motherjones--2020-02-11--How Democrats Ruined the Iowa Caucuses By Thinking Like Management Consultants

When IowaReporter , Iowa Democrats ’ vote-counting app , broke down late last Monday , the state ’ s first-in-the-nation presidential caucus promptly imploded .
Caucus officials abandoned the malfunctioning app , phoning results to state Democrats ’ unprepared and understaffed headquarters .
The fiasco thrust the for-profit tech firm Shadow , which developed the software , into the spotlight .
Acronym , a progressive non-profit and Shadow ’ s primary backer , billed its small team of “ strategists , data nerds , creatives , Facebook ninjas and organizers ” as Democrats ’ only hope for the “ tools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a digital age.
” Acronym ’ s pitch was catnip for a clout-heavy base of Democratic operatives , and helped Shadow land the Iowa caucus contract , an enormous prize for a young and untested firm .
Shadow and Acronym were driven by the same ethos as the management consulting industry—an increasingly influential sector politically—where young , inexperienced , and pedigreed workers routinely take on big , specialized jobs .
As a former staffer at consulting titan McKinsey & Company put it in Current Affairs magazine , the management-consulting mindset is a technocratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , smart people to look at the problems of the world , and one by one they will fall away.
” Acronym and Shadow applied the worst lessons of consulting to politics : substituting experienced staff—and their knowledge of the systems , institutions , and organizations they ’ re part of—with an elite-but-inexperienced consultant class on temporary assignment , a system pioneered by management-consulting superpowers like McKinsey .
McKinsey ’ s size , history , and heft have made it practically synonymous with the consulting world .
The firm relies on hiring fresh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : management consulting , along with finance , are the most popular industries for Harvard , Princeton and Yale undergrads ( in this way , it ’ s extremely ironic that ex-mayor Pete Buttigieg , a Harvard and McKinsey alum , “ won ” the caucus ruined by management-consultant ideology ) .
And companies like McKinsey and Acronym have long used a sheen of general excellence to talk their way into fixing things that aren ’ t broken .
“ Management consulting and political consulting , in many cases , require convincing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the product they sell , ” Adam Sheingate , a Yale political science professor who studies political consulting , told me by phone .
“ The idea that they may need these apps , ” Sheingate said , “ opened the door to a systemic failure.
” Shadow ’ s development team had little meaningful experience—especially not the high-stakes , high-security coding experience needed for a key election .
Iowa ’ s 2016 caucuses were run by Microsoft , which opened a media center , staffed a consortium of politics and business experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
PBS said 2016 results “ came in quickly ” with the Microsoft app , which felt “ like a major change in how caucuses , and down the road , how all elections can run.
” Android developer Kasra Rahjerdi told Motherboard that Shadow ’ s failed election app “ was clearly done by someone following a tutorial.
” If Shadow lacked technical know-how , it compensated with unbeatable political bona fides .
LinkedIn profiles of the company ’ s top three employees show that all were staffers on Hillary Clinton ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many Democratic operatives is the professional equivalent of going to Harvard .
Acronym ’ s 32-year-old CEO , Tara McGowan , worked on President Barack Obama ’ s 2012 reelection ( she now shares a WeWork office with Shadow ) .
ACRONYM board member David Plouffe managed Obama ’ s 2008 campaign before becoming a senior Obama administration advisor .
If experience with Clinton ’ s 2016 campaign is establishment Democrats ’ Harvard , then having staffed Obama ’ s might as well make you a Rhodes Scholar .
On Twitter , University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joque , who is writing a book on the role of algorithms and statistics in late capitalism , pinned the Iowa disaster on consultants usurping processes that trained workers once ran .
“ We are seeing over and over the replacement of people who know how organizations , bureaucracies and systems function with poorly designed and specified ‘ apps ’ that continually fail , ” Joque tweeted .
People in charge , as Joque put it , increasingly believe that “ local institutional knowledge and labor can be easily replaced with consultants , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into thinking that they can go it alone without the workers who are constantly fixing , patching and maintaining these complex systems.
” As Joque points out , consulting mishaps played an important role in the fatal crashes of aerospace giant Boeing ’ s 737 Max airliner , which was launched with faulty software over longtime engineers ’ objections .
Boeing engineers told ProPublica ’ s Alec MacGillis that the firm “ went from being led by engineers to being led by business executives driven by stock performance.
” Experienced engineers , once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sidelined or pushed out by executives who thought they ’ d found a universal formula for success .
Stan Sorscher , a Boeing engineer and union official interviewed by ProPublica , told other Boeing staff that the one-size-fits all , bottom-line approach of Wall Street analysts wouldn ’ t work for the high-stakes debut of the new airliner .
An analyst shut him down .
“ You think you ’ re diﬀerent , ” Sorscher was told .
“ This business model works for everyone .
It works for ladies ’ garments , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for integrated circuits , and it will work for you.
” Chief among Boeing ’ s failures , according to ProPublica , was this gradual reversal of internal priorities .
Boeing ’ s turn to consulting locked out the workers who understood aerospace systems , prioritizing management over workers and metrics over results .
Even at gold-standard McKinsey , where a three-year project to reduce violence at New York ’ s infamous Rikers Island jail backfired badly , the pedigree-first strategy is faltering .
It may seem obvious that inexperience and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warped outcomes .
It ’ s clearly not obvious to everyone .
In fact , to a certain kind of person , the technocratic dream makes perfect sense .
You ’ ve made good grades , been the best , your entire life .
McKinsey advertises itself as the natural home of the best—so why not work for a company that pays you well , pats your back , lets you work in a bunch of fields , and sets you up to remain in front by attending the best business schools and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you buy into the idea that perfect grades are a decent qualification to control the levers of prisons , planes , or politics , then you ’ ll either retain someone to do that for you , or—like Acronym ’ s wing of the Democratic Party—you ’ ll recreate that mindset and management style at home .
Democrats bought into their own version of the management-consulting dream .
Not for the first time , it blew up in their faces .
But when you implement the management-consulting approach within your own organization—as Acronym @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out before the consequences hit .
McKinsey maintains a lauded reputation , despite its role in the fall of Enron , its botched Rikers Island project , and an enormous and illegal contract with South Africa ’ s government that the New York Times called “ the worst mistake ” in the firm ’ s “ storied nine-decade history.
” When a private company falls into the consulting trap , it has to face the consequences : lost contracts , lost revenue .
When political parties make the same mistake , everyone with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face the consequence : a less functional democracy .

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When IowaReporter, Iowa Democrats’ vote-counting app, broke down late last Monday, the state’s first-in-the-nation presidential caucus promptly imploded. Caucus officials abandoned the malfunctioning app, phoning results to state Democrats’ unprepared and understaffed headquarters.
The fiasco thrust the for-profit tech firm Shadow, which developed the software, into the spotlight. Acronym, a progressive non-profit and Shadow’s primary backer, billed its small team of “strategists, data nerds, creatives, Facebook ninjas and organizers” as Democrats’ only hope for the “tools and tactics needed to win campaigns in a digital age.”
Acronym’s pitch was catnip for a clout-heavy base of Democratic operatives, and helped Shadow land the Iowa caucus contract, an enormous prize for a young and untested firm. Shadow and Acronym were driven by the same ethos as the management consulting industry—an increasingly influential sector politically—where young, inexperienced, and pedigreed workers routinely take on big, specialized jobs. As a former staffer at consulting titan McKinsey & Company put it in Current Affairs magazine, the management-consulting mindset is a technocratic conviction that “we just need well-funded, smart people to look at the problems of the world, and one by one they will fall away.”
Acronym and Shadow applied the worst lessons of consulting to politics: substituting experienced staff—and their knowledge of the systems, institutions, and organizations they’re part of—with an elite-but-inexperienced consultant class on temporary assignment, a system pioneered by management-consulting superpowers like McKinsey.
McKinsey’s size, history, and heft have made it practically synonymous with the consulting world. The firm relies on hiring fresh graduates from the most elite institutions possible: management consulting, along with finance, are the most popular industries for Harvard, Princeton and Yale undergrads (in this way, it’s extremely ironic that ex-mayor Pete Buttigieg, a Harvard and McKinsey alum, “won” the caucus ruined by management-consultant ideology). And companies like McKinsey and Acronym have long used a sheen of general excellence to talk their way into fixing things that aren’t broken.
“Management consulting and political consulting, in many cases, require convincing the client that can only be solved by the product they sell,” Adam Sheingate, a Johns Hopkins political science professor who studies political consulting, told me by phone. “The idea that they may need these apps,” Sheingate said, “opened the door to a systemic failure.”
Shadow’s development team had little meaningful experience—especially not the high-stakes, high-security coding experience needed for a key election. Iowa’s 2016 caucuses were run by Microsoft, which opened a media center, staffed a consortium of politics and business experts, and coordinated appearances from the candidates. PBS said 2016 results “came in quickly” with the Microsoft app, which felt “like a major change in how caucuses, and down the road, how all elections can run.” Android developer Kasra Rahjerdi told Motherboard that Shadow’s failed election app “was clearly done by someone following a tutorial.”
If Shadow lacked technical know-how, it compensated with unbeatable political bona fides. LinkedIn profiles of the company’s top three employees show that all were staffers on Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign—a credential that to many Democratic operatives is the professional equivalent of going to Harvard. Acronym’s 32-year-old CEO, Tara McGowan, worked on President Barack Obama’s 2012 reelection (she now shares a WeWork office with Shadow). ACRONYM board member David Plouffe managed Obama’s 2008 campaign before becoming a senior Obama administration advisor. If experience with Clinton’s 2016 campaign is establishment Democrats’ Harvard, then having staffed Obama’s might as well make you a Rhodes Scholar.
On Twitter, University of Michigan tech and media scholar Justin Joque, who is writing a book on the role of algorithms and statistics in late capitalism, pinned the Iowa disaster on consultants usurping processes that trained workers once ran.
“We are seeing over and over the replacement of people who know how organizations, bureaucracies and systems function with poorly designed and specified ‘apps’ that continually fail,” Joque tweeted. People in charge, as Joque put it, increasingly believe that “local institutional knowledge and labor can be easily replaced with consultants,” because “bosses have deluded themselves into thinking that they can go it alone without the workers who are constantly fixing, patching and maintaining these complex systems.”
As Joque points out, consulting mishaps played an important role in the fatal crashes of aerospace giant Boeing’s 737 Max airliner, which was launched with faulty software over longtime engineers’ objections. Boeing engineers told ProPublica’s Alec MacGillis that the firm “went from being led by engineers to being led by business executives driven by stock performance.” Experienced engineers, once the heart of the company, were sidelined or pushed out by executives who thought they’d found a universal formula for success.
Stan Sorscher, a Boeing engineer and union official interviewed by ProPublica, told other Boeing staff that the one-size-fits all, bottom-line approach of Wall Street analysts wouldn’t work for the high-stakes debut of the new airliner. An analyst shut him down. “You think you’re diﬀerent,” Sorscher was told. “This business model works for everyone. It works for ladies’ garments, for running shoes, for hard drives, for integrated circuits, and it will work for you.”
Chief among Boeing’s failures, according to ProPublica, was this gradual reversal of internal priorities. Boeing’s turn to consulting locked out the workers who understood aerospace systems, prioritizing management over workers and metrics over results. Even at gold-standard McKinsey, where a three-year project to reduce violence at New York’s infamous Rikers Island jail backfired badly, the pedigree-first strategy is faltering.
It may seem obvious that inexperience and a singular focus on bottom lines would produce warped outcomes. It’s clearly not obvious to everyone. In fact, to a certain kind of person, the technocratic dream makes perfect sense. You’ve made good grades, been the best, your entire life. McKinsey advertises itself as the natural home of the best—so why not work for a company that pays you well, pats your back, lets you work in a bunch of fields, and sets you up to remain in front by attending the best business schools and landing the best jobs?
And if you buy into the idea that perfect grades are a decent qualification to control the levers of prisons, planes, or politics, then you’ll either retain someone to do that for you, or—like Acronym’s wing of the Democratic Party—you’ll recreate that mindset and management style at home. Democrats bought into their own version of the management-consulting dream. Not for the first time, it blew up in their faces.
But when you implement the management-consulting approach within your own organization—as Acronym did—you don’t get to parachute out before the consequences hit. McKinsey maintains a lauded reputation, despite its role in the fall of Enron, its botched Rikers Island project, and an enormous and illegal contract with South Africa’s government that the New York Times called “the worst mistake” in the firm’s “storied nine-decade history.”
When a private company falls into the consulting trap, it has to face the consequences: lost contracts, lost revenue. When political parties make the same mistake, everyone with a stake in American politics has to face the consequence: a less functional democracy.
An earlier version of this article misstated Professor Adam Sheingate’s parent institution. Sheingate is affiliated with Johns Hopkins University; the error has been corrected.


motherjones--2020-02-11--Trump, Who Loves Stop-and-Frisk, Says Bloomberg Is a Racist for Defending Stop-and-Frisk

It ’ s the day of the New Hampshire primary and 2020 Democratic hopeful , former mayor of New York City Michael Bloomberg , is trending on Twitter for all the wrong reasons .
On Monday , podcast host Benjamin P. Dixon released leaked audio of a 2015 Aspen Institute speech in which Bloomberg offered what can only be described as a racist defense of New York City ’ s controversial stop-and-frisk policy .
The New York City Police Department policy of detaining , questioning , and searching people on the street for guns or drugs routinely lead to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yorkers being targeted by the police .
It was roundly criticized by activists and communities of color , and Bloomberg himself issued a long overdue apology for the policy in November .
But President Donald Trump was always a big fan of stop-and-frisk—until now .
On Tuesday , # BloombergIsARacist began trending on Twitter , and the president , who has often referred to himself the “ least racist person in the world ” announced with all-caps astonishment , “ WOW BLOOMBERG IS A TOTAL RACIST !
” in a now-deleted tweet in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He also retweeted a tweet about Bloomberg being a racist that included a picture of the president with the former mayor .
Despite the user changing their Twitter name to “ BERNIE BEATS TRUMP ” this tweet has yet to be deleted .
Bloomberg seized on the opportunity to reframe the conversation , saying in a statement , “ President Trump ’ s deleted tweet is the latest example of his endless efforts to divide Americans.
” He added that he regrets using the policy and noted that he had apologized in November @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contrast , President Trump inherited a country marching towards greater equality and divided us with racist appeals and hateful rhetoric.
” Here ’ s where the controversy began .
In the 2015 audio clip , Bloomberg can be heard defending the policy during a speech at the Aspen Institute .
“ Ninety-five percent murderers and murder victims fit one M.O.
, ” he said .
“ You can just take the description , Xerox it , and pass it out to all the cops .
They are male , minorities , 16-25 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that ’ s true in virtually every city.
” The former mayor then went on to say that all crime takes place in communities of color .
“ Because we put all the cops in minority neighborhoods , ” he explained .
“ Yes , that ’ s true .
Why do we do it ?
Because that ’ s where all the crime is.
” Bloomberg requested that the audio not be released .
As usual , the president ’ s cronies piled on .
Trump ’ s son , Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hashtag # BloombergIsARacist .
Brad Parscale , the president ’ s campaign manager also weighed in without a hint of irony .
“ So a big test for [ Bloomberg News ] today , ” he tweeted referring to Bloomberg ’ s news outlet .
“ Will they write their boss is a complete racist .
This video is horrible.
” But while they gleefully attacked Bloomberg , they are conveniently ignoring the fact that the president once heaped praise on Bloomberg , the NYPD , and their stop-and-frisk policy .
Let ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lane to see the president ’ s very special affection for stop and frisk .
In 2012 , he said he “ fully supports ” the mayor and the NYPD , who presumably kept New Yorkers safe since the September 11 attacks .
In 2013 he declared that stop-and-frisk works .
As the backlash grew , he defended the tactic via Twitter for the next few months .
Again , he praised former Police Commissioner Ray Kelly for “ keeping NYC safe.
” He even went on to say that he would gladly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he decided that stop-and-frisk was so great that other cities should get in on the action .
Even though stop-and-frisk was unfairly targeting people of color , Trump said the policy was keeping people safe violent criminals and jihadists .
Trump also suggested ending stop-and-frisk would lead to crime increases and a terrorist attack—and NYC politicians would have no one to blame but themselves .
But then all that love for Bloomberg just…stopped .
Donald Trump changed his tune once the former mayor endorsed Hillary Clinton in the 2016 election .
But Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his signature policy and encouraged Chicago to adopt stop-and-frisk in 2018 .
Last Friday , perhaps spooked by Bloomberg ’ s rise in the polls , Trump retweeted CNN commentator and criminal justice reform advocate Van Jones saying Bloomberg ’ s stop-and-frisk policy was a “ horror show ” for Black and Latino New Yorkers .
And then there was the now-deleted tweet .
All this outrage over Bloomberg is one part of Trump ’ s effort to reach Black voters .
The Trump campaign launched the Black Voices for Trump , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pizza mogul Herman Cain .
At a recent event in a Black community in Cleveland , Darrell Scott , a Black conservative pastor and advisory board member of Blacks for Trump ran a cash giveaway in which attendees drew tickets from a bin and the winner walked away with hundreds of dollars .
But so far , the effort seems to be lacking traction .
Perhaps , this major pivot against stop-and-frisk and the attacks on Bloomberg are a new way to win more Black votes .
All that ’ s necessary would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year defense of stop-and-frisk .

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It’s the day of the New Hampshire primary and 2020 Democratic hopeful, former mayor of New York City Michael Bloomberg, is trending on Twitter for all the wrong reasons. On Monday, podcast host Benjamin P. Dixon released leaked audio of a 2015 Aspen Institute speech in which Bloomberg offered what can only be described as a racist defense of New York City’s controversial stop-and-frisk policy. The New York City Police Department policy of detaining, questioning, and searching people on the street for guns or drugs routinely lead to a disproportionate amount of Black and brown New Yorkers being targeted by the police. It was roundly criticized by activists and communities of color, and Bloomberg himself issued a long overdue apology for the policy in November. But President Donald Trump was always a big fan of stop-and-frisk—until now.
On Tuesday, #BloombergIsARacist began trending on Twitter, and the president, who has often referred to himself the “least racist person in the world” announced with all-caps astonishment, “WOW BLOOMBERG IS A TOTAL RACIST!” in a now-deleted tweet in a response to the leaked audio.
He also retweeted a tweet about Bloomberg being a racist that included a picture of the president with the former mayor. Despite the user changing their Twitter name to “BERNIE BEATS TRUMP” this tweet has yet to be deleted.
Mini Mike is a short ball (very) hitter. Tiny club head speed. KEEP AMERICA GREAT! https://t.co/5DUj16jtZf — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) February 11, 2020
Bloomberg seized on the opportunity to reframe the conversation, saying in a statement, “President Trump’s deleted tweet is the latest example of his endless efforts to divide Americans.” He added that he regrets using the policy and noted that he had apologized in November before entering the race. “In contrast, President Trump inherited a country marching towards greater equality and divided us with racist appeals and hateful rhetoric.”
Here’s where the controversy began. In the 2015 audio clip, Bloomberg can be heard defending the policy during a speech at the Aspen Institute. “Ninety-five percent murderers and murder victims fit one M.O.,” he said. “You can just take the description, Xerox it, and pass it out to all the cops. They are male, minorities, 16-25. That’s true in New York, that’s true in virtually every city.” The former mayor then went on to say that all crime takes place in communities of color. “Because we put all the cops in minority neighborhoods,” he explained. “Yes, that’s true. Why do we do it? Because that’s where all the crime is.” Bloomberg requested that the audio not be released.
Audio of @MikeBloomberg’s 2015 @AspenInstitute speech where he explains that “you can just Xerox (copy)” the description of male, minorities 16-25 and hand to cops. Bloomberg had video of speech blocked. Perhaps because of the problematic explanation he gives for #StopAndFrisk pic.twitter.com/Fm0YCi4ZRy — Benjamin Dixon (@BenjaminPDixon) February 10, 2020
As usual, the president’s cronies piled on. Trump’s son, Donald Jr. tweeted the leaked speech using the hashtag #BloombergIsARacist. Brad Parscale, the president’s campaign manager also weighed in without a hint of irony. “So a big test for [Bloomberg News] today,” he tweeted referring to Bloomberg’s news outlet. “Will they write their boss is a complete racist. This video is horrible.” But while they gleefully attacked Bloomberg, they are conveniently ignoring the fact that the president once heaped praise on Bloomberg, the NYPD, and their stop-and-frisk policy. Let’s take a short trip down memory lane to see the president’s very special affection for stop and frisk.
In 2012, he said he “fully supports” the mayor and the NYPD, who presumably kept New Yorkers safe since the September 11 attacks.
I fully support the @NYPD, @MayorBloomberg and @CommissionerKelly. They should all be honored for protecting us since 9/11—not demonized. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) March 5, 2012
In 2013 he declared that stop-and-frisk works. As the backlash grew, he defended the tactic via Twitter for the next few months.
Stop and frisk works. Instead of criticizing @NY_POLICE Chief Ray Kelly, New Yorkers should be thanking him for keeping NY safe. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 3, 2013
Again, he praised former Police Commissioner Ray Kelly for “keeping NYC safe.”
.@NY_POLICE Commissioner Ray Kelly has done a top job keeping NYC safe. Stop & Frisk has been a critical tool for the NYPD. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 19, 2013
He even went on to say that he would gladly be stopped-and-frisk.
"@The_Anti_Fox: @realDonaldTrump @NY_POLICE then Donald will be OK being stopped and frisked 3 times a week, making you late" O.K. with me! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 20, 2013
Fifteen minutes later, he decided that stop-and-frisk was so great that other cities should get in on the action.
Chicago is a shooting disaster-they should immediately go to STOP AND FRISK. They have no choice, hundreds of lives would be saved! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 20, 2013
Even though stop-and-frisk was unfairly targeting people of color, Trump said the policy was keeping people safe violent criminals and jihadists.
NYC is under constant threat from Jihadists & violent criminals. Stop & Frisk keeps streets & subways safe.Stand strong Ray Kelly — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 20, 2013
Trump also suggested ending stop-and-frisk would lead to crime increases and a terrorist attack—and NYC politicians would have no one to blame but themselves.
If Stop & Frisk is struck down by the pandering NYC politicians, increases in crime & eventual terrorist attacks will be on them. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 22, 2013
But then all that love for Bloomberg just…stopped. Donald Trump changed his tune once the former mayor endorsed Hillary Clinton in the 2016 election. But Trump drew a distinction between the mayor and his signature policy and encouraged Chicago to adopt stop-and-frisk in 2018.
Last Friday, perhaps spooked by Bloomberg’s rise in the polls, Trump retweeted CNN commentator and criminal justice reform advocate Van Jones saying Bloomberg’s stop-and-frisk policy was a “horror show” for Black and Latino New Yorkers. And then there was the now-deleted tweet.
All this outrage over Bloomberg is one part of Trump’s effort to reach Black voters. The Trump campaign launched the Black Voices for Trump, an outfit headed by failed presidential candidate and pizza mogul Herman Cain. At a recent event in a Black community in Cleveland, Darrell Scott, a Black conservative pastor and advisory board member of Blacks for Trump ran a cash giveaway in which attendees drew tickets from a bin and the winner walked away with hundreds of dollars. But so far, the effort seems to be lacking traction. Perhaps, this major pivot against stop-and-frisk and the attacks on Bloomberg are a new way to win more Black votes. All that’s necessary would be to overlook Trump’s seven year defense of stop-and-frisk.


motherjones--2020-02-11--Justice Department Recommends Lighter Sentence for Roger Stone After Trump Tweet

In a 1:48 am tweet Tuesday , President Donald Trump decried federal prosecutors ’ recommendation that a judge sentence Trump ’ s longtime political adviser Roger Stone to seven-to-nine years in prison .
Less than 16 hours later , the Justice Department announced in a new court filing that the sentence it had previously recommended would be “ considered excessive and unwarranted under the circumstances.
” Meanwhile , four prosecutors who had worked on the Stone case withdrew from it .
This extraordinary reversal came after unnamed senior DOJ officials , in the wake of Trump ’ s tweet , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frontline prosecutors .
“ The department was shocked to see the sentencing recommendation , ” a senior DOJ official told ABC News .
“ This was not what had been briefed to the department and the department thinks the recommendation was extreme , excessive and grossly disproportionate to Stone ’ s offenses and the department will clarify its position later today at the court.
” DOJ spokesperson Kerri Kupec asserted , without providing evidence , that the decision to change the sentencing recommendation was made prior to Trump ’ s tweet , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to questions from Mother Jones .
Following news of the Justice Department ’ s plan to reduce its recommendation , four prosecutors on the Stone case , Aaron Zelinsky , Jonathan Kravis , Michael Marando and Adam Jed , filed notices announcing their withdrawal from the case .
Zelinsky and Kravis also resigned from their jobs as special assistant US attorneys for the District of Columbia .
The lawyers did not announce their reasons .
The Justice Department ’ s shift and the prosecutors ’ resignations caused an immediate uproar .
Senate Minority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz to investigate .
“ This situation has all the indicia of improper political interference in a criminal prosecution , ” Schumer wrote .
House Judiciary Chairman Jerrold Nadler ( D-N.Y. ) said his committee “ will get to the bottom of this.
” At a White House event , Trump told reporters that he “ didn ’ t speak to ” the Justice Department about Stone , ignoring the probability that officials there saw his tweet .
In November , a Washington , DC , jury found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ false statements to Congress , obstruction of justice , and witness tampering .
These crimes related to statements Stone made in 2017 and 2018 as he attempted to conceal his efforts—undertaken during the 2016 campaign—to glean information about Wikileaks ’ plans for releasing hacked Democratic emails .
Prosecutors ’ said in a sentencing memo that Stone deserves a stiff sentence , in part because his crimes involved obstructing a House Intelligence Committee investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election .
“ It is against this backdrop that Stone ’ s crimes—his obstruction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judged , ” the memo says .
But in the new memo , filed less than 24 hours later , the DOJ said that while “ it remains the position of the United States that a sentence of incarceration is warranted here , the government respectfully submits that the range of 87 to 108 months presented as the applicable advisory Guidelines range would not be appropriate or serve the interests of justice in this case.
” This new filing is signed by Timothy Shea , the newly appointed interim US Attorney for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an assistant US Attorney .
Crabb on Tuesday afternoon filed a notice of appearance announcing he was joining the case .
The new filing notes that in the original recommendation , prosecutors had argued that Stone should receive a longer sentence for “ threatening to cause physical injury ” in an April 2017 email to Randy Credico , a former radio host and Stone associate , in which Stone stated , “ Prepare to die , cocksucker.
” In another email , Stone threatened to take Credico ’ s dog “ away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argued these messages aimed to keep Credico from contradicting Stone ’ s congressional testimony .
But in the new filing , the DOJ says the request for a longer sentence was ill-advised because Credico has said he “ never in any way felt that Stone himself posed a direct physical threat to me or my dog.
” Without this increase related to Stone ’ s alleged threat of violence , sentencing guidelines call for a “ range of 37 to 46 months ” in prison , the new filing says .
Regardless of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could signal his intention to pardon Stone .
Stone has previously pleaded for a Trump pardon .
On the final day of Stone ’ s trial , Alex Jones , the far-right conspiracy theorist , read on his Infowars show a message Stone had apparently sent to Jones .
“ I appeal to the president to pardon me because to do so would be an action that would show these corrupt courts that they ’ re not going to get away with persecuting people for their free speech or for the crime of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , according to Jones .
Prosecutors cited this message in their sentencing memo , arguing that it resulted from Stone violating a gag order imposed by the judge .
Trump has a significant personal interest in Stone ’ s plight .
The men have known each other for decades , and Stone worked for Trump ’ s campaign in 2015 before he was pushed out under disputed circumstances .
But more significantly , Stone may be in position to shed light on claims that Trump made to special counsel Robert Mueller—claims that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ false .
In written responses to Mueller ’ s office , Trump stated , “ I do not recall discussing WikiLeaks with [ Stone ] , nor do I recall being aware of Mr. Stone having discussed WikiLeaks with individuals associated with my campaign.
” But evidence in the trial appeared to show that Stone had communicated directly with Trump about WikiLeaks during the campaign .
Rick Gates , a former Trump campaign aide who cooperated with Mueller ’ s office , testified that he overheard Trump speaking to Stone on the phone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about WikiLeaks ’ plans to release Democratic emails .
After that call—which came nine days after WikiLeaks had dumped tens of thousands of hacked Democratic National Committee emails onto the internet—Trump “ indicated that more information would be coming , ” Gates told the court .
There is no chance the Justice Department will indict Trump , while he remains in office , for lying to Mueller .
And odds are long that prosecutors would go after Trump for a supposed memory lapse , however implausible , after he leaves office .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether Trump misled Mueller .
House general counsel Douglas Letter said in a November court hearing that congressional Democrats wanted to review grand jury material gathered by Mueller , which the Justice Department refused to hand over to Congress , in part to judge whether Trump lied to the special counsel .
“ Was the President not truthful in his responses to the Mueller investigation ?
” Letter asked in a hearing before the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia .
Prior to his indictment , Stone pledged that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vow that that drew praise from the president , who lauded Stone for his “ guts.
” So far , Stone has stuck to that promise .
Democrats ’ interest in the matter shows why Trump might want to help his old consigliere .
This article has been updated .
Read the new DOJ sentencing memo here :

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In a 1:48 am tweet Tuesday, President Donald Trump decried federal prosecutors’ recommendation that a judge sentence Trump’s longtime political adviser Roger Stone to seven to nine years in prison. Less than 16 hours later, the Justice Department announced in a new court filing that the sentence it had previously recommended would be “considered excessive and unwarranted under the circumstances.” Meanwhile, four prosecutors who had worked on the Stone case withdrew from it.
This extraordinary reversal came after unnamed senior DOJ officials, in the wake of Trump’s tweet, attacked the original recommendation from their own frontline prosecutors. “The department was shocked to see the sentencing recommendation,” a senior DOJ official told ABC News. “This was not what had been briefed to the department and the department thinks the recommendation was extreme, excessive and grossly disproportionate to Stone’s offenses and the department will clarify its position later today at the court.” DOJ spokesperson Kerri Kupec asserted, without providing evidence, that the decision to change the sentencing recommendation was made prior to Trump’s tweet, according to ABC. Kupec did not respond to questions from Mother Jones.
Following news of the Justice Department’s plan to reduce its recommendation, four prosecutors on the Stone case, Aaron Zelinsky, Jonathan Kravis, Michael Marando and Adam Jed, filed notices announcing their withdrawal from the case, apparently in protest of the change. Zelinsky and Kravis also resigned from their jobs as special assistant US attorneys for the District of Columbia. The lawyers did not announce their reasons.
This is a horrible and very unfair situation. The real crimes were on the other side, as nothing happens to them. Cannot allow this miscarriage of justice! https://t.co/rHPfYX6Vbv — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) February 11, 2020
The Justice Department’s shift and the prosecutors’ resignations caused an immediate uproar. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) asked Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz to investigate. “This situation has all the indicia of improper political interference in a criminal prosecution,” Schumer wrote. House Judiciary Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.) said his committee “will get to the bottom of this.” At a White House event, Trump told reporters that he “didn’t speak to” the Justice Department about Stone, ignoring the probability that officials there saw his tweet.
In November, a Washington, DC, jury found Stone guilty on five counts of making false statements to Congress, obstruction of justice, and witness tampering. These crimes related to statements Stone made in 2017 and 2018 as he attempted to conceal his efforts—undertaken during the 2016 campaign—to glean information about Wikileaks’ plans for releasing hacked Democratic emails.
Prosecutors’ said in a sentencing memo that Stone deserves a stiff sentence, in part because his crimes involved obstructing a House Intelligence Committee investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election. “It is against this backdrop that Stone’s crimes—his obstruction, lies, and witness tampering—must be judged,” the memo says.
But in the new memo, filed less than 24 hours later, the DOJ said that while “it remains the position of the United States that a sentence of incarceration is warranted here, the government respectfully submits that the range of 87 to 108 months presented as the applicable advisory Guidelines range would not be appropriate or serve the interests of justice in this case.”
This new filing is signed by Timothy Shea, the newly appointed interim US Attorney for the Washington DC, and John Crabb, an assistant US Attorney. Crabb on Tuesday afternoon filed a notice of appearance announcing he was joining the case.
The new filing notes that in the original recommendation, prosecutors had argued that Stone should receive a longer sentence for “threatening to cause physical injury” in an April 2017 email to Randy Credico, a former radio host and Stone associate, in which Stone stated, “Prepare to die, cocksucker.” In another email, Stone threatened to take Credico’s dog “away from [him].” Prosecutors had argued these messages aimed to keep Credico from contradicting Stone’s congressional testimony. But in the new filing, the DOJ says the request for a longer sentence was ill-advised because Credico has said he “never in any way felt that Stone himself posed a direct physical threat to me or my dog.”
Without this increase related to Stone’s alleged threat of violence, sentencing guidelines call for a “range of 37 to 46 months” in prison, the new filing says.
Regardless of the sentence, Trump’s tweet could signal his intention to pardon Stone.
Stone has previously pleaded for a Trump pardon. On the final day of Stone’s trial, Alex Jones, the far-right conspiracy theorist, read on his Infowars show a message Stone had apparently sent to Jones. “I appeal to the president to pardon me because to do so would be an action that would show these corrupt courts that they’re not going to get away with persecuting people for their free speech or for the crime of getting the president elected,” Stone said, according to Jones. Prosecutors cited this message in their sentencing memo, arguing that it resulted from Stone violating a gag order imposed by the judge.
Trump has a significant personal interest in Stone’s plight. The men have known each other for decades, and Stone worked for Trump’s campaign in 2015 before he was pushed out under disputed circumstances.
But more significantly, Stone may be in position to shed light on claims that Trump made to special counsel Robert Mueller—claims that, we now know, were probably false. In written responses to Mueller’s office, Trump stated, “I do not recall discussing WikiLeaks with [Stone], nor do I recall being aware of Mr. Stone having discussed WikiLeaks with individuals associated with my campaign.” But evidence in the trial appeared to show that Stone had communicated directly with Trump about WikiLeaks during the campaign. Rick Gates, a former Trump campaign aide who cooperated with Mueller’s office, testified that he overheard Trump speaking to Stone on the phone on July 31, 2016, apparently about WikiLeaks’ plans to release Democratic emails. After that call—which came nine days after WikiLeaks had dumped tens of thousands of hacked Democratic National Committee emails onto the internet—Trump “indicated that more information would be coming,” Gates told the court.
There is no chance the Justice Department will indict Trump, while he remains in office, for lying to Mueller. And odds are long that prosecutors would go after Trump for a supposed memory lapse, however implausible, after he leaves office. But House Democrats have indicated an interest in whether Trump misled Mueller. House general counsel Douglas Letter said in a November court hearing that congressional Democrats wanted to review grand jury material gathered by Mueller, which the Justice Department refused to hand over to Congress, in part to judge whether Trump lied to the special counsel. “Was the President not truthful in his responses to the Mueller investigation?” Letter asked in a hearing before the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.
Prior to his indictment, Stone pledged that he would not cooperate against Trump, a vow that that drew praise from the president, who lauded Stone for his “guts.” So far, Stone has stuck to that promise. Democrats’ interest in the matter shows why Trump might want to help his old consigliere.
This article has been updated.
Read the new DOJ sentencing memo here:


motherjones--2020-02-11--How Acronym Pitched Itself to Potential Investors: “We Don’t Do Hyperbole. We Call BS.”

The letter was sent to prospective investors not long ago , the prose so redolent of disruptomatic DC consultant patter that lanyards practically hang from every word .
“ We don ’ t do hyperbole , ” it reads .
“ We call BS .
We say when our programs work .
We say when they don ’ t because being dishonest or evasive tells us you have something to hide.
” It goes on a little later : “ Just don ’ t measure our success by how many Politico articles we ’ re mentioned in .
You ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obtained by Mother Jones , was likely sent in 2018 on behalf of a nonprofit called Acronym , which today is infamous for having launched the tech company that launched the app that launched the Iowa Democratic caucuses into a days-long spectacle of incompetence .
In the days since the caucuses went sideways in part because of its undertested app , Acronym has been evasive , if not dishonest .
It has been mentioned in at least a dozen Politico articles , and indeed no one has taken the media attention as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So what is Acronym ?
It ’ s a lot of things , but in public it bills itself as “ a nonprofit organization committed to building power and digital infrastructure for the progressive movement.
” Its CEO is a well-connected political operative , Tara McGowan , and at the time the letter was written it had a “ team of 15 ( 100 percent millennial , 90 percent women ) strategists , data nerds , creatives , Facebook ninjas and organizers.
” Acronym , founded in 2017 , has a PAC and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and of course it has the political technology company , called Shadow , which is staffed by former Clinton staffers and some developers who had just completed coding boot camp a few months ago .
Acronym swears that Shadow is an independent company , but that seems a little dubious , given that Acronym is the sole investor in Shadow and shares a WeWork space with the company , that Shadow ’ s founder previously worked at Acronym , and that Acronym at one point scrubbed mentions from its website of having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restored ) .
The company declined to comment on the record about the letter , which is transcribed at the bottom of the page .
Check out the whole thing to get a full taste of its swaggering tautologies and nothingburgers .
Bolded headers like “ WHAT COMES NEXT ” and “ WHAT DOES THAT MEAN ” help guide even the most inept rich person through the thickets of startup ideation .
It ’ s as if Axios had been commissioned to write a business prospectus .
Here are couple of our favorite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beneath that last sentence but it ’ s gone dead in the version of the letter we ’ ve obtained .
We ’ ll just have to imagine whatever tableau we were meant to see of bright young people eating pierogis after doing the hard work of punching some names into a voting booth .
Pierogis are one way to reach voters .
Another way is to improve the material conditions of their lives by way of political candidates who do not treat voters as an undifferentiated mass of white yuppies .
Read @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s right .
It doesn ’ t mean anything .
You identify problems and fix them ?
Impressive !
!
You work with other people to fix problems efficiently ?
Even more impressive !
This is a lot of words to just say “ we ’ ll do a good job.
” Here ’ s the full thing .
We retyped the letter at the request of our source .
ACRONYM was incorporated in the wake of the 2016 presidential election , but the idea of ACRONYM as a solution to problems that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Donald Trump was elected President was manifested many months before .
Tara McGowan , a political strategist who helped build and run three of the largest digital programs and teams in the progressive movement over the past six years , witnessed firsthand how a broken campaign model and the veteral strategists who continued to subsidize it were holding the Democratic Party back from investing in the tools and tactics needed to win campaigns in a digital age .
2016 wasn ’ t the first election Democrats lost because of an obvious miscalculation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but ACRONYM exists to ensure it will be one of the last .
ACRONYM is a progressive organization that is building the digital infrastructure the Democratic party has failed to invest in – but desperately needs – in order to build lasting political power at every level of government .
For starters , it ’ s important to remember that “ digital ” is an adjective , not a noun , and when you understand that , you ’ re closer to understanding ACRONYM and the programs and resources we deploy .
To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assets that we believe are essential to running and winning electoral campaigns in today ’ s word [ sic ] : — Digital capacity : human talent , expertise , and time — Digital tools : to organize , disseminate messaging , listen , engage , fundraise , mobilize — Digital media : organic , paid , creative , distributed , earned ACRONYM is investing in each of these core campaign assets not only because it ’ s the smart thing to do , but because it ’ s the necessary thing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power – and no other organization is doing it .
WHAT HAVE YOU ACTUALLY ACCOMPLISHED ?
Since our inception in March 2017 , our incredible team of 15 ( 100 percent millennial , 90 percent women ) strategists , data nerds , creatives , Facebook ninjas and organizers has : — Raised over $ 8 million to fuel our work — Coordinated over $ 3 million in digital investment to sweep over 18 statewide + local seats in Virginia — Registered over 1,000 new voters in Virginia who had their voting rights restored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ran over 12 targeted digital media programs to help over 28 Democrats win elections across five states .
— Worked with over 27 progressive partners to accelerate their digital programs and investments .
Here ’ s where + how we ’ re investing this cycle to flip this script : — Releasing an open-source organizer guide to over 50 digital organizing tools to help progressive campaigns and organizations make smart investments that will maximize resources to move the needle .
— Training over 5,000 organizers across 21 statewide campaigns on digital organization tools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talent bench for 2020 .
— Deploying over 100 targeted digital media campaigns to fip 11 chambers in 10 states , mobilizing thousands , to vote down the ballot to elect our new Democratic bench and shore up statehouses critical to redistricting efforts .
Our specific programs for this cycle will certainly define our impact in the short term , but we believe our philosophy and approach to this work are equally important and are what we really make Acronym stand out in a crowd .
Here ’ s a bit more about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t do : — We don ’ t burn your money on television ads .
Or think it ’ s enough to serve a billion impressions of unresponsive ads on the internet .
We invest in digital-first tools and tactics that reach voters where they spend their time—online+ on their phones with creative content that catches their attention and inspires them to act .
Like pierogis that people want to eat with their friends after the polls .
— We don ’ t duplicate efforts .
We identify gaps , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power of coordination , and we encourage and facilitate it where we can to maximize limited resources and impact .
See how this approach moved the needle in Virginia last year .
— We don ’ t only focus on the trees — or in this case the midterms .
We do plan on helping Democrats win big this cycle — focused primarily on first-time candidates running for state office — but we also understand that if we don ’ t capitalize on the wave of enthusiasm we are seeing on our side @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the polls + on the rolls , we ’ ve thrown away the only shot we ’ ve got at getting Trump out of office in 2020 .
That ’ s why we ’ re focused on down ballot candidates who represent or bench for the future and have a plan to train 5000 organizers across the country on how to use social media to move the needle in November .
—We don ’ t do hyperbole .
We call BS .
We say when our programs work .
We say when they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evasive tells us you have something to hide .
So we stay humble and focused and we like it that way because it keeps us scrappy and smart .
And scrappy and smart means we win more elections for less money .
Just don ’ t measure our success by how many Politico articles we ’ re mentioned in .
You ’ ll be disappointed .
In order to scale the impact of our work in the short term , while taking on the slow-burn of modernizing our campaign playbook writ large , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 8 million before May 31 .
With $ 2 million committed already , we are going to need your help to raise or write the rest .
If you are interested in learning more about our programs or approach , or are feeling the very real sense of urgency and are simply ready to make an investment in ACRONYM right away , please get in touch with Tara by email or phone — [ phone number redacted ] .

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The letter was sent to prospective investors not long ago, the prose so redolent of disruptomatic DC consultant patter that lanyards practically hang from every word. “We don’t do hyperbole,” it reads. “We call BS. We say when our programs work. We say when they don’t because being dishonest or evasive tells us you have something to hide.”
It goes on a little later: “Just don’t measure our success by how many Politico articles we’re mentioned in. You’ll be disappointed.”
The letter, obtained by Mother Jones, was likely sent in 2018 on behalf of a nonprofit called Acronym, which today is infamous for having launched the tech company that launched the app that launched the Iowa Democratic caucuses into a days-long spectacle of incompetence. In the days since the caucuses went sideways in part because of its undertested app, Acronym has been evasive, if not dishonest. It has been mentioned in at least a dozen Politico articles, and indeed no one has taken the media attention as a measure of Acronym’s success.
So what is Acronym? It’s a lot of things, but in public it bills itself as “a nonprofit organization committed to building power and digital infrastructure for the progressive movement.” Its CEO is a well-connected political operative, Tara McGowan, and at the time the letter was written it had a “team of 15 (100 percent millennial, 90 percent women) strategists, data nerds, creatives, Facebook ninjas and organizers.” Acronym, founded in 2017, has a PAC and a digital strategy firm, Lockwood Strategy, and of course it has the political technology company, called Shadow, which is staffed by former Clinton staffers and some developers who had just completed coding boot camp a few months ago.
Acronym swears that Shadow is an independent company, but that seems a little dubious, given that Acronym is the sole investor in Shadow and shares a WeWork space with the company, that Shadow’s founder previously worked at Acronym, and that Acronym at one point scrubbed mentions from its website of having launched Shadow (the references were later restored).
The company declined to comment on the record about the letter, which is transcribed at the bottom of the page. Check out the whole thing to get a full taste of its swaggering tautologies and nothingburgers. Bolded headers like “WHAT COMES NEXT” and “WHAT DOES THAT MEAN” help guide even the most inept rich person through the thickets of startup ideation. It’s as if Axios had been commissioned to write a business prospectus.
Here are couple of our favorite bits:
We invest in digital-first tools and tactics that reach voters where they spend their time – online + on their phones with creative content that catches their attention and inspires them to act. Like pierogis that people want to eat with their friends after the polls.
There was apparently a link beneath that last sentence but it’s gone dead in the version of the letter we’ve obtained. We’ll just have to imagine whatever tableau we were meant to see of bright young people eating pierogis after doing the hard work of punching some names into a voting booth. Pierogis are one way to reach voters. Another way is to improve the material conditions of their lives by way of political candidates who do not treat voters as an undifferentiated mass of white yuppies.
The letter continues:
We don’t duplicate efforts. We identify gaps, then we fill them. We understand the power of coordination and we encourage and facilitate it where we can to maximize limited resources and impact.
Read that again. Yes, that’s right. It doesn’t mean anything. You identify problems and fix them? Impressive!! You work with other people to fix problems efficiently? Even more impressive! This is a lot of words to just say “we’ll do a good job.”
Here’s the full thing. We retyped the letter at the request of our source.


motherjones--2020-02-11--Don Jr. Defends Trump Tower Meeting: “I’m Allowed to Have a Conversation With People, Aren’t I?”

Mother Jones ’ David Corn was eating breakfast on the campaign trail in Manchester , New Hampshire , Tuesday morning when Donald Trump Jr. walked into the diner .
Corn took the opportunity to ask the president ’ s son about the infamous June 2016 Trump tower meeting , when Trump Jr. , Paul Manafort , and Jared Kushner met with a Russian lawyer in an effort to obtain incriminating information about Hillary Clinton from the Russian government .
In an email arranging the meeting , Trump Jr. had been told that this was “ obviously very high level and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and its government ’ s support for Mr. Trump.
” Why , Corn asked Trump Jr. , had he agreed to meet with the Russian emissary ?
“ We ’ ve spoken about this a thousand times , ” Trump Jr. responded .
“ I ’ ve testified about it , unlike Hunter Biden.
” When Corn pressed further , Trump Jr. added that he is “ always happy to hear [ what ’ s on ] people ’ s minds .
I ’ m allowed to have a conversation with people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Of course you could do it , ” Corn responded .
“ I ’ m asking why you thought it was appropriate to do it .
Because you were told it was part of a Russian government effort to help the campaign.
” “ No , he wasn ’ t told that , ” replied Kimberly Guilfoyle , who is a Trump campaign adviser and Trump Jr. ’ s girlfriend .
But yes , he was .

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Mother Jones’ David Corn was eating breakfast on the campaign trail in Manchester, New Hampshire, Tuesday morning when Donald Trump Jr. walked into the diner. Corn took the opportunity to ask the president’s son about the infamous June 2016 Trump tower meeting, when Trump Jr., Paul Manafort, and Jared Kushner met with a Russian lawyer in an effort to obtain incriminating information about Hillary Clinton from the Russian government. In an email arranging the meeting, Trump Jr. had been told that this was “obviously very high level and sensitive information but is part of Russia and its government’s support for Mr. Trump.”
Why, Corn asked Trump Jr., had he agreed to meet with the Russian emissary?
At the Chez Vachon diner in Manchester, I asked @DonaldJTrumpJr why he thought it was appropriate to meet with a Russian emissary who he was told was part of a secret Kremlin effort to help @realDonaldTrump’s campaign. Here’s what happened. pic.twitter.com/S0du1Z0IJy — David Corn (@DavidCornDC) February 11, 2020
“We’ve spoken about this a thousand times,” Trump Jr. responded. “I’ve testified about it, unlike Hunter Biden.”
When Corn pressed further, Trump Jr. added that he is “always happy to hear [what’s on] people’s minds. I’m allowed to have a conversation with people, aren’t I?”
“Of course you could do it,” Corn responded. “I’m asking why you thought it was appropriate to do it. Because you were told it was part of a Russian government effort to help the campaign.”
“No, he wasn’t told that,” replied Kimberly Guilfoyle, who is a Trump campaign adviser and Trump Jr.’s girlfriend.
But yes, he was.


motherjones--2020-02-12--This Is the Phase of the Campaign Elizabeth Warren Has Been Preparing For

Elizabeth Warren ’ s campaign knew things weren ’ t looking good by mid-afternoon on Tuesday , several hours before the final ballots would be cast in New Hampshire .
Campaign manager Roger Lau tempered expectations in a memo to supporters that looked ahead to Nevada and South Carolina— “ two of the most diverse contests in the country ” —and the Super Tuesday states , suggesting that Warren could still win the nomination with a slow , steady drip of support .
“ The road to the Democratic nomination is not paved with statewide winner-take-all victories , ” Lau @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contest for pledged delegates awarded proportionally.
” The message was one that Warren , her campaign , and its allies had recently been pushing : Slow and steady wins the race .
In an interview with Time last week , Warren set aside the “ pollercoaster ” and argued a combination of that expansive organizing and her treasure trove of plans would be the keys to persuading voters only Warren could right the rigged system that was responsible for the everyday hardships they face .
Our reporters fanned out to victory parties for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ edition of the Mother Jones Podcast , “ How Bernie Sanders Won New Hampshire.
” Listen : To be clear , the idea , at least at that point , was to rely on this famous organizing infrastructure to clinch the first-in-the-nation primary ( not to mention to finish more prominently in the first-in-the-nation caucus ) .
Throughout the past week , New Hampshire Democrats told me how much time and money the Warren campaign had spent on organizing not only its own campaign , but also the campaigns of state and local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course of Warren ’ s long candidacy .
Crystal Paradis , who won her seat on the Somersworth City Council last fall , told me Warren ’ s team showed up to her canvasses with a “ vanload ” of volunteers , compared to the one or two door-knockers other candidates sent her way .
Paradis endorsed Warren last week , one of nearly 700 New Hampshire elected officials , activists , and community leaders to do so ; the Warren campaign bragged about the “ widest and deepest coalition ” any candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If I had to vote just based on the campaign built , designed , and organized , Warren ’ s team has been there—they ’ ve been kind , they ’ ve been generous , ” Emmett Soldati , the chair of the Somersworth Democrats , told me .
Still , in the end , it wasn ’ t enough .
And perhaps it was never going to be .
New Hampshire , after all , is a swing state , where voters have elected two Democrats to the Senate but a Trump-loving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Granite State ’ s largest voting bloc is comprised of independents who can choose which party ’ s primary to participate in , a dynamic that creates an opening for moderate candidates like Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg , who both finished above Warren .
And while Warren is from neighboring Massachusetts , Bernie Sanders , the winner of the New Hampshire primary , is from neighboring Vermont .
His organizing machine and populist appeal were evidently the right mix to make him victorious—a win five years in the making .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ particular brand of progressivism and field operation failed her in New Hampshire , the biggest test of her overall strategy is the slate of contests before her .
As I ’ ve previously reported , Warren designed her many , many plans—from housing to banking to student debt—with , first and foremost , a racial justice lens .
That lens , though crucial in drawing white progressives to her campaign , arguably wasn ’ t the most natural message for Iowa and New Hampshire ; after all , these states are , respectively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The rubber meets the road for Warren now that Nevada and South Carolina are up next—states where Warren ’ s organizers have been on the ground for almost her whole year-plus long candidacy .
“ There ’ s nobody who can weave together economic justice and racial justice like she can , ” says Adam Green , co-founder of the Progressive Change Committee , which backs Warren .
As she moves forward , Warren will need to make up ground with black voters , and she certainly won ’ t be alone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeals to a more diverse electorate .
A flagging Joe Biden is relying on voters of color to keep his candidacy alive—and the most recent polls suggest that support is still strong ( at least it was before New Hampshire ) .
And Sanders , Warren ’ s chief progressive rival , has also leaned into a racial justice agenda , with rhetoric that ’ s far more explicit than what he said during his 2016 run .
He , too , has a solid operation going in the Palmetto State and strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saw Warren ’ s campaign in South Carolina in November , she ’ d made headway with white progressives whose “ great awokening ” has expanded their racial consciousnesses in the Trump era .
Now , we ’ ll see if she can convert those voters of color , too .

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Elizabeth Warren’s campaign knew things weren’t looking good by mid-afternoon on Tuesday, several hours before the final ballots would be cast in New Hampshire. Campaign manager Roger Lau tempered expectations in a memo to supporters that looked ahead to Nevada and South Carolina—“two of the most diverse contests in the country”—and the Super Tuesday states, suggesting that Warren could still win the nomination with a slow, steady drip of support. “The road to the Democratic nomination is not paved with statewide winner-take-all victories,” Lau wrote. “This is a district-by-district contest for pledged delegates awarded proportionally.”
The message was one that Warren, her campaign, and its allies had recently been pushing: Slow and steady wins the race. In an interview with Time last week, Warren set aside the “pollercoaster” and argued a combination of that expansive organizing and her treasure trove of plans would be the keys to persuading voters only Warren could right the rigged system that was responsible for the everyday hardships they face.
Our reporters fanned out to victory parties for the top three Democratic finishers for this edition of the Mother Jones Podcast, “How Bernie Sanders Won New Hampshire.” Listen:
Listen to the latest episode of the Mother Jones Podcast: Subscribe using Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or your favorite podcast app.
To be clear, the idea, at least at that point, was to rely on this famous organizing infrastructure to clinch the first-in-the-nation primary (not to mention to finish more prominently in the first-in-the-nation caucus). Throughout the past week, New Hampshire Democrats told me how much time and money the Warren campaign had spent on organizing not only its own campaign, but also the campaigns of state and local officials who won their offices over the course of Warren’s long candidacy. Crystal Paradis, who won her seat on the Somersworth City Council last fall, told me Warren’s team showed up to her canvasses with a “vanload” of volunteers, compared to the one or two door-knockers other candidates sent her way. Paradis endorsed Warren last week, one of nearly 700 New Hampshire elected officials, activists, and community leaders to do so; the Warren campaign bragged about the “widest and deepest coalition” any candidate had built in the state.
“If I had to vote just based on the campaign built, designed, and organized, Warren’s team has been there—they’ve been kind, they’ve been generous,” Emmett Soldati, the chair of the Somersworth Democrats, told me.
Still, in the end, it wasn’t enough. And perhaps it was never going to be. New Hampshire, after all, is a swing state, where voters have elected two Democrats to the Senate but a Trump-loving Republican to the governor’s mansion. The Granite State’s largest voting bloc is comprised of independents who can choose which party’s primary to participate in, a dynamic that creates an opening for moderate candidates like Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg, who both finished above Warren. And while Warren is from neighboring Massachusetts, Bernie Sanders, the winner of the New Hampshire primary, is from neighboring Vermont. His organizing machine and populist appeal were evidently the right mix to make him victorious—a win five years in the making.
For all the ways Warren’s particular brand of progressivism and field operation failed her in New Hampshire, the biggest test of her overall strategy is the slate of contests before her. As I’ve previously reported, Warren designed her many, many plans—from housing to banking to student debt—with, first and foremost, a racial justice lens. That lens, though crucial in drawing white progressives to her campaign, arguably wasn’t the most natural message for Iowa and New Hampshire; after all, these states are, respectively, 90 percent and 93 percent white. The rubber meets the road for Warren now that Nevada and South Carolina are up next—states where Warren’s organizers have been on the ground for almost her whole year-plus long candidacy.
“There’s nobody who can weave together economic justice and racial justice like she can,” says Adam Green, co-founder of the Progressive Change Committee, which backs Warren.
As she moves forward, Warren will need to make up ground with black voters, and she certainly won’t be alone in trying to sustain her campaign with appeals to a more diverse electorate. A flagging Joe Biden is relying on voters of color to keep his candidacy alive—and the most recent polls suggest that support is still strong (at least it was before New Hampshire). And Sanders, Warren’s chief progressive rival, has also leaned into a racial justice agenda, with rhetoric that’s far more explicit than what he said during his 2016 run. He, too, has a solid operation going in the Palmetto State and strong support among nonwhite voters.
When I saw Warren’s campaign in South Carolina in November, she’d made headway with white progressives whose “great awokening” has expanded their racial consciousnesses in the Trump era. Now, we’ll see if she can convert those voters of color, too.


motherjones--2020-02-12--Major Labor Strikes Surged in 2019

Major Labor Strikes Surged in 2019

Last May , for the second year in a row , thousands of North Carolina public school teachers marched to the state Capitol in red t-shirts to demand better funding for public schools and Medicaid .
In part because of the strike , Governor Roy Cooper has refused to sign a budget that doesn ’ t include robust pay raises for educators .
North Carolina ’ s teachers weren ’ t the only ones who walked out on the job en masse last year .
Data released this week from the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that 2019 had a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” meaning strikes and lockouts , involving 1,000 or more workers than any year since 2001 .
The Economic Policy Institute notes that 2019 also saw the most strikes involving 20,000 or more workers than any year since 1993 , when BLS first started keeping track .
The General Motors strike in September and October was the largest strike of the year in terms of work days lost ; the 29-day strike , involving 46,000 workers , resulted in a cumulative loss of more than a million days of labor and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the rise in strikes has overwhelmingly been dominated by the education sector .
More than half of all workers on strike last year were teachers , BLS data shows .
The three largest strikes of the decade were held by teachers in North Carolina ( twice , in 2018 and 2019 ) and in Arizona .
While some teachers went on strike for better pay , many focused on legislative cuts to education and expansion of charter schools .
In a 2018 Mother Jones story , Eddie Rios and Annie Ma analyzed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school funding since the economic crash .
“ Education spending fell sharply following the recession , ” they wrote .
“ In 2016 , 25 states provided less funding per pupil for public schools than they did before the 2008 recession.
” As I wrote in December , the 2010s saw a surge of labor strike activity led largely by teachers unions : The end-of-decade rise in strikes comes even as the unemployment rate remains below 4 percent .
In a report released yesterday , researchers at the Economic Policy Institute suggest that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they lose their job for striking , they can find another .
It also suggests workers are unsatisfied with their pay .
“ Working people are not seeing the robust wage growth that one might expect with such a low unemployment rate , ” the researchers stated , “ and inequality continues to grow .
”

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Last May, for the second year in a row, thousands of North Carolina public school teachers marched to the state Capitol in red t-shirts to demand better funding for public schools and Medicaid. In part because of the strike, Governor Roy Cooper has refused to sign a budget that doesn’t include robust pay raises for educators.
North Carolina’s teachers weren’t the only ones who walked out on the job en masse last year. Data released this week from the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that 2019 had a higher number of “major work stoppages,” meaning strikes and lockouts, involving 1,000 or more workers than any year since 2001. The Economic Policy Institute notes that 2019 also saw the most strikes involving 20,000 or more workers than any year since 1993, when BLS first started keeping track.
The General Motors strike in September and October was the largest strike of the year in terms of work days lost; the 29-day strike, involving 46,000 workers, resulted in a cumulative loss of more than a million days of labor and a $600 million loss for GM.
But the rise in strikes has overwhelmingly been dominated by the education sector. More than half of all workers on strike last year were teachers, BLS data shows. The three largest strikes of the decade were held by teachers in North Carolina (twice, in 2018 and 2019) and in Arizona. While some teachers went on strike for better pay, many focused on legislative cuts to education and expansion of charter schools.
In a 2018 Mother Jones story, Eddie Rios and Annie Ma analyzed data to show the decline of public school funding since the economic crash. “Education spending fell sharply following the recession,” they wrote. “In 2016, 25 states provided less funding per pupil for public schools than they did before the 2008 recession.”
As I wrote in December, the 2010s saw a surge of labor strike activity led largely by teachers unions:
The end-of-decade rise in strikes comes even as the unemployment rate remains below 4 percent. In a report released yesterday, researchers at the Economic Policy Institute suggest that this means workers feel confident that if they lose their job for striking, they can find another. It also suggests workers are unsatisfied with their pay. “Working people are not seeing the robust wage growth that one might expect with such a low unemployment rate,” the researchers stated, “and inequality continues to grow.”


motherjones--2020-02-12--Joe Biden Had a Bad Night in New Hampshire. His Supporters There Hope Their State Doesn’t Matter.

It ’ s never a good sign when you ’ re addressing your New Hampshire supporters on primary night from South Carolina .
Yet this was the position Joe Biden found himself in on Tuesday evening as his campaign sought to downplay his dismal showing in the Granite State , where he was on pace to finish 5th with a little over 8 percent of the vote .
Once it had become clear that the outcome in New Hampshire would be nothing to celebrate , he and his wife Jill bailed on the campaign ’ s primary watch party at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Columbia to kick-off his South Carolina campaign .
Beaming into the Radisson ’ s half-full ballroom via video , Biden thanked his backers and pledged to return to New Hampshire as the Democratic nominee .
He spoke for all of three minutes before vanishing from the screens positioned on either side of the stage to get back to the pressing task of salvaging his troubled campaign .
“ I don ’ t blame him , ” Biden bundler and DNC member William Owen said of the former vice president ’ s decision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ He needs to be heading to Nevada.
” Biden is headed there on Friday to campaign ahead of next week ’ s caucus .
“ Nevada ’ s the critical state .
He has to score in Nevada.
” Owen added that he wasn ’ t surprised by Biden ’ s showing in the first-in-the-nation primary .
“ I kind of expected it .
New Hampshire is unique .
It ’ s basically an all white state .
It ’ s dominated by the neighboring candidates , ” he said , referring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Bernie Sanders of Vermont .
Sanders won the New Hampshire primary , with former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg trailing narrowly behind him .
Former New Hampshire governor John Lynch , a top Biden surrogate , echoed Owen ’ s sentiments : “ It ’ s always hard running against elected officials from neighboring states.
” He said he expected Biden to perform well in South Carolina .
“ The whole primary process , it ’ s a marathon , it ’ s not a sprint , ” Lynch added , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mantra of the campaign .
Addressing the Radisson crowd , Valerie Biden Owens , Biden ’ s sister , similarly assured supporters that “ right now we ’ re at the very beginning of a long marathon.
” But Biden now has a sizable gap to close if he hopes to regain the frontrunner status he started the campaign with .
And his campaign seems destined to confront ongoing questions about whether he can go the distance against President Trump .
Our reporters fanned out to victory parties for the top three Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jones Podcast , “ How Bernie Sanders Won New Hampshire.
” Listen : At campaign events in New Hampshire over the past week , numerous voters said they liked and admired the former vice president , but they seemed unsure about—or outright opposed to—betting on him in a high-stakes election they view as a referendum on the fate of the country .
“ I respect him , he ’ s a great American , ” said Portsmouth neurosurgeon Henry Pallatroni , who was attending a Pete Buttigieg rally in Londonderry on Sunday .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ wouldn ’ t vote for him .
I think he ’ s done .
I don ’ t think he ’ s up for the job.
” Heather Webster , a New Hampshire voter who was attending an Amy Klobuchar rally in Manchester on Sunday , said she initially favored Biden in the race but had begun to reconsider .
“ I feel like Biden doesn ’ t have as much an ability to beat Trump , ” she said .
“ I was leaning towards him until Friday—I just didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden did little to allay those concerns over the weekend .
At the McIntyre-Shaheen dinner on Saturday , where thousands of local Democrats gathered to hear speeches from the candidates , Biden gave rambling and , at times , halting remarks filled with anecdotes that never seemed to land .
The following day , he engaged in a bizarre back-and-forth at a campaign event in Hampton that culminated with him jokingly calling an audience-member a “ lying , dog-faced pony soldier.
” ( Biden has said this was a line from a John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Still , vintage Biden did show up occasionally .
Hours after his “ pony soldier ” comments went viral , he hosted an at-times emotional Q & A in Hudson , displaying his unique ability to connect with voters on a personal level .
He referred to elderly audience members as “ mom ” and “ dad , ” and on two occasions offered to speak privately to attendees who asked questions following the event .
( “ Maybe you and I can talk afterwards.
” ) When one of his handlers called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoke up : “ No , we ’ ll take a few more.
” This was also the Biden who showed up to a rally in Somersworth last week , where some supporters expressed relief over seeing a feisty , fired-up Biden take shots at Sanders and , for the first time , Buttigieg .
And just yesterday , he moved a packed community center in Gilford , when he spoke openly about his struggles with stuttering and welcomed a 12-year-old boy with similar difficulties to share the lectern with him , kissing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden affection .
These are the encounters that enrapture Biden crowds .
But in the end these appearances failed to squelch doubts about whether he was the right candidate to take on Trump—the paramount concern of many voters agonizing over the issue of electability .
“ I think Joe Biden on his worst day is better than Donald Trump could ever hope to be , ” said Jim McGuire , a 72-year-old retired attorney from Nuangola , Pennsylvania , who had traveled to New Hampshire to assist with Biden ’ s get-out-the-vote effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ night party .
But he acknowledged he would like to see more energy out of Biden : “ I need to see more fire in the belly .
I ’ d like to see more of that passion.
” Biden ’ s supporters are hopeful that he will reclaim his momentum in the upcoming contests .
“ I think Joe will be fine if he comes in first or second in Nevada and rights the ship in South Carolina , ” Owen said .
Lynch , referring to Buttigieg ’ s second place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the state “ tend to gravitate toward someone new .
We ’ re ‘ live free or die.
’ We ’ re independent .
We ’ re contrarian.
” He added , “ New Hampshire always matters .
But it ’ s just the start of the process .
Not the end .
”

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It’s never a good sign when you’re addressing your New Hampshire supporters on primary night from South Carolina. Yet this was the position Joe Biden found himself in on Tuesday evening as his campaign sought to downplay his dismal showing in the Granite State, where he was on pace to finish 5th with a little over 8 percent of the vote. Once it had become clear that the outcome in New Hampshire would be nothing to celebrate, he and his wife Jill bailed on the campaign’s primary watch party at the Radisson Hotel in Nashua and jetted to Columbia to kick-off his South Carolina campaign.
Beaming into the Radisson’s half-full ballroom via video, Biden thanked his backers and pledged to return to New Hampshire as the Democratic nominee. He spoke for all of three minutes before vanishing from the screens positioned on either side of the stage to get back to the pressing task of salvaging his troubled campaign.
“I don’t blame him. He needs to be heading to Nevada.”
“I don’t blame him,” Biden bundler and DNC member William Owen said of the former vice president’s decision not to stick around New Hampshire. “He needs to be heading to Nevada.” Biden is headed there on Friday to campaign ahead of next week’s caucus. “Nevada’s the critical state. He has to score in Nevada.”
Owen added that he wasn’t surprised by Biden’s showing in the first-in-the-nation primary. “I kind of expected it. New Hampshire is unique. It’s basically an all white state. It’s dominated by the neighboring candidates,” he said, referring to Sens. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Bernie Sanders of Vermont. Sanders won the New Hampshire primary, with former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg trailing narrowly behind him.
Former New Hampshire governor John Lynch, a top Biden surrogate, echoed Owen’s sentiments: “It’s always hard running against elected officials from neighboring states.” He said he expected Biden to perform well in South Carolina. “The whole primary process, it’s a marathon, it’s not a sprint,” Lynch added, in what seems to have quickly become the mantra of the campaign. Addressing the Radisson crowd, Valerie Biden Owens, Biden’s sister, similarly assured supporters that “right now we’re at the very beginning of a long marathon.”
But Biden now has a sizable gap to close if he hopes to regain the frontrunner status he started the campaign with. And his campaign seems destined to confront ongoing questions about whether he can go the distance against President Trump.
Our reporters fanned out to victory parties for the top three Democratic finishers for this edition of the Mother Jones Podcast, “How Bernie Sanders Won New Hampshire.” Listen:
Listen to the latest episode of the Mother Jones Podcast: Subscribe using Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or your favorite podcast app.
At campaign events in New Hampshire over the past week, numerous voters said they liked and admired the former vice president, but they seemed unsure about—or outright opposed to—betting on him in a high-stakes election they view as a referendum on the fate of the country. “I respect him, he’s a great American,” said Portsmouth neurosurgeon Henry Pallatroni, who was attending a Pete Buttigieg rally in Londonderry on Sunday. But he went on: “I wouldn’t vote for him. I think he’s done. I don’t think he’s up for the job.”
Heather Webster, a New Hampshire voter who was attending an Amy Klobuchar rally in Manchester on Sunday, said she initially favored Biden in the race but had begun to reconsider. “I feel like Biden doesn’t have as much an ability to beat Trump,” she said. “I was leaning towards him until Friday—I just didn’t feel good about his debate style.”
“Right now we’re at the very beginning of a long marathon.”
Biden did little to allay those concerns over the weekend. At the McIntyre-Shaheen dinner on Saturday, where thousands of local Democrats gathered to hear speeches from the candidates, Biden gave rambling and, at times, halting remarks filled with anecdotes that never seemed to land. The following day, he engaged in a bizarre back-and-forth at a campaign event in Hampton that culminated with him jokingly calling an audience-member a “lying, dog-faced pony soldier.” (Biden has said this was a line from a John Wayne movie, but even then…)
Still, vintage Biden did show up occasionally. Hours after his “pony soldier” comments went viral, he hosted an at-times emotional Q&A in Hudson, displaying his unique ability to connect with voters on a personal level. He referred to elderly audience members as “mom” and “dad,” and on two occasions offered to speak privately to attendees who asked questions following the event. (“Maybe you and I can talk afterwards.”) When one of his handlers called out “last question,” Biden spoke up: “No, we’ll take a few more.”
This was also the Biden who showed up to a rally in Somersworth last week, where some supporters expressed relief over seeing a feisty, fired-up Biden take shots at Sanders and, for the first time, Buttigieg. And just yesterday, he moved a packed community center in Gilford, when he spoke openly about his struggles with stuttering and welcomed a 12-year-old boy with similar difficulties to share the lectern with him, kissing the boy on the head with signature Biden affection.
These are the encounters that enrapture Biden crowds. But in the end these appearances failed to squelch doubts about whether he was the right candidate to take on Trump—the paramount concern of many voters agonizing over the issue of electability.
“I think Joe Biden on his worst day is better than Donald Trump could ever hope to be,” said Jim McGuire, a 72-year-old retired attorney from Nuangola, Pennsylvania, who had traveled to New Hampshire to assist with Biden’s get-out-the-vote effort and attended the candidate’s primary night party.
“I need to see more fire in the belly. I’d like to see more of that passion.”
But he acknowledged he would like to see more energy out of Biden: “I need to see more fire in the belly. I’d like to see more of that passion.”
Biden’s supporters are hopeful that he will reclaim his momentum in the upcoming contests. “I think Joe will be fine if he comes in first or second in Nevada and rights the ship in South Carolina,” Owen said.
Lynch, referring to Buttigieg’s second place finish in New Hampshire, said voters in the state “tend to gravitate toward someone new. We’re ‘live free or die.’ We’re independent. We’re contrarian.”
He added, “New Hampshire always matters. But it’s just the start of the process. Not the end.”
Additional reporting by Russ Choma.