motherjones--2020-02-28--AIPAC Conference to Feature Anti-Immigrant Chancellor of Austria

Bernie Sanders sparked a furor Sunday when he announced he would not attend the American Israel Public Affairs Committee ’ s annual conference because the organization provides a platform “ for leaders who express bigotry and oppose basic Palestinian rights.
” AIPAC—a powerful pro-Israel organization—issued a furious response , pointing out that its events are bipartisan .
The speaker list for this year ’ s conference , set to begin on March 1 , includes Vice President Mike Pence , Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg , former presidential hopeful Sen. Cory Booker ( D-N.J. ) , and other members of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoke at multiple AIPAC events .
But this year ’ s AIPAC conference will also feature some deeply controversial speakers .
That includes Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz , an anti-immigrant politician who has sought to ban girls under 14 from wearing headscarves in schools .
Even more awkwardly for AIPAC , Kurtz ’ s rise to power was initially aided by his alliance with a far-right party with a history of anti-Semitism .
Also in attendance will be Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić , a nationalist politician who has praised accused war criminal Slobodan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kurz and Vučić have records that would make them appealing to AIPAC .
Since entering politics , Kurz has positioned himself as a strong supporter of the Israeli government , making multiple visits to the country and forging a close relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu .
And despite his past political alliances , he ’ s been an outspoken voice against anti-Semitism .
Vučić , too , has sought to raise awareness about anti-Semitism and the holocaust .
Still , AIPAC ’ s critics say those gestures don ’ t erase the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ politics .
“ AIPAC ’ s modus operandi is to valorize anyone who ’ s willing to unequivocally praise the Israeli government without meaningfully criticizing the ongoing occupation , and without insisting on the importance of Palestinian rights alongside Israeli security .
These days , the most prominent voices willing to do that are most often coming from the ethno-nationalist , xenophobic right wing , ” said Logan Bayroff , a spokesperson for J Street , an American Jewish advocacy group that seeks to end the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a threat to European identity—has indeed been a hallmark of Kurz ’ s rhetoric .
Most of the migrants seeking refuge in Europe are from Muslim-majority countries , and four of the top five origin nations of newly naturalized EU citizens are majority Muslim .
In January , Kurz told the Financial Times that he was proud of Austria ’ s status as a “ Christian-dominated ” country .
“ If we do not fight against illegal migration , Europe will not be the same in five , 10 or 20 years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If we do not control who is allowed to come we will not be able to live in security…and we will not be able to keep our identity.
” In 2017 Kurz formed a coalition government between his center-right Austrian Peoples ’ Party and the Freedom Party , an extreme right-wing party that was originally founded after the Second World War by a former Austrian SS officer .
Though the Freedom Party ’ s agenda has shifted from its origins and is now focused on demonizing Muslims , it has still been associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent years .
( Kurz , on the other hand , has used his platform to speak out against the persecution of Jews—and has promoted events highlighting Jewish identity . )
Kurz ’ s coalition with the Freedom Party finally came to an end in May 2019 , when Freedom Party leader Heinz-Christian Strache became embroiled in a scandal that dominated the Austrian press .
Video of a sting operation orchestrated by an unknown party showed Strache speaking with someone claiming to be an associate of a Russian oligarch ; Strache appeared to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign support .
After a vote of no confidence , Kurz stepped down , only to return after his party won new elections in September 2019 .
The Freedom Party ’ s stint as a partner in the governing coalition may not have lasted for long , but it coincided with a troubling time in Austria .
The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights reported 88 anti-Semitic incidents in Austria perpetrated by right-wing extremists between 2017 and 2018—similar numbers to earlier in the 2010s , but a marked increase from proceeding decade .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ preventing such attacks—found themselves in the awkward position of being overseen by a party with political ideals resembling the fringe groups they were tasked with monitoring .
According to a May 2019 New York Times article , “ Inside the agency , senior operatives described a situation in which they now find themselves protecting informants and information not only from hostile states—but from members of their own government.
” During the Freedom Party ’ s tenure , Jewish groups in Austria maintained a no-contact policy with the party , and one Jewish Austrian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eventual ouster a “ validation of the Jewish community.
” Since January , Kurz ’ s Austrian People ’ s Party has been partnered in a governing coalition with the Austrian Green party , but his anti-migrant agenda is still present .
The 300-page contract between the two parties includes plans for Kurtz ’ s head scarf ban in schools .
Kurz recently described illegal immigration as a threat of equal stature to that posed by climate change .
Much like Kurz , Vučić has embraced nationalism .
He began his political career @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government during violent clashes with ethnic Albanian separatists in Kosovo .
According to Foreign Policy , that job entailed downplaying the brutality : “ Serbia needed a lot of explaining , and Vučić cut his teeth defending Belgrade in the face of foreign criticism.
” Vučić ’ s efforts to downplay Serbian military violence against ethnic minorities isn ’ t just a thing of the past .
During a 2018 speech while visiting ethnic Serbs in Kosovo , Vučić—whose leadership has been marked by a growing authoritarianism—sparked outrage by praising Milosevic .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intentions were certainly for the best , but our results were very poor , ” Vučić said , according to the Associated Press .
“ Not because he wanted that , but because our wishes were unrealistic , while we neglected and underestimated the interests and aspirations of other nations.
” Milosevic , who died in 2006 while on trial for war crimes , is considered largely responsible for the bloody war that killed an estimated 100,000 people and led to the genocide of thousands of Bosnian Muslims during the 1990s .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killed an estimated 10,000 people .
For Bayroff , the elevation of figures like Kurz and Vučić is a worrying development .
When the rhetoric of such leaders becomes legitimized , he says , “ it never ends up being good for the Jewish people .
”

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Bernie Sanders sparked a furor Sunday when he announced he would not attend the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s annual conference because the organization provides a platform “for leaders who express bigotry and oppose basic Palestinian rights.” AIPAC—a powerful pro-Israel organization—issued a furious response, pointing out that its events are bipartisan. The speaker list for this year’s conference, set to begin on March 1, includes Vice President Mike Pence, Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg, former presidential hopeful Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), and other members of Congress and policy officials. Barack Obama spoke at multiple AIPAC events.
But this year’s AIPAC conference will also feature some deeply controversial speakers. That includes Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz, an anti-immigrant politician who has sought to ban girls under 14 from wearing headscarves in schools. Even more awkwardly for AIPAC, Kurtz’s rise to power was initially aided by his alliance with a far-right party with a history of anti-Semitism. Also in attendance will be Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić, a nationalist politician who has praised accused war criminal Slobodan Milošević.
To be sure, both Kurz and Vučić have records that would make them appealing to AIPAC. Since entering politics, Kurz has positioned himself as a strong supporter of the Israeli government, making multiple visits to the country and forging a close relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. And despite his past political alliances, he’s been an outspoken voice against anti-Semitism. Vučić, too, has sought to raise awareness about anti-Semitism and the holocaust. Still, AIPAC’s critics say those gestures don’t erase the more troubling aspects of the two leaders’ politics.
“AIPAC’s modus operandi is to valorize anyone who’s willing to unequivocally praise the Israeli government without meaningfully criticizing the ongoing occupation, and without insisting on the importance of Palestinian rights alongside Israeli security. These days, the most prominent voices willing to do that are most often coming from the ethno-nationalist, xenophobic right wing,” said Logan Bayroff, a spokesperson for J Street, an American Jewish advocacy group that seeks to end the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories.
AIPAC didn’t respond to requests for comment.
Xenophobia—and specifically warnings that immigrants pose a threat to European identity—has indeed been a hallmark of Kurz’s rhetoric. Most of the migrants seeking refuge in Europe are from Muslim-majority countries, and four of the top five origin nations of newly naturalized EU citizens are majority Muslim. In January, Kurz told the Financial Times that he was proud of Austria’s status as a “Christian-dominated” country. “If we do not fight against illegal migration, Europe will not be the same in five, 10 or 20 years,” he told the paper. “If we do not control who is allowed to come we will not be able to live in security…and we will not be able to keep our identity.”
In 2017 Kurz formed a coalition government between his center-right Austrian Peoples’ Party and the Freedom Party, an extreme right-wing party that was originally founded after the Second World War by a former Austrian SS officer. Though the Freedom Party’s agenda has shifted from its origins and is now focused on demonizing Muslims, it has still been associated with a number of anti-Semitic incidents in recent years. (Kurz, on the other hand, has used his platform to speak out against the persecution of Jews—and has promoted events highlighting Jewish identity.)
Kurz’s coalition with the Freedom Party finally came to an end in May 2019, when Freedom Party leader Heinz-Christian Strache became embroiled in a scandal that dominated the Austrian press. Video of a sting operation orchestrated by an unknown party showed Strache speaking with someone claiming to be an associate of a Russian oligarch; Strache appeared to offer public contracts in return for political campaign support. After a vote of no confidence, Kurz stepped down, only to return after his party won new elections in September 2019.
The Freedom Party’s stint as a partner in the governing coalition may not have lasted for long, but it coincided with a troubling time in Austria. The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights reported 88 anti-Semitic incidents in Austria perpetrated by right-wing extremists between 2017 and 2018—similar numbers to earlier in the 2010s, but a marked increase from proceeding decade. In fact, Austrian intelligence organizations—responsible for preventing such attacks—found themselves in the awkward position of being overseen by a party with political ideals resembling the fringe groups they were tasked with monitoring. According to a May 2019 New York Times article, “Inside the agency, senior operatives described a situation in which they now find themselves protecting informants and information not only from hostile states—but from members of their own government.” During the Freedom Party’s tenure, Jewish groups in Austria maintained a no-contact policy with the party, and one Jewish Austrian community leader called the party’s eventual ouster a “validation of the Jewish community.”
Since January, Kurz’s Austrian People’s Party has been partnered in a governing coalition with the Austrian Green party, but his anti-migrant agenda is still present. The 300-page contract between the two parties includes plans for Kurtz’s head scarf ban in schools. Kurz recently described illegal immigration as a threat of equal stature to that posed by climate change.
Much like Kurz, Vučić has embraced nationalism. He began his political career in 1998 as information minister for the government during violent clashes with ethnic Albanian separatists in Kosovo. According to Foreign Policy, that job entailed downplaying the brutality: “Serbia needed a lot of explaining, and Vučić cut his teeth defending Belgrade in the face of foreign criticism.”
Vučić’s efforts to downplay Serbian military violence against ethnic minorities isn’t just a thing of the past. During a 2018 speech while visiting ethnic Serbs in Kosovo, Vučić—whose leadership has been marked by a growing authoritarianism—sparked outrage by praising Milosevic. “Milosevic was a great Serbian leader whose intentions were certainly for the best, but our results were very poor,” Vučić said, according to the Associated Press. “Not because he wanted that, but because our wishes were unrealistic, while we neglected and underestimated the interests and aspirations of other nations.”
Milosevic, who died in 2006 while on trial for war crimes, is considered largely responsible for the bloody war that killed an estimated 100,000 people and led to the genocide of thousands of Bosnian Muslims during the 1990s. He also green-lit military suppression in Kosovo that killed an estimated 10,000 people.
For Bayroff, the elevation of figures like Kurz and Vučić is a worrying development. When the rhetoric of such leaders becomes legitimized, he says, “it never ends up being good for the Jewish people.”


motherjones--2020-02-28--Trump and His Allies Are Pushing an Outrageous Coronavirus Conspiracy Theory

As the world scrambles to contain the deadly coronavirus outbreak—which as of Friday has infected at least 83,000 people in 53 countries—President Donald Trump and his allies are busy pushing the conspiratorial narrative that press coverage of the epidemic is aimed at destroying him .
The apparent attempt to politicize the global health crisis is likely to fuel investors ’ concerns that the Trump administration is woefully underprepared to tackle the rising threat of coronavirus in the United States .
The effort first started Monday when Trump—without evidence—accused the media and Democrats of hyping the coronavirus in order to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible ” and tank the stock market .
Since that tweet , Trump ’ s allies and conservative news personalities have followed suit .
Here ’ s former Arkansas Gov .
Mike Huckabee ( R ) on Laura Ingraham ’ s show Thursday night : Grabbing the baton the next morning , Pete Hegseth echoed the message on Fox & Friends , though he insisted he was doing so only reluctantly .
“ I don ’ t want to say this , I don ’ t relish the reality , but you start @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media—like they ’ re rooting for coronavirus to spread , ” Hegseth said on Friday .
“ I don ’ t say that flippantly , but they ’ re rooting for it to grow , they ’ re rooting for the problem to get worse , they ’ re rooting for mysteries , unknown cases , quarantines , towns , for it to become an absolute national crisis for one reason and one reason alone.
” But the conspiracy theory extends well beyond the walls of Fox News .
On Friday , during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Action Conference , acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney accused the media of exploiting the virus to hurt Trump .
“ The reason you ’ re seeing so much attention to it today is that they think , ‘ This is going to be what brings down the president.
’ That ’ s what this is all about , ” he told the audience .
Mulvaney also repeated Trump ’ s efforts to downplay the threat .
“ It ’ s not a death sentence , it ’ s not the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was one of several senior administration officials—including members of the president ’ s coronavirus task force—to appear at the conference this week , further fueling questions of whether the Trump administration is taking the threat seriously .
If you ’ re wondering if the coronavirus could soon warp into a 2020 rallying cry , well , Team Trump already has it covered :

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As the world scrambles to contain the deadly coronavirus outbreak—which as of Friday has infected at least 83,000 people in 53 countries—President Donald Trump and his allies are busy pushing the conspiratorial narrative that press coverage of the epidemic is aimed at destroying him. The apparent attempt to politicize the global health crisis is likely to fuel investors’ concerns that the Trump administration is woefully underprepared to tackle the rising threat of coronavirus in the United States.
The effort first started Monday when Trump—without evidence—accused the media and Democrats of hyping the coronavirus in order to make the situation look “as bad as possible” and tank the stock market. Since that tweet, Trump’s allies and conservative news personalities have followed suit. Here’s former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee (R) on Laura Ingraham’s show Thursday night:
Mike Huckabee says Trump "could personally sick the virus out of every one of the 60,000 people in the world, suck it out of their lungs, swim to the bottom of the ocean and spit it out, and he would be accused of pollution for messing up the ocean." pic.twitter.com/X7xbC5ebDz — Brian Stelter (@brianstelter) February 28, 2020
Grabbing the baton the next morning, Pete Hegseth echoed the message on Fox & Friends, though he insisted he was doing so only reluctantly.
“I don’t want to say this, I don’t relish the reality, but you start to feel—watch the Democrats, watch the media—like they’re rooting for coronavirus to spread,” Hegseth said on Friday. “I don’t say that flippantly, but they’re rooting for it to grow, they’re rooting for the problem to get worse, they’re rooting for mysteries, unknown cases, quarantines, towns, for it to become an absolute national crisis for one reason and one reason alone.”
But the conspiracy theory extends well beyond the walls of Fox News. On Friday, during an appearance at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference, acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney accused the media of exploiting the virus to hurt Trump.
“The reason you’re seeing so much attention to it today is that they think, ‘This is going to be what brings down the president.’ That’s what this is all about,” he told the audience. Mulvaney also repeated Trump’s efforts to downplay the threat. “It’s not a death sentence, it’s not the same as the Ebola crisis.”
Mulvaney was one of several senior administration officials—including members of the president’s coronavirus task force—to appear at the conference this week, further fueling questions of whether the Trump administration is taking the threat seriously.
If you’re wondering if the coronavirus could soon warp into a 2020 rallying cry, well, Team Trump already has it covered:


motherjones--2020-03-01--South Carolina Was Supposed to Give Black Issues a Spotlight. The Primary Failed Them.

The Forest Lake Country Club , a white facade on a picturesque lake just north of Columbia , South Carolina , has welcomed the state capital ’ s white elite for nearly 100 years .
Among the members of this bastion of segregation is South Carolina ’ s governor , Republican Henry McMaster .
He was reportedly a member when he served as a US attorney in the 1980s , launching his political career as a foot soldier in the war on drugs ; when he served as chairman of the state Republican Party in the 1990s ; when he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when he ascended to the governor ’ s mansion in 2017 .
That year , the club finally admitted its first Black member .
Like the Confederate flag that billowed over the capitol until 2015 , it remains a symbol of the politics of South Carolina , a place where power stays in the hands of white politicians who insulate themselves from any challenge through gerrymandering and a photo ID law .
Privilege has its memberships .
But every four or eight years , Democrats hold a presidential primary that gives African Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoping to win South Carolina ’ s Democratic primary has to make an effort to connect with the state ’ s African American voters , seek the support of local officials—the only elected officials in the state who are Black—and elevate the needs of that community .
This year , though , the primary seems to have largely failed South Carolina ’ s Black voters .
Although the candidates and the party speak about race in sharper , less halting terms than ever before and have crafted several policies to match that rhetoric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sustained , often felt awkward , and failed to connect with a community that needs more support from its party—and which will be crucial to defeating Donald Trump in November .
On the day of the primary , Black voters overwhelmingly supported Joe Biden ’ s presidential bid , giving him a big win in the state and perhaps signaling to Super Tuesday voters that there ’ s still juice in his campaign .
Exit polls showed that the endorsement of Rep. Jim Clyburn , the state ’ s most prominent Democrat and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Congress , played a significant role in consolidating Black support behind Biden .
Almost half of all primary voters Saturday pointed to Clyburn ’ s endorsement as a major influence in their decision .
Biden , the former vice president , had premised his entire campaign on the support of South Carolina ’ s Black population .
His frequent presence in the state for decades and his relationships with local leaders , as well as his having served alongside President Barack Obama , were supposed to elevate him above the field .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But political operatives in the state felt the Biden campaign took that support for granted .
According to the Post-Courier event tracker , Biden spent considerably less time in the state than many other candidates .
Rather than tending to his relationships in South Carolina , he left them to wither .
Clyburn didn ’ t offer his endorsement until Wednesday .
The primary calendar incentivizes candidates to spend more time in Iowa and New Hampshire .
But winning the support of Black voters in South Carolina requires an attention to retail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sustain relationships .
For a population too often taken for granted , it makes sense to trust the person you know and not the one who blows in with a flurry of plans they may or may not actually intend to implement .
Biden had these relationships , but he coasted on them and saw his support here decline precipitously in the wake of his poor showings in Iowa and New Hampshire .
“ He was running a general election campaign , and he himself was not spending sufficient time here , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Carolina campaigns of Barack Obama in 2008 and Hillary Clinton in 2016 , noting that Biden ’ s strong performances this week in the debate and a CNN town hall the following day had buoyed his campaign .
“ If he had been doing things along the way , his drop would not have been as significant.
” His absence created room for other candidates .
Initially , Sens .
Cory Booker and Kamala Harris , both African Americans , invested heavily in the state and visited often , making efforts to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s many historically Black colleges and universities .
Former Rep. Beto O ’ Rourke likewise spent a lot of time here .
When all three dropped out before the voting started , they left a void .
Efforts to reach Black voters the week before the primary met with poor results .
In North Charleston , Pete Buttigieg arrived at a community discussion about investing in Black communities on Monday to find an overwhelmingly white audience waiting for him .
On Wednesday , Elizabeth Warren ’ s Charleston rally with John Legend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Columbia on Friday , a rap duo and a lineup of all Black speakers introduced Bernie Sanders to a predominately white crowd .
“ I bet if the calendar were reversed and South Carolina were the first of the four , Cory Booker and Kamala Harris would still be in the race , because attention is not provided the way it should be down here , ” says Middleton , who advised Booker ’ s campaign in South Carolina this cycle .
“ Before people run for president , they need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they do run , they have a base to go to.
” The most aggressive outreach to African Americans ultimately came from billionaire Tom Steyer , who drowned the state in an estimated $ 18 million worth of television ads while his paid canvassers crisscrossed the state .
The candidate has run on issues of importance to Black people here , pointing to environmental catastrophes in minority communities and the lack of health care in rural areas , and calling for reparations for slavery , among many others .
But these were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heavy-handed talking points papered over a policy platform that falls short of dealing with many of these problems .
Despite a plan to invest in struggling historically Black colleges and universities , for example , Steyer doesn ’ t have a plan for free or debt-free college .
His outreach attracted enough support among African Americans to help him to a third-place finish , but it wasn ’ t enough to salvage his struggling campaign .
He dropped out on Saturday , with little to show for his efforts .
His only memorable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a rally in an HBCU gym in Columbia that more closely resembled a night out at the club , with flashing lights , a DJ , and rapper Juvenile , along with a lot of free food .
At one point , the candidate danced awkwardly on stage to Juvenile ’ s “ Back That Azz Up.
” Whereas Steyer performed his dedication to the Black community , Pete Buttigieg took a more cerebral approach .
On the trail , Buttigieg repeatedly acknowledged that he didn ’ t share , as he put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ lived experience of , for example , walking down the street , or in a mall , and feeling feeling eyes on us , regarding us as dangerous.
” He told crowds that he approached the issue with humility and was ready to learn , which was perhaps the only possible route for a candidate dogged with questions about his handling of racial strife and discrimination as mayor of South Bend , Indiana .
His campaign released a comprehensive plan to lift the fortunes and political power of African Americans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buttigieg put more time into the state than most of the remaining candidates , however , and it paid off in ways that are not readily apparent in the largely white makeup of his town hall audiences this week—although not enough to ultimately put a dent in Biden ’ s support .
In the Greenville area , for example , the campaign organized early by holding house parties , attending church services , and building relationships to introduce their unknown , unlikely candidate to an electorate that seemed unlikely in turn to welcome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other early states in which Buttigieg has turned to more rural communities to scoop up delegates .
The campaign ’ s investment encouraged Jalen Elrod , a Black community organizer who serves as the first vice chair of the Greenville County Democrats , to endorse Buttigieg earlier this month .
“ I told Pete Buttigieg—it wasn ’ t really because of him as a candidate that I got on board , ” Elrod said .
“ It ’ s really because of the work his team has done here.
” Buttigieg has also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ generation of Black activists here , including state Rep. J.A .
Moore and Walter Clyburn Reed , Rep. Jim Clyburn ’ s grandson .
But Buttigieg still finished in a distant fourth place .
Outwardly , at least , Elizabeth Warren did everything right .
She could boast the most impactful racial justice plans , according to the Urban Institute , and she has stitched those plans into a holistic program that acknowledges the insidious legacy of slavery without portraying Black voters as only caring about a small basket of issues like criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support of Black activists and had the help of a powerful surrogate , Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts , in her efforts to woo Black women .
On paper , she looked great—but that was the problem .
On paper .
Support among Black voters in the state never materialized in part because Warren didn ’ t materialize .
She did fewer events in South Carolina than Tim Ryan , who dropped out in October .
If anyone should have learned the lesson that relationships and time count for more than policies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the frontrunner lost South Carolina by nearly 50 points to Hillary Clinton , someone with longstanding relationships in the state .
This cycle , Sanders visited more than many of the other candidates , won over local officials , and had an impressive canvassing operation .
His rhetoric , too , has changed in subtle ways , and he is more at ease now talking about the racial dimensions of inequality .
Polls show that this outreach has gotten results , but as Middleton notes , he might have done better if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needs of the older African American population by holding more intimate events rather than rallies .
“ Because he does not do any retail politics , older folks don ’ t feel like he comes across as a warm person , ” he said .
On primary night , Sanders fell far short of where his campaign hoped he would be .
Five days before the primary , a coalition of mostly Black activists and minimum-wage workers staged a rally for a $ 15 minimum wage and union membership before marching to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ striking .
The event was meant to spotlight the poverty wages being paid to so many workers in the state , many of them Black .
The Fight for $ 15 movement has attracted support from Democratic politicians throughout the primary season , but of all the candidates converging on Charleston , only Buttigieg bothered to show up in person .
Warren and Sanders sent surrogates .
The next night was the state ’ s Democratic debate .
It was supposed to focus on issues of particular importance to Black Americans .
Instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This was , in miniature , the story of the South Carolina primary , which seemed at times to forget about the very people the candidates were trying to win over .

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The Forest Lake Country Club, a white facade on a picturesque lake just north of Columbia, South Carolina, has welcomed the state capital’s white elite for nearly 100 years. Among the members of this bastion of segregation is South Carolina’s governor, Republican Henry McMaster. He was reportedly a member when he served as a US attorney in the 1980s, launching his political career as a foot soldier in the war on drugs; when he served as chairman of the state Republican Party in the 1990s; when he became lieutenant governor in 2014; and when he ascended to the governor’s mansion in 2017. That year, the club finally admitted its first Black member. Like the Confederate flag that billowed over the capitol until 2015, it remains a symbol of the politics of South Carolina, a place where power stays in the hands of white politicians who insulate themselves from any challenge through gerrymandering and a photo ID law. Privilege has its memberships.
But every four or eight years, Democrats hold a presidential primary that gives African Americans in the state a voice. Anyone hoping to win South Carolina’s Democratic primary has to make an effort to connect with the state’s African American voters, seek the support of local officials—the only elected officials in the state who are Black—and elevate the needs of that community.
This year, though, the primary seems to have largely failed South Carolina’s Black voters. Although the candidates and the party speak about race in sharper, less halting terms than ever before and have crafted several policies to match that rhetoric, the outreach itself wasn’t sustained, often felt awkward, and failed to connect with a community that needs more support from its party—and which will be crucial to defeating Donald Trump in November. On the day of the primary, Black voters overwhelmingly supported Joe Biden’s presidential bid, giving him a big win in the state and perhaps signaling to Super Tuesday voters that there’s still juice in his campaign. Exit polls showed that the endorsement of Rep. Jim Clyburn, the state’s most prominent Democrat and one of the most influential African Americans in Congress, played a significant role in consolidating Black support behind Biden. Almost half of all primary voters Saturday pointed to Clyburn’s endorsement as a major influence in their decision.
Biden, the former vice president, had premised his entire campaign on the support of South Carolina’s Black population. His frequent presence in the state for decades and his relationships with local leaders, as well as his having served alongside President Barack Obama, were supposed to elevate him above the field. And initial polls showed he was right. But political operatives in the state felt the Biden campaign took that support for granted. According to the Post-Courier event tracker, Biden spent considerably less time in the state than many other candidates. Rather than tending to his relationships in South Carolina, he left them to wither. Clyburn didn’t offer his endorsement until Wednesday.
The primary calendar incentivizes candidates to spend more time in Iowa and New Hampshire. But winning the support of Black voters in South Carolina requires an attention to retail politicking, the better to build and sustain relationships. For a population too often taken for granted, it makes sense to trust the person you know and not the one who blows in with a flurry of plans they may or may not actually intend to implement. Biden had these relationships, but he coasted on them and saw his support here decline precipitously in the wake of his poor showings in Iowa and New Hampshire. “He was running a general election campaign, and he himself was not spending sufficient time here,” says Clay Middleton, who ran the South Carolina campaigns of Barack Obama in 2008 and Hillary Clinton in 2016, noting that Biden’s strong performances this week in the debate and a CNN town hall the following day had buoyed his campaign. “If he had been doing things along the way, his drop would not have been as significant.”
In North Charleston, Pete Buttigieg arrived at a community discussion about investing in Black communities on Monday to find an overwhelmingly white audience waiting for him.
His absence created room for other candidates. Initially, Sens. Cory Booker and Kamala Harris, both African Americans, invested heavily in the state and visited often, making efforts to attract young Black voters at the state’s many historically Black colleges and universities. Former Rep. Beto O’Rourke likewise spent a lot of time here. When all three dropped out before the voting started, they left a void. Efforts to reach Black voters the week before the primary met with poor results. In North Charleston, Pete Buttigieg arrived at a community discussion about investing in Black communities on Monday to find an overwhelmingly white audience waiting for him. On Wednesday, Elizabeth Warren’s Charleston rally with John Legend attracted an almost entirely white crowd. In Columbia on Friday, a rap duo and a lineup of all Black speakers introduced Bernie Sanders to a predominately white crowd.
“I bet if the calendar were reversed and South Carolina were the first of the four, Cory Booker and Kamala Harris would still be in the race, because attention is not provided the way it should be down here,” says Middleton, who advised Booker’s campaign in South Carolina this cycle. “Before people run for president, they need to develop relationships down here so if and when they do run, they have a base to go to.”
The most aggressive outreach to African Americans ultimately came from billionaire Tom Steyer, who drowned the state in an estimated $18 million worth of television ads while his paid canvassers crisscrossed the state. The candidate has run on issues of importance to Black people here, pointing to environmental catastrophes in minority communities and the lack of health care in rural areas, and calling for reparations for slavery, among many others. But these were gestures, and the campaign’s heavy-handed talking points papered over a policy platform that falls short of dealing with many of these problems. Despite a plan to invest in struggling historically Black colleges and universities, for example, Steyer doesn’t have a plan for free or debt-free college. His outreach attracted enough support among African Americans to help him to a third-place finish, but it wasn’t enough to salvage his struggling campaign. He dropped out on Saturday, with little to show for his efforts. His only memorable moment came the night before, at a rally in an HBCU gym in Columbia that more closely resembled a night out at the club, with flashing lights, a DJ, and rapper Juvenile, along with a lot of free food. At one point, the candidate danced awkwardly on stage to Juvenile’s “Back That Azz Up.”
Whereas Steyer performed his dedication to the Black community, Pete Buttigieg took a more cerebral approach. On the trail, Buttigieg repeatedly acknowledged that he didn’t share, as he put it during Tuesday’s debate, the “lived experience of, for example, walking down the street, or in a mall, and feeling feeling eyes on us, regarding us as dangerous.” He told crowds that he approached the issue with humility and was ready to learn, which was perhaps the only possible route for a candidate dogged with questions about his handling of racial strife and discrimination as mayor of South Bend, Indiana. His campaign released a comprehensive plan to lift the fortunes and political power of African Americans, which he calls his Douglass Plan. Buttigieg put more time into the state than most of the remaining candidates, however, and it paid off in ways that are not readily apparent in the largely white makeup of his town hall audiences this week—although not enough to ultimately put a dent in Biden’s support.
In the Greenville area, for example, the campaign organized early by holding house parties, attending church services, and building relationships to introduce their unknown, unlikely candidate to an electorate that seemed unlikely in turn to welcome him—a continuation of a strategy deployed in other early states in which Buttigieg has turned to more rural communities to scoop up delegates. The campaign’s investment encouraged Jalen Elrod, a Black community organizer who serves as the first vice chair of the Greenville County Democrats, to endorse Buttigieg earlier this month. “I told Pete Buttigieg—it wasn’t really because of him as a candidate that I got on board,” Elrod said. “It’s really because of the work his team has done here.” Buttigieg has also won support from members of a younger generation of Black activists here, including state Rep. J.A. Moore and Walter Clyburn Reed, Rep. Jim Clyburn’s grandson. But Buttigieg still finished in a distant fourth place.
“Because he does not do any retail politics, older folks don’t feel like [Bernie Sanders] comes across as a warm person.”
Outwardly, at least, Elizabeth Warren did everything right. She could boast the most impactful racial justice plans, according to the Center for Urban and Racial Equality, and she has stitched those plans into a holistic program that acknowledges the insidious legacy of slavery without portraying Black voters as only caring about a small basket of issues like criminal justice reform.* She has won the support of Black activists and had the help of a powerful surrogate, Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, in her efforts to woo Black women. On paper, she looked great—but that was the problem. On paper. Support among Black voters in the state never materialized in part because Warren didn’t materialize. She did fewer events in South Carolina than Tim Ryan, who dropped out in October.
If anyone should have learned the lesson that relationships and time count for more than policies, it is Sanders. Four years ago, the frontrunner lost South Carolina by nearly 50 points to Hillary Clinton, someone with longstanding relationships in the state. This cycle, Sanders visited more than many of the other candidates, won over local officials, and had an impressive canvassing operation. His rhetoric, too, has changed in subtle ways, and he is more at ease now talking about the racial dimensions of inequality. Polls show that this outreach has gotten results, but as Middleton notes, he might have done better if he had tailored his approach to the needs of the older African American population by holding more intimate events rather than rallies. “Because he does not do any retail politics, older folks don’t feel like he comes across as a warm person,” he said. On primary night, Sanders fell far short of where his campaign hoped he would be.
Five days before the primary, a coalition of mostly Black activists and minimum-wage workers staged a rally for a $15 minimum wage and union membership before marching to a McDonald’s where the workers were striking. The event was meant to spotlight the poverty wages being paid to so many workers in the state, many of them Black. The Fight for $15 movement has attracted support from Democratic politicians throughout the primary season, but of all the candidates converging on Charleston, only Buttigieg bothered to show up in person. Warren and Sanders sent surrogates.
The next night was the state’s Democratic debate. It was supposed to focus on issues of particular importance to Black Americans. Instead it was dominated by chaos and bickering. This was, in miniature, the story of the South Carolina primary, which seemed at times to forget about the very people the candidates were trying to win over.
Correction: An earlier version of this article cited the wrong think tank’s evaluation of Elizabeth Warren’s racial justice plans. It was the Center for Urban and Racial Equality.


motherjones--2020-02-29--Trump Says Coronavirus Response Should Be Nonpartisan, Attacks Democrats, Kisses Flag

Midday Saturday , President Trump , Vice President Mike Pence , and senior government health officials held a briefing to update the nation on the latest with the coronavirus response .
This included new travel restrictions related to Iran , Italy , and South Korea , and the acknowledgement that the first stateside American diagnosed with a coronavirus died Saturday in Washington .
Trump said the victim was “ a wonderful woman , ” even though the patient was , in fact , a man in his 50s .
Trump defended his use of the term “ hoax ” when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was describing Democrats ’ use of the virus to attack him , not the spread of the virus itself .
After taking questions from reporters , Trump hopped in the presidential helicopter to keep a speaking engagement at the Conservative Political Action Conference , an annual gathering of conservative activists , many of whom are strident Trump loyalists .
Having devoted his early afternoon to the subdued work of pretending to be in control of a budding pandemic , he was now back in his element , surrounded by adoring fans instead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like whether the White House was muzzling the government ’ s top health officials for not staying on message .
Liberated from having to be president for a moment , he could now return to his rolling permanent campaign .
Trump took the stage and began to run through the old standards .
There were attacks on Utah Sen. Mitt Romney , whom Trump called a “ lowlife ” for voting to convict on one of the two articles of impeachment during the Senate trial , and attacks on European allies , whom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our enemies.
” He brought up the US killings of Iranian Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani ( “ We took that son of a bitch out , didn ’ t we ?
” ) and ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi , which Trump bragged about watching play out in real time on a TV monitor in the White House situation room .
“ You don ’ t have a movie like that , ” Trump said , basking in his own glory .
He bragged about pulling US troops from the Syria–Turkey border and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve been fighting for a thousand years .
What does it have to do with us ?
” Well , except for the troops he left there to keep the oil .
“ I left soldiers to keep the oil .
They don ’ t want to say that.
” Trump made sure he didn ’ t leave out former FBI Director James Comey , reminding the crowd that if he hadn ’ t fired him “ it would have been a whole different story.
” And former Special Counsel Robert Mueller got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way , how is Bob Mueller doing ?
” Trump joked , as the crowd laughed , forgetting to mention that his longtime lawyer and campaign chairman are currently in prison , and his longtime associate Roger Stone was recently sentenced to 40 months in prison for lying to Congress and threatening a witness , and his former national security adviser fighting his own earlier guilty plea for lying to the FBI .
There were the attacks on “ Crazy Bernie Sanders , ” and also on “ Mini Mike Bloomberg , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ podium .
The crowd erupted and began chanting “ four more years !
Four more years !
” Trump did carve out a few minutes of the nearly two-hour-long speech to address the coronavirus .
He praised the government ’ s medical officials and also himself for the early travel restrictions on travelers from China— ” that decision has been now given very good grades , like an A-plus-plus-plus ” —saying that his opponents “ wanted to let infected people pour into our country.
” Reading from the teleprompter , Trump offered to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreak .
He told the crowd it was “ time for all Americans to put politics aside and to come together to work for the health , safety and security of the American people , ” after which he pivoted to an attack on Democrats .
He attacked “ Nervous Nancy ” Pelosi and “ Crying ” Chuck Schumer .
“ If he sees a [ microphone ] he ’ ll run 200 yards to get to a mic , ” Trump said .
“ He always did.
” Trump went on : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a deal .
But this is different .
We ’ ve got to be very careful with this stuff .
We have to make it nonpartisan if we can.
” After the speech , his upper lip covered in sweat , Trump hugged a U.S. flag , mouthed the words “ I love you , baby , ” kissed the flag , then hugged it again , and left the stage .
The whole thing is below :

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Midday Saturday, President Trump, Vice President Mike Pence, and senior government health officials held a briefing to update the nation on the latest with the coronavirus response. This included new travel restrictions related to Iran, Italy, and South Korea, and the acknowledgement that the first stateside American diagnosed with a coronavirus died Saturday in Washington. Trump said the victim was “a wonderful woman,” even though the patient was, in fact, a man in his 50s.
Trump defended his use of the term “hoax” when discussing the virus, saying that he was describing Democrats’ use of the virus to attack him, not the spread of the virus itself.
After taking questions from reporters, Trump hopped in the presidential helicopter to keep a speaking engagement at the Conservative Political Action Conference, an annual gathering of conservative activists, many of whom are strident Trump loyalists. Having devoted his early afternoon to the subdued work of pretending to be in control of a budding pandemic, he was now back in his element, surrounded by adoring fans instead of reporters asking “dishonest” questions, like whether the White House was muzzling the government’s top health officials for not staying on message. Liberated from having to be president for a moment, he could now return to his rolling permanent campaign.
Trump took the stage and began to run through the old standards. There were attacks on Utah Sen. Mitt Romney, whom Trump called a “lowlife” for voting to convict on one of the two articles of impeachment during the Senate trial, and attacks on European allies, whom Trump said “sometimes…treat us worse than our enemies.” He brought up the US killings of Iranian Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani (“We took that son of a bitch out, didn’t we?”) and ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, which Trump bragged about watching play out in real time on a TV monitor in the White House situation room. “You don’t have a movie like that,” Trump said, basking in his own glory.
He bragged about pulling US troops from the Syria–Turkey border and stealing foreign oil: “They’ve been fighting for a thousand years. What does it have to do with us?” Well, except for the troops he left there to keep the oil. “I left soldiers to keep the oil. They don’t want to say that.”
Trump made sure he didn’t leave out former FBI Director James Comey, reminding the crowd that if he hadn’t fired him “it would have been a whole different story.” And former Special Counsel Robert Mueller got some time too: “By the way, how is Bob Mueller doing?” Trump joked, as the crowd laughed, forgetting to mention that his longtime lawyer and campaign chairman are currently in prison, and his longtime associate Roger Stone was recently sentenced to 40 months in prison for lying to Congress and threatening a witness, and his former national security adviser fighting his own earlier guilty plea for lying to the FBI.
There were the attacks on “Crazy Bernie Sanders,” and also on “Mini Mike Bloomberg,” whom Trump mocked by squatting behind the podium. The crowd erupted and began chanting “four more years! Four more years!”
Trump does a juvenile skit to mock Bloomberg's height and gets huge applause from CPAC. #BeBest pic.twitter.com/PUZMZ1Azco — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) February 29, 2020
Trump is talking about how he lost the Time Person of the Year to Greta, which he says is fine because he's won before, even though "the whole world revolves around this person" (him), as evidenced by cable news coverage. "Every story is Trump or Trump-related." — Daniel Dale (@ddale8) February 29, 2020
Trump did carve out a few minutes of the nearly two-hour-long speech to address the coronavirus. He praised the government’s medical officials and also himself for the early travel restrictions on travelers from China—”that decision has been now given very good grades, like an A-plus-plus-plus”—saying that his opponents “wanted to let infected people pour into our country.”
Reading from the teleprompter, Trump offered to help the Iranian government battle its coronavirus outbreak. He told the crowd it was “time for all Americans to put politics aside and to come together to work for the health, safety and security of the American people,” after which he pivoted to an attack on Democrats. He attacked “Nervous Nancy” Pelosi and “Crying” Chuck Schumer. “If he sees a [microphone] he’ll run 200 yards to get to a mic,” Trump said. “He always did.”
Trump went on: “This is a different kind of a deal. But this is different. We’ve got to be very careful with this stuff. We have to make it nonpartisan if we can.”
After the speech, his upper lip covered in sweat, Trump hugged a U.S. flag, mouthed the words “I love you, baby,” kissed the flag, then hugged it again, and left the stage.
The whole thing is below:


motherjones--2020-02-29--Republicans Are Race-Baiting a Republican

Rep. Doug Collins is a Georgia Republican , and as the ranking member on the House Judiciary Committee he was @ @ @ @ @ s most vociferous defenders during the impeachment saga .
He ’ s running for Senate @ @ @ @ @ way is Sen. Kelly Loeffler , a Republican businesswoman appointed to the seat in December @ @ @ @ @ with health issues .
The two will square off in November in what has become @ @ @ @ @ factions of the Republican political machine against each other , with both sides claiming that @ @ @ @ @ their efforts .
There ’ s little doubt where the National Republican Senatorial Committee stands @ @ @ @ @ released an ad slamming Collins for the crime of…hanging around Black people : The charges @ @ @ @ @ ’ t bring yourself to watch , are that Collins says he ’ s friends @ @ @ @ @ Jeffries , and that he once shook Barack Obama ’ s hand .
You don @ @ @ @ @ Park to crack this code .
The ad makes Lee Atwater look subtle .

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motherjones--2020-02-29--Trump Says the Coronavirus Is No Big Deal. The Disease Won’t Stay On Message.

2:30 p.m .
ET : Trump on Saturday announced the first death inside the US from the coronavirus .
The victim was a woman in her 50s with underlying health problems , he said , adding that additional cases are likely .
5 p.m .
ET : Turns out the victim was a man .
On Wednesday , in front of a packed White House briefing room , President Trump told the country there were only 15 cases of coronavirus in the US , and “ within a couple days [ it is ] going to be down to close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CDC ’ s Anne Schuchat , who ’ d said minutes earlier from the very same stage that “ we do expect more cases , ” and Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar , who ’ d said “ we can expect to see more cases in the United States.
” The next day , on the White House lawn , Trump told reporters that Democrats were trying to weaponize the situation to hurt him and said the media was “ doing everything they can to instill fear in people , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The people who weren ’ t giving him credit for his handling of the situation “ don ’ t mean it .
It ’ s political.
” Then , at a political rally in South Carolina on Friday night , Trump called the coronavirus the Democrats ’ “ new hoax , ” and as the crowd chanted “ build the wall , ” he said that “ the Democrat policy of open borders is a direct threat to the health and well-being of all Americans.
” Trump ’ s germophobia , xenophobia , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ message : This overblown scare will soon be a memory .
As much as we ’ d all like for that to be true , the coronavirus doesn ’ t seem to be cooperating just yet .
Late Friday officials in the three West Coast states announced three new cases , none of which could be explained by overseas travel or contact with someone who had traveled overseas , the New York Times reported .
“ If we were worried yesterday , we are even more worried today , ” Dr. William Schaffner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University Medical Center , told the Times .
“ Now we have to ask : How widely , really widely , is this virus out there ?
” There are now upwards of 85,000 cases worldwide , the vast majority of which are in China , according to data collected and maintained by Johns Hopkins University .
The data show that the vast majority of people who contract the virus recover , but , to date , 2,933 people have died as a result .
There are 66 cases in the US , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although the CDC figure sits at 15 confirmed cases as of Friday .
The difference between the two figures is a result of the CDC not including people returned to the US via State Department–chartered flights .
Unlike Trump ’ s rosy message that fears around the virus are a media concoction , public health officials in some places are communicating something much different .
“ We ’ re going to be increasingly recommending that people try and avoid crowds and close contact with other people , ” Dr. Jeff Duchin , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told the Times .
“ We may get to a point where we want to recommend canceling large public gatherings—social events , sporting events , entertainment—until we get over a hump of what might be a large outbreak .
”

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2:30 p.m. ET: Trump on Saturday announced the first death inside the US from the coronavirus. The victim was a woman in her 50s with underlying health problems, he said, adding that additional cases are likely.
5 p.m. ET: Turns out the victim was a man.
On Wednesday, in front of a packed White House briefing room, President Trump told the country there were only 15 cases of coronavirus in the US, and “within a couple days [it is] going to be down to close to zero.” This contradicted both the CDC’s Anne Schuchat, who’d said minutes earlier from the very same stage that “we do expect more cases,” and Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar, who’d said “we can expect to see more cases in the United States.”
The next day, on the White House lawn, Trump told reporters that Democrats were trying to weaponize the situation to hurt him and said the media was “doing everything they can to instill fear in people, and I think it’s ridiculous.” The people who weren’t giving him credit for his handling of the situation “don’t mean it. It’s political.”
Then, at a political rally in South Carolina on Friday night, Trump called the coronavirus the Democrats’ “new hoax,” and as the crowd chanted “build the wall,” he said that “the Democrat policy of open borders is a direct threat to the health and well-being of all Americans.”
Trump’s germophobia, xenophobia, and persecution complex had coalesced into a message: This overblown scare will soon be a memory.
As much as we’d all like for that to be true, the coronavirus doesn’t seem to be cooperating just yet. Late Friday officials in the three West Coast states announced three new cases, none of which could be explained by overseas travel or contact with someone who had traveled overseas, the New York Times reported.
“If we were worried yesterday, we are even more worried today,” Dr. William Schaffner, an infectious disease specialist at Vanderbilt University Medical Center, told the Times. “Now we have to ask: How widely, really widely, is this virus out there?”
There are now upwards of 85,000 cases worldwide, the vast majority of which are in China, according to data collected and maintained by Johns Hopkins University. The data show that the vast majority of people who contract the virus recover, but, to date, 2,933 people have died as a result.
There are 66 cases in the US, according to the Johns Hopkins data, although the CDC figure sits at 15 confirmed cases as of Friday. The difference between the two figures is a result of the CDC not including people returned to the US via State Department–chartered flights.
Unlike Trump’s rosy message that fears around the virus are a media concoction, public health officials in some places are communicating something much different.
“We’re going to be increasingly recommending that people try and avoid crowds and close contact with other people,” Dr. Jeff Duchin, a public health official in Washington state, told the Times. “We may get to a point where we want to recommend canceling large public gatherings—social events, sporting events, entertainment—until we get over a hump of what might be a large outbreak.”


motherjones--2020-03-01--Trump Didn’t Appoint a Coronavirus Czar Because He Feared Disloyalty

The Trump administration ’ s response to the coronavirus epidemic has been haphazard at best .
The administration botched the handling of infected passengers on the cruise ship docked in Japan .
A whistleblower has alleged that dozens of staffers from the Department of Health and Human Services who received the first Americans returning from Wuhan , China , the epicenter of the outbreak , were not equipped with proper protective gear or training .
Officials have tried to downplay the risk of the epidemic even as new cases are reported in places like California , Washington State , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign travel .
Behind the scenes , according to the Washington Post , the administration has been scrambling to contain the damage .
On Wednesday night , Trump made a last minute decision to tap Vice President Mike Pence to lead the White House virus task force .
And Pence in turn appointed Debbie Birx , who heads the State Department ’ s US Global AIDS Coordinator and is also a doctor , to help with the response .
But Birx should not be confused as the virus “ czar.
” While other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought in outsiders with expertise to help coordinate government public health efforts—Obama tapped Ron Klain as his “ Ebola czar ” —Trump refused to delegate that sort of authority to someone outside the government or to a single individual well-versed in public health .
Why ?
Because more than anything , Trump demands blind loyalty from those around him , the reason he has recently purged the White House of many staffers he believed weren ’ t sufficiently devoted to him .
That singular focus on loyalty as opposed to expertise drove Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charge .
The Washington Post reports : Trump did not , however , name a single “ czar , ” as some previous administrations have done during health emergencies .
The president decided against that option after worrying that bringing in a person from outside the administration might be seen as a failure — and wondering whether such a person would be loyal to him , according to those familiar with the debate .
Such calculations are the sorts of thing that allowed the coronavirus to spread in China .
Nonetheless , Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration is doing is perfect .
“ Our country is prepared for any circumstance , ” Trump said at a Saturday press conference .
“ We hope it ’ s not going to be a major circumstance , it ’ ll be a smaller circumstance .
But whatever the circumstances , we ’ re prepared .
”

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The Trump administration’s response to the coronavirus epidemic has been haphazard at best. The administration botched the handling of infected passengers on the cruise ship docked in Japan. A whistleblower has alleged that dozens of staffers from the Department of Health and Human Services who received the first Americans returning from Wuhan, China, the epicenter of the outbreak, were not equipped with proper protective gear or training. Officials have tried to downplay the risk of the epidemic even as new cases are reported in places like California, Washington State, and Chicago that aren’t linked to foreign travel.
Behind the scenes, according to the Washington Post, the administration has been scrambling to contain the damage. On Wednesday night, Trump made a last minute decision to tap Vice President Mike Pence to lead the White House virus task force. And Pence in turn appointed Debbie Birx, who heads the State Department’s US Global AIDS Coordinator and is also a doctor, to help with the response. But Birx should not be confused as the virus “czar.”
While other presidents, notably Barack Obama, have brought in outsiders with expertise to help coordinate government public health efforts—Obama tapped Ron Klain as his “Ebola czar”—Trump refused to delegate that sort of authority to someone outside the government or to a single individual well-versed in public health. Why? Because more than anything, Trump demands blind loyalty from those around him, the reason he has recently purged the White House of many staffers he believed weren’t sufficiently devoted to him. That singular focus on loyalty as opposed to expertise drove Trump’s decision to put Pence in charge. The Washington Post reports:
Trump did not, however, name a single “czar,” as some previous administrations have done during health emergencies. The president decided against that option after worrying that bringing in a person from outside the administration might be seen as a failure — and wondering whether such a person would be loyal to him, according to those familiar with the debate.
Such calculations are the sorts of thing that allowed the coronavirus to spread in China. Nonetheless, Trump has continued to insist that everything his administration is doing is perfect. “Our country is prepared for any circumstance,” Trump said at a Saturday press conference. “We hope it’s not going to be a major circumstance, it’ll be a smaller circumstance. But whatever the circumstances, we’re prepared.”


motherjones--2020-03-01--The Latest Coronavirus Victim: The Mona Lisa

If you hadn ’ t already , you might want to rethink your European vacation this year .
The coronavirus outbreak has led to the closure of any number of tourist attractions around the globe , from Beijing ’ s Forbidden City and a Disney theme park in Shanghai to the Museo Correr in Venice .
But now the Louve , the world ’ s most-visited museum , will be added to the list .
On Sunday , the beloved Parisian institution had to shut its doors after the staff walked off the job over concerns that the museum was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus , according to Reuters .
It wasn ’ t clear when the museum might reopen .
The museum had already suffered from a drop in visitors as tourists from China have dwindled because of the epidemic .
France , which has at least 100 confirmed cases of the disease , had already banned large gatherings of more than 5,000 people in confined spaces and canceled a half-marathon scheduled for Sunday in Paris .
More than 5,000 people a day typically pass through the doors of the Louvre , and an emergency meeting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns of the staff .
Management was unable to convince people to go back to work .
That decision follows the lead of Italy , which has nearly 2,000 reported cases of the virus and 34 people have died from it .
Italy has shuttered cultural institutions all across the country , and ended the annual Carnival in Venice two days early .

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If you hadn’t already, you might want to rethink your European vacation this year. The coronavirus outbreak has led to the closure of any number of tourist attractions around the globe, from Beijing’s Forbidden City and a Disney theme park in Shanghai to the Museo Correr in Venice. But now the Louve, the world’s most-visited museum, will be added to the list. On Sunday, the beloved Parisian institution had to shut its doors after the staff walked off the job over concerns that the museum was not adequately prepared to deal with the coronavirus, according to Reuters. It wasn’t clear when the museum might reopen. The museum had already suffered from a drop in visitors as tourists from China have dwindled because of the epidemic.
France, which has at least 100 confirmed cases of the disease, had already banned large gatherings of more than 5,000 people in confined spaces and canceled a half-marathon scheduled for Sunday in Paris. More than 5,000 people a day typically pass through the doors of the Louvre, and an emergency meeting at the museum Sunday failed to assuage concerns of the staff. Management was unable to convince people to go back to work.
That decision follows the lead of Italy, which has nearly 2,000 reported cases of the virus and 34 people have died from it. Italy has shuttered cultural institutions all across the country, and ended the annual Carnival in Venice two days early.


motherjones--2020-03-01--Mike Pence Refuses to Push Back on Don Jr.’s Claim That Dems Are Rooting for Millions to Die of Coro

Mike Pence Refuses to Push Back on Don Jr.’s Claim That Dems Are Rooting for Millions to Die of Coronavirus

On Sunday , coronavirus task force head Vice President Mike Pence went out on the morning talk shows to promote the administration ’ s response to the epidemic .
Instead of reassuring the country that everything was under control , he ended up having to defend the president ’ s son , Don Jr .
It didn ’ t go well .
On Friday , Donald Trump Jr. , had gone on “ Fox and Friends ” and told anchor Brian Kilmeade that the Democrats were rooting for the coronavirus epidemic to get worse in the hopes that it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s popularity ratings .
“ Anything that they can use to try to hurt Trump , they will , ” Trump Jr. said .
“ But for them to try to take a pandemic and seemingly hope that it comes here , and kills millions of people so that they could end Donald Trump ’ s streak of winning , is a new level of sickness .
You know , I don ’ t know if this is coronavirus or Trump derangement syndrome , but these people are infected badly.
” When Pence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Union ” Sunday , host Jake Tapper asked , “ Can we agree that neither Democrats nor Republicans want Americans to get the Coronavirus and die from it ?
” Tapper asked .
You don ’ t believe that the Democrats want people to contract the disease , do you ?
” Pence didn ’ t respond with a resounding “ no.
” Instead , he claimed that Don Jr. ’ s point was that “ This is no time for politics , ” only to then bash Democrats for attacking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ There has been some very strong rhetoric directed at the president by some members of Congress , ” Pence said .
Pence doubled down on his complaints about Democrats on NBC ’ s “ Meet the Press.
” After host Chuck Todd quoted right-wing radio host Rush Limbaugh of trying to “ weaponize ” the virus to “ bring down Donald Trump , ” Pence shot back , saying that “ there ’ s been a lot of irresponsible rhetoric among Democrats and commentators on the left.
” After Todd pressed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were intentionally fanning the flames , Pence pointed to a recent column by Gail Collins in the New York Times that suggested renaming the disease “ the Trump virus.
” “ When you see voices on our side pushing back on outrageous and irresponsible rhetoric on the other side , ” Pence said , “ I think that ’ s important , and I think it ’ s justified .
”

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On Sunday, coronavirus task force head Vice President Mike Pence went out on the morning talk shows to promote the administration’s response to the epidemic. Instead of reassuring the country that everything was under control, he ended up having to defend the president’s son, Don Jr. It didn’t go well.
On Friday, Donald Trump Jr., had gone on “Fox and Friends” and told anchor Brian Kilmeade that the Democrats were rooting for the coronavirus epidemic to get worse in the hopes that it would have a negative impact on Trump’s popularity ratings. “Anything that they can use to try to hurt Trump, they will,” Trump Jr. said. “But for them to try to take a pandemic and seemingly hope that it comes here, and kills millions of people so that they could end Donald Trump’s streak of winning, is a new level of sickness. You know, I don’t know if this is coronavirus or Trump derangement syndrome, but these people are infected badly.”
When Pence appeared on CNN’s “State of the Union” Sunday, host Jake Tapper asked, “Can we agree that neither Democrats nor Republicans want Americans to get the Coronavirus and die from it?” Tapper asked. You don’t believe that the Democrats want people to contract the disease, do you?” Pence didn’t respond with a resounding “no.” Instead, he claimed that Don Jr.’s point was that “This is no time for politics,” only to then bash Democrats for attacking the president on the virus response. “There has been some very strong rhetoric directed at the president by some members of Congress,” Pence said.
Pence doubled down on his complaints about Democrats on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” After host Chuck Todd quoted right-wing radio host Rush Limbaugh of trying to “weaponize” the virus to “bring down Donald Trump,” Pence shot back, saying that “there’s been a lot of irresponsible rhetoric among Democrats and commentators on the left.” After Todd pressed the vice president to name specific Democrats who were intentionally fanning the flames, Pence pointed to a recent column by Gail Collins in the New York Times that suggested renaming the disease “the Trump virus.”
“When you see voices on our side pushing back on outrageous and irresponsible rhetoric on the other side,” Pence said, “I think that’s important, and I think it’s justified.”


motherjones--2020-03-02--The Supreme Court Will Hear a Case to Decide the Fate of Obamacare

The Supreme Court announced Wednesday that it will hear a case that could decide the fate of the Affordable Care Act .
The timing for when oral arguments will be held was not announced , but it is possible that the court will hear the case next fall , shortly ahead of the 2020 election ( though a ruling likely wouldn ’ t be released until spring or summer 2021 ) .
In December , a federal appeals court found the individual mandate—the part of Obamacare requiring uninsured Americans to pay a yearly penalty—unconstitutional , and left the rest of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case back down to a lower court to decide if the entirety of the ACA , including provisions like protections for preexisting conditions , should also be wiped out .
The case against the ACA was brought by Republican attorneys general , who argued that the law should be struck down after Republicans in Congress lowered the penalty for the individual mandate to $ 0 .
That broader attack on Obamacare was one the Trump administration eventually adopted , so Democrats have urged the Supreme Court to hear the case quickly in order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Affordable Care Act in the public eye ahead of his reelection campaign .
Until the Supreme Court rules on the case , Obamacare remains the law of the land , and people with health plans from the ACA ’ s marketplaces are still covered .

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The Supreme Court announced Wednesday that it will hear a case that could decide the fate of the Affordable Care Act. The timing for when oral arguments will be held was not announced, but it is possible that the court will hear the case next fall, shortly ahead of the 2020 election (though a ruling likely wouldn’t be released until spring or summer 2021).
In December, a federal appeals court found the individual mandate—the part of Obamacare requiring uninsured Americans to pay a yearly penalty—unconstitutional, and left the rest of the law in doubt, sending the case back down to a lower court to decide if the entirety of the ACA, including provisions like protections for preexisting conditions, should also be wiped out. The case against the ACA was brought by Republican attorneys general, who argued that the law should be struck down after Republicans in Congress lowered the penalty for the individual mandate to $0.
That broader attack on Obamacare was one the Trump administration eventually adopted, so Democrats have urged the Supreme Court to hear the case quickly in order to keep the president’s opposition to the Affordable Care Act in the public eye ahead of his reelection campaign.
Until the Supreme Court rules on the case, Obamacare remains the law of the land, and people with health plans from the ACA’s marketplaces are still covered.


motherjones--2020-03-03--Staying Safe from Coronavirus Is a Lot Harder If You Live on the Streets

Last week , the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warned that incidents of the coronavirus , which causes COVID-19 , would increase in the United States and would likely disrupt daily lives .
To contain the spread , health care experts advise constant hand-washing , avoiding close contact with anyone who is sick , and staying home if you suspect you have symptoms—which include fever and cough .
Of course , for the homeless population , those straightforward guidelines are close to impossible .
“ Unfortunately , we know that people living in crowded , unsanitary conditions are at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diseases , ” Dr. Jeffrey Klausner , a public health and medicine professor at the University of California , Los Angeles , told the Los Angeles Times .
The illness first appeared in China in December .
According to the World Health Organization , more than 87,000 people have contracted the disease , and it has killed about 3,000 people worldwide—including six people in Washington state .
Officials are urging calm .
“ While there is some spread in some communities there is no national spread of COVID-19 at this time , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Disease , said at a press conference on Saturday .
But public health experts are worried about one population that could be especially vulnerable to the disease : people living in encampments or in community shelters .
“ Housing is a public health issue , ” says Dr. Tobie Smith , a public health professor at Georgetown University .
The recommendations for staying safe from coronavirus are simple—if you have a stable place to live .
For unsheltered people , there ’ s no home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unpredictable access to public bathrooms for frequent hand-washing .
Many unhoused people are already sick or have compromised immune systems , putting them at higher risk of death .
Even for those in shelters , avoiding close contact is virtually impossible , as shelters aren ’ t built with quarantine rooms .
For unhoused people , “ the actual recommendations are just not feasible , ” Dr. Smith says .
During the 2003 epidemic of SARS , a similar respiratory virus infected more than 8,000 people and killed 774 worldwide , but only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States ; they all had traveled to a country with infections .
In Toronto , Canada , however , where there were 257 cases , there was growing concern that the homeless population was at risk .
Advocates for unhoused people were not prepared to handle an outbreak : They could not figure out how to effectively communicate the danger to homeless individuals and families ; they lacked supplies for proper disease screening ; and they weren ’ t able to quarantine patients living in shelters .
No homeless people were reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What are the options today for minimizing the risk to unhoused people ?
In Spokane , Washington , city officials are educating shelter workers on strategies for educating those who reside in homeless facilities on how to keep safe .
Local nonprofits are training workers on how to spot people who may be infected .
They ’ re following recommendations from the local health department , which include giving masks to anyone who may show symptoms , but not as preventative measures .
( Coronavirus symptoms are similar to a common cold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homeless outreach workers to decide if an individual needs immediate attention . )
In California , where there were 35 confirmed cases on Monday , the California Department of Health said it is monitoring the situation but has not yet released any specific plans .
An additional concern among public health officials is that an outbreak among homeless populations could lead to further stigmatization of an often marginalized group .
Because homeless people lack access to health care and frequently move around and use public spaces like libraries and mass transit , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , an op-ed in a Seattle paper called for forcing homeless people into a shelter , lest they use public facilities and spread the illness .
“ This is not a reason to further marginalize these people , ” Dr. Smith says , “ but it shows how having people in our community who are unhoused is a threat in many ways .
”

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Last week, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warned that incidents of the coronavirus, which causes COVID-19, would increase in the United States and would likely disrupt daily lives. To contain the spread, health care experts advise constant hand-washing, avoiding close contact with anyone who is sick, and staying home if you suspect you have symptoms—which include fever and cough.
Of course, for the homeless population, those straightforward guidelines are close to impossible.
“Unfortunately, we know that people living in crowded, unsanitary conditions are at increased risk for a variety of infectious diseases,” Dr. Jeffrey Klausner, a public health and medicine professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, told the Los Angeles Times. The illness first appeared in China in December. According to the World Health Organization, more than 87,000 people have contracted the disease, and it has killed about 3,000 people worldwide—including six people in Washington state. Officials are urging calm. “While there is some spread in some communities there is no national spread of COVID-19 at this time,” Nancy Messonnier, director of the CDC’s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Disease, said at a press conference on Saturday. But public health experts are worried about one population that could be especially vulnerable to the disease: people living in encampments or in community shelters.
“Housing is a public health issue,” says Dr. Tobie Smith, a public health professor at Georgetown University. The recommendations for staying safe from coronavirus are simple—if you have a stable place to live. For unsheltered people, there’s no home for self-quarantine, and they have only unpredictable access to public bathrooms for frequent hand-washing. Many unhoused people are already sick or have compromised immune systems, putting them at higher risk of death. Even for those in shelters, avoiding close contact is virtually impossible, as shelters aren’t built with quarantine rooms. For unhoused people, “the actual recommendations are just not feasible,” Dr. Smith says.
For unhoused people, “the actual recommendations are just not feasible.”
During the 2003 epidemic of SARS, a similar respiratory virus infected more than 8,000 people and killed 774 worldwide, but only eight people contracted the virus in the United States; they all had traveled to a country with infections. In Toronto, Canada, however, where there were 257 cases, there was growing concern that the homeless population was at risk. Advocates for unhoused people were not prepared to handle an outbreak: They could not figure out how to effectively communicate the danger to homeless individuals and families; they lacked supplies for proper disease screening; and they weren’t able to quarantine patients living in shelters. No homeless people were reported to have contracted SARS during the outbreak.
What are the options today for minimizing the risk to unhoused people? In Spokane, Washington, city officials are educating shelter workers on strategies for educating those who reside in homeless facilities on how to keep safe. Local nonprofits are training workers on how to spot people who may be infected. They’re following recommendations from the local health department, which include giving masks to anyone who may show symptoms, but not as preventative measures. (Coronavirus symptoms are similar to a common cold, so it can be difficult for homeless outreach workers to decide if an individual needs immediate attention.) In California, where there were 35 confirmed cases on Monday, the California Department of Health said it is monitoring the situation but has not yet released any specific plans.
An additional concern among public health officials is that an outbreak among homeless populations could lead to further stigmatization of an often marginalized group. Because homeless people lack access to health care and frequently move around and use public spaces like libraries and mass transit, the fear-mongering in the media has already begun—for example, an op-ed in a Seattle paper called for forcing homeless people into a shelter, lest they use public facilities and spread the illness. “This is not a reason to further marginalize these people,” Dr. Smith says, “but it shows how having people in our community who are unhoused is a threat in many ways.”


motherjones--2020-03-03--Tech Workers Like Sanders and Warren, But Their Bosses Really Like Biden

Of all the Democratic presidential candidates , Sen. Bernie Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren have been the harshest critics of big tech .
Both have promised to break up Amazon , Apple , and Alphabet ( Google ’ s parent company ) , which they say are monopolies .
Sanders successfully pressured Amazon into increasing minimum wage for its employees to $ 15 , and Warren ’ s proposed “ wealth tax ” would undoubtedly make a big dent in dot-com CEOs ’ assets .
Yet Sanders ’ and Warren ’ s skepticism toward Silicon Valley isn ’ t entirely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money from the employees of 20 major tech companies than any other candidates , though tech execs were more enthusiastic about seeding Pete Buttigieg ’ s failed startup campaign .
Overall , 96 percent of tech employees ’ $ 2 million in donations went to Democrats , though President Trump brought in more than Amy Klobuchar and Tom Steyer , who have since dropped out of the race .
Google employees gave just under $ 700,000 to Democratic candidates , with more than half going to Sanders and Warren .
To get a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ playing out in Silicon Valley and other tech hubs , we analyzed more than 20,000 Federal Election Commission records of contributions to presidential candidates by the employees of 20 well-known technology companies including Google , Microsoft , Facebook , Twitter , Apple , Salesforce , Amazon , and Netflix ( and their major subsidiaries ) .
The data only includes gifts made in 2019 , so no contributions to Michael Bloomberg were counted .
A deeper look at the numbers shows that the candidates ’ support splits among different levels of of workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , administrative assistants , rideshare drivers , and support staff from Amazon , Uber , Lyft and other tech companies overwhelmingly backed Sanders , followed by Trump .
More than 50 gig workers who identified themselves as drivers for Uber , Lyft , Amazon , and Instacart gave to Sanders .
Tesla assembly line workers , PayPal customer support representatives , and Intel manufacturing technicians overwhelmingly gave to Sanders .
( We counted gig workers even though some companies do not treat them as employees .
To avoid double counting , gig workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
This trend flipped when we looked at tech executives , directors , vice presidents , and other members of the C-suite .
They overwhelmingly gave to Pete Buttigieg and former Vice President Joe Biden , more moderate candidates who haven ’ t taken positions that threaten tech companies .
Among Buttigieg ’ s contributors were Pinterest ’ s CEO and chief operating office , Lyft ’ s chief technology officer and chief strategy officer , Microsoft ’ s chief technology officer , and Google , Apple and Saleforce ’ s chiefs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ included vice presidents and senior vice presidents at Amazon , Google , Microsoft , and Apple .
A majority of the tech workers who have made contributions to presidential candidates are managerial and mid-level employees such as engineers , managers , and analysts .
They mostly gave to Sanders and Warren , who together got three-quarters of the contributions from these employees .
The gap between Sanders and Warren among this group was quite narrow , suggesting no clear front runner .
Looking at each of the remaining candidates ’ contributions from different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Warren are winning Silicon Valley ’ s money—but Biden is doing well in the boardroom .
How the remaining candidates stack up

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Of all the Democratic presidential candidates, Sen. Bernie Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren have been the harshest critics of big tech. Both have promised to break up Amazon, Apple, and Alphabet (Google’s parent company), which they say are monopolies. Sanders successfully pressured Amazon into increasing minimum wage for its employees to $15, and Warren’s proposed “wealth tax” would undoubtedly make a big dent in dot-com CEOs’ assets.
Yet Sanders’ and Warren’s skepticism toward Silicon Valley isn’t entirely mutual. The two have raised more money from the employees of 20 major tech companies than any other candidates, though tech execs were more enthusiastic about seeding Pete Buttigieg’s failed startup campaign.
Overall, 96 percent of tech employees’ $2 million in donations went to Democrats, though President Trump brought in more than Amy Klobuchar and Tom Steyer, who have since dropped out of the race. Google employees gave just under $700,000 to Democratic candidates, with more than half going to Sanders and Warren.
Who’s getting tech workers’ money
To get a sense of how the presidential race is playing out in Silicon Valley and other tech hubs, we analyzed more than 20,000 Federal Election Commission records of contributions to presidential candidates by the employees of 20 well-known technology companies including Google, Microsoft, Facebook, Twitter, Apple, Salesforce, Amazon, and Netflix (and their major subsidiaries). The data only includes gifts made in 2019, so no contributions to Michael Bloomberg were counted.
A deeper look at the numbers shows that the candidates’ support splits among different levels of of workers. Warehouse workers, shoppers, technicians, administrative assistants, rideshare drivers, and support staff from Amazon, Uber, Lyft and other tech companies overwhelmingly backed Sanders, followed by Trump. More than 50 gig workers who identified themselves as drivers for Uber, Lyft, Amazon, and Instacart gave to Sanders. Tesla assembly line workers, PayPal customer support representatives, and Intel manufacturing technicians overwhelmingly gave to Sanders. (We counted gig workers even though some companies do not treat them as employees. To avoid double counting, gig workers who listed two employers were not included.)
Gig workers feel the Bern
This trend flipped when we looked at tech executives, directors, vice presidents, and other members of the C-suite. They overwhelmingly gave to Pete Buttigieg and former Vice President Joe Biden, more moderate candidates who haven’t taken positions that threaten tech companies. Among Buttigieg’s contributors were Pinterest’s CEO and chief operating officer, Lyft’s chief technology officer and chief strategy officer, Microsoft’s chief technology officer, and Google, Apple and Saleforce’s chiefs of staff. Biden’s supporters included vice presidents and senior vice presidents at Amazon, Google, Microsoft, and Apple.
Mayor Pete could compete—in the C-Suite
A majority of the tech workers who have made contributions to presidential candidates are managerial and mid-level employees such as engineers, managers, and analysts. They mostly gave to Sanders and Warren, who together got three-quarters of the contributions from these employees. The gap between Sanders and Warren among this group was quite narrow, suggesting no clear front runner.
Mid-level tech workers split for Sanders and Warren
Looking at each of the remaining candidates’ contributions from different types of tech workers shows how Sanders and Warren are winning Silicon Valley’s money—but Biden is doing well in the boardroom.
How the remaining candidates stack up