motherjones--2020-08-28--Black Lives Don’t Matter to Black Lives Matter, Says Rudy Giuliani

It was an open question what former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani would talk about in his primetime address on the fourth and final night of the Republican National Convention .
Would he resurrect the debunked charges against Joe Biden that got President Donald Trump impeached ?
Would he continue to assert that Biden is experiencing a “ serious loss of mental function ” and “ displaying signs of dementia ” ?
Would he just kind of wing it , enthralled by his own wit , until the producers played him off the stage with Oscars music ?
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arguing that black lives don ’ t matter to Black Lives Matter .
In a convention full of appeals to “ law and order , ” Giuliani ’ s appeal stood out for the sheer audacity—an unabashedly pro-cop ex-prosecutor feigning sympathy with the largest mass protests since the Civil Rights movement , solely for the purpose of tearing it down .
In Giuliani ’ s telling , the nation had rallied as one after the “ unforgiveable ” killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police .
The problem , he continued , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than work with Trump and Republicans , “ BLM and Antifa sprang into action and in a flash hijacked the protests into vicious , brutal riots.
” The Black Lives Matter protests were hijacked by…Black Lives Matter ?
Figure that one out .
But Giuliani went further .
He argued that the protests against police violence were , in fact , causing a massive surge in crime across the country .
“ For President Trump , and for us Republicans , all Black Lives Matter , ” he said .
He rattled off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence in cities , he noted , controlled by Democrats .
“ It has been like this for decades and it ’ s been controlled throughout by Democrats .
In fact , shamefully Obama and Biden did nothing at all to quell the carnage .
I guess these Black Lives didn ’ t matter to them , ” he said .
Giuliani ’ s speech wasn ’ t exactly coherent .
He tried to argue that cities were in the midst of a historic crime spike in response to protests ( crime is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ levels ) but also that they ’ ve always been like this .
But mostly it was just a gross permutation of that familiar refrain lodged against critics of police violence—what about Black-on-Black crime ?
Here was a former mayor who rose to power at the crest of a racist backlash against a Black mayor arguing that the only president to have personally violated the Fair Housing Act cares more about Black lives than the Black people putting their bodies on the line in the streets do .
At this point I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more depressing if he really believes what he ’ s saying or if he doesn ’ t .

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It was an open question what former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani would talk about in his primetime address on the fourth and final night of the Republican National Convention. Would he resurrect the debunked charges against Joe Biden that got President Trump impeached? Would he continue to assert that Biden is experiencing a “serious loss of mental function” and “displaying signs of dementia”? Would he just kind of wing it, enthralled by his own wit, until the producers played him off the stage with Oscars music?
No, Giuliani went with option four: arguing that black lives don’t matter to Black Lives Matter. In a convention full of appeals to “law and order,” Giuliani’s appeal stood out for the sheer audacity—an unabashedly pro-cop ex-prosecutor feigning sympathy with the largest mass protests since the civil rights movement, solely for the purpose of tearing it down.
In Giuliani’s telling, the nation had rallied as one after the “unforgivable” killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police. The problem, he continued, was that it was too unified for liberals—rather than work with Trump and Republicans, “BLM and antifa sprang into action and in a flash hijacked the protests into vicious, brutal riots.” The Black Lives Matter protests were hijacked by…Black Lives Matter? Figure that one out.
But Giuliani went further. He argued that the protests against police violence were, in fact, causing a massive surge in crime across the country. “For President Trump, and for us Republicans, all Black Lives Matter,” he said. He rattled off the names of recent victims of gun violence in cities, he noted, controlled by Democrats. “It has been like this for decades and it’s been controlled throughout by Democrats. In fact, shamefully Obama and Biden did nothing at all to quell the carnage. I guess these Black lives didn’t matter to them,” he said.
Giuliani’s speech wasn’t exactly coherent. He tried to argue that cities were in the midst of a historic crime spike in response to protests (crime is still low by, say, Giuliani-era levels) but also that they’ve always been like this. But mostly it was just a gross permutation of that familiar refrain lodged against critics of police violence—what about Black-on-Black crime? Here was a former mayor who rose to power at the crest of a racist backlash against a Black mayor arguing that the only president to have personally violated the Fair Housing Act cares more about Black lives than the Black people putting their bodies on the line in the streets do. At this point I’m not sure if it’s more depressing if he really believes what he’s saying or if he doesn’t.


motherjones--2020-08-30--Disgraced Republican Financier Accused of Secretly Lobbying for China

On May 25 , 2017 , Elliott Broidy texted Rick Gates with a message for Attorney General Jeff Sessions .
Broidy , a top fundraiser for Donald Trump and the Republican National Committee , said that China would be willing to increase its cooperation with US law enforcement if the Justice Department deported Guo Wengui , a wealthy Chinese dissident living in New York .
“ Mine is legitimate back channel , ” Broidy wrote to Gates , a former top Trump campaign aide who Broidy had hired as a consultant .
Broidy did not mention that he was in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from a shady Malaysian businessman who had sought his help convincing the US government to extradite Guo .
These details were included in an extraordinary August 17 court filing alleging that a cadre of Republican power brokers and fundraisers tried to persuade the Trump administration to hand over Guo to China .
In the filing , federal prosecutors say that Broidy broke a law requiring people acting in the United States as agents for foreign principals to register with the Justice Department .
Broidy has so far not been charged with any crime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrongdoing in this matter .
The allegations date to a Wild West moment in Washington , DC , during which Broidy and Gates—two figures now known for their separate involvement in various controversies—joined forces .
In early 2017 , with established lobbying firms short on ties to Trump , influence peddlers claiming connections to the new president raced to step in .
After Trump ’ s election , Broidy sought business in Romania , Angola , the United Arab Emirates , and elsewhere , while helping officials from those states gain access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to advise him on the new administration and to provide “ knowledge of how to deal with Trump , ” Gates later told federal prosecutors .
Broidy has maintained that he did not sell his access to Trump to foreign entities seeking favors from the administration .
The jockeying over Guo ’ s fate was apparently tied to a complex and bizarre international scheme marked by stunning corruption .
According to federal prosecutors , a globe-trotting businessman named Jho Low hired Broidy to persuade the Justice Department to shut down investigations related to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion dollars from a Malaysian state-owned investment fund known as 1MDB .
Then , after Broidy met with a Chinese government minister at Low ’ s behest , Broidy and Gates also began pushing a Chinese priority : the deportation of Guo .
A mysterious businessman who made billions in real estate in China , Guo fled to the United States in 2014 when it appeared likely that the Chinese government planned to charge him with financial crimes .
Then , from a $ 67.5 million penthouse on Central Park , Guo launched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , accusing them of corruption .
Chinese authorities charged Guo with bribery and fraud in 2017 .
A former assistant also sued him for rape that year .
Guo denies all the allegations , claiming they are politically motivated .
The effort to deport Guo and scuttle the 1MDB probe didn ’ t work .
Guo stayed in the United States and went on to ramp up his anti-China efforts , working closely with another former Trump campaign official , Steve Bannon .
As part of an unrelated money-laundering case , Bannon was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Connecticut while staying on a yacht owned by Guo .
And the Justice Department did not drop its 1MDB investigation .
Low was indicted for money laundering and fraud in 2018 .
He later agreed to pay $ 1 billion in restitution , while remaining a fugitive , reportedly in China .
Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak was defeated in a 2017 reelection bid and imprisoned in Malaysia for his role in the 1MDB scandal .
In their court filing , prosecutors charged GOP fundraiser Nickie Lum Davis with acting as an unregistered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plead guilty to one count in an arraignment Monday in federal court , under what a source familiar with the matter said is a cooperation agreement .
Under federal sentencing guidelines , Davis is likely to avoid prison .
Her attorney , Abbe Lowell , a prominent defense lawyer whose clients include Jared Kushner , did not respond to questions .
Since 2018 , Broidy , a Beverly Hills venture capitalist and owner of a private security and intelligence company , has reportedly faced a federal investigation into his activities .
Broidy ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the law .
And he ’ s blamed his troubles on a hack of his email he says was orchestrated by agents of Qatar , who , he alleges , leaked damaging material to the media .
Broidy claims Qatar targeted him due to his role supporting a blockade imposed on that country in June 2017 by several of its Middle Eastern neighbors , including Saudi Arabia and the UAE .
The UAE in late 2017 awarded Broidy ’ s defense firm a lucrative contract .
But the case against Davis suggests that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The federal court filing says that Davis “ aided and abetted ” Broidy ’ s work as an unregistered agent of a foreign principal .
The filing also accuses Pras Michel , the musician and former member of the Fugees , of participating in the undisclosed lobbying effort funded by Low .
Federal prosecutors indicted Michel on separate but related charges last year .
The Wall Street Journal first reported the allegations against Broidy and Michel in the recent filing .
Gates—who in 2018 struck a cooperation deal with federal prosecutors and who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Manafort and Trump adviser Roger Stone—appears to be helping law enforcement in this current case .
Gates described his work with Broidy related to 1MDB in a March 18 , 2018 , meeting with law enforcement , according to an FBI summary of the session released in response to a freedom of information request by Buzzfeed .
The court filing submitted in the Davis case does not use the names of Broidy , Gates , Guo , or Michel , instead referring to them as Person B , Person D , PRC National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But people familiar with the case identified them .
An attorney for Broidy did not respond to questions .
Gates ’ attorney also did not respond to questions .
A lawyer for Michel declined to comment .
The full story laid out by prosecutors is long and complicated .
But here ’ s the gist of what they say happened : In 2016 , the Justice Department began investigating Low for allegedly laundering proceeds from Malaysia ’ s 1MDB scheme in the United States .
Low ’ s many investments included a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including The Wolf of Wall Street .
He developed relationships with celebrities , including Michel .
In 2017 , Low hoped to derail the Justice Department investigation of 1MDB and sought help in convincing prosecutors to drop the case .
Michel connected Low to Davis , who in turn suggested Broidy , whose successful fundraising for Trump gave him entrée to the administration , including direct access to Trump .
According to prosecutors , Broidy , for $ 1 million , agreed to meet with Low in Bangkok in May 2017 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Broidy began working to sway the Justice Department to drop its 1MDB investigation .
To maintain distance from Low , Broidy allegedly demanded that the money come through another source .
Payments went from a Hong Kong entity controlled by Low to a company created by Michel , then to an account connected to Broidy ’ s wife ’ s law practice .
Broidy also drafted a contract through which he would be paid a $ 75 million “ success fee ” if the Justice Department dropped its 1MDB investigation within 180 days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asking him to help set up a meeting between Trump and Najib , prosecutors say .
The next month , Broidy began pushing for a round of golf between the two world leaders .
Broidy believed such a meeting would allow the Malaysian prime minister to “ attempt to resolve the 1MDB matter , ” according to the filing .
Broidy , who at the same time was seeking a defense contract with Malaysia , also “ hoped that arranging golf with the President would further his business interests , ” prosecutors say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began pressing Gates and a “ high ranking official in the White House ” to arrange the golf outing .
Broidy told the official that Trump had agreed to golf with Najib at one of Trump ’ s own courses .
As Broidy struggled to secure a date for the leaders to golf , he lashed out at the White House official .
“ I know you are busy and procedures apply but I ’ ve been more than patient , ” he wrote .
“ Instead of being positive , this is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truly appreciate it if you could get back to me with a date .
Thank you !
” Though the golf meeting never occurred , Najib did get a meeting with Trump in September 2017 , and he also met with then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in August .
According to the court filing , Michel gave Davis talking points “ on behalf of ” Low , then a target of the 1MDB investigation .
These talking points , which said the 1MDB investigation had “ caused unnecessary tension ” in US-Malaysian relations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to prosecutors , Davis gave the talking points to Broidy , who sent them to Gates , who said he would forward them to Tillerson ’ s office .
Broidy didn ’ t stop there .
On October 6 , 2017 , he met with Trump at the White House .
Afterward , Broidy told Low he had raised the 1MDB investigation with Trump , prosecutors say .
Concurrently , Broidy was pushing for Guo ’ s extradition , an effort he launched after a secret May 2017 meeting with Sun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minister of public security , in a hotel suite in Shenzhen , China .
The meeting had been arranged by Low .
Sun is not named in the filing but was identified by the Wall Street Journal .
A source confirmed his identity to Mother Jones .
Sun is now reportedly the subject of a corruption investigation in China .
Later that month , Broidy sent Gates a memo intended for Sessions .
The memo cited an “ opportunity for significantly increased law enforcement cooperation with China ” on cybersecurity if Guo were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the memo came from Low and Sun and that Gates told Broidy he delivered the memo to Sessions .
A Justice Department spokesperson said in 2018 that Sessions did not receive the memo .
Broidy tried other avenues to help the Chinese win Guo ’ s extradition .
He worked to get Sun high-level meetings during a US visit in late May 2017 , including with Sessions , an effort that apparently failed .
And in July , Broidy exchanged text messages with the senior White House official about Guo , prosecutors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phone calls between Sun and casino mogul Steve Wynn , a friend of Trump who at the time was the RNC ’ s finance chair .
On August 19 , 2017 , Broidy and Wynn called Trump from Wynn ’ s yacht to push for Guo ’ s extradition , prosecutors say .
Prosecutors did not use Wynn ’ s name in the legal filing ; he was first identified by the Journal .
In a statement , Wynn ’ s lawyer , Reid Weingarten , said Wynn ’ s actions were undertaken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government but rather entirely for the benefit of the United States.
” Weingarten said Wynn had cooperated with the federal investigation into the matter .
Wynn stepped down from his RNC post in January 2018 amid allegations he had pressured employees at his casino company to perform sex acts .
Wynn has denied those allegations .
Broidy resigned from his RNC post in April 2018 after admitting he had paid $ 1.6 million to a former Playboy model who said she became pregnant during an affair with him .
In a statement to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Communist Party has targeted him for “ exposing their weaknesses.
” He said the case against Davis “ is only the tip of a far-ranging campaign the Chinese Communist Party has undertaken utilizing corrupt lawyers , government officials , and so-called lobbyists and political consultants to influence the US government at the highest levels to take action against me.
” “ I have cooperated directly with the FBI and commend the US Department of Justice ’ s efforts to oust Nickie Lum Davis , CCP spies , and those greedy US accomplices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ideals to support the CCP , ” he said .

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On May 25, 2017, Elliott Broidy texted Rick Gates with a message for Attorney General Jeff Sessions. Broidy, a top fundraiser for Donald Trump and the Republican National Committee, said that China would be willing to increase its cooperation with US law enforcement if the Justice Department deported Guo Wengui, a wealthy Chinese dissident living in New York.
“Mine is legitimate back channel,” Broidy wrote to Gates, a former top Trump campaign aide who Broidy had hired as a consultant. Broidy did not mention that he was in the process of receiving millions of dollars from a shady Malaysian businessman who had sought his help convincing the US government to extradite Guo.
Prosecutors say a cadre of GOP power brokers and fundraisers tried to persuade the Trump administration to hand over Guo to China.
These details were included in an extraordinary August 17 court filing alleging that a cadre of Republican power brokers and fundraisers tried to persuade the Trump administration to hand over Guo to China. In the filing, federal prosecutors say that Broidy broke a law requiring people acting in the United States as agents for foreign principals to register with the Justice Department. Broidy has so far not been charged with any crime. Gates has not been accused of wrongdoing in this matter.
The allegations date to a Wild West moment in Washington, DC, during which Broidy and Gates—two figures now known for their separate involvement in various controversies—joined forces. In early 2017, with established lobbying firms short on ties to Trump, influence peddlers claiming connections to the new president raced to step in. After Trump’s election, Broidy sought business in Romania, Angola, the United Arab Emirates, and elsewhere, while helping officials from those states gain access to the Trump administration. He hired Gates to advise him on the new administration and to provide “knowledge of how to deal with Trump,” Gates later told federal prosecutors. Broidy has maintained that he did not sell his access to Trump to foreign entities seeking favors from the administration.
The jockeying over Guo’s fate was apparently tied to a complex and bizarre international scheme marked by stunning corruption. According to federal prosecutors, a globe-trotting businessman named Jho Low hired Broidy to persuade the Justice Department to shut down investigations related to the embezzlement of an estimated $4.4 billion dollars from a Malaysian state-owned investment fund known as 1MDB.
Then, after Broidy met with a Chinese government minister at Low’s behest, Broidy and Gates also began pushing a Chinese priority: the deportation of Guo. A mysterious businessman who made billions in real estate in China, Guo fled to the United States in 2014 when it appeared likely that the Chinese government planned to charge him with financial crimes. Then, from a $67.5 million penthouse on Central Park, Guo launched high-profile attacks against Chinese Communist Party leaders, accusing them of corruption. Chinese authorities charged Guo with bribery and fraud in 2017. A former assistant also sued him for rape that year. Guo denies all the allegations, claiming they are politically motivated.
The effort to deport Guo and scuttle the 1MDB probe didn’t work. Guo stayed in the United States and went on to ramp up his anti-China efforts, working closely with another former Trump campaign official, Steve Bannon. As part of an unrelated money-laundering case, Bannon was arrested this month off the coast of Connecticut while staying on a yacht owned by Guo. And the Justice Department did not drop its 1MDB investigation. Low was indicted for money laundering and fraud in 2018. He later agreed to pay $1 billion in restitution, while remaining a fugitive, reportedly in China. Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak was defeated in a 2017 reelection bid and imprisoned in Malaysia for his role in the 1MDB scandal.
In their court filing, prosecutors charged GOP fundraiser Nickie Lum Davis with acting as an unregistered foreign agent. Davis is expected to plead guilty to one count in an arraignment Monday in federal court, under what a source familiar with the matter said is a cooperation agreement. Under federal sentencing guidelines, Davis is likely to avoid prison. Her attorney, Abbe Lowell, a prominent defense lawyer whose clients include Jared Kushner, did not respond to questions.
Since 2018, Broidy, a Beverly Hills venture capitalist and owner of an open source intelligence company, has reportedly faced a federal investigation into his activities. Broidy’s representatives have said he complied with the law. And he’s blamed his troubles on a hack of his email he says was orchestrated by agents of Qatar, who, he alleges, leaked damaging material to the media. Broidy claims Qatar targeted him due to his role supporting a blockade imposed on that country in June 2017 by several of its Middle Eastern neighbors, including Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The UAE in late 2017 awarded Broidy’s defense firm a lucrative contract.
But the case against Davis suggests that Broidy is drawing intensified federal scrutiny. The federal court filing says that Davis “aided and abetted” Broidy’s work as an unregistered agent of a foreign principal. The filing also accuses Pras Michel, the musician and former member of the Fugees, of participating in the undisclosed lobbying effort funded by Low. Federal prosecutors indicted Michel on separate but related charges last year. The Wall Street Journal first reported the allegations against Broidy and Michel in the recent filing.
Gates—who in 2018 struck a cooperation deal with federal prosecutors and who has testified against his longtime partner Paul Manafort and Trump adviser Roger Stone—appears to be helping law enforcement in this current case. Gates described his work with Broidy related to 1MDB in a March 18, 2018, meeting with law enforcement, according to an FBI summary of the session released in response to a freedom of information request by Buzzfeed.
The court filing submitted in the Davis case does not use the names of Broidy, Gates, Guo, or Michel, instead referring to them as Person B, Person D, PRC National A, and Person A, respectively. But people familiar with the case identified them.
An attorney for Broidy did not respond to questions. Gates’ attorney also did not respond to questions. A lawyer for Michel declined to comment.
The full story laid out by prosecutors is long and complicated. But here’s the gist of what they say happened: In 2016, the Justice Department began investigating Low for allegedly laundering proceeds from Malaysia’s 1MDB scheme in the United States. Low’s many investments included a Hollywood production company involved in several movies, including The Wolf of Wall Street. He developed relationships with celebrities, including Michel. In 2017, Low hoped to derail the Justice Department investigation of 1MDB and sought help in convincing prosecutors to drop the case. Michel connected Low to Davis, who in turn suggested Broidy, whose successful fundraising for Trump gave him entrée to the administration, including direct access to Trump.
According to prosecutors, Broidy, for $1 million, agreed to meet with Low in Bangkok in May 2017. For an $8 million retainer, Broidy began working to sway the Justice Department to drop its 1MDB investigation. To maintain distance from Low, Broidy allegedly said the money should come through another source. Payments went from a Hong Kong entity controlled by Low to a company created by Michel, then to an account connected to Broidy’s wife’s law practice. Broidy also drafted a contract through which he would be paid a $75 million “success fee” if the Justice Department dropped its 1MDB investigation within 180 days.
“Instead of being positive, this is now causing me damage.”
Broidy texted Gates in May, asking him to help set up a meeting between Trump and Najib, prosecutors say. The next month, Broidy began pushing for a round of golf between the two world leaders. Broidy believed such a meeting would allow the Malaysian prime minister to “attempt to resolve the 1MDB matter,” according to the filing. Broidy, who at the same time was seeking a defense contract with Malaysia, also “hoped that arranging golf with the President would further his business interests,” prosecutors say. In late June 2017, Broidy began pressing Gates and a “high ranking official in the White House” to arrange the golf outing. Broidy told the official that Trump had agreed to golf with Najib at one of Trump’s own courses.
As Broidy struggled to secure a date for the leaders to golf, he lashed out at the White House official. “I know you are busy and procedures apply but I’ve been more than patient,” he wrote. “Instead of being positive, this is now causing me damage. I would truly appreciate it if you could get back to me with a date. Thank you!”
Though the golf meeting never occurred, Najib did get a meeting with Trump in September 2017, and he also met with then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in August. According to the court filing, Michel gave Davis talking points “on behalf of” Low, then a target of the 1MDB investigation. These talking points, which said the 1MDB investigation had “caused unnecessary tension” in US-Malaysian relations, were intended for Tillerson as background. According to prosecutors, Davis gave the talking points to Broidy, who sent them to Gates, who said he would forward them to Tillerson’s office.
Broidy didn’t stop there. On October 6, 2017, he met with Trump at the White House. Afterward, Broidy told Low he had raised the 1MDB investigation with Trump, prosecutors say.
Concurrently, Broidy was pushing for Guo’s extradition, an effort he launched after a secret May 2017 meeting with Sun Lijun, then China’s vice minister of public security, in a hotel suite in Shenzhen, China. The meeting had been arranged by Low. Sun is not named in the filing but was identified by the Wall Street Journal. A source confirmed his identity to Mother Jones. Sun is now reportedly the subject of a corruption investigation in China.
Later that month, Broidy sent Gates a memo intended for Sessions. The memo cited an “opportunity for significantly increased law enforcement cooperation with China” on cybersecurity if Guo were deported. Prosecutors say that the content of the memo came from Low and Sun and that Gates told Broidy he delivered the memo to Sessions. A Justice Department spokesperson said in 2018 that Sessions did not receive the memo.
Broidy tried other avenues to help the Chinese win Guo’s extradition. He worked to get Sun high-level meetings during a US visit in late May 2017, including with Sessions, an effort that apparently failed. And in July, Broidy exchanged text messages with the senior White House official about Guo, prosecutors say.
Broidy also helped arrange for phone calls between Sun and casino mogul Steve Wynn, a friend of Trump who at the time was the RNC’s finance chair. On August 19, 2017, Broidy and Wynn called Trump from Wynn’s yacht to push for Guo’s extradition, prosecutors say.
Prosecutors did not use Wynn’s name in the legal filing; he was first identified by the Journal. In a statement, Wynn’s lawyer, Reid Weingarten, said Wynn’s actions were undertaken “not on behalf of a foreign government but rather entirely for the benefit of the United States.” Weingarten said Wynn had cooperated with the federal investigation into the matter.
Wynn stepped down from his RNC post in January 2018 amid allegations he had pressured employees at his casino company to perform sex acts. Wynn has denied those allegations. Broidy resigned from his RNC post in April 2018 after admitting he had paid $1.6 million to a former Playboy model who said she became pregnant during an affair with him.
In a statement to Mother Jones, Guo said China’s Communist Party has targeted him for “exposing their weaknesses.” He said the case against Davis “is only the tip of a far-ranging campaign the Chinese Communist Party has undertaken utilizing corrupt lawyers, government officials, and so-called lobbyists and political consultants to influence the US government at the highest levels to take action against me.”
“I have cooperated directly with the FBI and commend the US Department of Justice’s efforts to oust Nickie Lum Davis, CCP spies, and those greedy US accomplices who are willing to shed their democratic ideals to support the CCP,” he said.
This story has been revised.


motherjones--2020-08-30--Former Intel Officials Thought Mueller Was Investigating Trump’s Personal and Financial Ties to Russ

Former Intel Officials Thought Mueller Was Investigating Trump’s Personal and Financial Ties to Russia. He Wasn’t.

Former longtime intelligence officials saw President Donald Trump ’ s extensive history of financial dealings with Russia as such a possible national security threat , they thought it warranted a sweeping investigation into his campaign ’ s ties to Russia during the 2016 election .
But as a new book notes , from the start of the investigation , the Justice Department narrowed the inquiry to a criminal investigation into whether the Trump campaign associates broke laws in connection to Russia ’ s interference in the 2016 election .
What ’ s more , it did not tell the the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but ensuring it would go nowhere , ” writes Michael S. Schmidt in his upcoming book , Donald Trump v. the United States : Inside the Struggle to Stop a President .
The New York Times reported on Sunday that former deputy attorney general Rod Rosenstein determined that the FBI didn ’ t have enough evidence to warrant a sweeping investigation into Trump ’ s relationship with Russia .
Rosenstein also thought the intelligence agency ’ s director , Andrew McCabe , who approved the inquiry , had conflicts of interest .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. McCabe about his decision , leaving the F.B.I .
with the impression that the special counsel would take on the investigation into the president as part of his broader duties .
Mr. McCabe said in an interview that had he known Mr. Mueller would not continue the inquiry , he would have had the F.B.I .
perform it .
“ We opened this case in May 2017 because we had information that indicated a national security threat might exist , specifically a counterintelligence threat involving the president and Russia , ” Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue and issues related to it would be fully examined by the special counsel team .
If a decision was made not to investigate those issues , I am surprised and disappointed .
I was not aware of that.
” FBI officials had questioned whether Russia had influence on the president , so much so that Trump fired former director James Comey to derail any further investigation .
The revelation that the Justice Department never explored Trump ’ s personal and financial ties to Russia , and neither did the FBI , raises @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
As Schmidt noted : Mr. Trump has sought to build a Trump Tower in Moscow for at least two decades , including during the campaign .
His son Eric once said the Trump Organization relied on Russia for “ all the funding we need ” to purchase several golf courses in the United States .
And the Senate report this month revealed the allegations of Mr. Trump ’ s potentially compromising encounters with women in Moscow in 1996 and 2013 .
In May 2017 , special counsel Robert Mueller launched his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between the Russian government ” and the Trump campaign , but later told Congress he had not conducted a counterintelligence investigation .
Rosenstein reportedly told Mueller that if he wanted to expand the investigation , he had to ask for additional resources .
Mueller , in turn , built a staff “ to investigate crimes , not threats to national security , ” Schmidt reported .
A Republican-led Senate intelligence report concluded that Russia interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump win , a determination also made by Trump ’ s own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attacked ) , though both reports found there hadn ’ t been a coordinated conspiracy between the Trump campaign and Russia .
What ’ s more , the Senate report determined that Trump ’ s campaign advisers had extensive contact with people tied to the Russian government , including one associate whom the report called a “ Russian intelligence officer.
” In short , Rosenstein ’ s decision to not go forward with a counterintelligence inquiry and instead prematurely narrow the inquiry ’ s scope to possible crimes limited what the public could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .

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Former longtime intelligence officials saw President Donald Trump’s extensive history of financial dealings with Russia as such a possible national security threat, they thought it warranted a sweeping investigation into his campaign’s ties to Russia during the 2016 election.
But as a new book notes, from the start of the investigation, the Justice Department narrowed the inquiry to a criminal investigation into whether the Trump campaign associates broke laws in connection to Russia’s interference in the 2016 election. What’s more, it did not tell the the FBI about the investigation, “all but ensuring it would go nowhere,” writes Michael S. Schmidt in his upcoming book, Donald Trump v. the United States: Inside the Struggle to Stop a President.
The New York Times reported on Sunday that former deputy attorney general Rod Rosenstein determined that the FBI didn’t have enough evidence to warrant a sweeping investigation into Trump’s relationship with Russia. Rosenstein also thought the intelligence agency’s director, Andrew McCabe, who approved the inquiry, had conflicts of interest. As Schmidt writes:
Mr. Rosenstein never told Mr. McCabe about his decision, leaving the F.B.I. with the impression that the special counsel would take on the investigation into the president as part of his broader duties. Mr. McCabe said in an interview that had he known Mr. Mueller would not continue the inquiry, he would have had the F.B.I. perform it. “We opened this case in May 2017 because we had information that indicated a national security threat might exist, specifically a counterintelligence threat involving the president and Russia,” Mr. McCabe said. “I expected that issue and issues related to it would be fully examined by the special counsel team. If a decision was made not to investigate those issues, I am surprised and disappointed. I was not aware of that.”
FBI officials had questioned whether Russia had influence on the president, so much so that Trump fired former director James Comey to derail any further investigation. The revelation that the Justice Department never explored Trump’s personal and financial ties to Russia, and neither did the FBI, raises significant questions leading up to the 2020 election. As Schmidt noted:
Mr. Trump has sought to build a Trump Tower in Moscow for at least two decades, including during the campaign. His son Eric once said the Trump Organization relied on Russia for “all the funding we need” to purchase several golf courses in the United States. And the Senate report this month revealed the allegations of Mr. Trump’s potentially compromising encounters with women in Moscow in 1996 and 2013.
In May 2017, special counsel Robert Mueller launched his investigation into “any links and/or coordination between the Russian government” and the Trump campaign, but later told Congress he had not conducted a counterintelligence investigation. Rosenstein reportedly told Mueller that if he wanted to expand the investigation, he had to ask for additional resources. Mueller, in turn, built a staff “to investigate crimes, not threats to national security,” Schmidt reported. A Republican-led Senate intelligence report concluded that Russia interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump win, a determination also made by Trump’s own intelligence agency (whom he has frequently attacked), though both reports found there hadn’t been a coordinated conspiracy between the Trump campaign and Russia.
What’s more, the Senate report determined that Trump’s campaign advisers had extensive contact with people tied to the Russian government, including one associate whom the report called a “Russian intelligence officer.”
In short, Rosenstein’s decision to not go forward with a counterintelligence inquiry and instead prematurely narrow the inquiry’s scope to possible crimes limited what the public could know about its president—ahead of yet another election.


motherjones--2020-08-31--Minneapolis Has a Long History of Racist Police. Activists Want to Kick Out the County Attorney Who

Minneapolis Has a Long History of Racist Police. Activists Want to Kick Out the County Attorney Who Protected Them.

There are diverging accounts about what happened in the early morning hours of November 15 , 2015 in Minneapolis .
Police responded to an assault call and , officers say , there was a physical confrontation with the suspect , which ended with one of the cops shooting 24-year-old Jamar Clark .
But according to witnesses , Clark was handcuffed and pinned to the ground when he was fatally shot in the head .
The police may dispute the eye-witness accounts—and video footage captured from the rear of the ambulance that was called to the scene only offers a vague @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disputing that Clark , an unarmed Black man , was killed by two white police officers .
And Mike Freeman , the district attorney of Hennepin County—the same county in Minnesota where 46-year-old George Floyd was killed on Memorial Day this year when a white police officer put his knee on Floyd ’ s neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds—declined to charge the two officers involved in Clark ’ s death .
Both Clark ’ s and Floyd ’ s tragic stories are all too familiar in Minneapolis , which has struggled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a turnover of police leadership and adopted reforms , the problems with the Minneapolis Police Department persisted , and Floyd ’ s recent killing has shined an international spotlight on the issues that have long plagued the city .
But for many local activists in Hennepin County ( home to Minneapolis and its Western suburbs ) the problem isn ’ t just the police—it ’ s Freeman , the longtime county prosecutor , who for years has declined to bring charges against cops for police-involved violence , especially cases that involve white officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a pattern , activists argue , that has allowed the most abhorrent and racist behavior by cops in Hennepin County to essentially go unchecked .
Now , in the aftermath of Floyd ’ s murder and Minneapolis ’ reckoning with its police department , a dedicated group of activists are in the midst of a Herculean effort to recall Freeman as the Hennepin County DA .
The rationale for recalling Freeman , according to the activists behind the effort , is simple : “ [ He ] has violated the constitutional rights of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ denying them equal protection of law , ” the recall effort ’ s website states .
“ White cops and Black residents know that Mike Freeman will protect cops who kill Black folks.
” Though Freeman was initially leading the investigation into Floyd ’ s death , Minnesota Gov .
Tim Walz asked state Attorney General Keith Ellison to assist Freeman ’ s office , later deciding that Ellison would take command of the prosecution , though Freeman has stayed on to assist the investigation as the co-prosecuting body .
Given that Freeman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case and , given his tumultuous history with similar cases , activists think it ’ s paramount to have him removed from office as soon as possible .
Days after Floyd ’ s murder , Lena Gardner , a local activist in Minneapolis , got a call from her friend Kathleen Cole .
Both women had been key organizers in the protests that spawned in the wake of Clark ’ s murder in 2015 ; Gardner as core organizer in the original Black Lives Matter Minneapolis group and Cole as a founding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cities .
Through their years of local activist work , they were quite familiar with Freeman ’ s reputation and knew that he ’ d be involved in prosecuting the four cops responsible for Floyd ’ s death .
Given this , they thought it was tantamount that Freeman be removed from office .
When they started collecting signatures , they were surprised to learn that a lot of people didn ’ t really know what the Hennepin County attorney does , nor how much power that person has over holding police accountable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how much Mike Freeman has dropped the ball in police accountability cases , people would tell us ‘ yeah , it ’ s probably time for us to recall him , ' ” Gardner says .
Gardner and Cole then linked up with another local organizer they knew , Jared Mollenkof , a public defender who sits on the board of the Minneapolis Freedom Fund , the local bail fund that exploded into public view in the wake of the George Floyd protests , raising more than $ 30 million in a matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three of them started to recruit the other members that now make up core team for the recall campaign—some they knew from their work in electoral politics but mostly through their backgrounds in grassroots organizing .
Eight days after Floyd ’ s murder on May 25 , the campaign to recall Freeman officially kicked off .
Freeman ’ s long tenure as the Hennepin County attorney began in 1991 , after he had served for nearly a decade in the state Senate .
He held the position—a particularly powerful role that represents nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after he mounted an unsuccessful gubernatorial run .
In his place , Freeman threw the full weight of his support behind then-political novice Amy Klobuchar , who had long supported his career as the Hennepin County DA .
When Klobuchar decided to run for the US Senate in 2005 , she returned the favor , backing Freeman in the 2006 election for his old position , which he won by a wide margin .
Freeman has comfortably held his position ever since , garnering a reputation for being tough-on-crime and particularly chummy with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it came to instances of police violence .
Most troubling , though , is his reputation when it comes to racial profiling and prosecuting people of color in Hennepin County .
In 2016 , Black residents made up only 6 percent of the state ’ s population , but nearly 37 percent of the state ’ s prison population .
And according to court data compiled by the Minneapolis Star Tribune in 2017 , since he took office Freeman has charged Black residents in Hennepin County with 44 percent of all felonies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 percent of the county ’ s population .
More recently , data obtained by the New York Times found that more than 60 percent of the victims of police shootings in Minneapolis in the past decade were Black residents , who account for only 20 percent of the city ’ s population .
Though Freeman , as county attorney , is not in charge of the Minneapolis Police Department , his office is tasked with prosecuting officers involved in police shootings and the decision of whether or not to charge any officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him .
Likewise , Freeman ’ s position gives him the chief authority to prosecute those facing felony charges , and the racial disparity in Hennepin County ’ s prosecution rate is a direct reflection of what cases are brought by Freeman ’ s office .
It ’ s no easy feat to recall an elected official in Hennepin County , and the campaign says that it has never been attempted before .
For starters , the requisite number of signatures required to kickstart the recall process is 126,522 , roughly 10 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must be signed in person—no small task on its own , but even tougher in the midst of a global pandemic .
At the beginning of the Floyd protests in and around Minneapolis , Gardener says the campaign took advantage of the moment to start collecting signatures .
“ We would get 800 , 1,000 signatures at a time at protests , ” she says .
“ But as those have dissipated we ’ ve been switching to a ground game.
” That ’ s taken the form of traditional grassroots political efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas—like grocery store parking lots , community centers , and shopping centers—to collect signatures , as well as phone banking .
Still , the group is taking advantage of any opportunity they can to gather signatures , including at the Minneapolis Children ’ s March on Saturday .
In mid-June , the campaign formally registered as a 501 ( c ) 4 in order to fundraise for its signature-gathering efforts .
They raised $ 10,000 to purchase access to a Voter Activation Network , a voter database often used by electoral campaigns to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says that they ’ re working on an education project to help local voters understand the role that the county attorney ’ s office plays in mass incarceration in the state .
By the third week of August , they have gathered more than 20,000 signatures .
They still have a long way to go to reach the requisite number of signatures to trigger the recall process , but it ’ s not an impossible task .
And the money and resources that the group is pouring into their ground game is , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engagement from Hennepin County residents .
“ I think now there ’ s a lot more people paying attention and trying to figure out how to save Black lives and do policing and the whole criminal justice system differently , ” Gardner says .
“ And they ’ re finally starting to listen to organizers who have been saying things for decades.
” Gardner points to a number of cases similar to Clark as part of a disturbing pattern .
There ’ s the case of Wayne Reyes , who in 2006 was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a domestic dispute .
When police pulled him over , they said that he stepped out of the vehicle and pulled out a shotgun .
And so six officers fired 43 rounds at him in four seconds , killing him .
But according to Reyes ’ daughter , the blurry dashcam footage from one of the responding officer ’ s cars that captured the incident does not show Reyes outside of his vehicle until after he was shot .
One of those six officers who shot Reyes was Derek Chauvin , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his knee on his neck for nearly nine minutes .
Instead of charging the officers , Freeman sent the case to a grand jury who decided not to bring charges .
In 2018 , Freeman declined to charge two police officers who shot and killed 31-year-old Thurman Blevins after chasing him through an alleyway in a Minneapolis neighborhood .
According to body-worn camera footage of the incident that was released , some of Blevins ’ last words were , “ Please don ’ t shoot me.
” And in February of this year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring charges against five police officers who fatally shot 30-year-old Brian Quinones-Rosario , who livestreamed himself being chased by police in his vehicle before getting out and threatening the officers with a knife .
In one of the few instances where Freeman did bring charges against a police officer , it was against a Somali-American cop , Mohamed Noor who fatally shot Justine Damond , a white woman from Australia when she snuck up on Noor and his partner while they were parked in an alley at night .
Noor was initially charged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but Freeman ’ s office later added the charge of second-degree murder .
He was acquitted of the latter charge , but convicted of third-degree murder and manslaughter .
“ It ’ s alarming how racialized Freeman ’ s prosecuting is , ” says Gardner .
“ When it ’ s a white victim and a Black cop or a Somali cop , he is hyper ready to pursue action .
But when it ’ s a white cop and a Black or Indigenous victim , he will rarely bring charges .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go.
” A spokesperson for the Hennepin County attorney told Mother Jones that the office “ disagrees with the campaign ’ s opinion of County Attorney Freeman , ” but declined to provide any further comment .
The effort to recall Freeman appears to have an unlikely ally to help make the case : The lawyers representing J. Alexander Kueng , one of the cops charged as an accomplice in Floyd ’ s killing .
Earlier this month , one of Kueng ’ s lawyers , Thomas Plunkett , filed a motion to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arguing that he has become too close to law enforcement to ethically prosecute the case .
In his motion , Plunkett argued that , in public statements , Freeman has already proclaimed Chauvin , Kueng , and the other two officer ’ s guilty .
“ Mr .
Freeman has called the death of Mr. Floyd a ‘ senseless death ’ and [ said ] that he is sympathetic to the Floyd family , ” he wrote .
Elsewhere in the motion Plunkett filed , he argued that Freeman is in a position @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of law enforcement and prosecutors working together in order to bring about convictions .
“ Mr .
Freeman is unique as he fits snugly in both the ‘ white washer ’ category and ‘ overzealous scapegoated ’ category , ” Plunkett said .
This isn ’ t the first time that there ’ s been talk of launching a campaign to recall Freeman .
In 2019 , shortly after he won his last reelection and a week after he announced the conviction of Noor , Freeman appeared at a crime prevention meeting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ erratic behavior .
According to the Star Tribune , Freeman was speaking at a meeting for a street violence and gang intervention program where he “ struck a boastful tone ” as he told the audience—which included gang members , police officers , lawyers , and other residents—that he “ wasn ’ t afraid to charge anyone , ” including police officers .
Later in the evening , Freeman allegedly slapped the body of police car and told nearby officers , “ Thanks for not shooting me , ” which was interpreted by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Noor case .
A week later , Freeman announced he was taking a leave of absence to enter an alcohol treatment program .
After that incident , Cole says that there was talk in local activist circles of trying to mount a campaign to recall him , but that it didn ’ t ever amount to anything more than a private Facebook group .
Even if the recall effort isn ’ t successful , its organizers recognize that it ’ s an opportunity to start laying the groundwork to support a progressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when he ’ s next up for reelection .
In the 2018 election , Mark Haase , a progressive upstart attorney who co-founded the Minnesota Second Chance Coalition , a non-profit advocacy group that fights to restore full rights to formerly incarcerated residents , ran against Freeman , hoping to ride the crest of newly elected progressive DAs , like Larry Krasner in Philadelphia , Chesa Boudin in San Francisco , and Wesley Bell in St. Louis .
Haase lost that election by nearly 10 percent .
Gardner thinks that was because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know enough about the role that prosecutors have in the criminal justice system .
“ Even as we defund the police , we also have to radically transform the county attorney ’ s office if we ’ re going to have meaningful change toward decarcerating Minnesota , ” Cole adds .
But if the recall effort does get enough signatures and gets as far as a public hearing , Gardner thinks that they have more than enough evidence to prove that Freeman should be removed from office .
“ I feel like we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cops are probably going to kill another person and that person is probably going to be Black , ” she says .
“ I just don ’ t feel like he ’ s going to bring justice because he ’ s shown that he doesn ’ t believe in justice for Black people , really , when it comes down to it .
”

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There are diverging accounts about what happened in the early morning hours of November 15, 2015 in Minneapolis. Police responded to an assault call and, officers say, there was a physical confrontation with the suspect, which ended with one of the cops shooting 24-year-old Jamar Clark. But according to witnesses, Clark was handcuffed and pinned to the ground when he was fatally shot in the head.
The police may dispute the eye-witness accounts—and video footage captured from the rear of the ambulance that was called to the scene only offers a vague glimpse of the shooting—but there is no disputing that Clark, an unarmed Black man, was killed by two white police officers. And Mike Freeman, the district attorney of Hennepin County—the same county in Minnesota where 46-year-old George Floyd was killed on Memorial Day this year when a white police officer put his knee on Floyd’s neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds—declined to charge the two officers involved in Clark’s death.
Both Clark’s and Floyd’s tragic stories are all too familiar in Minneapolis, which has struggled with police violence for years. Despite a turnover of police leadership and adopted reforms, the problems with the Minneapolis Police Department persisted, and Floyd’s recent killing has shined an international spotlight on the issues that have long plagued the city. But for many local activists in Hennepin County (home to Minneapolis and its Western suburbs) the problem isn’t just the police—it’s Freeman, the longtime county prosecutor, who for years has declined to bring charges against cops for police-involved violence, especially cases that involve white officers and Black victims. It’s a pattern, activists argue, that has allowed the most abhorrent and racist behavior by cops in Hennepin County to essentially go unchecked. Now, in the aftermath of Floyd’s murder and Minneapolis’ reckoning with its police department, a dedicated group of activists are in the midst of a Herculean effort to recall Freeman as the Hennepin County DA.
The rationale for recalling Freeman, according to the activists behind the effort, is simple: “[He] has violated the constitutional rights of all Black residents of Hennepin County by denying them equal protection of law,” the recall effort’s website states. “White cops and Black residents know that Mike Freeman will protect cops who kill Black folks.” Though Freeman was initially leading the investigation into Floyd’s death, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz asked state Attorney General Keith Ellison to assist Freeman’s office, later deciding that Ellison would take command of the prosecution, though Freeman has stayed on to assist the investigation as the co-prosecuting body. Given that Freeman’s office is still involved in the case and, given his tumultuous history with similar cases, activists think it’s paramount to have him removed from office as soon as possible.
Days after Floyd’s murder, Lena Gardner, a local activist in Minneapolis, got a call from her friend Kathleen Cole. Both women had been organizers in the protests that spawned in the wake of Clark’s murder in 2015; Gardner as core organizer in the original Black Lives Matter Minneapolis group and Cole as a founding organizer for Showing Up for Racial Justice-Twin Cities. Through their years of local activist work, they were quite familiar with Freeman’s reputation and knew that he’d be involved in prosecuting the four cops responsible for Floyd’s death. Given this, they thought it was tantamount that Freeman be removed from office. When they started collecting signatures, they were surprised to learn that a lot of people didn’t really know what the Hennepin County attorney does, nor how much power that person has over holding police accountable. “But once they found out how much Mike Freeman has dropped the ball in police accountability cases, people would tell us ‘yeah, it’s probably time for us to recall him,'” Gardner says.
Gardner and Cole then linked up with another local organizer they knew, Jared Mollenkof, a public defender who sits on the board of the Minneapolis Freedom Fund, the local bail fund that exploded into public view in the wake of the George Floyd protests, raising more than $30 million in a matter of weeks. From there, the three of them started to recruit the other members that now make up core team for the recall campaign—some they knew from their work in electoral politics but mostly through their backgrounds in grassroots organizing. Eight days after Floyd’s murder on May 25, the campaign to recall Freeman officially kicked off.
“It’s alarming how racialized Freeman’s prosecuting is.”
Freeman’s long tenure as the Hennepin County attorney began in 1991, after he had served for nearly a decade in the state Senate. He held the position—a particularly powerful role that represents nearly a quarter of the state—until 1999, after he mounted an unsuccessful gubernatorial run. In his place, Freeman threw the full weight of his support behind then-political novice Amy Klobuchar, who had long supported his career as the Hennepin County DA. When Klobuchar decided to run for the US Senate in 2005, she returned the favor, backing Freeman in the 2006 election for his old position, which he won by a wide margin.
Freeman has comfortably held his position ever since, garnering a reputation for being tough-on-crime and particularly chummy with the Minneapolis Police Department, especially when it came to instances of police violence. Most troubling, though, is his reputation when it comes to racial profiling and prosecuting people of color in Hennepin County.
In 2016, Black residents made up only 6 percent of the state’s population, but nearly 37 percent of the state’s prison population. And according to court data compiled by the Minneapolis Star Tribune in 2017, since he took office Freeman has charged Black residents in Hennepin County with 44 percent of all felonies, despite that Black residents only make up 12 percent of the county’s population. More recently, data obtained by the New York Times found that more than 60 percent of the victims of police shootings in Minneapolis in the past decade were Black residents, who account for only 20 percent of the city’s population.
Though Freeman, as county attorney, is not in charge of the Minneapolis Police Department, his office is tasked with prosecuting officers involved in police shootings and the decision of whether or not to charge any officer involved in a shooting lies solely with him. Likewise, Freeman’s position gives him the chief authority to prosecute those facing felony charges, and the racial disparity in Hennepin County’s prosecution rate is a direct reflection of what cases are brought by Freeman’s office.
It’s no easy feat to recall an elected official in Hennepin County, and the campaign says that it has never been attempted before. For starters, the requisite number of signatures required to kickstart the recall process is 126,522, roughly 10 percent of the total county population and they must be signed in person—no small task on its own, but even tougher in the midst of a global pandemic. At the beginning of the Floyd protests in and around Minneapolis, Gardener says the campaign took advantage of the moment to start collecting signatures. “We would get 800, 1,000 signatures at a time at protests,” she says. “But as those have dissipated we’ve been switching to a ground game.” That’s taken the form of traditional grassroots political efforts, with volunteers stationed at high traffic areas—like grocery store parking lots, community centers, and shopping centers—to collect signatures, as well as phone banking. Still, the group is taking advantage of any opportunity they can to gather signatures, including at the Minneapolis Children’s March on Saturday.
In mid-June, the campaign formally registered as a 501(c)4 in order to fundraise for its signature-gathering efforts. They raised $10,000 to purchase access to a Voter Activation Network, a voter database often used by electoral campaigns to identify and target registered voters. Cole says that they’re working on an education project to help local voters understand the role that the county attorney’s office plays in mass incarceration in the state. By the third week of August, they have gathered more than 20,000 signatures. They still have a long way to go to reach the requisite number of signatures to trigger the recall process, but it’s not an impossible task. And the money and resources that the group is pouring into their ground game is, at the very least, generating fresh engagement from Hennepin County residents. “I think now there’s a lot more people paying attention and trying to figure out how to save Black lives and do policing and the whole criminal justice system differently,” Gardner says. “And they’re finally starting to listen to organizers who have been saying things for decades.”
Gardner points to a number of cases similar to Clark as part of a disturbing pattern. There’s the case of Wayne Reyes, who in 2006 was suspected of stabbing his girlfriend and friend in a domestic dispute. When police pulled him over, they said that he stepped out of the vehicle and pulled out a shotgun. And so six officers fired 43 rounds at him in four seconds, killing him. But according to Reyes’ daughter, the blurry dashcam footage from one of the responding officer’s cars that captured the incident does not show Reyes outside of his vehicle until after he was shot. One of those six officers who shot Reyes was Derek Chauvin, the officer who killed Floyd when he put his knee on his neck for nearly nine minutes. Instead of charging the officers, Freeman sent the case to a grand jury who decided not to bring charges.
In 2018, Freeman declined to charge two police officers who shot and killed 31-year-old Thurman Blevins after chasing him through an alleyway in a Minneapolis neighborhood. According to body-worn camera footage of the incident that was released, some of Blevins’ last words were, “Please don’t shoot me.” And in February of this year, Freeman’s office did not bring charges against five police officers who fatally shot 30-year-old Brian Quinones-Rosario, who livestreamed himself being chased by police in his vehicle before getting out and threatening the officers with a knife.
In one of the few instances where Freeman did bring charges against a police officer, it was against a Somali-American cop, Mohamed Noor who fatally shot Justine Damond, a white woman from Australia when she snuck up on Noor and his partner while they were parked in an alley at night. Noor was initially charged with second-degree manslaughter and third-degree murder, but Freeman’s office later added the charge of second-degree murder. He was acquitted of the latter charge, but convicted of third-degree murder and manslaughter.
“It’s alarming how racialized Freeman’s prosecuting is,” says Gardner. “When it’s a white victim and a Black cop or a Somali cop, he is hyper ready to pursue action. But when it’s a white cop and a Black or Indigenous victim, he will rarely bring charges. And that’s why he needs to go.”
A spokesperson for the Hennepin County attorney told Mother Jones that the office “disagrees with the campaign’s opinion of County Attorney Freeman,” but declined to provide any further comment.
The effort to recall Freeman appears to have an unlikely ally to help make the case: The lawyers representing J. Alexander Kueng, one of the cops charged as an accomplice in Floyd’s killing. Earlier this month, one of Kueng’s lawyers, Thomas Plunkett, filed a motion to have Freeman removed from the case, arguing that he has become too close to law enforcement to ethically prosecute the case. In his motion, Plunkett argued that, in public statements, Freeman has already proclaimed Chauvin, Kueng, and the other two officer’s guilty. “Mr. Freeman has called the death of Mr. Floyd a ‘senseless death’ and [said] that he is sympathetic to the Floyd family,” he wrote. Elsewhere in the motion Plunkett filed, he argued that Freeman is in a position of inherent conflict because of the history of law enforcement and prosecutors working together in order to bring about convictions. “Mr. Freeman is unique as he fits snugly in both the ‘white washer’ category and ‘overzealous scapegoated’ category,” Plunkett said.
This isn’t the first time that there’s been talk of launching a campaign to recall Freeman. In 2019, shortly after he won his last reelection and a week after he announced the conviction of Noor, Freeman appeared at a crime prevention meeting in north Minneapolis where multiple sources reported his erratic behavior. According to the Star Tribune, Freeman was speaking at a meeting for a street violence and gang intervention program where he “struck a boastful tone” as he told the audience—which included gang members, police officers, lawyers, and other residents—that he “wasn’t afraid to charge anyone,” including police officers. Later in the evening, Freeman allegedly slapped the body of police car and told nearby officers, “Thanks for not shooting me,” which was interpreted by those officers as an off-color reference to the Noor case. A week later, Freeman announced he was taking a leave of absence to enter an alcohol treatment program. After that incident, Cole says that there was talk in local activist circles of trying to mount a campaign to recall him, but that it didn’t ever amount to anything more than a private Facebook group.
Even if the recall effort isn’t successful, its organizers recognize that it’s an opportunity to start laying the groundwork to support a progressive candidate to take on Freeman in 2022, when he’s next up for reelection. In the 2018 election, Mark Haase, a progressive upstart attorney who co-founded the Minnesota Second Chance Coalition, a non-profit advocacy group that fights to restore full rights to formerly incarcerated residents, ran against Freeman, hoping to ride the crest of newly elected progressive DAs, like Larry Krasner in Philadelphia, Chesa Boudin in San Francisco, and Wesley Bell in St. Louis. Haase lost that election by nearly 10 percent. Gardner thinks that was because Hennepin County voters just didn’t know enough about the role that prosecutors have in the criminal justice system. “Even as we defund the police, we also have to radically transform the county attorney’s office if we’re going to have meaningful change toward decarcerating Minnesota,” Cole adds.
But if the recall effort does get enough signatures and gets as far as a public hearing, Gardner thinks that they have more than enough evidence to prove that Freeman should be removed from office. “I feel like we really can’t wait because the cops are probably going to kill another person and that person is probably going to be Black,” she says. “I just don’t feel like he’s going to bring justice because he’s shown that he doesn’t believe in justice for Black people, really, when it comes down to it.”


motherjones--2020-08-31--Appeals Court Says Bill Barr Can’t Drop Michael Flynn Charges Yet

The Justice Department will have to defend Attorney General William Barr ’ s controversial attempt to drop charges against Michael Flynn , the former national security adviser to Donald Trump who pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI about his contacts with Russia .
In the latest twist in the legal drama over Flynn ’ s case , a federal appeals court ruled that US District Court Judge Emmet Sullivan can proceed with a plan to question the Justice Department ’ s decision to ask that charges against Flynn be dropped .
The full court overruled a three-judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ June ordered Sullivan to agree to end the case against Flynn without review .
Sullivan may yet accept DOJ ’ s request to drop the Flynn case .
But the new ruling means the judge can question the department ’ s conduct and continue to rely on a former federal judge he appointed to argue against Barr ’ s decision .
That former judge , John Gleeson , called DOJ ’ s reversal on Flynn , which was ordered by Barr , “ corrupt ” and “ a gross abuse of prosecutorial power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March 2017 , Trump pressured former FBI Director James Comey to stop investigating Flynn , an act former special counsel Robert Mueller said may have amounted to obstruction of justice .
After Flynn ’ s plea , Trump has railed publicly against the case , claiming without evidence that it constituted part of a plot by former members of the Obama administration to damage him politically .
In its motion to drop the Flynn case , the Justice Department argued that Flynn ’ s lies were not material to the FBI ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Gleeson said those arguments were a pretext for DOJ to succumb to political pressure from Trump .
Courts have the power to “ protect the integrity of their own proceedings from prosecutors who undertake corrupt , politically motivated dismissals , ” Gleeson wrote .
“ That is what has happened here .
The Government has engaged in highly irregular conduct to benefit a political ally of the President.
” The full appeals court did not address Gleeson ’ s claims , instead ruling on a narrower question of whether they should uphold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requiring Sullivan to accept DOJ ’ s motion without review .
The appeals court ruled that step was unwarranted because Flynn has a less drastic alternative : “ The District Court could grant the motion , reject amicus ’ s arguments , and dismiss the case.
” Flynn can always appeal if he believes Sullivan ’ s actions merit it , the court said .
Sullivan is known for tough treatment of government prosecutors .
He famously rebuked federal lawyers for misconduct in their prosecution of the late Sen. Ted Stevens ( R-Alaska @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ethics violations .
Beyond indicating plans to hold a hearing on DOJ ’ s bid to dismiss the Flynn case , Sullivan has not said how he plans to proceed .
But the appeals court ruling opens the door for the judge to scrutinize Barr ’ s bid to help a Trump ally .

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The Justice Department will have to defend Attorney General William Barr’s controversial attempt to drop charges against Michael Flynn, the former national security adviser to Donald Trump who pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI about his contacts with Russia.
In the latest twist in the legal drama over Flynn’s case, a federal appeals court ruled that US District Court Judge Emmet Sullivan can proceed with a plan to question the Justice Department’s decision to ask that charges against Flynn be dropped. The full court overruled a three-judge panel of appeals court judges who in June ordered Sullivan to agree to end the case against Flynn without review.
Sullivan may yet accept DOJ’s request to drop the Flynn case. But the new ruling means the judge can question the department’s conduct and continue to rely on a former federal judge he appointed to argue against Barr’s decision. That former judge, John Gleeson, called DOJ’s reversal on Flynn, which was ordered by Barr, “corrupt” and “a gross abuse of prosecutorial power” in a June brief.
In March 2017, Trump pressured former FBI Director James Comey to stop investigating Flynn, an act former special counsel Robert Mueller said may have amounted to obstruction of justice. After Flynn’s plea, Trump has railed publicly against the case, claiming without evidence that it constituted part of a plot by former members of the Obama administration to damage him politically. In its motion to drop the Flynn case, the Justice Department argued that Flynn’s lies were not material to the FBI’s investigation into contacts between Trump and Russia.
Gleeson said those arguments were a pretext for DOJ to succumb to political pressure from Trump. Courts have the power to “protect the integrity of their own proceedings from prosecutors who undertake corrupt, politically motivated dismissals,” Gleeson wrote. “That is what has happened here. The Government has engaged in highly irregular conduct to benefit a political ally of the President.”
The full appeals court did not address Gleeson’s claims, instead ruling on a narrower question of whether they should uphold a so-called “writ of mandamus” requiring Sullivan to accept DOJ’s motion without review.
The appeals court ruled that step was unwarranted because Flynn has a less drastic alternative: “The District Court could grant the motion, reject amicus’s arguments, and dismiss the case.” Flynn can always appeal if he believes Sullivan’s actions merit it, the court said.
Sullivan is known for tough treatment of government prosecutors. He famously rebuked federal lawyers for misconduct in their prosecution of the late Sen. Ted Stevens (R-Alaska) while dismissing Stevens’ conviction for ethics violations. Beyond indicating plans to hold a hearing on DOJ’s bid to dismiss the Flynn case, Sullivan has not said how he plans to proceed. But the appeals court ruling opens the door for the judge to scrutinize Barr’s bid to help a Trump ally.


motherjones--2020-09-01--Detainees Describe Dire Conditions After Hurricane Leaves ICE Jails Without Water or Power

Hurricane Laura ’ s trail of destruction left several immigration detention centers in Louisiana without power or water , creating such dire conditions at one facility that detainees reported relieving themselves on their dishes , covering up their waste with torn-up pieces of plastic bags to control odors , and sleeping near toilets filled with feces and menstrual blood .
After the Jackson Parish Correctional Center lost power and water last Thursday , temperatures soared without air conditioning and people spent days without working bathrooms , according to six people detained there by Immigration and Customs Enforcement .
The detainees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weren ’ t working and that guards let them sleep outside on Friday because the heat inside was unbearable .
On Saturday , the detainees protested , leading to a disturbance that prompted officers to use force against detainees , according to Jackson Parish Sheriff Andy Brown .
“ The show of force and the less lethal tools we used squashed this event , ” Brown wrote on Facebook .
He said water and power had been restored to the facility .
Starting last year , Immigration and Customs Enforcement started sending asylum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisons in the Deep South .
Even before Laura struck , detention was hard to endure for the immigrants and asylum seekers being held there .
ICE denied nearly all of their applications to be released on parole .
Then COVID-19 began to spread through the facilities , but again ICE declined most requests for release .
Now people at several of those detention centers are dealing with the fallout from a Category 4 hurricane .
Despite Brown ’ s Facebook post and reporting from the Associated Press and New Orleans Public Radio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an executive with LaSalle Corrections , which runs the Jackson Parish facility , said “ there was no use of force reported at the facility.
” ICE spokesman Bryan Cox did not provide details about the use of force .
Brown did not respond to multiple requests for comment .
Cox did say on Monday that power was back on at Jackson Parish and that water was being pumped in via a tanker .
He added that “ due to extensive planning and preparation , backup systems were promptly put into use and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potable water at ICE facilities.
” Sutterfield ’ s response included the same wording .
But four detainees said Monday that they still couldn ’ t use the toilets in their units .
( Cox did not respond to a follow-up question about reports that the bathrooms remained out of service . )
A Cameroonian asylum seeker who asked to remain anonymous told me that feces and blood from women ’ s menstrual cycles had accumulated in the toilets .
“ We can not sleep because the whole dorm is smelly , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this smell.
” The Cameroonian detainee added that another woman in the unit went to the infirmary over the weekend with a fever .
“ They took her back to the dorm , ” said another Cameroonian woman in the unit .
“ She stayed with us for the whole day.
” The two Cameroonian women said their unit is now being quarantined from the rest of the jail .
They reported that guards only sometimes wear masks .
( LaSalle Corrections previously barred some employees from wearing masks to prevent detainees from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man at Jackson said detainees were relieving themselves on the disposable dishes food is delivered on .
To keep the odor at bay , he and other men in the unit described covering their waste with torn up pieces of plastic bags before putting it in a trash can .
Immigration lawyer Dario Elizondo said a Honduran client of his in a third unit told him that feces was overflowing from a toilet .
Elizondo ’ s client said he was being quarantined with dozens of people who , like the client , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ICE lists only nine active coronavirus cases at Jackson on its website , although the agency ’ s public data is often several days out of date .
( Cox did not respond to a question about whether there had recently been a spike in cases at the facility . )
Three women detained about an hour away at an immigration detention center in Jena , Louisiana , run by the private prison company GEO Group , said Monday that they had running water but not light or air conditioning .
Kerlys , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a group that got pepper-sprayed by guards in April during a confrontation over COVID protections , said the heat was suffocating .
María García , a 63-year-old from Mexico whose age makes her more vulnerable to COVID at the jail , described similar conditions .
Jorge Sarat , a Guatemalan man detained at another LaSalle detention center in Louisiana , said on Tuesday that his facility didn ’ t have electricity or running water for three nights .
It was so hot that the detainees couldn ’ t sleep , he added .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ I thought we were going to die .
”

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Hurricane Laura’s trail of destruction left several immigration detention centers in Louisiana without power or water, creating such dire conditions at one facility that detainees reported relieving themselves on their dishes, covering up their waste with torn-up pieces of plastic bags to control odors, and sleeping near toilets filled with feces and menstrual blood.
After the Jackson Parish Correctional Center lost power and water last Thursday, temperatures soared without air conditioning and people spent days without working bathrooms, according to six people detained there by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The detainees said on Monday that the toilets still weren’t working and that guards let them sleep outside on Friday because the heat inside was unbearable.
On Saturday, the detainees protested, leading to a disturbance that prompted officers to use force against detainees, according to Jackson Parish Sheriff Andy Brown. “The show of force and the less lethal tools we used squashed this event,” Brown wrote on Facebook. He said water and power had been restored to the facility.
Starting last year, Immigration and Customs Enforcement started sending asylum seekers to eight additional for-profit jails and prisons in the Deep South. Even before Laura struck, detention was hard to endure for the immigrants and asylum seekers being held there. ICE denied nearly all of their applications to be released on parole. Then COVID-19 began to spread through the facilities, but again ICE declined most requests for release. Now people at several of those detention centers are dealing with the fallout from a Category 4 hurricane.
Despite Brown’s Facebook post and reporting from the Associated Press and New Orleans Public Radio on the protest, Scott Sutterfield, an executive with LaSalle Corrections, which runs the Jackson Parish facility, said “there was no use of force reported at the facility.” ICE spokesman Bryan Cox did not provide details about the use of force. Brown did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
Cox did say on Monday that power was back on at Jackson Parish and that water was being pumped in via a tanker. He added that “due to extensive planning and preparation, backup systems were promptly put into use and precluded any extended absence of power or potable water at ICE facilities.” Sutterfield’s response included the same wording. But four detainees said Monday that they still couldn’t use the toilets in their units. (Cox did not respond to a follow-up question about reports that the bathrooms remained out of service.)
A Cameroonian asylum seeker who asked to remain anonymous told me that feces and blood from women’s menstrual cycles had accumulated in the toilets. “We cannot sleep because the whole dorm is smelly,” she said. “We eat in this smell.”
The Cameroonian detainee added that another woman in the unit went to the infirmary over the weekend with a fever. “They took her back to the dorm,” said another Cameroonian woman in the unit. “She stayed with us for the whole day.” The two Cameroonian women said their unit is now being quarantined from the rest of the jail. They reported that guards only sometimes wear masks. (LaSalle Corrections previously barred some employees from wearing masks to prevent detainees from panicking about COVID-19.)
A Cameroonian said feces and blood from women’s menstrual cycles accumulated in the toilets. “We cannot sleep because the whole dorm is smelly.”
A Cuban man at Jackson said detainees were relieving themselves on the disposable dishes food is delivered on. To keep the odor at bay, he and other men in the unit described covering their waste with torn up pieces of plastic bags before putting it in a trash can. Immigration lawyer Dario Elizondo said a Honduran client of his in a third unit told him that feces was overflowing from a toilet.
Elizondo’s client said he was being quarantined with dozens of people who, like the client, had recently tested positive for COVID-19. ICE lists only nine active coronavirus cases at Jackson on its website, although the agency’s public data is often several days out of date. (Cox did not respond to a question about whether there had recently been a spike in cases at the facility.)
Three women detained about an hour away at an immigration detention center in Jena, Louisiana, run by the private prison company GEO Group, said Monday that they had running water but not light or air conditioning. Kerlys, a Colombian woman who was part of a group that got pepper-sprayed by guards in April during a confrontation over COVID protections, said the heat was suffocating. María García, a 63-year-old from Mexico whose age makes her more vulnerable to COVID at the jail, described similar conditions.
Jorge Sarat, a Guatemalan man detained at another LaSalle detention center in Louisiana, said on Tuesday that his facility didn’t have electricity or running water for three nights. It was so hot that the detainees couldn’t sleep, he added. “It was horrible,” Sarat said. “I thought we were going to die.”


motherjones--2020-09-01--Congressional Dems Call On the IRS to Investigate the NRA

Last month , New York Attorney General Letitia James filed a groundbreaking lawsuit against the National Rifle Association , charging the nation ’ s oldest gun rights group with decades of illegal financial dealings and misconduct and seeking to dissolve the organization .
But that might not be the end of the NRA ’ s legal woes .
Now , a coalition of Democratic members of the House Ways and Means Committee and Oversight Committee are calling on the Internal Revenue Service to open an investigation into the NRA ’ s federal tax-exempt status .
On Tuesday , Reps. Brad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( D-Calif. ) sent the IRS a letter signed by 33 House Democrats outlining the findings of the James ’ investigation into the NRA .
The letter also discusses the DC attorney general ’ s concurrent probe into the group , as well as Schneider ’ s own investigation .
The letter outlines an alleged “ pattern of egregious self-dealing ” by high-ranking NRA officials .
James ’ lawsuit takes aim at four current and former members of the NRA ’ s leadership team , including the group ’ s longtime executive vice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dozens of examples of LaPierre and other executives allegedly using millions of dollars of NRA funds for exorbitant personal purposes , like family vacations , expensive clothes , and private jet travel for personal trips .
Schneider ’ s investigation , which was released in February , outlines the NRA ’ s extensive self-dealing and various conflicts of interest .
It notes that the salary of the NRA ’ s former board president , Oliver North , was paid by the group ’ s top vendor , Ackerman McQueen , apparently in order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonprofit bylaws that prohibit it from paying its board president .
“ In light of this new information , we respectfully ask that you review whether the recent allegations against the NRA and NRA Foundation warrant reconsideration of the organizations ’ federal tax-exempt status , ” the letter reads .
“ No organization that wantonly and repeatedly abuses these rules in order to advance and enrich the financial interests of its leaders should be allowed to enjoy privileged tax-exempt status.
” An IRS investigation of the NRA has long been desired by congressional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group of Democratic senators led by Minority Leader Chuck Schumer ( N.Y. ) and Ron Wyden ( Ore. ) sent a similar letter to the IRS , citing the findings of a Senate investigation into the NRA ’ s interactions with Russian agent Maria Butina .
But the IRS has , so far , remained silent on the accusations against the NRA and whether it would open up an investigation into the group ’ s tax-exempt status .
When I brought the subject up last year with two tax attorneys who specialize in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ optimistic about an IRS investigation .
“ Immediate is not a term that the IRS really follows very well , ” Matthew Journy , one of the lawyers I spoke to , told me at the time .

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Last month, New York Attorney General Letitia James filed a groundbreaking lawsuit against the National Rifle Association, charging the nation’s oldest gun rights group with decades of illegal financial dealings and misconduct and seeking to dissolve the organization. But that might not be the end of the NRA’s legal woes. Now, a coalition of Democratic members of the House Ways and Means Committee and Oversight Committee are calling on the Internal Revenue Service to open an investigation into the NRA’s federal tax-exempt status.
On Tuesday, Reps. Brad Schneider (D-Ill.) and Jimmy Gomez (D-Calif.) sent the IRS a letter signed by 33 House Democrats outlining the findings of the James’ investigation into the NRA. The letter also discusses the DC attorney general’s concurrent probe into the group, as well as Schneider’s own investigation. The letter outlines an alleged “pattern of egregious self-dealing” by high-ranking NRA officials.
James’ lawsuit takes aim at four current and former members of the NRA’s leadership team, including the group’s longtime executive vice president, Wayne LaPierre, and details dozens of examples of LaPierre and other executives allegedly using millions of dollars of NRA funds for exorbitant personal purposes, like family vacations, expensive clothes, and private jet travel for personal trips. Schneider’s investigation, which was released in February, outlines the NRA’s extensive self-dealing and various conflicts of interest. It notes that the salary of the NRA’s former board president, Oliver North, was paid by the group’s top vendor, Ackerman McQueen, apparently in order to skirt the group’s own nonprofit bylaws that prohibit it from paying its board president.
“In light of this new information, we respectfully ask that you review whether the recent allegations against the NRA and NRA Foundation warrant reconsideration of the organizations’ federal tax-exempt status,” the letter reads. “No organization that wantonly and repeatedly abuses these rules in order to advance and enrich the financial interests of its leaders should be allowed to enjoy privileged tax-exempt status.”
An IRS investigation of the NRA has long been desired by congressional Democrats. In October 2019, a group of Democratic senators led by Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (N.Y.) and Ron Wyden (Ore.) sent a similar letter to the IRS, citing the findings of a Senate investigation into the NRA’s interactions with Russian agent Maria Butina. But the IRS has, so far, remained silent on the accusations against the NRA and whether it would open up an investigation into the group’s tax-exempt status. When I brought the subject up last year with two tax attorneys who specialize in nonprofit tax law, neither seemed too optimistic about an IRS investigation. “Immediate is not a term that the IRS really follows very well,” Matthew Journy, one of the lawyers I spoke to, told me at the time.