motherjones--2020-08-01--Impeachment Witness Alexander Vindman Just Wrote a Scathing Indictment of Trump

Former Army Lt .
Colonel Alexander Vindman , who was fired by President Donald Trump in February from his position in the National Security Council in apparent retaliation for Vindman ’ s crucial testimony in the House impeachment trial , has written a searing op-ed for the Washington Post .
Vindman ’ s promotion to full colonel was sabotaged by the White House , so he retired from the military .
On Saturday , Vindman marked his first day as a civilian by publishing an extraordinary editorial .
After 21 years , six months and 10 days of active military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I made the difficult decision to retire because a campaign of bullying , intimidation and retaliation by President Trump and his allies forever limited the progression of my military career .
He goes on to describe his decision a year ago to raise concerns about the president ’ s fateful July 25 phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky , during which Trump warned of withholding military aid unless Ukrainian officials investigated Democratic presidential candidate and former vice president Joe Biden , and his son Hunter , for corruption .
Vindman was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At no point in my career or life have I felt our nation ’ s values under greater threat and in more peril than at this moment .
Our national government during the past few years has been more reminiscent of the authoritarian regime my family fled more than 40 years ago than the country I have devoted my life to serving .
Our citizens are being subjected to the same kinds of attacks tyrants launch against their critics and political opponents .
Those who choose loyalty to American values and allegiance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mendacious president and his enablers are punished .
The president recklessly downplayed the threat of the pandemic even as it swept through our country .
The economic collapse that followed highlighted the growing income disparities in our society .
Millions are grieving the loss of loved ones and many more have lost their livelihoods while the president publicly bemoans his approval ratings .
[ D ] uring a rambling , venting speech , Trump brought up Vindman and his twin brother Yevgeny , who works as a lawyer for the National Security Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Friday before Vindman had been dismissed , Trump told reporters he was “ not happy ” with Vindman , adding : “ You think I ’ m supposed to be happy with him ?
I ’ m not.
” The New York Times reported that Yevgeny was also fired .
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer suggested that the ousting of “ patriots & whistleblowers like LTC Vindman ” was an “ extension of President Trump ’ s cover-up ” in the Ukraine scandal .
Vindman recalls reassuring his father after the impeachment hearings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remained optimistic about the United States : The 23-year-old me who was commissioned in December 1998 could never have imagined the opportunities and experiences I have had .
I joined the military to serve the country that sheltered my family ’ s escape from authoritarianism , and yet the privilege has been all mine .
When I was asked why I had the confidence to tell my father not to worry about my testimony , my response was , “ Congressman , because this is America .
This is the country I have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brothers have served , and here , right matters.
” To this day , despite everything that has happened , I continue to believe in the American Dream .
I believe that in America , right matters .
I want to help ensure that right matters for all Americans .

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Former Army Lt. Colonel Alexander Vindman, who was fired by President Trump in February from his position on the National Security Council in apparent retaliation for Vindman’s crucial testimony in the House impeachment trial, has written a searing op-ed for the Washington Post. Vindman’s promotion to full colonel was sabotaged by the White House, so he retired from the military. On Saturday, Vindman marked his first day as a civilian by publishing an extraordinary editorial.
After 21 years, six months and 10 days of active military service, I am now a civilian. I made the difficult decision to retire because a campaign of bullying, intimidation and retaliation by President Trump and his allies forever limited the progression of my military career.
He goes on to describe his decision a year ago to raise concerns about the president’s fateful July 25 phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, during which Trump warned of withholding military aid unless Ukrainian officials investigated Democratic presidential candidate and former vice president Joe Biden, and his son Hunter, for corruption. Vindman was three-years-old when his family escaped from Ukraine.
At no point in my career or life have I felt our nation’s values under greater threat and in more peril than at this moment. Our national government during the past few years has been more reminiscent of the authoritarian regime my family fled more than 40 years ago than the country I have devoted my life to serving. Our citizens are being subjected to the same kinds of attacks tyrants launch against their critics and political opponents. Those who choose loyalty to American values and allegiance to the Constitution over devotion to a mendacious president and his enablers are punished. The president recklessly downplayed the threat of the pandemic even as it swept through our country. The economic collapse that followed highlighted the growing income disparities in our society. Millions are grieving the loss of loved ones and many more have lost their livelihoods while the president publicly bemoans his approval ratings.
As my colleague Edwin Rios reported when Vindman was relieved of his duties at the National Security Council:
[D]uring a rambling, venting speech, Trump brought up Vindman and his twin brother Yevgeny, who works as a lawyer for the National Security Council. And then earlier during the day Friday before Vindman had been dismissed, Trump told reporters he was “not happy” with Vindman, adding: “You think I’m supposed to be happy with him? I’m not.” The New York Times reported that Yevgeny was also fired. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer suggested that the ousting of “patriots & whistleblowers like LTC Vindman” was an “extension of President Trump’s cover-up” in the Ukraine scandal.
Vindman recalls reassuring his father after the impeachment hearings that despite concerns about Trump, he remained optimistic about the United States:
The 23-year-old me who was commissioned in December 1998 could never have imagined the opportunities and experiences I have had. I joined the military to serve the country that sheltered my family’s escape from authoritarianism, and yet the privilege has been all mine. When I was asked why I had the confidence to tell my father not to worry about my testimony, my response was, “Congressman, because this is America. This is the country I have served and defended, that all my brothers have served, and here, right matters.” To this day, despite everything that has happened, I continue to believe in the American Dream. I believe that in America, right matters. I want to help ensure that right matters for all Americans.


motherjones--2020-08-02--Democracy Depends on the Postal Service More Than Ever. Republicans Won’t Help Fix It.

An important sticking point in negotiations over the next coronavirus relief package in Congress is funding for the US Postal Service , which will play a critical role in the November elections .
As Democratic voters increasingly turn to voting by mail during the pandemic , Republicans reportedly do not want to spend the money to make sure those ballots are counted .
Democrats “ want new money for the Postal Service , new money for elections and nearly $ 1 trillion for state and local governments , ” Politico ‘ s Playbook newsletter reported Sunday .
Republicans “ seem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortfalls , but they are a hard no on money going to a new mail-in balloting system .
Dems want $ 25 billion for the USPS , Republicans think the number is closer to $ 5 billion.
” Other parts of the stalled negotiations have received more attention , including payments to the unemployed , aid to states and cities , and money for schools .
But Democrats have also pushed for new funding to ensure that people are not disenfranchised in the 2020 elections by funding the Postal Service as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is especially crucial as growing numbers of voters turn to absentee ballots to preserve their health during the pandemic .
In order for absentee balloting to work , voters have to receive their ballots in a timely manner and return them in a timely manner .
For that to happen , the US Postal Service needs more resources .
( Voters will also have to ensure that their ballots are not discarded for problems with the ballot envelope , like a missing or mismatched signature , which regularly result in tossed ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resources , there are fears that the Trump administration is purposefully sabotaging mail delivery in the United States in an effort not only to interfere with the election but ultimately privatize the Postal Service .
President Donald Trump began undermining the service early in his administration , in part as an attack against Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos because , Trump believed , USPS ’ rates were too favorable to the e-commerce giant .
Trump also faced pressure to privatize the Postal Service , long a goal among many conservatives ; a precursor to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of funds so that it appears in need of rescuing .
The coronavirus pandemic only made the situation for the cash-strapped service more dire as a drop in sending packages cost billions in much-needed revenue .
Recently , Trump installed a loyal mega-donor , Louis DeJoy , as postmaster general .
DeJoy has stopped overtime pay for clerks and mail carriers necessary for completing each day ’ s deliveries on time .
The result of overlapping and preventable crises is that mail delivery is slowing , in some places considerably , just when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happening on time .
Requests for absentee ballots are soaring across the country as people seek ways to vote without getting sick .
These rates are growing particularly for Democrats , at the urging of Democratic officials and state parties , while Republicans are slower to switch to mail balloting due to Trump ’ s false accusations , pushed out over social media , that voting by mail will lead to fraud .
The number of mail-in ballots used this year will be magnitudes higher than in 2016 , which puts millions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 34 states , ballots received after Election Day—which falls on November 3 , 2020—are not counted .
In others , ballots need to be postmarked by Election Day , but a crippled Postal Service often fails to apply the postmark , which could result in more ballots being rejected .
Mail delivery failures are not hypothetical .
“ Neighborhoods across the Philadelphia region are experiencing significant delays in receiving their mail , with some residents going upwards of three weeks without packages and letters , leaving them without medication , paychecks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Inquirer reported Sunday .
The recent cutbacks , end of overtime , and staffing shortages are leaving piles of mail unattended .
“ According to local union leaders and carriers , mail is piling up in offices , unscanned and unsorted.
” If things don ’ t change , thousands and perhaps millions of ballots could be in those piles .
Pennsylvania is a swing state .
An Inquirer analysis of voting in Pennsylvania ’ s June 2 primary elections found that voters who requested an absentee ballot more than three weeks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate of nearly 90 percent , but among voters who requested an absentee ballot within the three-week window , participation dropped 76 percent .
Pennsylvania ’ s tight deadlines for returning ballots , the frantic efforts of local election officials to keep pace with demand for absentee ballots , and slow mail delivery all contributed to thousands of voters being disenfranchised in the primary .
Without a fix , the problem will only be magnified in November .
This crisis has been a long time coming .
In 2018 , close election results @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor , resulted in recounts and focused attention on the already poor mail delivery system in South Florida , where a majority of Democratic votes in the critical swing state come from .
This year , millions Florida voters will rely on mail-in ballots .
But if they aren ’ t received by 7pm on Election Day , they won ’ t be counted .

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An important sticking point in negotiations over the next coronavirus relief package in Congress is funding for the US Postal Service, which will play a critical role in the November elections. As Democratic voters increasingly turn to voting by mail during the pandemic, Republicans reportedly do not want to spend the money to make sure those ballots are counted.
Democrats “want new money for the Postal Service, new money for elections and nearly $1 trillion for state and local governments,” Politico’s Playbook newsletter reported Sunday. Republicans “seem open to USPS money to address operational shortfalls, but they are a hard no on money going to a new mail-in balloting system. Dems want $25 billion for the USPS, Republicans think the number is closer to $5 billion.”
Other parts of the stalled negotiations have received more attention, including payments to the unemployed, aid to states and cities, and money for schools. But Democrats have also pushed for new funding to ensure that people are not disenfranchised in the 2020 elections by funding the Postal Service as well as providing money to local election administrators. This is especially crucial as growing numbers of voters turn to absentee ballots to preserve their health during the pandemic.
In order for absentee balloting to work, voters have to receive their ballots in a timely manner and return them in a timely manner. For that to happen, the US Postal Service needs more resources. (Voters will also have to ensure that their ballots are not discarded for problems with the ballot envelope, like a missing or mismatched signature, which regularly result in tossed ballots.) But amid a lack of resources, there are fears that the Trump administration is purposefully sabotaging mail delivery in the United States in an effort not only to interfere with the election but ultimately privatize the Postal Service.
President Trump began undermining the service early in his administration, in part as an attack against Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos because, Trump believed, USPS’s rates were too favorable to the e-commerce giant. Trump also faced pressure to privatize the Postal Service, long a goal among many conservatives; a precursor to privatization is to starve the Postal Service of funds so that it appears in need of rescuing.
The coronavirus pandemic only made the situation for the cash-strapped service more dire as a drop in sending packages cost billions in much-needed revenue. Recently, Trump installed a loyal mega-donor, Louis DeJoy, as postmaster general. DeJoy has stopped overtime pay for clerks and mail carriers necessary for completing each day’s deliveries on time. The result of overlapping and preventable crises is that mail delivery is slowing, in some places considerably, just when American democracy is dependent on mail delivery happening on time.
Mail delivery is slowing just when American democracy is dependent on mail delivery happening on time.
Requests for absentee ballots are soaring across the country as people seek ways to vote without getting sick. These rates are growing particularly for Democrats, at the urging of Democratic officials and state parties, while Republicans are slower to switch to mail balloting due to Trump’s false accusations, pushed out over social media, that voting by mail will lead to fraud. The number of mail-in ballots used this year will be magnitudes higher than in 2016, which puts millions of ballots at risk of not being counted. In 34 states, ballots received after Election Day—which falls on November 3, 2020—are not counted. In others, ballots need to be postmarked by Election Day, but a crippled Postal Service often fails to apply the postmark, which could result in more ballots being rejected.
Mail delivery failures are not hypothetical. “Neighborhoods across the Philadelphia region are experiencing significant delays in receiving their mail, with some residents going upwards of three weeks without packages and letters, leaving them without medication, paychecks, and bills,” the Philadelphia Inquirer reported Sunday. The recent cutbacks, end of overtime, and staffing shortages are leaving piles of mail unattended. “According to local union leaders and carriers, mail is piling up in offices, unscanned and unsorted.” If things don’t change, thousands and perhaps millions of ballots could be in those piles. Pennsylvania is a swing state.
An Inquirer analysis of voting in Pennsylvania’s June 2 primary elections found that voters who requested an absentee ballot more than three weeks in advance of the primary voted at a rate of nearly 90 percent, but among voters who requested an absentee ballot within the three-week window, participation dropped 76 percent. Pennsylvania’s tight deadlines for returning ballots, the frantic efforts of local election officials to keep pace with demand for absentee ballots, and slow mail delivery all contributed to thousands of voters being disenfranchised in the primary. Without a fix, the problem will only be magnified in November.
This crisis has been a long time coming. In 2018, close election results in races, including for Senate and governor, resulted in recounts and focused attention on the already poor mail delivery system in South Florida, where a majority of Democratic votes in the critical swing state come from. This year, millions of Florida voters will rely on mail-in ballots. But if they aren’t received by 7 p.m. on Election Day, they won’t be counted.


motherjones--2020-08-03--ER Doctor: We Must Do Better on COVID-19 Messaging in Black Communities

As the world grapples with the devastation of the coronavirus , one thing is clear : The United States simply wasn ’ t prepared .
Despite repeated warnings from infectious disease experts over the years , we lacked essential beds , equipment , and medication ; public health advice was confusing , and our leadership offered no clear direction while sidelining credible health professionals and institutions .
Infectious disease experts agree that it ’ s only a matter of time before the next pandemic hits , and that could be even more deadly .
So how do we fix what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this Mother Jones series , we ’ re asking experts from a wide range of disciplines one question : What are the most important steps we can take to make sure we ’ re better prepared next time around ?
Uché Blackstock saw the warning signs early .
An emergency room physician with a part-time urgent care practice in Brooklyn , Blackstock often treats poor or working class Black and Brown New Yorkers who don ’ t have access to preventative health care .
In the early days of the pandemic she noticed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ severe respiratory issues .
Even though she suspected they might have COVID-19 , they couldn ’ t get tested for the novel coronavirus because they hadn ’ t traveled internationally to what were then hotspots : Wuhan , China or Italy .
She knew immediately that the screening process was biased , and wasn ’ t considering poor and working class people with already compromised immune systems who may not have even had passports .
As the pandemic unfolded , New York City became one of its earliest epicenters , and Black communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the country .
Blackstock , who is also the founder of Advancing Health equity , a racial justice consulting practice that helps train health care organizations in unconscious and structural racism , believes that equity work is a key to preventing the next pandemic .
On the COVID-19 knowledge gap in Black communities : I just submitted a recommendation to the Select Subcommittee for the Coronavirus representative because I testified a few weeks ago .
I divided my recommendations into short and long term recommendations , but the shorter ones were : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black communities .
The other part of it is the issue of education and outreach .
There ’ s a study that came out in the Journal of the American Medical Association ( JAMA ) two weeks ago that surveyed a lot of different people , but showed that even though Black Americans were disproportionately impacted by coronavirus , that we actually had less knowledge of how the virus was transmitted .
We ’ re seeing there ’ s a gap in messaging .
While you can have Dr. Anthony Fauci talking about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distance—I think it ’ s obvious that we need a more nuanced approach with Black communities .
On how to make sure Black Americans get the public information they need : Given the history of distrust of healthcare by Black Americans , it ’ s even more important .
What does that look like ?
That would look like making sure that you have individuals who are trusted in the community be the ones that are doing the messaging , because usually people who are from the community that they work in , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it could be faith-based organizations .
It should be people who are in community-based organizations and are already doing the work in those areas .
Whether it ’ s housing , and making sure the housing advocacy group are in a neighborhood is one of the first groups that public health departments work with to ensure that people have safe housing alternatives .
We should be working with to ensure that people have safe housing alternatives .
Even contact tracing , which involves asking people who they ’ ve been around for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just going to tell a random stranger who they ’ ve been around .
That ’ s because , who knows what you ’ d be doing ?
That ’ s private information .
That emphasizes more of a need to have trusted individuals from the community involved in any sort of response to a pandemic .
If we don ’ t want to see the disparities that we ’ re seeing this time , we have to have a long term , sustained commitment by the federal government to investing in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and making sure that everyone is insured .
But also investing in the social determinants of health in communities : education , housing , gainful employment .

As the world grapples with the devastation of the coronavirus, one thing is clear: The United States simply wasn’t prepared. Despite repeated warnings from infectious disease experts over the years, we lacked essential beds, equipment, and medication; public health advice was confusing, and our leadership offered no clear direction while sidelining credible health professionals and institutions. Infectious disease experts agree that it’s only a matter of time before the next pandemic hits, and that could be even more deadly. So how do we fix what COVID has shown was broken? In this Mother Jones series, we’re asking experts from a wide range of disciplines one question: What are the most important steps we can take to make sure we’re better prepared next time around?
Uché Blackstock saw the warning signs early. An emergency room physician with a part-time urgent care practice in Brooklyn, Blackstock often treats poor or working-class Black and Brown New Yorkers who don’t have access to preventive health care. In the early days of the pandemic she noticed that patients were coming in with unusually severe respiratory issues. Even though she suspected they might have COVID-19, they couldn’t get tested for the coronavirus because they hadn’t traveled internationally to what were then hot spots: Wuhan, China, or Italy. She knew immediately that the screening process was biased, and she wasn’t considering poor and working-class people with already compromised immune systems who may not have even had passports. As the pandemic unfolded, New York City became one of its earliest epicenters, and Black communities got sick and died at disproportionate rates across the country. Blackstock, who is also the founder of Advancing Health equity, a racial justice consulting practice that helps train health care organizations in unconscious and structural racism, believes that equity work is a key to preventing the next pandemic.
On the COVID-19 knowledge gap in Black communities: I just submitted a recommendation to the Select Subcommittee for the Coronavirus representative because I testified a few weeks ago. I divided my recommendations into short and long term recommendations, but the shorter ones were: having testing and contact tracing employees in Black communities. The other part of it is the issue of education and outreach. There’s a study that came out in the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) two weeks ago that surveyed a lot of different people, but showed that even though Black Americans were disproportionately impacted by coronavirus, that we actually had less knowledge of how the virus was transmitted.
We’re seeing there’s a gap in messaging…I think it’s obvious that we need a more nuanced approach with Black communities.
We’re seeing there’s a gap in messaging. While you can have Dr. Anthony Fauci talking about what to do—wear a mask, physically distance—I think it’s obvious that we need a more nuanced approach with Black communities.
On how to make sure Black Americans get the public information they need: Given the history of distrust of health care by Black Americans, it’s even more important. What does that look like? That would look like making sure that you have individuals who are trusted in the community be the ones that are doing the messaging, because usually people who are from the community that they work in, they know the community well. Or it could be faith-based organizations. It should be people who are in community-based organizations and are already doing the work in those areas.
Whether it’s housing and making sure the housing advocacy group are in a neighborhood is one of the first groups that public health departments work with to ensure that people have safe housing alternatives. We should be working with to ensure that people have safe housing alternatives. Even contact tracing, which involves asking people who they’ve been around for the past few weeks. Most people are not just going to tell a random stranger who they’ve been around. That’s because, who knows what you’d be doing? That’s private information. That emphasizes more of a need to have trusted individuals from the community involved in any sort of response to a pandemic.
If we don’t want to see the disparities that we’re seeing this time, we have to have a long-term, sustained commitment by the federal government to investing in Black communities. That includes Medicaid expansion and making sure that everyone is insured. But also investing in the social determinants of health in communities: education, housing, gainful employment.


motherjones--2020-08-03--The Republican Party Is Racist and Soulless. Just Ask This Veteran GOP Strategist.

When Donald Trump decided to back-burner the coronavirus crisis and reboot his reelection campaign with superspreader events in June , he headed to an arena in Tulsa , Oklahoma , to present his case for four more years .
In front of an audience of maskless fans standing side by side , Trump performed his usual routine .
He threw out buzzwords ( “ law and order , ” “ left-wing radicals ” ) .
He boasted .
( “ I have done a phenomenal job ” responding to the pandemic . )
He denigrated his opponent as “ Sleepy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and slights , devoting much time to slamming news outlets that had recently shown video of him walking gingerly down a ramp after delivering a commencement address at West Point .
What was mostly missing from Trump ’ s speech : ideas .
Although he referred to his tax cuts for the wealthy , his appointment of conservative judges , and his “ beautiful ” wall on the US-Mexico border , Trump had little to say about economic policy , national security , health care , education , housing , the environment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offered no agenda for a second term other than vague promises of making everything swell .
Days later , during a friendly Fox News “ town hall , ” Sean Hannity asked Trump to spell out his plans for a second term .
He replied by rambling on about his inauguration and attacking John Bolton .
All this was nothing new for Trump , who approaches the presidency more as performance artist than policymaker .
But in the Oklahoma crowd were many unmasked Republican senators and House members , who clapped along and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump Show .
Once upon a time , Republican legislators and party leaders claimed they cared deeply about certain foundational issues—the deficit , family values , free trade , hawkish foreign policy .
Now they were cheering a twice-divorced adulterer who had run up the federal debt , sloppily imposed tariffs , and embraced the anti-American autocrats leading Russia and North Korea—a man devoid of serious thought and guiding policy principles , a self-fixated candidate who presented no intellectual framework for his presidency .
Had the GOP become the party of no ideas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so I thought I would check in with veteran Republicans who once were attracted to the party for its conservative ideals but who have become Trump critics .
First on my list was Stuart Stevens , the chief strategist for Mitt Romney ’ s 2012 presidential bid .
I should note that I feel a bit awkward when I talk with Stevens .
Plenty of people have asserted that my exposé of the “ 47 percent ” tape in 2012—remember Romney denigrating nearly half of Americans as freeloaders who want the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a part in his defeat .
But Stevens has always been gracious when we have crossed paths .
And this time was no exception .
It turned out Stevens had much to say on the current state of his party .
Actually , enough for an entire book .
Asked if the Republican Party in the Trump years has become an outfit free of governing ideas , Stevens went even further : “ It was all a lie.
” He noted that this was word-for-word the title of his forthcoming book , It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican Party Became Donald Trump .
The modern GOP , he said , never truly cared about the ideas it claimed to care about .
This was a stunning indictment coming from a longtime political consultant who had toiled on five Republican presidential campaigns and numerous Senate and gubernatorial races .
“ The Republican Party has been a cartel , ” Stevens said excitedly .
“ And no one asks a cartel , ‘ What ’ s your ideological purpose ?
’ You don ’ t ask OPEC , ‘ What ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t ask a drug gang , ‘ What ’ s your program ?
’ The Republicans exist for the pursuit of power for no purpose.
” He huffed that the Republican Party had not merely drifted away from its core positions , as sometimes occurs with political parties : “ Fair trade , balanced budgets , character , family values , standing up to foreign adversaries like Russia—we ’ re all against that now .
You have to ask , ‘ Does someone abandon deeply held beliefs in three or four years ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t ever hold them.
” He added : “ I feel like a guy who was working for Bernie Madoff.
” Stevens , an erudite fellow who is also a novelist and a travel writer , has become an emblematic ex-Republican .
He once believed in GOP ideals and ideas .
Now he saw it all as a huge con .
His new book is a confession and cri de coeur .
The first line is blunt : “ I have no one to blame but myself.
” In these pages , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fool ” for his decades of believing—and lying to himself—that the Republican Party was based on “ a core set of values.
” Acknowledging his role , Stevens writes , “ So yes , blame me .
Blame me when you look around and see a dysfunctional political system and a Republican Party that has gone insane.
” The book offers one overarching prescription for the GOP : “ Burn it to the ground and start over.
” In our conversation , Stevens exploded with loathing for the party he once faithfully ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the common view that Trump had hijacked the GOP .
No , he explained , the triumph of know-nothing Trumpism marked the culmination of an internal conflict that had existed for decades between the party ’ s “ dark side ” and its professed ideals .
Even William F. Buckley Jr. , often hailed as a grand public intellectual and the founding father of the modern conservative movement , was “ a stone-cold racist ” in the 1950s , Stevens pointed out .
( Buckley at that time considered white people more “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
“ A lot of us in the party liked to believe the dark side was a recessive gene , but it ’ s a dominant theme , ” Stevens , a seventh-generation Mississippian who was named for Confederate Gen. Jeb Stuart , told me .
“ And it ’ s all about race .
The Republican Party is a white party and there still are more white people than non-white people.
” So that is whom the party aims at—even if this will eventually be a losing proposition as the nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ronald Reagan achieved a landslide victory in 1980 by bagging 56 percent of white voters ; 28 years later , John McCain lost with 55 percent of white voters .
Perhaps the party ’ s fixation on white voters can work one more time with Trump in 2020 .
“ But we ’ re talking about the Confederacy—literally , ” Stevens said .
And Nazi Germany .
On his own , with no prompting , Stevens went straight to the Defcon-1 analogy : “ I tell my GOP friends , ‘ It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1934 in Germany…when it ’ s clearly 1936.
’ ” He insisted that the 1930s are important for understanding the current moment .
“ When there was rising anti-Semitism , isolationism , and pro-Nazi sentiment , why did the US not become fascist ?
” Stevens asked .
“ Because of FDR .
Leaders matter , and the GOP has now completely abdicated its role.
” Instead , the party has yielded completely to demagoguery and race-baiting to exploit the racism and resentments of certain white voters .
Throughout his decades as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bug in the system .
He now realizes it has been a feature .
In 2012 , Romney enthusiastically sought and accepted Trump ’ s endorsement , though Trump had been championing the racist birther conspiracy theory .
But for Stevens , the decisive moment when the party embraced its ugly heritage came in December 2015 , when Trump , then the leading Republican presidential candidate , called for a ban on Muslim travelers to the United States .
As Stevens now sees it , Reince Priebus , then the chair of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ declared that the GOP did not support such bigotry and staked out a moral position .
Perhaps Trump would still have marched on to victory , but such a move might have distanced the party from a racist candidate .
Instead , the party kept mum and eventually folded to Trump .
( Romney would go on to be the only GOP senator to vote to remove Trump from office at the end of his impeachment trial . )
Stevens now argues that Trump ’ s rise was not a fluke that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is the complete moral collapse of a governing party of a major superpower , ” he remarked .
He wonders how he could have been blind to the GOP ’ s racism and turpitude for so long .
“ It is hard to see this when you ’ re in the middle of it , ” he said .
“ The only analogy I can find is the collapse of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union , when the difference between reality and what is believed became so disjointed .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did see this , but I wanted to believe the crazies were a minority.
” Stevens conceded that had Trump not come along , he still might not have been fully aware of the structural immorality of the GOP : The Republican Party was “ a comfortable place for a lot of us .
If Trump had lost , I ’ d probably still be working for a Republican candidate .
But Trump made it impossible to deny what the party is .
I just don ’ t get why these Republican senators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What ’ s the worst thing ?
You ’ ll be an ex-senator ?
They are the Trump Generation .
It ’ s how they will be remembered .
Like the segregationists of old.
” It was hard to slow Stevens down as he spoke .
He had so much to confess .
He forecast a bleak future for the party .
Citing the demise of the Republican Party in California ( where more voters are now registering “ no party preference ” than Republican ) , he observed that the GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” And he shared his fear that young political operatives working for the party have drawn the lesson that a candidate must emulate Trump to win—that what most matters is not policy ideas but the ability to attack and exploit fears , divisions , tribalism , and resentments .
“ Elizabeth Warren can articulate a coherent theory of government , ” Stevens said .
“ There is no coherent theory of government for Republicans right now .
Usually a coherent theory versus an incoherent theory carries the day.
” “ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Stevens told me , as I realized I had received far more material from him than anticipated .
“ This is the last book in the world I wanted to write .
It is tough to come to terms with this , and incredibly depressing .
If we say we believe in personal responsibility , you have to take personal responsibility and start with yourself .
We created this .
It didn ’ t just happen.
” Stevens was not pleased or satisfied with his epiphany : Ideas are not the currency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truly were .
And Trump alone could not be blamed for that .
“ Republicans only exist to elect Republicans , ” Stevens remarked with sadness .
“ They are down to one idea : How can we win ?
”

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When Donald Trump decided to back-burner the coronavirus crisis and reboot his reelection campaign with superspreader events in June, he headed to an arena in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to present his case for four more years. In front of an audience of maskless fans standing side by side, Trump performed his usual routine. He threw out buzzwords (“law and order,” “left-wing radicals”). He boasted. (“I have done a phenomenal job” responding to the pandemic.) He denigrated his opponent as “Sleepy Joe.” He obsessed over personal grievances and slights, devoting much time to slamming news outlets that had recently shown video of him walking gingerly down a ramp after delivering a commencement address at West Point. What was mostly missing from Trump’s speech: ideas.
Although he referred to his tax cuts for the wealthy, his appointment of conservative judges, and his “beautiful” wall on the US-Mexico border, Trump had little to say about economic policy, national security, health care, education, housing, the environment, and other subjects. Moreover, he offered no agenda for a second term other than vague promises of making everything swell. Days later, during a friendly Fox News “town hall,” Sean Hannity asked Trump to spell out his plans for a second term. He replied by rambling on about his inauguration and attacking John Bolton.
All this was nothing new for Trump, who approaches the presidency more as performance artist than policymaker. But in the Oklahoma crowd were many unmasked Republican senators and House members, who clapped along and looked delighted to be props for The Trump Show. Once upon a time, Republican legislators and party leaders claimed they cared deeply about certain foundational issues—the deficit, family values, free trade, hawkish foreign policy. Now they were cheering a twice-divorced adulterer who had run up the federal debt, sloppily imposed tariffs, and embraced the anti-American autocrats leading Russia and North Korea—a man devoid of serious thought and guiding policy principles, a self-fixated candidate who presented no intellectual framework for his presidency. Had the GOP become the party of no ideas?
This seemed a premise worth exploring, so I thought I would check in with veteran Republicans who once were attracted to the party for its conservative ideals but who have become Trump critics. First on my list was Stuart Stevens, the chief strategist for Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential bid. I should note that I feel a bit awkward when I talk with Stevens. Plenty of people have asserted that my exposé of the “47 percent” tape in 2012—remember Romney denigrating nearly half of Americans as freeloaders who want the government to take care of them?—played a part in his defeat. But Stevens has always been gracious when we have crossed paths. And this time was no exception. It turned out Stevens had much to say on the current state of his party. Actually, enough for an entire book.
Asked if the Republican Party in the Trump years has become an outfit free of governing ideas, Stevens went even further: “It was all a lie.” He noted that this was word-for-word the title of his forthcoming book, It Was All a Lie: How the Republican Party Became Donald Trump. The modern GOP, he said, never truly cared about the ideas it claimed to care about.
This was a stunning indictment coming from a longtime political consultant who had toiled on five Republican presidential campaigns and numerous Senate and gubernatorial races. “The Republican Party has been a cartel,” Stevens said excitedly. “And no one asks a cartel, ‘What’s your ideological purpose?’ You don’t ask OPEC, ‘What’s your ideology?’ You don’t ask a drug gang, ‘What’s your program?’ The Republicans exist for the pursuit of power for no purpose.”
Throughout his decades as a Republican, Stevens considered this racist element a bug in the system. He now realizes it has been a feature.
He huffed that the Republican Party had not merely drifted away from its core positions, as sometimes occurs with political parties: “Fair trade, balanced budgets, character, family values, standing up to foreign adversaries like Russia—we’re all against that now. You have to ask, ‘Does someone abandon deeply held beliefs in three or four years?’ No. It means you didn’t ever hold them.” He added: “I feel like a guy who was working for Bernie Madoff.”
Stevens, an erudite fellow who is also a novelist and a travel writer, has become an emblematic ex-Republican. He once believed in GOP ideals and ideas. Now he saw it all as a huge con. His new book is a confession and cri de coeur. The first line is blunt: “I have no one to blame but myself.” In these pages, Stevens self-flagellates, calling himself a “fool” for his decades of believing—and lying to himself—that the Republican Party was based on “a core set of values.” Acknowledging his role, Stevens writes, “So yes, blame me. Blame me when you look around and see a dysfunctional political system and a Republican Party that has gone insane.” The book offers one overarching prescription for the GOP: “Burn it to the ground and start over.”
In our conversation, Stevens exploded with loathing for the party he once faithfully (and lucratively) served. He rejected the common view that Trump had hijacked the GOP. No, he explained, the triumph of know-nothing Trumpism marked the culmination of an internal conflict that had existed for decades between the party’s “dark side” and its professed ideals. Even William F. Buckley Jr., often hailed as a grand public intellectual and the founding father of the modern conservative movement, was “a stone-cold racist” in the 1950s, Stevens pointed out. (Buckley at that time considered white people more “advanced” and more fit to govern.)
“A lot of us in the party liked to believe the dark side was a recessive gene, but it’s a dominant theme,” Stevens, a seventh-generation Mississippian who was named for Confederate Gen. Jeb Stuart, told me. “And it’s all about race. The Republican Party is a white party and there still are more white people than non-white people.” So that is whom the party aims at—even if this will eventually be a losing proposition as the nation’s demographics continue to shift. Ronald Reagan achieved a landslide victory in 1980 by bagging 56 percent of white voters; 28 years later, John McCain lost with 55 percent of white voters. Perhaps the party’s fixation on white voters can work one more time with Trump in 2020. “But we’re talking about the Confederacy—literally,” Stevens said.
And Nazi Germany. On his own, with no prompting, Stevens went straight to the Defcon-1 analogy: “I tell my GOP friends, ‘It’s crazy to say it’s 1934 in Germany…when it’s clearly 1936.’” He insisted that the 1930s are important for understanding the current moment. “When there was rising anti-Semitism, isolationism, and pro-Nazi sentiment, why did the US not become fascist?” Stevens asked. “Because of FDR. Leaders matter, and the GOP has now completely abdicated its role.” Instead, the party has yielded completely to demagoguery and race-baiting to exploit the racism and resentments of certain white voters. Throughout his decades as a Republican, Stevens considered this racist element a bug in the system. He now realizes it has been a feature.
“They are the Trump Generation. It’s how they will be remembered. Like the segregationists of old.”
In 2012, Romney enthusiastically sought and accepted Trump’s endorsement, though Trump had been championing the racist birther conspiracy theory. But for Stevens, the decisive moment when the party embraced its ugly heritage came in December 2015, when Trump, then the leading Republican presidential candidate, called for a ban on Muslim travelers to the United States. As Stevens now sees it, Reince Priebus, then the chair of the Republican National Committee, should have declared that the GOP did not support such bigotry and staked out a moral position. Perhaps Trump would still have marched on to victory, but such a move might have distanced the party from a racist candidate. Instead, the party kept mum and eventually folded to Trump. (Romney would go on to be the only GOP senator to vote to remove Trump from office at the end of his impeachment trial.)
Stevens now argues that Trump’s rise was not a fluke that the party can sidestep or survive. “This is the complete moral collapse of a governing party of a major superpower,” he remarked. He wonders how he could have been blind to the GOP’s racism and turpitude for so long. “It is hard to see this when you’re in the middle of it,” he said. “The only analogy I can find is the collapse of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union, when the difference between reality and what is believed became so disjointed. I should’ve seen this. I did see this, but I wanted to believe the crazies were a minority.”
Stevens conceded that had Trump not come along, he still might not have been fully aware of the structural immorality of the GOP: The Republican Party was “a comfortable place for a lot of us. If Trump had lost, I’d probably still be working for a Republican candidate. But Trump made it impossible to deny what the party is. I just don’t get why these Republican senators don’t stand up to him. What’s the worst thing? You’ll be an ex-senator? They are the Trump Generation. It’s how they will be remembered. Like the segregationists of old.”
It was hard to slow Stevens down as he spoke. He had so much to confess. He forecast a bleak future for the party. Citing the demise of the Republican Party in California (where more voters are now registering “no party preference” than Republican), he observed that the GOP was becoming a “regional/Sun Belt party.” And he shared his fear that young political operatives working for the party have drawn the lesson that a candidate must emulate Trump to win—that what most matters is not policy ideas but the ability to attack and exploit fears, divisions, tribalism, and resentments. “Elizabeth Warren can articulate a coherent theory of government,” Stevens said. “There is no coherent theory of government for Republicans right now. Usually a coherent theory versus an incoherent theory carries the day.”
“It’s really incredible how this had happened,” Stevens told me, as I realized I had received far more material from him than anticipated. “This is the last book in the world I wanted to write. It is tough to come to terms with this, and incredibly depressing. If we say we believe in personal responsibility, you have to take personal responsibility and start with yourself. We created this. It didn’t just happen.” Stevens was not pleased or satisfied with his epiphany: Ideas are not the currency for today’s GOP and never truly were. And Trump alone could not be blamed for that. “Republicans only exist to elect Republicans,” Stevens remarked with sadness. “They are down to one idea: How can we win?”


motherjones--2020-08-03--Donald Trump’s Businesses Did Okay in 2019. But 2020 Might Be Awful for His Personal Wealth.

Before COVID-19 hit , Donald Trump ’ s business empire was continuing to earn hundreds of millions of dollars .
But the president ’ s recently filed personal financial disclosures show that much of that came from hotels and resorts , two of the industries hardest hit by the pandemic .
We won ’ t know the specifics of how COVID-19 has diminished Trump ’ s wealth until next year ( and even then , only if he is reelected and has to file another disclosure ) , but based on last year ’ s report , it could get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has hundreds of millions of loans due to private lenders .
Trump annually files a personal financial disclosure form that details the income he earned , the assets he owns , and the debt he owes .
It is not as detailed as his tax returns , and it crucially leaves out key information for assessing the president ’ s financial status—for example , how much money he spends .
According to the most recent copies of the forms , filed Friday night , Trump earned at least $ 446 million in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investments—a slight uptick from the previous year .
But it ’ s not clear how much of that the president kept , and even when numbers appeared to be good for individual businesses in the president ’ s portfolio , all may not be as well in reality .
For instance , according to Trump ’ s disclosure , his Turnberry golf resort in Scotland earned $ 25.6 million in revenue in 2019 , up $ 5.2 million from 2018 .
But those figures don ’ t include how much it costs to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot .
We know from corporate filings in the United Kingdom that in 2018 , the golf course actually lost $ 13.1 million—far more than even the 2019 increase in revenue .
Unless Trump dramatically cut costs at Turnberry ( we ’ ll know later this fall when the British corporate filings are due ) , it seems unlikely the course was profitable .
At Trump ’ s Mar-a-Lago resort , which he touts as “ the Winter White House , ” revenues slid by $ 3.7 million to $ 21.4 million for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on how much Trump spends to operate Mar-a-Lago , but it ’ s not a good sign for one of his marquee properties .
Down the road at the Doral golf course he owns—which he tried to steer an international summit to last fall—revenues climbed $ 2.4 million from 2018 to 2019 , but profitability at the resort has slipped since Trump was elected .
Trump ’ s other favorite vacation getaway , his golf club in Bedminster , New Jersey , also had revenues rise by about $ 2.5 million last year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ golf courses , revenues seemed to just inch up , even as the economy as a whole was roaring .
Trump ’ s Jupiter golf course , in Palm Beach , Florida , where he frequently golfs while visiting Mar-a-Lago , saw an increase in revenues of just about $ 429,000 .
One of the most prominent properties the president owns is a luxury hotel in downtown Washington , DC , which he opened shortly before Election Day in 2016 and quickly became a hangout for administration members , lobbyists , and foreign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president .
Trump rents the building from the federal government and pays rent , partially based on how much profit he makes—and has yet to pay above the basic amount , suggesting that even as its revenues inched up to $ 40.5 million ( a $ 150,000 increase from 2018 ) , the property is still not making much money for the president when all its expenses are added up .
The Trump family announced they were planning to sell the property last fall , but the sale seems to have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Trump Organization appears to have been financially healthy in 2019 , much of the business is built on Trump ’ s resort and hotel business .
Besides his golf clubs and hotels he owns , Trump manages hotels for others around the world .
All told , revenues from resorts , hotels , or management fees accounted for $ 352 million , about 78 percent of all of Trump ’ s revenues .
The bad news , for Trump , is that in 2020 , just weeks after the period covered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic steamrolled across the global economy , with the hotel and resort industries hit particularly hard .
One industry group estimates American hotels have lost $ 46 billion in revenue since the pandemic started .
At one point , nearly all of Trump ’ s resorts were closed , and he was forced to lay off as many as 1,500 employees .
His Scottish golf courses rely heavily on wealthy American golfers , but with international travel out of the United States almost completely curtailed—the UK has maintained a two-week mandatory quarantine for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Trump ’ s businesses in 2019 has likely been completely erased in 2020 .
In that respect , the Trump Organization is no different than almost every other business around the world , but the president—who has retained full ownership of all of the properties , refusing to divest upon taking office—has some unique challenges .
For one , he continues to owe a lot of money .
The 2019 personal financial disclosure shows no substantive change in his listed debts—he still owes hundreds of millions to lenders on mortgages for some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s overall level of debt is not unusually high—the New York Times estimated his assets are worth about $ 1.35 billion compared to debt in the neighborhood of at least $ 470 million—several of his largest debts are coming due in the next few years , possibly during a second presidential term .
Among others , Trump will need to repay Deutsche Bank about $ 125 million for mortgages on the Doral resort , and $ 170 million on the Washington , DC , hotel .
If Trump doesn ’ t have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he could try to refinance the loans—but banks will look toward his recent revenues to determine his creditworthiness , numbers that will probably not be pretty after the damage from the pandemic is totaled up .

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Before COVID-19 hit, Donald Trump’s business empire was continuing to earn hundreds of millions of dollars. But the president’s recently filed personal financial disclosures show that much of that came from hotels and resorts, two of the industries hardest hit by the pandemic. We won’t know the specifics of how COVID-19 has diminished Trump’s wealth until next year (and even then, only if he is reelected and has to file another disclosure), but based on last year’s report, it could get quite ugly for the president—right before he has hundreds of millions of loans due to private lenders.
Trump annually files a personal financial disclosure form that details the income he earned, the assets he owns, and the debt he owes. It is not as detailed as his tax returns, and it crucially leaves out key information for assessing the president’s financial status—for example, how much money he spends. According to the most recent copies of the forms, filed Friday night, Trump earned at least $446 million in the 2019 calendar year through his businesses and investments—a slight uptick from the previous year. But it’s not clear how much of that the president kept, and even when numbers appeared to be good for individual businesses in the president’s portfolio, all may not be as well in reality.
For instance, according to Trump’s disclosure, his Turnberry golf resort in Scotland earned $25.6 million in revenue in 2019, up $5.2 million from 2018. But those figures don’t include how much it costs to run the golf course—and it costs a lot. We know from corporate filings in the United Kingdom that in 2018, the golf course actually lost $13.1 million—far more than even the 2019 increase in revenue. Unless Trump dramatically cut costs at Turnberry (we’ll know later this fall when the British corporate filings are due), it seems unlikely the course was profitable.
At Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort, which he touts as “the Winter White House,” revenues slid by $3.7 million to $21.4 million for the year. No information is available on how much Trump spends to operate Mar-a-Lago, but it’s not a good sign for one of his marquee properties. Down the road at the Doral golf course he owns—which he tried to steer an international summit to last fall—revenues climbed $2.4 million from 2018 to 2019, but profitability at the resort has slipped since Trump was elected.
Trump’s other favorite vacation getaway, his golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey, also had revenues rise by about $2.5 million last year, but across many of his other golf courses, revenues seemed to just inch up, even as the economy as a whole was roaring. Trump’s Jupiter golf course, in Palm Beach, Florida, where he frequently golfs while visiting Mar-a-Lago, saw an increase in revenues of just about $429,000.
One of the most prominent properties the president owns is a luxury hotel in downtown Washington, DC, which he opened shortly before Election Day in 2016 and quickly became a hangout for administration members, lobbyists, and foreign delegations hoping to make an impression on the president. Trump rents the building from the federal government and pays rent, partially based on how much profit he makes—and has yet to pay above the basic amount, suggesting that even as its revenues inched up to $40.5 million (a $150,000 increase from 2018), the property is still not making much money for the president when all its expenses are added up. The Trump family announced they were planning to sell the property last fall, but the sale seems to have been put on hold.
To the degree that the Trump Organization appears to have been financially healthy in 2019, much of the business is built on Trump’s resort and hotel business. Besides his golf clubs and hotels he owns, Trump manages hotels for others around the world. All told, revenues from resorts, hotels, or management fees accounted for $352 million, about 78 percent of all of Trump’s revenues. The bad news, for Trump, is that in 2020, just weeks after the period covered in this financial disclosure, the COVID-19 pandemic steamrolled across the global economy, with the hotel and resort industries hit particularly hard. One industry group estimates American hotels have lost $46 billion in revenue since the pandemic started.
At one point, nearly all of Trump’s resorts were closed, and he was forced to lay off as many as 1,500 employees. His Scottish golf courses rely heavily on wealthy American golfers, but with international travel out of the United States almost completely curtailed—the UK has maintained a two-week mandatory quarantine for travelers from the United States—any progress reported by Trump’s businesses in 2019 has likely been completely erased in 2020.
In that respect, the Trump Organization is no different than almost every other business around the world, but the president—who has retained full ownership of all of the properties, refusing to divest upon taking office—has some unique challenges. For one, he continues to owe a lot of money. The 2019 personal financial disclosure shows no substantive change in his listed debts—he still owes hundreds of millions to lenders on mortgages for some of his favorite properties. While Trump’s overall level of debt is not unusually high—the New York Times estimated his assets are worth about $1.35 billion compared to debt in the neighborhood of at least $470 million—several of his largest debts are coming due in the next few years, possibly during a second presidential term. Among others, Trump will need to repay Deutsche Bank about $125 million for mortgages on the Doral resort, and $170 million on the Washington, DC, hotel. If Trump doesn’t have the cash to pay these debts, he could try to refinance the loans—but banks will look toward his recent revenues to determine his creditworthiness, numbers that will probably not be pretty after the damage from the pandemic is totaled up.
Read Trump’s full personal financial disclosure below:


motherjones--2020-08-01--Impeachment Witness Alexander Vindman Wrote a Scathing Indictment of Trump

Former Army Lt .
Colonel Alexander Vindman , who was fired by President Trump in February from his position on the National Security Council in apparent retaliation for Vindman ’ s crucial testimony in the House impeachment trial , has written a searing op-ed for the Washington Post .
Vindman ’ s promotion to full colonel was sabotaged by the White House , so he retired from the military .
On Saturday , Vindman marked his first day as a civilian by publishing an extraordinary editorial .
After 21 years , six months and 10 days of active military service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I made the difficult decision to retire because a campaign of bullying , intimidation and retaliation by President Trump and his allies forever limited the progression of my military career .
He goes on to describe his decision a year ago to raise concerns about the president ’ s fateful July 25 phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky , during which Trump warned of withholding military aid unless Ukrainian officials investigated Democratic presidential candidate and former vice president Joe Biden , and his son Hunter , for corruption .
Vindman was three-years-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At no point in my career or life have I felt our nation ’ s values under greater threat and in more peril than at this moment .
Our national government during the past few years has been more reminiscent of the authoritarian regime my family fled more than 40 years ago than the country I have devoted my life to serving .
Our citizens are being subjected to the same kinds of attacks tyrants launch against their critics and political opponents .
Those who choose loyalty to American values and allegiance to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president and his enablers are punished .
The president recklessly downplayed the threat of the pandemic even as it swept through our country .
The economic collapse that followed highlighted the growing income disparities in our society .
Millions are grieving the loss of loved ones and many more have lost their livelihoods while the president publicly bemoans his approval ratings .
[ D ] uring a rambling , venting speech , Trump brought up Vindman and his twin brother Yevgeny , who works as a lawyer for the National Security Council .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Vindman had been dismissed , Trump told reporters he was “ not happy ” with Vindman , adding : “ You think I ’ m supposed to be happy with him ?
I ’ m not.
” The New York Times reported that Yevgeny was also fired .
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer suggested that the ousting of “ patriots & whistleblowers like LTC Vindman ” was an “ extension of President Trump ’ s cover-up ” in the Ukraine scandal .
Vindman recalls reassuring his father after the impeachment hearings that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ optimistic about the United States : The 23-year-old me who was commissioned in December 1998 could never have imagined the opportunities and experiences I have had .
I joined the military to serve the country that sheltered my family ’ s escape from authoritarianism , and yet the privilege has been all mine .
When I was asked why I had the confidence to tell my father not to worry about my testimony , my response was , “ Congressman , because this is America .
This is the country I have served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have served , and here , right matters.
” To this day , despite everything that has happened , I continue to believe in the American Dream .
I believe that in America , right matters .
I want to help ensure that right matters for all Americans .