election that the state ’ s deadline ( which was Election Day ) must be extended to November 6 ( which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legally under the law as it was applied at the time .
Had that not been the law at the time , many of those voters likely would have returned their ballots in person instead .
There ’ s nothing shady about these ballots .
Trump ’ s hope here is simply that the US Supreme Court will overturn the decision after the election and throw out those ballots .
Second : These ballots haven ’ t actually been added to the count !
They have been set aside by counties in anticipation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current deficit—which may be insurmountable—doesn ’ t even include these late-arriving ballots .
That deficit is a result of absentee ballots received by Election Day finally being counted .
The reason they are being counted now is that the Republican legislature blocked efforts that would have allowed counties to count these ballots before Election Day , in order to set up this exact dynamic .
And lastly , it ’ s just not true that Trump ’ s campaign hasn ’ t been allowed to observe the vote count .
As CBS News @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claim ( it ’ s not the first time Trump has made it ) , his campaign ’ s big fight in Pennsylvania was simply over how close observers in the room could stand to the election workers .
They got it shortened to six feet .
You can also watch them work on a live stream .
As is becoming a habit , Trump ’ s tweets were up for only a few minutes before Twitter slapped a label on them warning that the information they contain “ is disputed and might @ @ @ @

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Things are looking very bad for President Trump in Pennsylvania. Decision Desk, which is used by some outlets to track and call elections, has already declared Joe Biden the winner in the state—which Trump absolutely must win to have any shot at reelection. Other outlets haven’t quite seen enough, but the absentee ballot count has gone overwhelmingly for Biden (not surprising, given that the president discouraged his supporters from voting by mail), and since Biden passed Trump in the statewide totals early Thursday, his lead has steadily grown. It now stands at nearly 30,000 votes.
How is Trump taking this? Not well. On Saturday morning, he fired off a series of tweets pushing false theories about what’s happening in Pennsylvania, in an attempt to egg on his supporters’ protests and rally Republicans to his side:
Tens of thousands of votes were illegally received after 8 P.M. on Tuesday, Election Day, totally and easily changing the results in Pennsylvania and certain other razor thin states. As a separate matter, hundreds of thousands of Votes were illegally not allowed to be OBSERVED… — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 7, 2020
Let’s unpack this quickly.
First: Ballots received after Election Day aren’t illegal, because a state court ruled a week before the election that the state’s deadline (which was Election Day) must be extended to November 6 (which was yesterday). Voters cast those ballots legally under the law as it was applied at the time. Had that not been the law at the time, many of those voters likely would have returned their ballots in person instead. There’s nothing shady about these ballots. Trump’s hope here is simply that the US Supreme Court will overturn the decision after the election and throw out those ballots.
Second: These ballots haven’t actually been added to the count! They have been set aside by counties in anticipation of court challenges. Trump’s current deficit—which may be insurmountable—doesn’t even include these late-arriving ballots. That deficit is a result of absentee ballots received by Election Day finally being counted. The reason they are being counted now is that the Republican legislature blocked efforts that would have allowed counties to count these ballots before Election Day, in order to set up this exact dynamic.
And lastly, it’s just not true that Trump’s campaign hasn’t been allowed to observe the vote count. As CBS News reported in an excellent debunking of this claim (it’s not the first time Trump has made it), his campaign’s big fight in Pennsylvania was simply over how close observers in the room could stand to the election workers. They got it shortened to six feet. You can also watch them work on a live stream.
As is becoming a habit, Trump’s tweets were up for only a few minutes before Twitter slapped a label on them warning that the information they contain “is disputed and might be misleading.”


motherjones--2020-11-08--We Just Saw the Beginning of the Biden-Harris Era, and It Couldn’t Be More Different

In his first public remarks since the race was called for him Saturday morning , President-elect Joe Biden claimed a mandate to govern—and laid down a marker for the kind of president he intends to be .
Speaking to a large outdoor crowd at a parking lot outside an event center in Wilmington , Delaware—his applause lines sometimes punctuated by car horns from supporters sitting on trucks and SUVs—the former vice president declared , “ Americans have called on us to marshal the forces of decency and the forces of fairness.
” He promised action on climate , racial justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And he announced that beginning Monday , he would be forming a special task force to develop a plan for COVID-19 for the White House to implement on January 20 , 2021 .
“ That plan will be built on a bedrock of science , ” he said .
“ It will be constructed out of compassion , empathy , and concern .
I will spare no effort—or commitment—to turn this pandemic around.
” But Biden also spoke directly to the more than 70 million Americans who supported someone else this week , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bipartisanship that , for better or for worse , has been a hallmark of his political career .
“ For all those of you who voted for President Trump , I understand the disappointment tonight—I ’ ve lost a few times myself , ” he said .
“ But now , let ’ s give each other a chance .
It ’ s time to put away the harsh rhetoric , lower the temperature .
See each other again.
” Biden was preceded ( and briefly joined ) onstage by Sen. Kamala Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who sought to place her victory in the context of those who came before her—a success forged by generations of struggle for women ’ s rights and racial equality .
After Harris thanked her late mother , Shyamala Gopalan Harris , an immigrant from India , she continued : I am thinking about her and about the generations of women , Black women , Asian , white , Latina , Native American women , who throughout our nation ’ s history , have paved the way for this moment tonight , women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equality and liberty and justice for all .
Including the Black women who are often , too often overlooked but so often proved they are the backbone of our democracy .
All the women who have worked to secure and protect the right to vote for over a century 100 years ago with the 19th Amendment , 55 years ago with the Voting Rights Act and now in 2020 with a new generation of women in our country who cast their ballots and continued the fight for their fundamental right to vote and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their struggle , their determination and the strength of their vision to see what can be unburdened by what has been .
And I stand on their shoulders .
Harris said that her victory , too , would provide a foundation for others .
“ Every little girl watching tonight sees that this is a country of possibility , ” she said .
“ And to the children of our country , regardless of your gender , our country has sent you a clear message : dream with ambition , lead with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way that others may not simply because they have never seen it before .
But know that we will applaud you every step of the way.
” The Biden–Harris Era has begun .
And it couldn ’ t be more different from the one that came before it .

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In his first public remarks since the race was called for him Saturday morning, President-elect Joe Biden claimed a mandate to govern—and laid down a marker for the kind of president he intends to be.
Speaking to a large outdoor crowd at a parking lot outside an event center in Wilmington, Delaware—his applause lines sometimes punctuated by car horns from supporters sitting on trucks and SUVs—the former vice president declared, “Americans have called on us to marshal the forces of decency and the forces of fairness.” He promised action on climate, racial justice, jobs, and health care. And he announced that beginning Monday, he would be forming a special task force to develop a plan for COVID-19 for the White House to implement on January 20, 2021.
“That plan will be built on a bedrock of science,” he said. “It will be constructed out of compassion, empathy, and concern. I will spare no effort—or commitment—to turn this pandemic around.”
“I will spare no effort—or commitment—to turn this pandemic around.”
But Biden also spoke directly to the more than 70 million Americans who supported someone else this week, reiterating his desire for the kind of bipartisanship that, for better or for worse, has been a hallmark of his political career.
“For all those of you who voted for President Trump, I understand the disappointment tonight—I’ve lost a few times myself,” he said. “But now, let’s give each other a chance. It’s time to put away the harsh rhetoric, lower the temperature. See each other again.”
“Let this grim era of demonization in America begin to end here and now,” he said later. “Refusal of Democrats and Republicans to cooperate with one another—it’s not some mysterious force beyond our control; it’s a decision.”
Biden was preceded (and briefly joined) onstage by Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.), the vice president–elect, who sought to place her victory in the context of those who came before her—a success forged by generations of struggle for women’s rights and racial equality. After Harris thanked her late mother, Shyamala Gopalan Harris, an immigrant from India, she continued:
I am thinking about her and about the generations of women, Black women, Asian, white, Latina, Native American women, who throughout our nation’s history, have paved the way for this moment tonight, women who fought and sacrificed so much for equality and liberty and justice for all. Including the Black women who are often, too often overlooked but so often proved they are the backbone of our democracy. All the women who have worked to secure and protect the right to vote for over a century 100 years ago with the 19th Amendment, 55 years ago with the Voting Rights Act and now in 2020 with a new generation of women in our country who cast their ballots and continued the fight for their fundamental right to vote and be heard. Tonight, I reflect on their struggle, their determination and the strength of their vision to see what can be unburdened by what has been. And I stand on their shoulders.
Harris said that her victory, too, would provide a foundation for others.
“Every little girl watching tonight sees that this is a country of possibility,” she said. “And to the children of our country, regardless of your gender, our country has sent you a clear message: dream with ambition, lead with conviction, and see yourself in a way that others may not simply because they have never seen it before. But know that we will applaud you every step of the way.”
The Biden–Harris Era has begun. And it couldn’t be more different from the one that came before it.


motherjones--2020-11-08--Flailing Trump Campaign Shares Doctored Image of a 2000 Newspaper to Dispute Biden’s Victory

The Trump campaign ’ s latest attempt to deny President-elect Joe Biden ’ s victory is to claim that the media can ’ t call the race , and therefore it ’ s not over .
To make this point , on Sunday the campaign ’ s spokesperson released an image of the front page of the Washington Times from November 8 , 2000 showing the paper declaring Al Gore the winner of that contested election .
“ A reminder that the media doesn ’ t select the President , ” spokesperson Tim Murtaugh tweeted .
But there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fake .
The image was doctored to make it appear that the paper had called the race for Gore .
* In fact , the front page of the Washington Times exactly 20 years ago today announced “ President Bush.
” The Washington Times , a conservative outlet , confirmed that the image is a fake .
Donald Trump and his campaign claim the election has been stolen by fraud and that the courts must determine the outcome , though they have no proof of fraud to sustain their allegations .
To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GOP allies from deciding the election is over ) , they have begun complaining that the media isn ’ t the arbiter of the election .
“ Since when does the Lamestream Media call who our next president will be ?
” Trump tweeted Sunday afternoon .
According to Murtaugh ’ s tweet , the Trump campaign plastered copies of the doctored image all over the headquarter ’ s kitchen , raising the question : are they trying to fool us or themselves ?
Murtaugh deleted his tweet when the image was revealed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jones saved a screenshot of it .
It ’ s unclear if the image remains up in Trump HQ .
Correction : An earlier version of this article said the Trump campaign altered the image .
It has in fact been on the internet for many years .

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The Trump campaign’s latest attempt to deny President-elect Joe Biden’s victory is to claim that the media can’t call the race, and therefore it’s not over. To make this point, on Sunday the campaign’s spokesperson released an image of the front page of the Washington Times from November 8, 2000 showing the paper declaring Al Gore the winner of that contested election. “A reminder that the media doesn’t select the President,” spokesperson Tim Murtaugh tweeted. But there’s just one catch: the image is a fake.
The image was doctored to make it appear that the paper had called the race for Gore.* In fact, the front page of the Washington Times exactly 20 years ago today announced “President Bush.”
This appears to be the actual front page of The Washington Times from November 8, 2000 From the Mitchell Archives: https://t.co/334UQY9fDi https://t.co/txrK6y1iNf pic.twitter.com/PHfBaeway4 — Jason Leopold (@JasonLeopold) November 8, 2020
The Washington Times, a conservative outlet, confirmed that the image is a fake.
Those photos have been doctored. The Washington Times never ran a "President Gore" headline. — The Washington Times (@WashTimes) November 8, 2020
Donald Trump and his campaign claim the election has been stolen by fraud and that the courts must determine the outcome, though they have no proof of fraud to sustain their allegations. To keep the campaign afloat (and keep GOP allies from deciding the election is over), they have begun complaining that the media isn’t the arbiter of the election. “Since when does the Lamestream Media call who our next president will be?” Trump tweeted Sunday afternoon.
According to Murtaugh’s tweet, the Trump campaign plastered copies of the doctored image all over the headquarter’s kitchen, raising the question: are they trying to fool us or themselves? Murtaugh deleted his tweet when the image was revealed to be a fake, but Mother Jones saved a screenshot of it.
It’s unclear if the image remains up in Trump HQ.
Correction: An earlier version of this article said the Trump campaign altered the image. It has in fact been on the internet for many years.


motherjones--2020-11-08--Joe Biden Begins to Spell Out What He’ll Do Immediately When He Gets to the White House

Much of Donald Trump ’ s anti-immigrant , anti-Muslim , anti-environment , climate change-denying , pro-police , anti-civil rights agenda—to name some of its prominent features—was enacted through executive power , via Trump ’ s executive orders and rule changes made by his cabinet .
President-elect Joe Biden can therefore set to work reversing much of Trump ’ s work on his first day in office , without needing approval of a potentially Republican controlled Senate .
And his team is putting in place plans to do just that .
On January 20 , Inauguration Day , Biden would set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Paris Climate Accord .
His administration would also reverse Trump ’ s decision to leave the World Health Organization , repeal the travel ban from Muslim-majority countries , and reinstate the Obama era program to protect Dreamers , according to the Washington Post .
On Sunday , the president-elect rolled out his transition website—along with social media feeds—detailing how he would tackle four prominent issues : COVID-19 , the ongoing economic crisis , racial equity , and climate change .
Named after his campaign policy platform Build Back Better , the transition plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change official government policy .
Biden ’ s most immediate task will be getting the coronavirus , which is currently reaching record infection levels , under control .
His transition team on Monday will launch a coronavirus task force that will prepare to implement a national pandemic plan when Biden takes office .
On his first day , he intends to name a “ national supply chain commander ” and create a “ pandemic testing board , ” in the mold of President Franklin Roosevelt ’ s War Production Board .
His seven-bucket @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposals , including how he ’ d attempt to create mask mandate across the country , greatly expand testing by doubling the amount of drive-through sites , and make a national website to track the level of infections in your local area .
But Biden ’ s transition team will not have access to agency information nor the millions of federal dollars dedicated to presidential transitions until the General Services Administration has determined that Biden won the election .
More specifically , that task falls on Emily Murphy , a Trump appointee .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ certifies the results on December 14 , it would cost Biden ’ s team important time for orchestrating a successful transition amidst an ongoing economic and public health crisis .

Much of Donald Trump’s anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, anti-environment, climate change-denying, pro-police, anti-civil rights agenda—to name some of its prominent features—was enacted through executive power, via Trump’s executive orders and rule changes made by his cabinet. President-elect Joe Biden can therefore set to work reversing much of Trump’s work on his first day in office, without needing approval of a potentially Republican controlled Senate. And his team is putting in place plans to do just that.
On January 20, Inauguration Day, Biden would set in motion the process of rejoining the Paris Climate Accord. His administration would also reverse Trump’s decision to leave the World Health Organization, repeal the travel ban from Muslim-majority countries, and reinstate the Obama era program to protect Dreamers, according to the Washington Post.
On Sunday, the president-elect rolled out his transition website—along with social media feeds—detailing how he would tackle four prominent issues: COVID-19, the ongoing economic crisis, racial equity, and climate change. Named after his campaign policy platform Build Back Better, the transition plan shows how a Biden administration could quickly change official government policy.
Biden’s most immediate task will be getting the coronavirus, which is currently reaching record infection levels, under control. His transition team on Monday will launch a coronavirus task force that will prepare to implement a national pandemic plan when Biden takes office. On his first day, he intends to name a “national supply chain commander” and create a “pandemic testing board,” in the mold of President Franklin Roosevelt’s War Production Board. His seven-bucket transition plan includes a whole host of proposals, including how he’d attempt to create mask mandate across the country, greatly expand testing by doubling the amount of drive-through sites, and make a national website to track the level of infections in your local area.
But Biden’s transition team will not have access to agency information nor the millions of federal dollars dedicated to presidential transitions until the General Services Administration has determined that Biden won the election. More specifically, that task falls on Emily Murphy, a Trump appointee. If Murphy waits until the Electoral College certifies the results on December 14, it would cost Biden’s team important time for orchestrating a successful transition amidst an ongoing economic and public health crisis.


motherjones--2020-11-08--George W. Bush Congratulates President-Elect Joe Biden

Former President George W. Bush on Sunday congratulated President-elect Joe Biden , signaling his acceptance of the outcome of the election even while Donald Trump and his allies insist the election isn ’ t over .
“ The challenges that face our country will demand the best of President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris—and the best of us all , ” Bush said in a statement .
“ We must come together for the sake of our families and neighbors , and for our nation and its future.
” Bush said he had spoken to both Biden and Vice President-elect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ successful administration .
He also congratulated Trump on a hard-fought campaign and said that recounts and lawsuits should move forward to allow confidence in the election—but not to change its outcome .
He ended by urging Americans to come together behind the new president .
Bush becomes the highest profile Republican yet to acknowledge Biden ’ s victory .
Thus far , Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah appear to be the only Republicans in the Senate to congratulate the next president .
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself spent the morning on Twitter claiming , without evidence , that the election had been stolen from him through fraud .

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Former President George W. Bush on Sunday congratulated President-elect Joe Biden, signaling his acceptance of the outcome of the election even while Donald Trump and his allies insist the election isn’t over.
“The challenges that face our country will demand the best of President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris—and the best of us all,” Bush said in a statement. “We must come together for the sake of our families and neighbors, and for our nation and its future.”
Bush said he had spoken to both Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, and wished them a successful administration. He also congratulated Trump on a hard-fought campaign and said that recounts and lawsuits should move forward to allow confidence in the election—but not to change its outcome. He ended by urging Americans to come together behind the new president.
JUST IN: Former President George W. Bush statement on Joe Biden's election: pic.twitter.com/FVX6FkGd9B — Darren Samuelsohn (@dsamuelsohn) November 8, 2020
Bush becomes the highest profile Republican yet to acknowledge Biden’s victory. Thus far, Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah appear to be the only Republicans in the Senate to congratulate the next president. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, notably, has not. And Trump himself spent the morning on Twitter claiming, without evidence, that the election had been stolen from him through fraud.


motherjones--2020-11-08--Joe Biden Won. Republicans Won’t Admit It.

The TV networks have declared Joe Biden the next president of the United States .
World leaders have congratulated him .
Biden ’ s transition team is moving ahead .
Courts have repeatedly tossed allegations of fraud or misconduct alleged by the Trump campaign to try to block the result .
The race is over .
But most Republicans in office refuse to admit that .
On Fox News , Sen. Lindsey Graham ( R-S.C. ) called the election “ contested ” and said Trump was right not to concede .
On the same network , House Minority Leader Kevin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race isn ’ t over until all of the Trump campaign ’ s legal challenges are heard—though there ’ s no evidence to back up those challenges .
On ABC ’ s This Week , George Stephanopoulos grilled Sen. Roy Blunt ( R-Mo. )
.
“ Joe Biden has won this election .
Why can ’ t you acknowledge it ?
” Blunt , in turn , called on Trump ’ s team to lay its cards on the table .
“ It ’ s time for the president ’ s lawyers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s time for those facts to speak for themselves , ” he responded .
But he acknowledged that it is unlikely that any litigation or further ballot-counting will lead to a Trump victory .
Thus far , it appears only GOP Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah have acknowledged Biden ’ s victory .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has not had any contact with the Biden team , and neither has the White House .
Meanwhile , on Sunday morning , President Trump continued to baselessly claim the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ You have the president sitting in the White House not acknowledging ” the outcome , Trump ally and former Republican New Jersey Gov .
Chris Christie said on ABC .
“ And I think there are lots of Republicans who are trying to feel their way around that.
” The GOP is still Trump ’ s party , and even when it comes to our democracy , Republicans are still beholden to his rantings .
The question is , for how much longer ?

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The TV networks have declared Joe Biden the next president of the United States. World leaders have congratulated him. Biden’s transition team is moving ahead. Courts have repeatedly tossed allegations of fraud or misconduct alleged by the Trump campaign to try to block the result. The race is over. But most Republicans in office refuse to admit that.
On Fox News, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) called the election “contested” and said Trump was right not to concede.
“This is a contested election,” Lindsey Graham says on Fox. “President Trump should not concede.” — Manu Raju (@mkraju) November 8, 2020
On the same network, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) agreed that the race isn’t over until all of the Trump campaign’s legal challenges are heard—though there’s no evidence to back up those challenges.
House GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy, who hasn’t commented on Biden’s victory, says to Bartiromo that “every legal challenge should be heard” in the presidential race. “Why would you call the presidential race first?” pointing to how some House races haven’t been called yet — Manu Raju (@mkraju) November 8, 2020
On ABC’s This Week, George Stephanopoulos grilled Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.). “Joe Biden has won this election. Why can’t you acknowledge it?” Blunt, in turn, called on Trump’s team to lay its cards on the table. “It’s time for the president’s lawyers to present the facts and then it’s time for those facts to speak for themselves,” he responded. But he acknowledged that it is unlikely that any litigation or further ballot-counting will lead to a Trump victory.
Thus far, it appears only GOP Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah have acknowledged Biden’s victory. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has not had any contact with the Biden team, and neither has the White House. Meanwhile, on Sunday morning, President Trump continued to baselessly claim the election had been stolen with voter fraud.
“You have the president sitting in the White House not acknowledging” the outcome, Trump ally and former Republican New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie said on ABC. “And I think there are lots of Republicans who are trying to feel their way around that.”
The GOP is still Trump’s party, and even when it comes to our democracy, Republicans are still beholden to his rantings. The question is, for how much longer?


motherjones--2020-11-09--Trump “Terminated” Defense Secretary Mark Esper

Mark Esper was fired as defense secretary on Monday , becoming one of the first casualties of President Donald Trump ’ s post-election purge of officials seen as insufficiently loyal to him .
Esper ’ s ouster had been rumored for months , following his public opposition to Trump ’ s efforts to involve the military in quelling protests over police brutality and racism .
At an unusual press conference in June , Esper suggested that Trump ’ s threat to invoke the Insurrection Act , a law allowing the military to serve in a domestic law enforcement role , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move stunned Trump , who reportedly confronted him about it during an Oval Office conversation .
Reports of his likely resignation or removal trailed the secretary for months , culminating in an NBC story last week that said Esper had prepared a letter of resignation .
Esper ’ s spokesperson denied the report , but just four days later , Esper was fired and replaced by Christopher Miller , Trump ’ s director of the National Counterterrorism Center .
Federal law dictates that the Pentagon ’ s No .
2 official , Deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the position of defense secretary is vacant , but Trump ’ s appointment of an official from outside the department ignores that statute .
As University of Texas School of Law professor Stephen Vladeck noted on Monday , the Pentagon ’ s mandated rules of succession seem to conflict with the Federal Vacancies Reform Act , which would permit Miller ’ s appointment , so it ’ s not clear which law takes precedence .
Esper had been criticized extensively for his initial response to the nationwide unrest following George Floyd ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conference call with governors , he urged them to “ dominate the battlespace , ” drawing criticism from several former Defense secretaries , including James Mattis .
Later that day , he joined Trump outside the White House as peaceful protesters in Lafayette Square were forcibly removed to make way for a bizarre photo op outside a church across the street , where Trump held up a Bible .
Esper gave a series of shifting explanations for his presence there , at first claiming he needed to inspect a vandalized bathroom , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guard members and had no knowledge of Trump ’ s plans to clear the park .
The violent spectacle culminated in two Guard helicopters flying low over a Washington , DC , neighborhood in an apparent “ show of force ” against protesters , sparking widespread condemnation among retired military leaders .
A National Guard internal investigation eventually concluded that the helicopters were not authorized to be there .
Esper , who took over as Defense secretary in July 2019 , was no outsider to the role .
He had been Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ replace Mattis , who resigned in December 2018 amid conflicts with Trump , after acting Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan withdrew from consideration .
Esper ’ s nomination received bipartisan support , but some lawmakers , such Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D-Mass . )
were uncomfortable with his stint as a lobbyist for Raytheon and criticized him for not adopting a strict ethics pledge to separate himself from matters involving his old employer .
Raytheon is one of the biggest defense firms that competes for Pentagon contracts and , since Trump took office , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saudi Arabia and other Gulf allies , which Congress has opposed given the recent track record of these weapons being used to commit atrocities in Yemen .
Esper declined to adopt Warren ’ s pledge and proceeded to carve out an influential , if understated , role as one of Trump ’ s main advisers .
He developed an especially close relationship with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo , who had been his classmate at West Point .
For a time , he even showed more transparency with the Pentagon press corps , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also honed a talent—at least for a time—for appeasing Trump , drawing concerns from senior leaders that he was too conciliatory toward the president .
Some of them even nicknamed him “ Yesper ” behind his back .
His firing brings to a close an especially chaotic time for the Pentagon , which has grown used to frequent vacancies and quick staff turnover under Trump .
Given Trump ’ s failed reelection campaign , Miller , the new defense secretary , will only have the reins at the Pentagon for a few months—unless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surprise switch .

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Mark Esper was fired as defense secretary on Monday, becoming one of the first casualties of President Donald Trump’s post-election purge of officials seen as insufficiently loyal to him. Esper’s ouster had been rumored for months, following his public opposition to Trump’s efforts to involve the military in quelling protests over police brutality and racism. At an unusual press conference in June, Esper suggested that Trump’s threat to invoke the Insurrection Act, a law allowing the military to serve in a domestic law enforcement role, was not warranted.
…Chris will do a GREAT job! Mark Esper has been terminated. I would like to thank him for his service. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 9, 2020
Esper’s move stunned Trump, who reportedly confronted him about it during an Oval Office conversation. Reports of his likely resignation or removal trailed the secretary for months, culminating in an NBC story last week that said Esper had prepared a letter of resignation. Esper’s spokesperson denied the report, but just four days later, Esper was fired and replaced by Christopher Miller, Trump’s director of the National Counterterrorism Center. Federal law dictates that the Pentagon’s No. 2 official, Deputy Defense Secretary David Norquist, take over when the position of defense secretary is vacant, but Trump’s appointment of an official from outside the department ignores that statute. As University of Texas School of Law professor Stephen Vladeck noted on Monday, the Pentagon’s mandated rules of succession seem to conflict with the Federal Vacancies Reform Act, which would permit Miller’s appointment, so it’s not clear which law takes precedence.
Esper had been criticized extensively for his initial response to the nationwide unrest following George Floyd’s death. On a June 1 conference call with governors, he urged them to “dominate the battlespace,” drawing criticism from several former Defense secretaries, including James Mattis. Later that day, he joined Trump outside the White House as peaceful protesters in Lafayette Square were forcibly removed to make way for a bizarre photo op outside a church across the street, where Trump held up a Bible. Esper gave a series of shifting explanations for his presence there, at first claiming he needed to inspect a vandalized bathroom, and later suggesting he wanted to oversee National Guard members and had no knowledge of Trump’s plans to clear the park. The violent spectacle culminated in two Guard helicopters flying low over a Washington, DC, neighborhood in an apparent “show of force” against protesters, sparking widespread condemnation among retired military leaders. A National Guard internal investigation eventually concluded that the helicopters were not authorized to be there.
Esper, who took over as Defense secretary in July 2019, was no outsider to the role. He had been Trump’s Army secretary and was nominated to replace Mattis, who resigned in December 2018 amid conflicts with Trump, after acting Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan withdrew from consideration. Esper’s nomination received bipartisan support, but some lawmakers, such Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) were uncomfortable with his stint as a lobbyist for Raytheon and criticized him for not adopting a strict ethics pledge to separate himself from matters involving his old employer. Raytheon is one of the biggest defense firms that competes for Pentagon contracts and, since Trump took office, has aggressively lobbied for arms sales to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf allies, which Congress has opposed given the recent track record of these weapons being used to commit atrocities in Yemen.
Esper declined to adopt Warren’s pledge and proceeded to carve out an influential, if understated, role as one of Trump’s main advisers. He developed an especially close relationship with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who had been his classmate at West Point. For a time, he even showed more transparency with the Pentagon press corps, which Mattis had long ignored.
He also honed a talent—at least for a time—for appeasing Trump, drawing concerns from senior leaders that he was too conciliatory toward the president. Some of them even nicknamed him “Yesper” behind his back.
His firing brings to a close an especially chaotic time for the Pentagon, which has grown used to frequent vacancies and quick staff turnover under Trump. Given Trump’s failed reelection campaign, Miller, the new defense secretary, will only have the reins at the Pentagon for a few months—unless the lame-duck president chooses to make another surprise switch.