motherjones--2020-08-07--Michelle Obama’s Show of Vulnerability Is a Balm for Millions. Naturally, the Right Is Throwing a Fi

Michelle Obama’s Show of Vulnerability Is a Balm for Millions. Naturally, the Right Is Throwing a Fit.

It ’ s become a familiar story .
The outbreak of the coronavirus in the United States , a public health disaster now responsible for more than 160,000 deaths , has left quite a few of us feeling unmoored .
A third of Americans , trapped in an endless loop created by a disastrous president apparently eager to sacrifice huge swaths of the country ’ s population when he believes it ’ ll serve his interests , are showing signs of clinical anxiety or depression , with even more experiencing a plummeting , if not already demolished , sense of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like garbage .
Now , in this hellish cycle of doom former first lady Michelle Obama shared some news this week .
“ I know that I am dealing with some form of low-grade depression , ” Obama told her friend and former host of NPR ’ s All Things Considered Michele Norris in the second episode of The Michelle Obama Podcast .
“ Not just because of the quarantine , but because of the racial strife , and just seeing this administration , watching the hypocrisy of it , day in and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m waking up in the middle of the night , ’ cause I ’ m worrying about something , or there ’ s a heaviness , ” she continued , further building a sense of relatability .
Her energy depleted during darker stretches of time , Obama revealed , she ’ s had to “ surrender ” to the guilt of not exercising .
The remarks were at once familiar and striking .
After all , it ’ s no small thing for one of the most admired people in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strength and grace , to come out and say that she too isn ’ t feeling so great these days .
And this is coming from a public figure who , during the pandemic , has seen the release of Becoming , a critically acclaimed Netflix documentary of her life , as well as a major deal with Spotify to launch the aforementioned podcast .
For many of us who feel like boring disasters on good days , Obama ’ s revelation felt like the refreshing equivalent of the Instagram vs .
Reality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moments of honest reflection , the former first lady managed to puncture a sense of profound grief and alienation simply by sharing some of our collective human vulnerability .
In her conversation , Obama was also performing a kind of public service .
Since the start of the pandemic , countless news stories have emphasized the importance of being open about one ’ s mental health struggles in order to reduce the sense of isolation that is so much a part of anxiety and depression .
Not to mention remove the stigma that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issues .
But of course , it didn ’ t take long for some on the right to weaponize Obama ’ s candor since it included a slight dig at President Donald Trump .
And then there were others who offered their own sage advice , like Jenna Ellis , a Trump legal adviser who appeared on Fox News Thursday .
“ Conservatives tend to be more joyful and more happy overall with their lives because we still believe in the pillars of society , which is the church and the family , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would encourage Michelle Obama to go to church and find joy and meaning in the Lord Jesus Christ as her own personal savior.
” The breathtaking sanctimony at play here conveniently omits the fact that the former first lady has often credited her faith with helping sustain her in the White House .
But that ’ s beside the point .
It was typical of the conservative reception to Obama ’ s personal revelations : She was insulting , attention-seeking , a spoiled Democrat—a Black woman no less—who should shut up and pray @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They ’ re from the same kind of people who have long hurled racist and downright absurd attacks against the Obamas .
But they ’ re incredibly revealing about this current moment , as we stare down the barrel of what ’ s all but certain to be an even more depressing autumn marked by the approaching election , the flu , a chaotic patchwork of school reopening plans , and a disintegrating President Donald Trump .
In a moment that only reinforces our sense of feeling powerless , the right has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort of solidarity or empathy to offer .
For them , Obama ’ s willingness to show vulnerability is an invitation to pummel , or as she might call it , go low , with the same recycled attacks .
Things are going to get worse before they get better—and that sense of doom you ’ re experiencing is likely here to stay , perhaps long after the coronavirus leaves .
Their scorn for Obama is a reminder that they don ’ t care about your mental health , even when it feels @ @ @ @ @ @

It’s become a familiar story. The outbreak of the coronavirus in the United States, a public health disaster now responsible for more than 160,000 deaths, has left quite a few of us feeling unmoored. A third of Americans, trapped in an endless loop created by a disastrous president apparently eager to sacrifice huge swaths of the country’s population when he believes it’ll serve his interests, are showing signs of clinical anxiety or depression, with even more experiencing a plummeting, if not already demolished, sense of control.
Yes, we all feel like garbage. Now, in this hellish cycle of doom former first lady Michelle Obama shared some news this week.
“I know that I am dealing with some form of low-grade depression,” Obama told her friend and former host of NPR’s All Things Considered Michele Norris in the second episode of The Michelle Obama Podcast. “Not just because of the quarantine, but because of the racial strife, and just seeing this administration, watching the hypocrisy of it, day in and day out, is dispiriting.”
“I’m waking up in the middle of the night, ’cause I’m worrying about something, or there’s a heaviness,” she continued, further building a sense of relatability. Her energy depleted during darker stretches of time, Obama revealed, she’s had to “surrender” to the guilt of not exercising.
The remarks were at once familiar and striking. After all, it’s no small thing for one of the most admired people in the world, a woman commonly associated with strength and grace, to come out and say that she too isn’t feeling so great these days. And this is coming from a public figure who, during the pandemic, has seen the release of Becoming, a critically acclaimed Netflix documentary of her life, as well as a major deal with Spotify to launch the aforementioned podcast. For many of us who feel like boring disasters on good days, Obama’s revelation felt like the refreshing equivalent of the Instagram vs. Reality meme. With just a few brief moments of honest reflection, the former first lady managed to puncture a sense of profound grief and alienation simply by sharing some of our collective human vulnerability.
In her conversation, Obama was also performing a kind of public service. Since the start of the pandemic, countless news stories have emphasized the importance of being open about one’s mental health struggles in order to reduce the sense of isolation that is so much a part of anxiety and depression. Not to mention remove the stigma that is so often attached to mental health issues.
But of course, it didn’t take long for some on the right to weaponize Obama’s candor since it included a slight dig at President Donald Trump.
.@MichelleObama says "quarantine," the "racial strife" and the "hypocrisy" of the Trump Administration are "dispiriting," giving her "some form of low grade depression." The Obamas have good health, daughters in good schools, net worth $130mil, $12mil pad in Martha's Vineyard… pic.twitter.com/GxS6rzJc0Q — Larry Elder (@larryelder) August 6, 2020
Michelle Obama revealed today that she is suffering from depression. Maybe it was the $80 million Netflix deal and the $25 million dollar book deal that pushed her over the edge. Or, maybe she’s faking it just to get off that Joe Biden possible VP list. #MAGA #KAG — MARK SIMONE (@MarkSimoneNY) August 6, 2020
And then there were others who offered their own sage advice, like Jenna Ellis, a Trump legal adviser who appeared on Fox News Thursday. “Conservatives tend to be more joyful and more happy overall with their lives because we still believe in the pillars of society, which is the church and the family,” she said. “So I would encourage Michelle Obama to go to church and find joy and meaning in the Lord Jesus Christ as her own personal savior.”
The breathtaking sanctimony at play here conveniently omits the fact that the former first lady has often credited her faith with helping sustain her in the White House. But that’s beside the point. It was typical of the conservative reception to Obama’s personal revelations: She was insulting, attention-seeking, a spoiled Democrat—a Black woman no less—who should shut up and pray.
They can point their outrage at a spoiled Democrat—a Black woman no less—who should shut up and pray.
Such attacks aren’t surprising. They’re from the same kind of people who have long hurled racist and downright absurd attacks against the Obamas. But they’re incredibly revealing about this current moment, as we stare down the barrel of what’s all but certain to be an even more depressing autumn marked by the approaching election, the flu, a chaotic patchwork of school reopening plans, and a disintegrating President Donald Trump. In a moment that only reinforces our sense of feeling powerless, the right has nothing of value to add, no effort of solidarity or empathy to offer. For them, Obama’s willingness to show vulnerability is an invitation to pummel, or as she might call it, go low, with the same recycled attacks.
Things are going to get worse before they get better—and that sense of doom you’re experiencing is likely here to stay, perhaps long after the coronavirus leaves. Their scorn for Obama is a reminder that they don’t care about your mental health, even when it feels like utter shit right now.


motherjones--2020-08-08--Donald Trump Is Running for Reelection—and You’re Paying For It

On Saturday , President Donald Trump held a press conference at his New Jersey golf course to sign a series of executive actions relating to the coronavirus pandemic .
They would in his characterization , extend a moratorium on evictions , freeze payroll taxes , and provide a $ 400-a-week unemployment benefit for people who have been laid off during the pandemic .
Democrats were opposed to the $ 400-a-week payment , Trump said , which is technically true , inasmuch as Democrats actually wanted it to be $ 600 .
Saturday ’ s action came after the Trump administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deadlocked over the terms of a coronavirus relief package .
Trump called the executive order and memos “ bills , ” but it is very significant that they are not—it ’ s possible he ’ ll face legal challenges for overstepping his own authority .
After all , can a president really just…cancel taxes ?
What was notable , also , was what Trump didn ’ t decide to do with powers he may or may not have .
There was no additional funding for school reopening , and no second round of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up the possibility of cutting capital gains taxes , in case you wanted to feed your family with those .
To pay for the unemployment extension—which is really a massive , 33 percent cut to what people are getting currently—he diverted money from disaster-relief assistance .
Deferring payroll taxes ( and Trump said he would eventually “ terminate ” them ) means , in real terms , cutting off a funding source of Social Security and Medicare .
Inasmuch as it was a statement of values , it was revealing one .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ true purpose of both the hastily scheduled event and the papers he was there to sign : It was a campaign rally .
Repeatedly during his remarks , he launched into attacks against former vice president Joe Biden , the presumptive Democratic nominee , and presented the orders he was signing in deliberately electoral terms .
Take the payroll tax freeze .
“ If I ’ m victorious on November 3rd , I plan to forgive these taxes and make them all permanent , ” he said .
“ Now , Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that.
” If Biden wins , he warned , “ They ’ ll have the option of taking this all away…but if I win , I may extend and terminate it.
” Your call !
“ Biden probably won ’ t be doing that , ” he continued .
“ You ’ ll have to ask him .
I don ’ t think he knows what he ’ s doing.
” Later he talked up the stock market , but warned that whatever gains had been made under his tenure would go away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you have confidence in your president , and confidence that he ’ ll be re-elected , ” he said .
Otherwise , Trump declared , the stock market might crash .
“ Sleepy Joe Biden wants to rip the wall down , ” Trump said , referring to the construction of the border fence , something that has nothing to do with coronavirus relief , but a core part of every Trump campaign stump speech .
At another point , he said that “ Biden is totally supported by the Bernie Sanders wing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter of the fact , he ’ s gone further left than Bernie.
” This would be welcome news for Sanders supporters if true .
( It is not . )
The pandemic shut down Trump ’ s stadium rallies ( and the sputtering attempt in Tulsa discouraged his campaign from even trying ) , but in its content and stagecraft , it was obvious this event was some kind of heir .
For the second consecutive day , Trump even invited supportive members of his golf club to attend—and cheer—as he spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ press conference , he cut off questioning after just a few minutes , and it ended with the audience cheering as he sparred with the media .
It sounded like one of his rallies .
It ’ s worth stepping back every now and then and acknowledging how not normal this is .
Presidents aren ’ t supposed to just campaign like this on the job .
Turning official White House business into a re-election rally—particularly a special rally , at your own golf course , for people who pay you for access—is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s corruption .
Just last week , the Washington Post reported that the president was considering giving his Republican National Convention speech directly from the White House lawn .
For years , good-government types have lamented the decline of publicly funded campaigns .
Well , you ’ re funding this one .
Be careful what you wish for , I guess .

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On Saturday, President Donald Trump held a press conference at his New Jersey golf course to sign a series of executive actions relating to the coronavirus pandemic. They would in his characterization, extend a moratorium on evictions, freeze payroll taxes, and provide a $400-a-week unemployment benefit for people who have been laid off during the pandemic. Democrats were opposed to the $400-a-week payment, Trump said, which is technically true, inasmuch as Democrats actually wanted it to be $600. Saturday’s action came after the Trump administration, Senate, and the House, deadlocked over the terms of a coronavirus relief package. Trump called the executive order and memos “bills,” but it is very significant that they are not—it’s possible he’ll face legal challenges for overstepping his own authority. After all, can a president really just…cancel taxes?
Presidents aren’t supposed to just campaign like this on the job.
What was notable, also, was what Trump didn’t decide to do with powers he may or may not have. There was no additional funding for school reopening, and no second round of stimulus checks to Americans—but he did talk up the possibility of cutting capital gains taxes, in case you wanted to feed your family with those. To pay for the unemployment extension—which is really a massive, 33 percent cut to what people are getting currently—he diverted money from disaster-relief assistance. Deferring payroll taxes (and Trump said he would eventually “terminate” them) means, in real terms, cutting off a funding source of Social Security and Medicare. Inasmuch as it was a statement of values, it was revealing one.
But Trump made little effort to hide the true purpose of both the hastily scheduled event and the papers he was there to sign: It was a campaign rally. Repeatedly during his remarks, he launched into attacks against former vice president Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee, and presented the orders he was signing in deliberately electoral terms.
Take the payroll tax freeze. “If I’m victorious on November 3rd, I plan to forgive these taxes and make them all permanent,” he said. “Now, Joe Biden and the Democrats don’t want that.” If Biden wins, he warned, “They’ll have the option of taking this all away…but if I win, I may extend and terminate it.” Your call!
“Biden probably won’t be doing that,” he continued. “You’ll have to ask him. I don’t think he knows what he’s doing.”
Later he talked up the stock market, but warned that whatever gains had been made under his tenure would go away if he lost. “I hope you have confidence in your president, and confidence that he’ll be re-elected,” he said. Otherwise, Trump declared, the stock market might crash.
“Sleepy Joe Biden wants to rip the wall down,” Trump said, referring to the construction of the border fence, something that has nothing to do with coronavirus relief, but a core part of every Trump campaign stump speech. At another point, he said that “Biden is totally supported by the Bernie Sanders wing of the party, and as a matter of the fact, he’s gone further left than Bernie.” This would be welcome news for Sanders supporters if true. (It is not.)
The pandemic shut down Trump’s stadium rallies (and the sputtering attempt in Tulsa discouraged his campaign from even trying), but in its content and stagecraft, it was obvious this event was some kind of heir. For the second consecutive day, Trump even invited supportive members of his golf club to attend—and cheer—as he spoke to the cameras. Dubbed as a press conference, he cut off questioning after just a few minutes, and it ended with the audience cheering as he sparred with the media. It sounded like one of his rallies.
Video of the exchange. Notably it’s another example of Trump getting so agitated by a female reporter that he abruptly cuts off news conference. https://t.co/G1Mx2z3dgT pic.twitter.com/CvXn07uGOK — David Nakamura (@DavidNakamura) August 8, 2020
It’s worth stepping back every now and then and acknowledging how not normal this is. Presidents aren’t supposed to just campaign like this on the job. Turning official White House business into a re-election rally—particularly a special rally, at your own golf course, for people who pay you for access—is using taxpayer money for personal use. That’s corruption. Just last week, the Washington Post reported that the president was considering giving his Republican National Convention speech directly from the White House lawn. For years, good-government types have lamented the decline of publicly funded campaigns. Well, you’re funding this one. Be careful what you wish for, I guess.


motherjones--2020-08-08--This Is What the Presidential Race Looked Like Exactly Four Years Ago Today

Polls can be a finicky thing .
They ’ re not “ fake , ” as President Donald Trump regularly suggests , but you also shouldn ’ t go crazy every time you see one , like that one dog on your block who yaps anytime someone comes within 50 feet of their door .
But if you are going to read polls , there are some basics to know .
If you ’ re trying to figure out the state of play , two polls are better than one poll , and three polls are better than two .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll the same race enough times , you ’ re likely to come up with some notable outliers now and then .
With that in mind , here ’ s an astounding statistic : there have been 98 reputable national polls of the presidential race since late February , according to Real Clear Politics ‘ tracker , and Joe Biden has not trailed in a single one .
He has led in 96 .
He has been tied in two .
The last time Trump led in a single national poll was an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 99 polls ago .
The Democratic primary was still going on ; the same poll showed Bernie Sanders in front and Michael Bloomberg rising .
That national trend is backed up at the state level .
RCP ‘ s averages put Biden in the lead in four of the five Midwestern swing states Democrats lost four years ago ( Wisconsin , Michigan , Pennsylvania , and Ohio ) , as well as in Arizona and North Carolina .
Texas and Georgia are close .
The extent of the bad electoral news for Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where voters independently determine an electoral college delegate , is still leaning red .
And yet…if it feels like we ’ ve been here before , it ’ s because we have .
Here , for your consideration , is the FiveThirtyEight forecast from August 8 , 2016—exactly four years ago today : Back in high school we had a game called “ the game.
” The way the game worked was that if you remembered that you were playing the game , you lost , and would have to say out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” And then everyone else who heard you—if they were also playing the game—would shake their head and admit that they , too , just lost the game .
Incredibly dumb stuff .
Not surprisingly , the British invented it .
But it ’ s also sort of how I think about the 2016 election : Every now and then , I remember that it happened , and then you have to remember it too .
With that map—eerily similar to Biden ’ s at the moment—Clinton looked practically invincible ; Trump wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losing , he was on the verge of getting crushed .
And of course , he didn ’ t .
The circumstances were a bit different ; both conventions had just wrapped up , and Clinton had received a sizable bump from hers .
This year the conventions have not happened , and when they do , they ’ ll be virtual .
And Biden hasn ’ t even announced a running mate yet .
But something like Biden ’ s map was sustained by a healthy Clinton lead for very long stretches @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t .
Right now , all the conditions are in place for a wave .
But first come the longest three months of your life .

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Polls can be a finicky thing. They’re not “fake,” as President Donald Trump regularly suggests, but you also shouldn’t go crazy every time you see one, like that one dog on your block who yaps anytime someone comes within 50 feet of their door. But if you are going to read polls, there are some basics to know. If you’re trying to figure out the state of play, two polls are better than one poll, and three polls are better than two. By the same token, if you poll the same race enough times, you’re likely to come up with some notable outliers now and then.
With that in mind, here’s an astounding statistic: there have been 98 reputable national polls of the presidential race since late February, according to Real Clear Politics‘ tracker, and Joe Biden has not trailed in a single one. He has led in 96. He has been tied in two. The last time Trump led in a single national poll was an Emerson College survey in February, exactly 99 polls ago. The Democratic primary was still going on; the same poll showed Bernie Sanders in front and Michael Bloomberg rising.
That national trend is backed up at the state level. RCP‘s averages put Biden in the lead in four of the five Midwestern swing states Democrats lost four years ago (Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Ohio), as well as in Arizona and North Carolina. Texas and Georgia are close. The extent of the bad electoral news for Democrats? Maine’s second congressional district, where voters independently determine an electoral college delegate, is still leaning red.
And yet…if it feels like we’ve been here before, it’s because we have. Here, for your consideration, is the FiveThirtyEight forecast from August 8, 2016—exactly four years ago today:
Back in high school we had a game called “the game.” The way the game worked was that if you remembered that you were playing the game, you lost, and would have to say out loud “I just lost the game.” And then everyone else who heard you—if they were also playing the game—would shake their head and admit that they, too, just lost the game. Incredibly dumb stuff. Not surprisingly, the British invented it. But it’s also sort of how I think about the 2016 election: Every now and then, I remember that it happened, and then you have to remember it too.
With that map—eerily similar to Biden’s at the moment—Clinton looked practically invincible; Trump wasn’t simply on the verge of losing, he was on the verge of getting crushed. And of course, he didn’t. The circumstances were a bit different; both conventions had just wrapped up, and Clinton had received a sizable bump from hers. This year the conventions have not happened, and when they do, they’ll be virtual. And Biden hasn’t even announced a running mate yet. But something like Biden’s map was sustained by a healthy Clinton lead for very long stretches of 2016, up until it wasn’t.
Right now, all the conditions are in place for a wave. But first come the longest three months of your life.


motherjones--2020-08-08--The Coronavirus Death Toll Is Staggering

On Friday , officials across the United States reported 1,354 new deaths from the coronavirus , bringing the total number of reported deaths in the United States , according to Johns Hopkins University ’ s Coronavirus Resource Center , to 161,367 .
The actual number of deaths , due to reporting issues , is likely to be much greater .
Friday ’ s death toll was not a daily record .
It did not show a huge increase or drop .
It was roughly the same as the reported weekday death toll for the last two weeks—this is just what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surge in new cases across the Sun Belt over the last two months takes its toll , it is likely to be the new normal for quite a while .
In the last week , the death toll has surpassed the populations of Jackson , Mississippi , and Alexandria , Virginia .
It ’ s greater than the populations of Springfield , Massachusetts , and Springfield , Illinois .
( It will likely surpass the population of Springfield , Missouri , next week . )
It ’ s greater than the populations of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Dakota ; and Macon , Georgia .
It ’ s greater than the respective populations of Columbia and Charleston , South Carolina ; Hartford and Bridgeport , Connecticut ; Waco and Midland and Round Rock and Killeen and Pearland and Denton , Texas .
Hayward and Pasadena and Berkeley and Lancaster , California ; .
It could fill the largest football stadium in the country , Michigan Stadium in Ann Arbor , one and a half times—it is also greater than the population of Ann Arbor .
It is bigger than the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It looks like we ’ ll be at about a 60,000 mark , which is 40,000 less than the lowest number thought of , ” President Donald Trump said in April .
We passed that number in May and just kept going .
Now , that many people have died in just three states—New York , New Jersey , and California .
There are days when the pandemic can sort of fade into the background of the political discourse .
The president would prefer to talk about his beautiful boaters , Republican senators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But take a second today , perhaps , to read about some of the victims of the pandemic—check out the Twitter account Faces of Covid , which posts obituaries of the teachers and barbers and EMTs and siblings and spouses who are dying every day .
It never went away .
It is just what we live with now .

On Friday, officials across the United States reported 1,354 new deaths from the coronavirus, bringing the total number of reported deaths in the United States, according to Johns Hopkins University’s Coronavirus Resource Center, to 161,367. The actual number of deaths, due to reporting issues, is likely to be much greater.
This is just what normal is now and it is likely to be the new normal for quite a while.
Friday’s death toll was not a daily record. It did not show a huge increase or drop. It was roughly the same as the reported weekday death toll for the last two weeks—this is just what normal is now, and as the surge in new cases across the Sun Belt over the last two months takes its toll, it is likely to be the new normal for quite a while.
In the last week, the death toll has surpassed the populations of Jackson, Mississippi, and Alexandria, Virginia. It’s greater than the populations of Springfield, Massachusetts, and Springfield, Illinois. (It will likely surpass the population of Springfield, Missouri, next week.) It’s greater than the populations of Manchester, New Hampshire; Fargo, North Dakota; and Macon, Georgia. It’s greater than the respective populations of Columbia and Charleston, South Carolina; Hartford and Bridgeport, Connecticut; Waco and Midland and Round Rock and Killeen and Pearland and Denton, Texas. Hayward and Pasadena and Berkeley and Lancaster, California;. It could fill the largest football stadium in the country, Michigan Stadium in Ann Arbor, one and a half times—it is also greater than the population of Ann Arbor. It is bigger than the largest city in eleven states.
“It looks like we’ll be at about a 60,000 mark, which is 40,000 less than the lowest number thought of,” President Donald Trump said in April. We passed that number in May and just kept going. Now, that many people have died in just three states—New York, New Jersey, and California.
There are days when the pandemic can sort of fade into the background of the political discourse. The president would prefer to talk about his beautiful boaters, Republican senators would prefer to talk about Antifa. But take a second today, perhaps, to read about some of the victims of the pandemic—check out the Twitter account Faces of Covid, which posts obituaries of the teachers and barbers and EMTs and siblings and spouses who are dying every day. It never went away. It is just what we live with now.


motherjones--2020-08-09--Stephen Miller Is Just Like Donald Trump—but Competent

In 1932 , a judge rejected Nison Miller ’ s US citizenship application on the grounds that he was ignorant .
A few generations later , Nison ’ s great grandson , Stephen , would complain about a Latina housekeeper dropping him off at middle school in her cheap car .
It made him “ look poor , ” Miller told his friend Jason Islas .
Soon after , Miller told Islas they couldn ’ t be friends anymore .
Miller explained the decision by attacking Islas ’ height , bad skin , lack of confidence , and Mexican American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , looking back , an impressive feat of understanding what I didn ’ t like about myself , ” Islas told Jean Guerrero , an investigative journalist who recently worked as a border reporter for KPBS in San Diego , two hours south of where Miller grew up .
“ It was the opposite of empathy.
” Hatemonger , Guerrero ’ s new biography of Miller , portrays the adolescent Stephen as a racist and retrograde troll determined to entertain and offend in pursuit of the spotlight .
He boasted about saying things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right mind would , ” demanded that Latino classmates “ speak English , ” encouraged students to litter because that ’ s what janitors were for , and considered himself classy all the while .
It should be no surprise that Miller would later see a kindred spirit in Donald Trump .
After serving as a speechwriter and campaign warm-up act for Trump , Miller is now a senior White House policy adviser .
Miller is the closest aid to Trump who isn ’ t family , and he uses that power to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s immigration agenda .
James Nealon , a former ambassador to Honduras , told Guerrero , “ He is by far the most successful bureaucrat that I ’ ve ever experienced.
” What sets Miller , now 34 , apart from Trump is that he has the work ethic and attention to detail to ensure that suffering is actually inflicted upon immigrants .
Trump obsessed over what color to paint the border wall ; Miller has now blocked nearly all immigration .
He shows what Trumpism looks like when bolstered by competence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he had a bureaucracy at his disposal , he looked a lot like the president as a younger man .
Miller ’ s paternal grandparents settled in Los Angeles , where his grandfather , Jay , made a small fortune in real estate and law .
Like the Trumps , Jay and Miller ’ s father , Michael , wound up getting sued for deceitful financial practices at their real estate company but never really paid a price .
( Jay and his wife ’ s estate included artwork by Pablo Picasso and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s side , Miller ’ s great-great-grandfather came from an Eastern European village beset by poverty and pogroms .
A rabbi urged them to seek refuge in America , and they arrived at Ellis Island four decades before Nazis killed nearly all the Jews who remained behind .
Stephen ’ s mom ended up studying social work at Columbia .
The liberal enclave of Santa Monica was a natural place for the Millers to end up .
Miller has said his turn to the right began in seventh grade with a subscription @ @ @ @ @ @ @ red-pilling led him to Rush Limbaugh and his ilk .
By high school , Miller was the campus racist .
Maria Vivanco , the head of the high school ’ s chapter of MEChA , a Chicano student group , remembers Miller telling her to go back to her country .
( She was born in Santa Monica . )
Oscar de la Torre , a school board member , recalls Miller showing up at planning meetings , attacking Santa Monica ’ s diverse but deeply unequal high school for fighting what Miller @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaving .
“ It was wickedness , ” he told Guerrero .
“ He was born with an ability to bring out anger from people , and he rejoiced in that , it made him powerful.
” As with Trump , Miller ’ s willingness to flout liberal norms made him an object of fascination .
A friend of Miller told Guerrero that Miller ’ s outfits were sometimes inspired by Sam “ Ace ” Rothstein , the mob associate played by Robert De Niro in Martin Scorsese ’ s Casino .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the school paper parodied his voice in an article celebrating a decision to cancel an event where people sold foreign food .
“ [ Santa Monica high school ] is much better off without that gross display of multiculturalism encroaching on pure American values , ” it read .
“ The iron fist of ethnic culinary domination has held this school in its vice-like grip for too long.
” Miller gained broader notoriety in Los Angeles by calling into to a right-wing radio show .
Miller ’ s rants caught the attention of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later wrote the book on how to troll campus liberals .
He saw an acolyte in Miller , who brought him to speak at his high school and later at his college .
In high school , Miller unsuccessfully ran for student announcer , telling his classmates in his campaign speech that he was “ sick and tired ” of picking up trash when janitors were paid to do it for him .
As a freshman at Duke , according to Guerrero , Miller left garbage strewn across the floor of his dorm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When a student asked if he was going to pick it up , Miller asked , “ What hellhole are you from ?
We have people here for that.
” The common room got so messy that students were temporarily banned from it .
Milled wrote a two-page response that blamed the janitors .
Still , no matter how poorly he behaved , he fashioned himself a gentleman .
In the college paper , he lamented the lack of a “ mahogany and leather ” smoking room in which he could “ recreate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around in a terry-cloth robe drinking scotch .
He valued leather-bound books and hoped to become a US senator .
( Miller recently married Katie Waldman , who , apart from defending family separations at the border , is from the more Republican-friendly state of Florida . )
After college , Horowitz got Miller a job in Washington as a press secretary for Michele Bachmann , the flamboyantly right-wing congresswoman from Minnesota .
Later , he handled communications for Sen. Jeff Sessions of Alabama .
It was in Sessions ’ office that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had concluded from Mitt Romney ’ s loss in 2012 that the party needed to court Latino voters .
Miller and Sessions took the opposite view , deciding that the path to victory lay in further demonizing immigrants to win over white-working class voters .
Miller devoted himself to studying the intricacies of immigration law to find ways to help sink the bipartisan 2013 immigration bill .
In 2o14 , Miller saw Trump telling Steve Bannon ’ s Breitbart that Republicans wouldn ’ t beat Hillary Clinton by defending immigration .
Miller emailed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he hoped Trump would run for president .
After joining his campaign , Miller put policy behind Trump ’ s calls to build the wall .
In the White House , he helped write the anti-Muslim travel ban Trump issued his first week in office .
Courts blocked the initial ban , just like the family separation policy Miller later pushed and other anti-immigration efforts he undertook early in the Trump presidency .
But Miller found new ways to keep people out and terrorize those who were already in the United States .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ record lows , effectively ended asylum at the southern border , and moved to end protections for hundreds of thousands of people who have been in the country for decades .
“ It ’ s just that this is all I care about , ” Miller once told colleagues about immigration , the New Yorker reported in February .
“ I don ’ t have a family .
I don ’ t have anything else .
This is my life.
” Since then , Miller has used the coronavirus pandemic as a justification @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Back in third grade , Miller ’ s teacher said he kept to himself .
She remembered that he was particularly dirty , ate dried glue off himself , and was reminiscent of the Peanuts character Pig-Pen .
A classmate said Miller would put tape down the middle of the desk they shared .
Miller ’ s side was a disaster , but he was adamant that his desk mate not cross the boundary line .
Miller ’ s time in the White House has looked similar during the pandemic—a quest to block @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become a shambles .

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In 1932, a judge rejected Nison Miller’s US citizenship application on the grounds that he was ignorant. A few generations later, Nison’s great grandson, Stephen, would complain about a Latina housekeeper dropping him off at middle school in her cheap car. It made him “look poor,” Miller told his friend Jason Islas.
Soon after, Miller told Islas they couldn’t be friends anymore. Miller explained the decision by attacking Islas’ height, bad skin, lack of confidence, and Mexican American heritage. “What he targeted was, looking back, an impressive feat of understanding what I didn’t like about myself,” Islas told Jean Guerrero, an investigative journalist who recently worked as a border reporter for KPBS in San Diego, two hours south of where Miller grew up. “It was the opposite of empathy.”
Hatemonger, Guerrero’s new biography of Miller, portrays the adolescent Stephen as a racist and retrograde troll determined to entertain and offend in pursuit of the spotlight. He boasted about saying things that “no one else in their right mind would,” demanded that Latino classmates “speak English,” encouraged students to litter because that’s what janitors were for, and considered himself classy all the while. It should be no surprise that Miller would later see a kindred spirit in Donald Trump.
After serving as a speechwriter and campaign warm-up act for Trump, Miller is now a senior White House policy adviser. Miller is the closest aid to Trump who isn’t family, and he uses that power to exert almost complete control over the president’s immigration agenda. James Nealon, a former ambassador to Honduras, told Guerrero, “He is by far the most successful bureaucrat that I’ve ever experienced.”
What sets Miller, now 34, apart from Trump is that he has the work ethic and attention to detail to ensure that suffering is actually inflicted upon immigrants. Trump obsessed over what color to paint the border wall; Miller has now blocked nearly all immigration. He shows what Trumpism looks like when bolstered by competence.
But early in life, before he had a bureaucracy at his disposal, he looked a lot like the president as a younger man. Miller’s paternal grandparents settled in Los Angeles, where his grandfather, Jay, made a small fortune in real estate and law. Like the Trumps, Jay and Miller’s father, Michael, wound up getting sued for deceitful financial practices at their real estate company but never really paid a price. (Jay and his wife’s estate included artwork by Pablo Picasso and Marc Chagall.)
On his mom’s side, Miller’s great-great-grandfather came from an Eastern European village beset by poverty and pogroms. A rabbi urged them to seek refuge in America, and they arrived at Ellis Island four decades before Nazis killed nearly all the Jews who remained behind. Stephen’s mom ended up studying social work at Columbia. The liberal enclave of Santa Monica was a natural place for the Millers to end up.
Miller has said his turn to the right began in seventh grade with a subscription to Guns & Ammo magazine. The red-pilling led him to Rush Limbaugh and his ilk. By high school, Miller was the campus racist. Maria Vivanco, the head of the high school’s chapter of MEChA, a Chicano student group, remembers Miller telling her to go back to her country. (She was born in Santa Monica.) Oscar de la Torre, a school board member, recalls Miller showing up at planning meetings, attacking Santa Monica’s diverse but deeply unequal high school for fighting what Miller claimed was nonexistent racism, then immediately leaving. “It was wickedness,” he told Guerrero. “He was born with an ability to bring out anger from people, and he rejoiced in that, it made him powerful.”
As with Trump, Miller’s willingness to flout liberal norms made him an object of fascination. A friend of Miller told Guerrero that Miller’s outfits were sometimes inspired by Sam “Ace” Rothstein, the mob associate played by Robert De Niro in Martin Scorsese’s Casino. In an April Fools’ Day edition, the school paper parodied his voice in an article celebrating a decision to cancel an event where people sold foreign food. “[Santa Monica high school] is much better off without that gross display of multiculturalism encroaching on pure American values,” it read. “The iron fist of ethnic culinary domination has held this school in its vice-like grip for too long.”
Miller gained broader notoriety in Los Angeles by calling into to a right-wing radio show. Miller’s rants caught the attention of David Horowitz, a onetime Marxist who later wrote the book on how to troll campus liberals. He saw an acolyte in Miller, who brought him to speak at his high school and later at his college.
In high school, Miller unsuccessfully ran for student announcer, telling his classmates in his campaign speech that he was “sick and tired” of picking up trash when janitors were paid to do it for him. As a freshman at Duke, according to Guerrero, Miller left garbage strewn across the floor of his dorm after he missed the trash can. When a student asked if he was going to pick it up, Miller asked, “What hellhole are you from? We have people here for that.” The common room got so messy that students were temporarily banned from it. Miller wrote a two-page response that blamed the janitors.
Still, no matter how poorly he behaved, he fashioned himself a gentleman. In the college paper, he lamented the lack of a “mahogany and leather” smoking room in which he could “recreate and relax.” He liked to wander around in a terry-cloth robe drinking scotch. He valued leather-bound books and hoped to become a US senator. (Miller recently married Katie Waldman, who, apart from defending family separations at the border, is from the more Republican-friendly state of Florida.)
After college, Horowitz got Miller a job in Washington as a press secretary for Michele Bachmann, the flamboyantly right-wing congresswoman from Minnesota. Later, he handled communications for Sen. Jeff Sessions of Alabama. It was in Sessions’ office that he gained his immigration expertise. Republican leaders had concluded from Mitt Romney’s loss in 2012 that the party needed to court Latino voters. Miller and Sessions took the opposite view, deciding that the path to victory lay in further demonizing immigrants to win over white-working class voters. Miller devoted himself to studying the intricacies of immigration law to find ways to help sink the bipartisan 2013 immigration bill.
In 2o14, Miller saw Trump telling Steve Bannon’s Breitbart that Republicans wouldn’t beat Hillary Clinton by defending immigration. Miller emailed the interview to friends, adding that he hoped Trump would run for president. After joining his campaign, Miller put policy behind Trump’s calls to build the wall. In the White House, he helped write the anti-Muslim travel ban Trump issued his first week in office. Courts blocked the initial ban, just like the family separation policy Miller later pushed and other anti-immigration efforts he undertook early in the Trump presidency. But Miller found new ways to keep people out and terrorize those who were already in the United States.
He has now pushed refugee admissions to record lows, effectively ended asylum at the southern border, and moved to end protections for hundreds of thousands of people who have been in the country for decades. “It’s just that this is all I care about,” Miller once told colleagues about immigration, the New Yorker reported in February. “I don’t have a family. I don’t have anything else. This is my life.” Since then, Miller has used the coronavirus pandemic as a justification to indefinitely suspend nearly all immigration.
Back in third grade, Miller’s teacher said he kept to himself. She remembered that he was particularly dirty, ate dried glue off himself, and was reminiscent of the Peanuts character Pig-Pen. A classmate said Miller would put tape down the middle of the desk they shared. Miller’s side was a disaster, but he was adamant that his desk mate not cross the boundary line.
Miller’s time in the White House has looked similar during the pandemic—a quest to block people from a place that’s become a shambles.


motherjones--2020-08-09--The White House Tries to Spin Trump’s Very Legal and Very Cool Executive Orders

It has been over a week since key provisions of Congress ’ s coronavirus aid package expired .
Unemployed people are no longer getting a $ 600 check on top of their state insurance payments—putting them and the entire economy at risk .
Congressional negotiations to extend the benefit and pass more economic relief have stalled , with Senator Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) delaying any extensions , penny-pinching , and loading up provisions to protect businesses .
Last night , President Donald Trump stepped in with a series of self-serving , likely unconstitutional executive orders that experts worry will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ untangle the legal mess he ’ s made .
On top of that , Trump squeezed in something that wasn ’ t on most congressional Republicans ’ wish list : suspending payroll taxes for people making less than $ 100,000 , cutting funding for Social Security and Medicare .
Don ’ t worry , though .
Today White House Economic Advisor Larry Kudlow told CNN that Social Security and Medicare are safe because Trump does not mean to stop the payroll tax permanently ( which he has repeatedly said he wants to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep the cut until the end of 2020 .
“ He did not mean that he was eliminating the Social Security tax , ” Kudlow continued .
In the whiplash , Trump ’ s real policy plan has been laid bare once again .
He will say whatever it seems like people want him to say and then declare victory .
Whether for bad ( border wall ! )
or good ( aid during a pandemic ! )
, it ’ s just flailing toward a solution to win the news cycle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of his golf courses last night , Trump announced that he ’ d sign executive orders that freeze the payroll tax , put a moratorium on evictions , and give a $ 400-a-week unemployment benefits to those laid off .
The fine print : The eviction moratorium isn ’ t binding ( it only encourages landlords not to throw people out of their homes ) and the $ 400-a-week aid must be paid 25 percent by states with an unclear policy on how that will work .
Plus , all of it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approve federal spending !
Again , don ’ t worry .
“ I ’ m confident , ” said White House trade advisor Peter Navarro on Meet The Press this morning .
The executive orders , he insisted , “ will stand up in court.
” A few Republicans , as usual , have waved their fingers , with varying degrees of effort , at the president ’ s latest attempt at executive overreach .
Sen. Ben Sasse ( R-Neb . )
went furthest , saying that Trump ’ s actions were unconstitutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrative as a great reliever .
The do-nothing Democrats and his own party block the aid ; he frees it .
It does not matter , really , to him that it ’ s legally dubious to use an executive order to take these actions .
( Just imagine if President Barack Obama had—oh , never mind . )
Because , now , he can claim he ’ s the only one to ride to the rescue of millions of Americans .

It has been over a week since key provisions of Congress’s coronavirus aid package expired. Unemployed people are no longer getting a $600 check on top of their state insurance payments—putting them and the entire economy at risk. Congressional negotiations to extend the benefit and pass more economic relief have stalled, with Senator Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) delaying any extensions, penny-pinching, and loading up provisions to protect businesses.
Last night, President Donald Trump stepped in with a series of self-serving, likely unconstitutional executive orders that experts worry will only aid the lawyers who try to untangle the legal mess he’s made. On top of that, Trump squeezed in something that wasn’t on most congressional Republicans’ wish list: suspending payroll taxes for people making less than $100,000, cutting funding for Social Security and Medicare.
Don’t worry, though. Today White House Economic Advisor Larry Kudlow told CNN that Social Security and Medicare are safe because Trump does not mean to stop the payroll tax permanently (which he has repeatedly said he wants to do). Instead, he only wants to keep the cut until the end of 2020. “He did not mean that he was eliminating the Social Security tax,” Kudlow continued.
“I think what he was saying is that the deferral of the payroll tax to the end of the year will be made permanent…the tax is not going away," WH economic adviser Larry Kudlow says Pres. Trump’s promise to cut payroll taxes permanently will not impact Social Security or Medicare. pic.twitter.com/IYTpfW2IRi — State of the Union (@CNNSotu) August 9, 2020
In the whiplash, Trump’s real policy plan has been laid bare once again. He will say whatever it seems like people want him to say and then declare victory. Whether for bad (border wall!) or good (aid during a pandemic!), it’s just flailing toward a solution to win the news cycle.
In an unofficial campaign rally at one of his golf courses last night, Trump announced that he’d sign executive orders that freeze the payroll tax, put a moratorium on evictions, and give a $400-a-week unemployment benefits to those laid off. The fine print: The eviction moratorium isn’t binding (it only encourages landlords not to throw people out of their homes) and the $400-a-week aid must be paid 25 percent by states with an unclear policy on how that will work. Plus, all of it could be illegal because only Congress can approve federal spending!
Again, don’t worry. “I’m confident,” said White House trade advisor Peter Navarro on Meet The Press this morning. The executive orders, he insisted, “will stand up in court.”
A few Republicans, as usual, have waved their fingers, with varying degrees of effort, at the president’s latest attempt at executive overreach. Sen. Ben Sasse (R-Neb.) went furthest, saying that Trump’s actions were unconstitutional.
GOP Sen. Ben Sasse (Neb.) says Trump is violating the Constitution: “President Trump does not have the power to unilaterally rewrite the payroll tax law. Under the Constitution, that power belongs to the American people acting through their members of Congress.” pic.twitter.com/6voOJSMNzs — Aaron Blake (@AaronBlake) August 9, 2020
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) added perfunctory tweets of concern.
Still, Trump has seized the narrative as a great reliever. The do-nothing Democrats and his own party block the aid; he frees it. It does not matter, really, to him that it’s legally dubious to use an executive order to take these actions. (Just imagine if President Barack Obama had—oh, never mind.) Because, now, he can claim he’s the only one to ride to the rescue of millions of Americans.


motherjones--2020-08-10--The Pandemic Could Create a Nightmare at the Polls. Here’s One Way to Fix That.

In April and May , as the coronavirus ravaged places like New York City and Los Angeles , it looked as if Texas might somehow make it through the pandemic largely unscathed .
But then the state ’ s case counts began to rise precipitously—just in time for its May 26 primary runoff election .
Rather than expand mail voting , the Texas ’ Republican governor , Greg Abbott , pushed the election to July 14 .
But by then , things were even worse .
Some assisted living centers and residential care facilities that would normally serve as polling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Texas Tribune reported , because the populations who lived there were especially susceptible to developing severe complications from COVID-19 .
Other polling places shuttered because their poll workers were afraid of getting sick .
“ We had all of our election professionals come through on Saturday before the election to pick up all their supplies , ” said Jacquelyn Callanen , the elections administrator for Bexar County , where San Antonio is located .
But , she said , after the county ’ s coronavirus cases skyrocketed that weekend , “ we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to us on Monday and say , ‘ You know , over the weekend , we were talking with our family , we were sitting around the table , and they begged me not to work . '
” Those polling places didn ’ t open on Election Day .
Of all the problems that threaten to upend the November presidential election—from intentional voter suppression to governmental dysfunction—here is one that ordinary citizens can actually help remedy : the country ’ s chronic shortage of election workers .
This year , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that the people who typically work the polls—retirees over the age of 60—are also the most at risk for severe illness due to the coronavirus .
Now , with many long-time election workers opting to stay home on November 3 out of concern for their health , officials across the country are scrambling to recruit younger people to take their place .
Poll worker requirements vary by state , but most are paid their state ’ s minimum wage and work the entire time the polls are open , often a roughly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ places , distribute ballots , help voters fill out those ballots , monitor the voting equipment , and , in some states , register voters .
When a county doesn ’ t have enough people to work the polls , it may shutter polling places , inconveniencing voters and leading to longer lines elsewhere .
Although Bexar County closed 12 polling places in July—included the three it was forced to shut down at the last minute—its primary runoff went relatively smoothly .
In other states , like Georgia—where hours-long lines to vote on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lack of election workers—the shortage could be catastrophic .
Even as early voting and mail-in voting in some states ease the strain on Election Day poll workers , in-person voting remains a key cog in the system .
Many states have declined to expand mail voting , and even in states that have expanded it , it may not be the best option for everyone .
Among those who will rely on safe polling places in November are people who don ’ t receive reliable mail service , are physically or visually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fill out their ballot , says Myrna Pérez , director of the Voting Rights and Elections Program at the Brennan Center for Justice .
Plus , Pérez says , for many people , especially those who have experienced voter discrimination in the past , casting a ballot in-person at the polls is “ an act of love and resilience and civic pride , and a demonstration of equality and a modeling of rights ” that voting by mail can ’ t approximate .
In the past , efforts to recruit younger , working-age @ @ @ @ @ @ @ short .
Callanen says she has had an extraordinarily hard time doing so in Bexar County .
The average age for poll workers there is 72 years old .
“ That ’ s the generation that considers working the polls a civic duty , civic pride , ” she says .
“ I ’ ve been here for a number of years , and you don ’ t see that same commitment from some of the younger generation.
” Her elections department has even tried appealing to fraternities and sororities of nearby colleges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working the polls could help pad their budgets for the school year .
But the occasional students who did volunteer usually failed to show up on Election Day .
The problem , of course , isn ’ t that younger people are lazy and unpatriotic—they ’ re more likely just busy .
Because Election Day is not a national holiday , most people ’ s school and work carry on as usual , preventing them from working the polls even if they wanted to .
Add child care responsibilities to the list , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why retirees whose children are grown are more likely to have 15 hours to spare .
“ Being a poll worker is a little bit harder than , say , signing a petition , or even calling your representative , ” says Scott Duncombe , who founded an organization that sends pizza to people waiting in long lines to vote and who now works with a coalition to recruit low-risk poll workers .
“ In some cases , you ’ re signing yourself up for multiple days of training and then being there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty big ask.
” Pérez says that a lot of young people simply don ’ t know how to sign up , or don ’ t recognize it for the public service it is .
And the poor layouts of many jurisdictions ’ websites don ’ t do any favors for recruitment , says Robert Brandon , president and CEO of Fair Elections Center , a nonprofit voting rights organization .
“ Often when you went to a typical city or county website to look around to see about being a poll worker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of gobbledygook , ” Brandon says , “ and people just don ’ t apply.
” To make it easier for people to access information about working the polls , Brandon and the Fair Elections Center launched WorkElections.com , a searchable database that lists eligibility and training requirements , shift lengths , and total compensation for Election Day workers .
The “ Apply Now !
” button at the top of each information page sends users to the jurisdiction ’ s more detailed application form .
In hopes of getting people to actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center allied with other nonprofits and corporate sponsors to launch digital ads aimed at young people , as part of an initiative called Power the Polls .
In addition to helping provide protective equipment for poll workers , Power the Polls is trying to convince businesses to give employees Election Day off to allow them not just to vote , but to work the polls .
“ The whole purpose behind our project to begin with was to try to diversify the pool of poll workers so they reflected the voters they were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Younger , tech savvy , bilingual people , people of color representing the communities of color that are voting in those precincts.
” Bianca Martinez , a 20-year-old Bexar County resident , worked the primary runoff election after learning about the opportunity through her work with Move Texas , a grassroots community organizing group that has partnered with Power the Polls .
Martinez attended an optional training session about a week before the election , and on the day of the runoff , she helped people navigate the state ’ s new electronic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is going to be a lot of people that are going to not show up to the polling sites because of the health crisis that is happening right now , ” she said .
“ I ’ m young , and I have the time to give , and I wanted to be there , because I genuinely care if my community votes .
I care if people have access to voting centers.
” It ’ s too early to evaluate the success of Power the Polls ’ recruitment efforts , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2018 midterm elections showed promising results .
In Cuyahoga County , Ohio—home to Cleveland—13 percent of poll workers said they learned about the opportunity through WorkElections.com .
Since it takes nearly a million poll workers nationwide to run an election , Duncombe has set an ambitious goal of recruiting a quarter million people .
The CARES Act—the coronavirus relief bill signed into law on March 27—included emergency funding to help states administer their elections , but that money is running out .
House Democrats want to disburse $ 3.6 billion in election assistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus package , but Senate Republicans have shown little interest .
With congressional negotiations faltering , the administration of a smooth election may rely on the efforts of grassroots organizations getting people to volunteer .
“ My hope is that your article inspires everyone , especially those who are in lower risk categories , to sign up to be a poll worker , ” Pérez says .
“ What greater contribution could you make to this country than to make sure that our elections are free , fair , and accessible ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be vital .
“ While younger people may not be as likely to have a deadly diagnosis compared to people with preexisting conditions or chronic diseases , they can just as easily get infected and transmit infection to others , ” says Brandon Brown , an epidemiologist and associate professor at UC Riverside .
There are steps jurisdictions can take to limit the spread of the virus at polling places , from disinfecting voting equipment to placing plexiglass shields around registration desks and voting stations , per the CDC ’ s recommendations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , election workers were decked out in face masks , face shields , and gloves and were provided hand sanitizer .
But Abbott refused to require masks at Texas voting locations , arguing that doing so would be a form of discrimination .
( Some states with Democratic governors , such as Illinois and Michigan , have been similarly lax on masks at polling places . )
The lack of a mask mandate scared some election workers away from the primaries , according to the Texas Tribune .
“ We ’ re very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Callanen says .
“ I literally wish that there would be a change of heart from the governor .
”

In April and May, as the coronavirus ravaged places like New York City and Los Angeles, it looked as if Texas might somehow make it through the pandemic largely unscathed. But then the state’s case counts began to rise precipitously—just in time for its May 26 primary runoff election.
Rather than expand mail voting, Texas’ Republican governor, Greg Abbott, pushed the election to July 14. But by then, things were even worse. Some assisted living centers and residential care facilities that would normally serve as polling places refused to host the election, the Texas Tribune reported, because the populations who lived there were especially susceptible to developing severe complications from COVID-19. Other polling places shuttered because their poll workers were afraid of getting sick.
“I’m young, and I have the time to give, and I wanted to be there, because I genuinely care if my community votes.”
“We had all of our election professionals come through on Saturday before the election to pick up all their supplies,” said Jacquelyn Callanen, the elections administrator for Bexar County, where San Antonio is located. But, she said, after the county’s coronavirus cases skyrocketed that weekend, “we had three poll sites bring their supplies back to us on Monday and say, ‘You know, over the weekend, we were talking with our family, we were sitting around the table, and they begged me not to work.'” Those polling places didn’t open on Election Day.
Of all the problems that threaten to upend the November presidential election—from intentional voter suppression to governmental dysfunction—here is one that ordinary citizens can actually help remedy: the country’s chronic shortage of election workers. This year, that shortage has been made worse by the fact that the people who typically work the polls—retirees over the age of 60—are also the most at risk for severe illness due to the coronavirus. Now, with many long-time election workers opting to stay home on November 3 out of concern for their health, officials across the country are scrambling to recruit younger people to take their place.
Poll worker requirements vary by state, but most are paid their state’s minimum wage and work the entire time the polls are open, often a roughly 15-hour day. They set up polling places, distribute ballots, help voters fill out those ballots, monitor the voting equipment, and, in some states, register voters. When a county doesn’t have enough people to work the polls, it may shutter polling places, inconveniencing voters and leading to longer lines elsewhere. Although Bexar County closed 12 polling places in July—included the three it was forced to shut down at the last minute—its primary runoff went relatively smoothly. In other states, like Georgia—where hours-long lines to vote on primary day were due in part to a lack of election workers—the shortage could be catastrophic.
Even as early voting and mail-in voting in some states ease the strain on Election Day poll workers, in-person voting remains a key cog in the system. Many states have declined to expand mail voting, and even in states that have expanded it, it may not be the best option for everyone. Among those who will rely on safe polling places in November are people who don’t receive reliable mail service, are physically or visually impaired, or require language assistance to fill out their ballot, says Myrna Pérez, director of the Voting Rights and Elections Program at the Brennan Center for Justice. Plus, Pérez says, for many people, especially those who have experienced voter discrimination in the past, casting a ballot in person at the polls is “an act of love and resilience and civic pride, and a demonstration of equality and a modeling of rights” that voting by mail can’t approximate.
In the past, efforts to recruit younger, working-age people to man the polls have fallen short. Callanen says she has had an extraordinarily hard time doing so in Bexar County. The average age for poll workers there is 72 years old. “That’s the generation that considers working the polls a civic duty, civic pride,” she says. “I’ve been here for a number of years, and you don’t see that same commitment from some of the younger generation.”
Her elections department has even tried appealing to fraternities and sororities of nearby colleges on the grounds that the paychecks from working the polls could help pad their budgets for the school year. But the occasional students who did volunteer usually failed to show up on Election Day.
The problem, of course, isn’t that younger people are lazy and unpatriotic—they’re more likely just busy. Because Election Day is not a national holiday, most people’s school and work carry on as usual, preventing them from working the polls even if they wanted to. Add child care responsibilities to the list, and it’s easy to see why retirees whose children are grown are more likely to have 15 hours to spare.
“Being a poll worker is a little bit harder than, say, signing a petition, or even calling your representative,” says Scott Duncombe, who founded an organization that sends pizza to people waiting in long lines to vote and who now works with a coalition to recruit low-risk poll workers. “In some cases, you’re signing yourself up for multiple days of training and then being there for a long shift…It’s a pretty big ask.”
Pérez says that a lot of young people simply don’t know how to sign up, or don’t recognize it for the public service it is. And the poor layouts of many jurisdictions’ websites don’t do any favors for recruitment, says Robert Brandon, president and CEO of Fair Elections Center, a nonprofit voting rights organization. “Often when you went to a typical city or county website to look around to see about being a poll worker, it’s just a lot of gobbledygook,” Brandon says, “and people just don’t apply.”
To make it easier for people to access information about working the polls, Brandon and the Fair Elections Center launched WorkElections.com, a searchable database that lists eligibility and training requirements, shift lengths, and total compensation for Election Day workers. The “Apply Now!” button at the top of each information page sends users to the jurisdiction’s more detailed application form.
In hopes of getting people to actually visit the website, the Fair Elections Center allied with other nonprofits and corporate sponsors to launch digital ads aimed at young people, as part of an initiative called Power the Polls. In addition to helping provide protective equipment for poll workers, Power the Polls is trying to convince businesses to give employees Election Day off to allow them not just to vote, but to work the polls. “The whole purpose behind our project to begin with was to try to diversify the pool of poll workers so they reflected the voters they were helping,” Brandon says. “Younger, tech savvy, bilingual people, people of color representing the communities of color that are voting in those precincts.”
Bianca Martinez, a 20-year-old Bexar County resident, worked the primary runoff election after learning about the opportunity through her work with Move Texas, a grassroots community organizing group that has partnered with Power the Polls. Martinez attended an optional training session about a week before the election, and on the day of the runoff, she helped people navigate the state’s new electronic voting system. “I know that there is going to be a lot of people that are going to not show up to the polling sites because of the health crisis that is happening right now,” she said. “I’m young, and I have the time to give, and I wanted to be there, because I genuinely care if my community votes. I care if people have access to voting centers.”
It’s too early to evaluate the success of Power the Polls’ recruitment efforts, but Brandon says a pilot program during the 2018 midterm elections showed promising results. In Cuyahoga County, Ohio—home to Cleveland—13 percent of poll workers said they learned about the opportunity through WorkElections.com. Since it takes nearly a million poll workers nationwide to run an election, Duncombe has set an ambitious goal of recruiting a quarter million people.
The CARES Act—the coronavirus relief bill signed into law on March 27—included emergency funding to help states administer their elections, but that money is running out. House Democrats want to disburse $3.6 billion in election assistance to states as part of a new coronavirus package, but Senate Republicans have shown little interest. With congressional negotiations faltering, the administration of a smooth election may rely on the efforts of grassroots organizations getting people to volunteer. “My hope is that your article inspires everyone, especially those who are in lower risk categories, to sign up to be a poll worker,” Pérez says. “What greater contribution could you make to this country than to make sure that our elections are free, fair, and accessible?”
But even with younger workers, safety will be vital. “While younger people may not be as likely to have a deadly diagnosis compared to people with preexisting conditions or chronic diseases, they can just as easily get infected and transmit infection to others,” says Brandon Brown, an epidemiologist and associate professor at UC Riverside.
There are steps jurisdictions can take to limit the spread of the virus at polling places, from disinfecting voting equipment to placing plexiglass shields around registration desks and voting stations, per the CDC’s recommendations. On primary day in Bexar County, election workers were decked out in face masks, face shields, and gloves and were provided hand sanitizer.
But Abbott refused to require masks at Texas voting locations, arguing that doing so would be a form of discrimination. (Some states with Democratic governors, such as Illinois and Michigan, have been similarly lax on masks at polling places.) The lack of a mask mandate scared some election workers away from the primaries, according to the Texas Tribune. “We’re very disappointed that it wasn’t mandated,” Callanen says. “I literally wish that there would be a change of heart from the governor.”