motherjones--2020-08-11--The White House–Kodak Controversy Has a New Angle: A Billionaire’s Huge Stock Gift to a Synagogue

In late July , a wild chain of events occurred when the Trump administration decided to give Eastman Kodak , the film giant that went bankrupt in 2012 , an unprecedented $ 765 million government loan through the Defense Production Act .
Under this deal , which President Trump touted , the company would manufacture ingredients for an assortment of drugs , including hydroxychloroquine , the antimalarial drug Trump has repeatedly promoted—without scientific support—as a treatment for COVID-19 .
The agreement was officially announced on July 28 , but the previous day , the price of Kodak ’ s stock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaks about the loan in Rochester , New York ( the home of Kodak ) .
This buying frenzy continued for a couple of days .
During that time , billionaire investor George Karfunkel , a member of Kodak ’ s board of directors , made an unusual transaction : He donated 3 million Kodak shares—worth up to $ 180 million at the time—to a relatively new Jewish congregation that has almost no public profile .
The out-of-the-ordinary loan for Kodak came from a new and little-known government agency : the US International @ @ @ @ @ @ @ created to provide foreign aid—not domestic assistance—and it is headed by Adam Boehler , a former roommate of Jared Kushner .
In March , Kushner tapped Boehler to be part of his shadow coronavirus task force .
The Kodak deal is now under investigation by several House committees , which have raised questions about Kodak ’ s “ lack of pharmaceutical experience ” and about stock options handed to executives and board members right before the announcement .
Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D-Mass . )
has called for a probe of whether “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in insider trading.
” In a letter to the Securities and Exchange Commission , she observed , “ This is just the latest example of unusual trading activity involving a major Trump administration decision.
” According to the Wall Street Journal , “ In the wake of the wild trading , the SEC opened an investigation looking at the company ’ s disclosure of the preliminary agreement and the timing of options grants to Executive Chairman Jim Continenza.
” ( The SEC declined to confirm the existence of an investigation . )
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Corporation tweeted : “ Recent allegations of wrongdoing raise serious concerns .
We will not proceed any further unless these allegations are cleared.
” In response , Kodak stock plunged nearly 30 percent on Monday .
Kodak did not reply to a request for comment .
It has created a special committee to conduct an internal review .
The turbulent trading began on July 27 , as news of the loan seeped out .
Kodak ’ s stock opened at $ 2.13 and closed at $ 2.62 , with 1,645,700 shares traded—more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On July 28 , with the word now out officially , the stock opened at $ 9.63 , hit a high of $ 11.80 , and then dropped to $ 7.94 , which was an almost four-fold gain from the start of the previous day , with a whopping 284,666,800 shares traded .
The next day , July 29 , was crazier .
Kodak shares started at $ 18.43 , and at one point reached an eye-popping peak of $ 60 .
Its low that day was $ 17.50 , and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shares in play .
But then investors realized that Kodak ’ s agreement was not yet a done deal , and over the next few days , the stock declined and stabilized in the $ 15 region .
In the middle of this spree , Karfunkel , a major investor in Kodak , and his wife , Renee , donated those 3 million shares to an entity called Congregation Chemdas Yisroel , according to an SEC filing .
They did so on July 29 , the day the stock price hit $ 60 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worth as much as $ 180 million at the time of the gift .
If the donation was executed at the end of the trading day , its value would have been $ 99.6 million .
Given that Congregation Chemdas Yisroel is registered as a tax-exempt religious organization , the Karfunkels will be able to claim this donation as a tax deduction .
That means they could pocket a deduction between $ 52.5 million and $ 180 million for a bloc of stocks that two days earlier was worth $ 6.39 million .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ holdings in Kodak to 4.4 percent—which is below the 5 percent threshold that requires investors in a publicly traded company to report their stock transactions . )
The gift to Congregation Chemdas Yisroel from Karfunkel , an Orthodox Jew who has supported various Orthodox schools and synagogues in Brooklyn , was noted in passing in media accounts of the Kodak stock frenzy .
But what went unreported were details regarding the recipient of this immense gift .
And it is tough to find any traces of this Congregation Chemdas Yisroel .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listed on the synagogue locator of the Orthodox Union , a large support network for Orthodox congregations .
There is no information on it within various online databases , beyond its existence as a corporate entity .
Chemdas Yisroel was registered as a Delaware corporation in December 2018 .
Two weeks later , Chemdas Yisroel was registered with the New York Department of State as a Brooklyn-based entity .
A search of Delaware corporation records for groups with the word “ congregation ” in their names yielded only 19 entities of which 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York State division of corporations lists hundreds of organizations that have “ congregation ” in their names and that appear to be Jewish .
The New York corporate registration for Congregation Chemdas Yisroel listed its address as that of an accounting firm in Brooklyn , Roth & Co. , and Abraham Roth , the co-managing partner of the firm , was cited as a point of contact .
Roth did not respond to multiple requests seeking comment about Chemdas Yisroel and Karfunkel ’ s massive donation .
Karfunkel presides over at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jewish groups .
The Karfunkel Family Foundation , of which he is a trustee , had $ 19 million in assets in 2018 , and it donated $ 1 million total to six Orthodox Jewish organizations that year , according to its most recent available tax filings .
This included a $ 150,000 donation to the Congregation Chemdas Yisroel .
His Chesed Foundation of America—Karfunkel is its president—had $ 196 million in assets in 2018 and donated $ 2.4 million to “ schools and synagogues.
” The foundation ’ s tax filing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
George Karfunkel and his brother Michael were born in Hungary and grew up in Brooklyn , their father a fishmonger and a religious scholar , according to a Forward article published in 2016 when Michael died .
( The headline : “ Michael Karfunkel , the Orthodox Billionaire No One Heard Of , Dies at 72.
” ) Through a wide collection of businesses , they became one of the wealthiest American families .
In 1976 , George was on an Air France plane hijacked by Palestinian terrorists that was flown to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mounted a rescue .
A 2014 Foundation for Financial Journalism report recounted the Karfunkel brothers ’ early days in finance : The brothers went on to create their own financial powerhouse .
In 2008 , they sold their American Stock Transfer & Trust Co. for close to $ 1 billion .
( In July 2019 , Anne Neuberger , George Karfunkel ’ s daughter , was named head of the National Security Agency ’ s new cybersecurity directorate . )
Both brothers have been highly regarded within the Orthodox community of Brooklyn for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Financial Journalism report , “ Their foundations give almost exclusively to yeshivas and synagogues connected to Haredi Judaism , many of which are affiliated with the Belz Hasidic sect.
” The report also noted that their foundations “ employ risk in a fashion rarely seen in other private foundations , ” and it outlined financial transactions mounted by the foundations involving complicated stock trades .
And the Forward reported , “ The charities the two brothers controlled are among the largest , and most unusual , Jewish private foundations in the country.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ philanthropy , George Karfunkel ’ s gift of Kodak stock to Chemdas Yisroel stands out as much greater—by a factor of 15 to 50—than the grants on the most recent tax filings of the Karfunkel Family Foundation and the Chesed Foundation of America .
When Mother Jones called Henry Reinhold , the accountant listed on the tax returns for these two foundations and an officer of each one , the man who answered the phone would not identify himself but demanded to know the subject of the inquiry .
When told it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hung up .
A subsequent call went to voicemail , where there was a recorded greeting from a person who referred to himself as Henry Reinhold in a voice similar to that of the man who moments earlier had refused to provide his name .
What happened to the 3 million Kodak shares after Karfunkel and his wife donated them to the congregation ?
Were they sold ?
If so , at what price ?
How might this organization—with no publicly identified officials—use a windfall of tens of millions of dollars or much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The public trail ends with the stock transfer .
Mother Jones sent Karfunkel a list of questions regarding Congregation Chemdas Yisroel and his gigantic contribution of Kodak shares .
In a brief phone call , his assistant told Mother Jones , “ It ’ s on his desk.
” UPDATE : After the above story was published , the Wall Street Journal also reported on George Karfunkel ’ s donation of Kodak shares to the Congregation Chemdas Yisroel .
The newspaper noted that Garfunkel is listed as the president of the synagogue in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reported that this donation “ would make it the single largest gift recorded to a religious group , based on a list maintained by the Chronicle of Philanthropy.
” According to the Journal , “ The New York paperwork describes the congregation as an Orthodox Jewish synagogue that conducts religious services , classes , lectures and seminars , and would use any funds raised only for religious , charitable and educational purposes .
The congregation appears to have a small space attached to a three-story apartment building on a quiet side street in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Borough Park .
A small nameplate on the building ’ s exterior is the only visible sign of its location.
” In its charity registration records , the congregation lists Reinhold as its secretary and Roth as its director .
With Karfunkel , they are the only officers of Chemdas Yisroel .
Karfunkel is also listed as the “ Chief Financial Officer or Treasurer .
”

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In late July, a wild chain of events occurred when the Trump administration decided to give Eastman Kodak, the film giant that went bankrupt in 2012, an unprecedented $765 million government loan through the Defense Production Act. Under this deal, which President Trump touted, the company would manufacture ingredients for an assortment of drugs, including hydroxychloroquine, the antimalarial drug Trump has repeatedly promoted—without scientific support—as a treatment for COVID-19. The agreement was officially announced on July 28, but the previous day, the price of Kodak’s stock began to surge, following local media leaks about the loan in Rochester, New York (the home of Kodak). This buying frenzy continued for a couple of days. During that time, billionaire investor George Karfunkel, a member of Kodak’s board of directors, made an unusual transaction: He donated 3 million Kodak shares—worth up to $180 million at the time—to a relatively new Jewish congregation that has almost no public profile.
The out-of-the-ordinary loan for Kodak came from a new and little-known government agency: the US International Development Finance Corporation. This outfit was created to provide foreign aid—not domestic assistance—and it is headed by Adam Boehler, a former roommate of Jared Kushner. In March, Kushner tapped Boehler to be part of his shadow coronavirus task force.
The Kodak deal is now under investigation by several House committees, which have raised questions about Kodak’s “lack of pharmaceutical experience” and about stock options handed to executives and board members right before the announcement. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) has called for a probe of whether “one or more individuals may have engaged in insider trading.” In a letter to the Securities and Exchange Commission, she observed, “This is just the latest example of unusual trading activity involving a major Trump administration decision.” According to the Wall Street Journal, “In the wake of the wild trading, the SEC opened an investigation looking at the company’s disclosure of the preliminary agreement and the timing of options grants to Executive Chairman Jim Continenza.” (The SEC declined to confirm the existence of an investigation.) On Friday night, the International Development Finance Corporation tweeted: “Recent allegations of wrongdoing raise serious concerns. We will not proceed any further unless these allegations are cleared.” In response, Kodak stock plunged nearly 30 percent on Monday.
Kodak did not reply to a request for comment. It has created a special committee to conduct an internal review.
The turbulent trading began on July 27, as news of the loan seeped out. Kodak’s stock opened at $2.13 and closed at $2.62, with 1,645,700 shares traded—more than 20 times the volume of previous days. On July 28, with the word now out officially, the stock opened at $9.63, hit a high of $11.80, and then dropped to $7.94, which was an almost four-fold gain from the start of the previous day, with a whopping 284,666,800 shares traded. The next day, July 29, was crazier. Kodak shares started at $18.43, and at one point reached an eye-popping peak of $60. Its low that day was $17.50, and it closed at $33.20, with 276,020,100 shares in play. But then investors realized that Kodak’s agreement was not yet a done deal, and over the next few days, the stock declined and stabilized in the $15 region.
In the middle of this spree, Karfunkel, a major investor in Kodak, and his wife, Renee, donated those 3 million shares to an entity called Congregation Chemdas Yisroel, according to an SEC filing. They did so on July 29, the day the stock price hit $60, so those shares could have been worth as much as $180 million at the time of the gift. If the donation was executed at the end of the trading day, its value would have been $99.6 million. Given that Congregation Chemdas Yisroel is registered as a tax-exempt religious organization, the Karfunkels will be able to claim this donation as a tax deduction. That means they could pocket a deduction between $52.5 million and $180 million for a bloc of stocks that two days earlier was worth $6.39 million. (The donation also lowered the Karfunkels’ holdings in Kodak to 4.4 percent—which is below the 5 percent threshold that requires investors in a publicly traded company to report their stock transactions.)
The gift to Congregation Chemdas Yisroel from Karfunkel, an Orthodox Jew who has supported various Orthodox schools and synagogues in Brooklyn, was noted in passing in media accounts of the Kodak stock frenzy. But what went unreported were details regarding the recipient of this immense gift. And it is tough to find any traces of this Congregation Chemdas Yisroel. It has no website. It is not listed on the synagogue locator of the Orthodox Union, a large support network for Orthodox congregations. There is no information on it within various online databases, beyond its existence as a corporate entity.
Chemdas Yisroel was registered as a Delaware corporation in December 2018. Two weeks later, Chemdas Yisroel was registered with the New York Department of State as a Brooklyn-based entity. A search of Delaware corporation records for groups with the word “congregation” in their names yielded only 19 entities of which 10 appeared to be Jewish organizations. The New York State division of corporations lists hundreds of organizations that have “congregation” in their names and that appear to be Jewish.
The New York corporate registration for Congregation Chemdas Yisroel listed its address as that of an accounting firm in Brooklyn, Roth & Co., and Abraham Roth, the co-managing partner of the firm, was cited as a point of contact. Roth did not respond to multiple requests seeking comment about Chemdas Yisroel and Karfunkel’s massive donation.
Karfunkel presides over at least two long-standing foundations that have supported Orthodox Jewish groups. The Karfunkel Family Foundation, of which he is a trustee, had $19 million in assets in 2018, and it donated $1 million total to six Orthodox Jewish organizations that year, according to its most recent available tax filings. This included a $150,000 donation to the Congregation Chemdas Yisroel. His Chesed Foundation of America—Karfunkel is its president—had $196 million in assets in 2018 and donated $2.4 million to “schools and synagogues.” The foundation’s tax filing that year did not list the individual recipients.
George Karfunkel and his brother Michael were born in Hungary and grew up in Brooklyn, their father a fishmonger and a religious scholar, according to a Forward article published in 2016 when Michael died. (The headline: “Michael Karfunkel, the Orthodox Billionaire No One Heard Of, Dies at 72.”) Through a wide collection of businesses, they became one of the wealthiest American families. In 1976, George was on an Air France plane hijacked by Palestinian terrorists that was flown to Entebbe, Uganda, where Israeli commandoes mounted a rescue.
A 2014 Foundation for Financial Journalism report recounted the Karfunkel brothers’ early days in finance:
The brothers were employees at a mutual fund boiler room called Economic Planning Corp.; their bid to diversify the firm by having it engage in the capital markets ended with them at the center of a wide-ranging pump and dump scam that collapsed in 1971…[T]he Securities and Exchange Commission injunction and suspensions they received hardly set them back.
The brothers went on to create their own financial powerhouse. In 2008, they sold their American Stock Transfer & Trust Co. for close to $1 billion. (In July 2019, Anne Neuberger, George Karfunkel’s daughter, was named head of the National Security Agency’s new cybersecurity directorate.)
Both brothers have been highly regarded within the Orthodox community of Brooklyn for their philanthropy. According to the Foundation for Financial Journalism report, “Their foundations give almost exclusively to yeshivas and synagogues connected to Haredi Judaism, many of which are affiliated with the Belz Hasidic sect.” The report also noted that their foundations “employ risk in a fashion rarely seen in other private foundations,” and it outlined financial transactions mounted by the foundations involving complicated stock trades. And the Forward reported, “The charities the two brothers controlled are among the largest, and most unusual, Jewish private foundations in the country.”
Even with this long history of philanthropy, George Karfunkel’s gift of Kodak stock to Chemdas Yisroel stands out as much greater—by a factor of 15 to 50—than the grants on the most recent tax filings of the Karfunkel Family Foundation and the Chesed Foundation of America. When Mother Jones called Henry Reinhold, the accountant listed on the tax returns for these two foundations and an officer of each one, the man who answered the phone would not identify himself but demanded to know the subject of the inquiry. When told it was about the Karfunkel Family Foundation, he hung up. A subsequent call went to voicemail, where there was a recorded greeting from a person who referred to himself as Henry Reinhold in a voice similar to that of the man who moments earlier had refused to provide his name.
What happened to the 3 million Kodak shares after Karfunkel and his wife donated them to the congregation? Were they sold? If so, at what price? How might this organization—with no publicly identified officials—use a windfall of tens of millions of dollars or much more? There are no answers. The public trail ends with the stock transfer.
Mother Jones sent Karfunkel a list of questions regarding Congregation Chemdas Yisroel and his gigantic contribution of Kodak shares. In a brief phone call, his assistant told Mother Jones, “It’s on his desk.”
Karfunkel did not reply.
UPDATE: After the above story was published, the Wall Street Journal also reported on George Karfunkel’s donation of Kodak shares to the Congregation Chemdas Yisroel. The newspaper noted that Garfunkel is listed as the president of the synagogue in New York State charity-registration records. It reported that this donation “would make it the single largest gift recorded to a religious group, based on a list maintained by the Chronicle of Philanthropy.” According to the Journal, “The New York paperwork describes the congregation as an Orthodox Jewish synagogue that conducts religious services, classes, lectures and seminars, and would use any funds raised only for religious, charitable and educational purposes. The congregation appears to have a small space attached to a three-story apartment building on a quiet side street in the ultra-Orthodox Jewish neighborhood of Brooklyn’s Borough Park. A small nameplate on the building’s exterior is the only visible sign of its location.” In its charity registration records, the congregation lists Reinhold as its secretary and Roth as its director. With Karfunkel, they are the only officers of Chemdas Yisroel. Karfunkel is also listed as the “Chief Financial Officer or Treasurer.”
Mother Jones illustration; Michael Reynolds/CNP/ZUMA; Getty


motherjones--2020-08-11--A “Perfect Storm” of Factors Has Made the Coronavirus Especially Severe in Latinx Communities

As the world grapples with the devastation of the coronavirus , one thing is clear : The United States simply wasn ’ t prepared .
Despite repeated warnings from infectious disease experts over the years , we lacked essential beds , equipment , and medication ; public health advice was confusing , and our leadership offered no clear direction while sidelining credible health professionals and institutions .
Infectious disease experts agree that it ’ s only a matter of time before the next pandemic hits , and that could be even more deadly .
So how do we fix what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this Mother Jones series , we ’ re asking experts from a wide range of disciplines one question : What are the most important steps we can take to make sure we ’ re better prepared next time around ?
Dr. Joseph Betancourt—a primary care physician and the first chief equity and inclusion officer at Massachusetts General Hospital—still thinks about the early days of the pandemic .
Originally from Puerto Rico , he grew up in a bilingual , bicultural home and reached out to the employees in the service lines at at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , knowing they ’ d be vulnerable .
Many of those Latinx workers spoke Spanish and worked in food services and building maintenance .
“ What sticks with me is that when I explained the way the virus spread , they had the common sense to say : ‘ Boy , I take the train and I ’ m shoulder to shoulder with people and when I ’ m in the cafeteria preparing food we ’ re shoulder to shoulder , so shouldn ’ t I be wearing a mask ?
’ But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying don ’ t use a mask.
” ( Betancourt still recommended that they try to cover their nose and mouth whenever possible . )
The guidelines coming from the top , he says , may have been well-intentioned back in early March because there was a shortage of Personal Protective Equipment ( PPE ) , but those decisions put Latinx workers at a higher risk of infection .
“ I think of all the Latinos who wanted to do the right thing , who would ’ ve done the right thing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early on , ” Betancourt told me .
“ They were being advised that they didn ’ t need to do the types of things that could ’ ve given them extra protection , and I know we lost lives as a result of that.
” As the first chief of equity and inclusion—a position that was created in 2019—Betancourt spends a lot of time thinking about how to address disparities and achieve equity in health care .
He describes the many factors that played a role in the severity of virus in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” and that public data is underestimating the impact COVID-19 has had on Latinx in the United States .
On why Latinx have such a high rate of infection and deaths : This isn ’ t about Latinos or African Americans being more susceptible to the virus genetically .
So if we start with that , then we start at the beginning .
African Americans and Latinos , for a lot of different reasons , suffer from very significant health disparities .
We know that Latinos certainly are more likely to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are more likely to be uninsured—not because they ’ re not in the workforce but because they tend to work in jobs that don ’ t provide health insurance .
Then you certainly have immigration concerns ; so now you have decreased access to the system with another barrier .
And then clearly , we understand that the social conditions , that are in large part based on structural racism over centuries and decades , puts certain populations at higher risk .
The conditions that make the virus easily transmitted are ripe for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ populated , in which you have an abuela , a tio , two nephews , living in your home , because they ’ re helping you to take care of your kids .
Or you ’ re taking care of extended family in a small space .
We ’ re talking individuals who don ’ t have the luxury of social distancing , working from home , or getting groceries delivered .
On the right messenger and the right messaging : On top of language barriers , many are not getting messages on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ messengers .
Clearly in the absence of a trusted messenger , what you get is misinformation filling that void .
I was seeing that my patients , 70 % of whom are Latino , would ask me if the stuff they saw on WhatsApp about the “ hold your breath for 10 seconds ” test or about drinking hot fluids was true .
All these things and other remdedios caseros ( home remedies ) fills the gap .
So add that in as an access barrier too .
We ’ ve seen informally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and science stand up to participate in media activities in the local news in places like Miami and California .
There ’ s a group of us out there who , because of our understanding of the culture , our capacity to speak the language , and our lived experience , are better able to communicate to our community .
If you look at the federal and state levels , there hasn ’ t been a trusted Latino voice communicating to the Latino population .
We ’ re trying to do as best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about 4 or 5 percent of physicians are Latino , so ultimately we are underrepresented in medicine .
If we could do it in a more deliberate way at the federal and state levels , we ’ d be more effective .
On whether the federal government has learned lessons from early hotspots and will better protect Latinx populations in new ones : No .
I ’ m absolutely terrified .
I don ’ t even think we need to talk about the fall , I think we need to talk about today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Florida , or Arizona , right now they ’ re seeing exactly what happened to us in Massachusetts , exactly what we saw in New York , what we saw in Detroit , in Chicago , and New Orleans .
There ’ s no doubt in my mind that communities of color are being disproportionately impacted right now , as we speak .
Forget the fall ; this is going to get worse .
And ultimately , some of those states aren ’ t doing a good job or are not as invested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I think it ’ s really tragic because in many of these states , given their policies , I don ’ t know that we will ever know the truth of which communities were impacted the most .
But I know , clearly , given everything we ’ ve experienced around the country , and given the demographics of those states , it ’ s going to take a big toll on Latino communities .
No doubt .
This interview has been edited for length and clarity .

As the world grapples with the devastation of the coronavirus, one thing is clear: The United States simply wasn’t prepared. Despite repeated warnings from infectious disease experts over the years, we lacked essential beds, equipment, and medication; public health advice was confusing, and our leadership offered no clear direction while sidelining credible health professionals and institutions. Infectious disease experts agree that it’s only a matter of time before the next pandemic hits, and that could be even more deadly. So how do we fix what COVID has shown was broken? In this Mother Jones series, we’re asking experts from a wide range of disciplines one question: What are the most important steps we can take to make sure we’re better prepared next time around?
Dr. Joseph Betancourt—a primary care physician and the first chief equity and inclusion officer at Massachusetts General Hospital—still thinks about the early days of the pandemic. Originally from Puerto Rico, he grew up in a bilingual, bicultural home and reached out to the employees in the service lines at at Massachusetts General Hospital to talk about COVID-19, knowing they’d be vulnerable. Many of those Latinx workers spoke Spanish and worked in food services and building maintenance. “What sticks with me is that when I explained the way the virus spread, they had the common sense to say: ‘Boy, I take the train and I’m shoulder to shoulder with people and when I’m in the cafeteria preparing food we’re shoulder to shoulder, so shouldn’t I be wearing a mask?’ But at that time the CDC guidelines were saying don’t use a mask.” (Betancourt still recommended that they try to cover their nose and mouth whenever possible.) The guidelines coming from the top, he says, may have been well-intentioned back in early March because there was a shortage of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE), but those decisions put Latinx workers at a higher risk of infection.
“I think of all the Latinos who wanted to do the right thing, who would’ve done the right thing, who would’ve worn a mask early on,” Betancourt told me. “They were being advised that they didn’t need to do the types of things that could’ve given them extra protection, and I know we lost lives as a result of that.”
As the first chief of equity and inclusion—a position that was created in 2019—Betancourt spends a lot of time thinking about how to address disparities and achieve equity in health care. He describes the many factors that played a role in the severity of virus in Latinx communities as a “perfect storm,” and that public data is underestimating the impact COVID-19 has had on Latinx in the United States.
On why Latinx have such a high rate of infection and deaths: This isn’t about Latinos or African Americans being more susceptible to the virus genetically. So if we start with that, then we start at the beginning. African Americans and Latinos, for a lot of different reasons, suffer from very significant health disparities. We know that Latinos certainly are more likely to have difficulty accessing the health care system and are more likely to be uninsured—not because they’re not in the workforce but because they tend to work in jobs that don’t provide health insurance. Then you certainly have immigration concerns; so now you have decreased access to the system with another barrier. And then clearly, we understand that the social conditions, that are in large part based on structural racism over centuries and decades, puts certain populations at higher risk. The conditions that make the virus easily transmitted are ripe for spread in a community that is densely populated, in which you have an abuela, a tio, two nephews, living in your home, because they’re helping you to take care of your kids. Or you’re taking care of extended family in a small space. We’re talking individuals who don’t have the luxury of social distancing, working from home, or getting groceries delivered.
We’re talking individuals who don’t have the luxury of social distancing, working from home, or getting groceries delivered.
On the right messenger and the right messaging: On top of language barriers, many are not getting messages on time, or getting messages from trusted messengers. Clearly in the absence of a trusted messenger, what you get is misinformation filling that void. I was seeing that my patients, 70% of whom are Latino, would ask me if the stuff they saw on WhatsApp about the “hold your breath for 10 seconds” test or about drinking hot fluids was true. All these things and other remdedios caseros (home remedies) fills the gap. So add that in as an access barrier too.
We’ve seen informally a lot of Latino leaders in health and science stand up to participate in media activities in the local news in places like Miami and California. There’s a group of us out there who, because of our understanding of the culture, our capacity to speak the language, and our lived experience, are better able to communicate to our community. If you look at the federal and state levels, there hasn’t been a trusted Latino voice communicating to the Latino population. We’re trying to do as best as we can regionally, but only about 4 or 5 percent of physicians are Latino, so ultimately we are underrepresented in medicine. If we could do it in a more deliberate way at the federal and state levels, we’d be more effective.
On whether the federal government has learned lessons from early hotspots and will better protect Latinx populations in new ones: No. I’m absolutely terrified. I don’t even think we need to talk about the fall, I think we need to talk about today. If we look at Texas, Florida, or Arizona, right now they’re seeing exactly what happened to us in Massachusetts, exactly what we saw in New York, what we saw in Detroit, in Chicago, and New Orleans. There’s no doubt in my mind that communities of color are being disproportionately impacted right now, as we speak. Forget the fall; this is going to get worse. And ultimately, some of those states aren’t doing a good job or are not as invested in collecting good race and ethnicity data. I think it’s really tragic because in many of these states, given their policies, I don’t know that we will ever know the truth of which communities were impacted the most. But I know, clearly, given everything we’ve experienced around the country, and given the demographics of those states, it’s going to take a big toll on Latino communities. No doubt.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.


motherjones--2020-08-12--Uber and Lyft Are Now Playing Chicken With California Courts

On MSNBC today—two days after a California judge ruled that Uber and Lyft must reclassify workers as employees—Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi said that if the company doesn ’ t win on appeal he might shut down the service .
“ If the court doesn ’ t reconsider , then in California , it ’ s hard to believe we ’ ll be able to switch our model to full-time employment quickly , ” he said .
Instead , he suggested the company “ will have to shut down until November.
” That ’ s the month when the Uber backed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 110 million in funding from gig companies , will be voted on .
It would provide a carve-out for ride-share companies to continue treating drivers as independent contractors , undoing a long-fought and major win for gig worker activists .
Experts say it could create a permanent class of underpaid workers .
Soon after , Lyft President John Zimmer said on an earnings call : “ If our efforts here are not successful it would force us to suspend operations in California.
” This is a gambit , even if Khosrowshahi says it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chicken.
” Khosrowshahi and Zimmer want the courts to reconsider ; they ’ ll put everyone out of work if that doesn ’ t happen .
The remarks from Khosrowshahi are particularly ironic given that , just a few days ago , he wrote an impassioned New York Times op-ed admitting that drivers needed to be treated better ; he said that “ we need new laws ” to help do that and suggested creating a benefit fund for healthcare .
Today ’ s interview makes it clear what he really thinks : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employ workers .
Uber ’ s strategy for dominance has long been clear : bend the law , gain market share , use your “ essential ” nature as leverage to do whatever the hell you want .
But that ’ s also what makes his comment that Uber can ’ t possibly figure out how to manage under new rules so preposterous .
As Gig Workers Rising , a tech labor group , said : “ The idea that Uber and Lyft would shut down its app within one of its most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another empty threat in their attempt to avoid accountability .
”

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On MSNBC today—two days after a California judge ruled that Uber and Lyft must reclassify workers as employees—Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi said that if the company doesn’t win on appeal he might shut down the service.
“If the court doesn’t reconsider, then in California, it’s hard to believe we’ll be able to switch our model to full-time employment quickly,” he said. Instead, he suggested the company “will have to shut down until November.” That’s the month when the Uber backed ballot initiative Prop 22, with $110 million in funding from gig companies, will be voted on. It would provide a carve-out for ride-share companies to continue treating drivers as independent contractors, undoing a long-fought and major win for gig worker activists. Experts say it could create a permanent class of underpaid workers.
Soon after, Lyft President John Zimmer said on an earnings call: “If our efforts here are not successful it would force us to suspend operations in California.”
On its earnings call just now, Lyft issued the same threat. “If our efforts here are not successful it would force us to suspend operations in California,” Lyft President John Zimmer says https://t.co/JR9xD6SaNO — Dara Kerr (@darakerr) August 12, 2020
This is a gambit, even if Khosrowshahi says it’s not “a game of chicken.” Khosrowshahi and Zimmer want the courts to reconsider; they’ll put everyone out of work if that doesn’t happen.
The remarks from Khosrowshahi are particularly ironic given that, just a few days ago, he wrote an impassioned New York Times op-ed admitting that drivers needed to be treated better; he said that “we need new laws” to help do that and suggested creating a benefit fund for healthcare.
Today’s interview makes it clear what he really thinks: We will blow ourselves up to not employ workers.
Uber CEO on Monday: "Gig workers deserve better." Uber CEO on Wednesday: "If I must give gig workers even modest and standard employee benefits I will freeze out every single one I employ in California during a time of unprecedented desperation"https://t.co/gUH6mmjxz6 — Brian Merchant (@bcmerchant) August 12, 2020
Uber’s strategy for dominance has long been clear: bend the law, gain market share, use your “essential” nature as leverage to do whatever the hell you want. But that’s also what makes his comment that Uber can’t possibly figure out how to manage under new rules so preposterous. As Gig Workers Rising, a tech labor group, said: “The idea that Uber and Lyft would shut down its app within one of its most lucrative markets is ridiculous, and just another empty threat in their attempt to avoid accountability.”


motherjones--2020-08-12--In Her First Speech on the Ticket, Kamala Harris Goes Full Prosecutor

Sen. Kamala Harris ( D-Calif. ) made her mark in the Democratic presidential primary by leaning on her prosecutorial bona fides .
And during her first remarks as Joe Biden ’ s running mate on Wednesday afternoon , Harris once again flashed those credentials—this time , vowing to unleash them on President Donald Trump and Vice President Mike Pence .
Harris , the first-ever African American and Asian American woman on a major party ticket , devoted a sizable portion of her remarks to denigrating Trump ’ s response to the pandemic .
She slammed Trump ’ s “ delusional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experts ” and blamed him for ruining America ’ s global reputation .
“ Like everything else he inherited , he ran it straight into the ground , ” she said , reminding voters that they “ don ’ t have to accept the failed government ” that Trump has led .
“ Let me tell you , as someone who has presented my fair share of arguments in court , ” Harris said , “ the case against Trump and Pence is open and shut.
” Throughout the spring , Biden ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden sought a running mate who shared his vision for the country , a keystone of the tight-knit relationship he aimed to forge in the model of what he shared with Barack Obama .
In Harris , Biden finds an ideological equal—which is to say , someone who isn ’ t much concerned with ideology at all .
Both Biden and Harris prefer the pragmatic to the principled , the politically feasible over the soaring ideal .
Much of Biden ’ s introduction of Harris , which took place in a nearly empty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , centered on her character .
The former vice president described his new running mate as “ smart , ” “ tough , ” “ experienced , ” and a “ proven fighter.
” Someone who has “ worked hard ” and “ never backed down from a challenge.
” Harris responded in kind , remarking on Biden ’ s “ empathy , ” “ compassion ” and “ sense of duty.
” She shared a story about her friendship with Biden ’ s late son , Beau , who collaborated with Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same post in California .
“ I would ask him , ‘ Where ’ d you get that ?
’ ” Harris recalled when she ’ d ask Beau about his good character .
The answer he gave her , she said , was always , “ My dad.
” While some Democrats had raised concerns that such a pragmatic pairing would perhaps deflate enthusiasm among the party ’ s liberal base , there ’ s no indication that has happened .
If anything , choosing Harris has thus far inoculated the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as my colleague Tim Murphy writes : A catchy , sexist characterization .
Despite his best efforts , Trump has so far failed to make any sexist attacks on Harris stick—an effort so predictable that “ you could have set your watch to it , ” Biden said during his remarks .
Trump called Harris “ nasty ” for the prosecutorial touch she has taken with Trump nominees who come before her Senate committees for confirmation , an attack on the very thing she ’ s touting as her key asset .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a problem with strong women ?
” Biden said .
Biden ’ s selection of Harris has put the spotlight on a presidential campaign that has flown under the radar for the last several months as President Trump ’ s response to the pandemic hogged the limelight .
With national attention wholly on Biden again for the first time in months , the former vice president used the opportunity to lambast Trump for his failures to contain the virus and his racist overtures .
His appearance with Harris on Wednesday marked three years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rally in Charlottesville , Virginia , something Biden remarked on .
“ Remember those white supremacists ?
Those Klansmen ?
” he said , “ spewing the same anti-Semitic bile we heard in Hitler ’ s Germany the 1930s ?
” Biden ’ s decision to put Harris on the ticket is itself a retort to the race-baiting that Trump engaged in on that occasion .
And Harris acknowledged that in her remarks as she reflected on her own place in history .
“ Today , [ Biden ] takes his place in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ march toward equality and justice—as the only person who served alongside the first Black President , and has chosen the first Black woman as his running mate , ” she said .

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Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) made her mark in the Democratic presidential primary by leaning on her prosecutorial bona fides. And during her first remarks as Joe Biden’s running mate on Wednesday afternoon, Harris once again flashed those credentials—this time, vowing to unleash them on President Donald Trump and Vice President Mike Pence.
Harris, the first-ever African American and Asian American woman on a major party ticket, devoted a sizable portion of her remarks to denigrating Trump’s response to the pandemic. She slammed Trump’s “delusional belief that he knows better than the experts” and blamed him for ruining America’s global reputation. “Like everything else he inherited, he ran it straight into the ground,” she said, reminding voters that they “don’t have to accept the failed government” that Trump has led.
“Let me tell you, as someone who has presented my fair share of arguments in court,” Harris said, “the case against Trump and Pence is open and shut.”
Throughout the spring, Biden’s advisers and allies told reporters that Biden sought a running mate who shared his vision for the country, a keystone of the tight-knit relationship he aimed to forge in the model of what he shared with Barack Obama. In Harris, Biden finds an ideological equal—which is to say, someone who isn’t much concerned with ideology at all. Both Biden and Harris prefer the pragmatic to the principled, the politically feasible over the soaring ideal.
Much of Biden’s introduction of Harris, which took place in a nearly empty high school auditorium in Wilmington, Delaware, centered on her character. The former vice president described his new running mate as “smart,” “tough,” “experienced,” and a “proven fighter.” Someone who has “worked hard” and “never backed down from a challenge.” Harris responded in kind, remarking on Biden’s “empathy,” “compassion” and “sense of duty.” She shared a story about her friendship with Biden’s late son, Beau, who collaborated with Harris as Delaware attorney general when she held the same post in California. “I would ask him, ‘Where’d you get that?’” Harris recalled when she’d ask Beau about his good character. The answer he gave her, she said, was always, “My dad.”
While some Democrats had raised concerns that such a pragmatic pairing would perhaps deflate enthusiasm among the party’s liberal base, there’s no indication that has happened. If anything, choosing Harris has thus far inoculated the campaign against a more vexing problem, as my colleague Tim Murphy writes: A catchy, sexist characterization. Despite his best efforts, Trump has so far failed to make any sexist attacks on Harris stick—an effort so predictable that “you could have set your watch to it,” Biden said during his remarks. Trump called Harris “nasty” for the prosecutorial touch she has taken with Trump nominees who come before her Senate committees for confirmation, an attack on the very thing she’s touting as her key asset. “Is anyone surprised that Donald Trump has a problem with strong women?” Biden said.
Biden’s selection of Harris has put the spotlight on a presidential campaign that has flown under the radar for the last several months as President Trump’s response to the pandemic hogged the limelight. With national attention wholly on Biden again for the first time in months, the former vice president used the opportunity to lambast Trump for his failures to contain the virus and his racist overtures. His appearance with Harris on Wednesday marked three years since the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, something Biden remarked on. “Remember those white supremacists? Those Klansmen?” he said, “spewing the same anti-Semitic bile we heard in Hitler’s Germany the 1930s?”
Biden’s decision to put Harris on the ticket is itself a retort to the race-baiting that Trump engaged in on that occasion. And Harris acknowledged that in her remarks as she reflected on her own place in history. “Today, [Biden] takes his place in the ongoing story of America’s march toward equality and justice—as the only person who served alongside the first Black President, and has chosen the first Black woman as his running mate,” she said.


motherjones--2020-08-12--Trump’s Campaign Can’t Figure Out How to Attack Kamala Harris

On Tuesday , presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden announced that California Sen. Kamala Harris would be his running mate .
If you want the details on Harris ’ rise in California politics , her record as a prosecutor , and her sometimes complicated relationship with progressive activists , read my colleague Jamilah King .
If you want a preview of Trumpworld ’ s line of attack , check out this statement from the campaign : It ’ s kind of a mess—which is surprising given how much time the Trump team had to prepare this !
—but the second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign signals that it wants to highlight Harris ’ “ record as a prosecutor ” —for which she has drawn criticism from supporters of criminal justice reform—while at the same accusing her of being soft on crime .
Which one is it ?
Is Harris too tough on crime , or is she antifa ?
The messaging dissonance on what purports to be the campaign ’ s signature issue— ” law and order ” —pervades Trumpworld .
Andrew Clark , Trump ’ s rapid response director , took the enemy-of-reform approach when he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fought to keep non-violent inmates locked up ” and would be a “ great match with ‘ architect of mass incarceration ’ Joe Biden.
” And for months , the pro-Trump site The Federalist has been selling a T-shirt with a badge that says simply “ Kamala is a cop.
” “ If you think bragging about increased arrests , unfurling criminalization , and extending sentencing is the sign of an authoritarian policeman , then we have a shirt for you , ” the site boasts .
“ Show the world Kamala ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ screen-printed , soft white tee.
” If you want to call Harris a cop , there ’ s a smart way to do it .
But it ’ s hard to convince people you ’ re seriously concerned about her record when you ’ re simultaneously tweeting out mugshots and wanted posters and accusing the Democratic ticket of aiming to defund law enforcement .
The Trump campaign ’ s position on Harris at this point is essentially : She ’ s a cop , but also she hates cops .
In a statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ronna McDaniel chided Harris for “ comparing law enforcement officials to the KKK.
” Elsewhere , Trump ’ s campaign stated that , with the appointment of Harris , Biden was “ surrendering control of our nation to the radical mob.
” A fundraising email sent out under Vice President Mike Pence ’ s name calls her “ weak on crime.
” Harris ’ criminal justice record isn ’ t the only place where Trump and his allies can ’ t get their stories straight .
The reporter David Bernstein noticed these two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big banks and also , she ’ s a socialist .
Which one is it ?
In its incoherent response to Harris , the Trump campaign is merely echoing its incoherent response thus far to Biden .
The campaign has spent much of the summer running ads attacking the former vice president for being soft on crime .
Biden , they charge , will surrender American cities to radical mobs and defund the police .
“ You won ’ t be safe in Joe Biden ’ s America , ” the ads say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the screen , of course , depicted Trump ’ s America , which the rest of the world considers so scary US citizens are currently banned from Canada .
Except…the Trump campaign is also running ads highlighting Biden ’ s role in drafting the 1994 crime bill .
The law “ destroyed millions of Black lives , ” Trump ’ s ads say .
Taken separately , Trump ’ s criminal justice–themed messaging has a certain logic .
His campaign wants to win back white independents and moderate Republicans who over the past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , particularly in suburbs .
And , because in the president ’ s mind , it is always New York City in the 1980s , he ’ s convinced that the way to do it is through racist appeals about crime .
But his campaign also wants to depress turnout among Black voters and young activists and believes that one way to accomplish that is to sow doubts about Biden ’ s commitment to reform—something it tried against Hillary Clinton in 2016 .
But running these messages at the same time , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telegraphs the unseriousness of the effort : After three-and-a-half years in office , with 82 days until the election , the only strategy Trump can truly commit to is not having one .

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On Tuesday, presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden announced that California Sen. Kamala Harris would be his running mate. If you want the details on Harris’ rise in California politics, her record as a prosecutor, and her sometimes complicated relationship with progressive activists, read my colleague Jamilah King. If you want a preview of Trumpworld’s line of attack, check out this statement from the campaign:
Trump campaign statement on Kamala Harris pic.twitter.com/kS2YSlcS9Q — Sahil Kapur (@sahilkapur) August 11, 2020
It’s kind of a mess—which is surprising given how much time the Trump team had to prepare this!—but the second sentence stands out. Trump’s campaign signals that it wants to highlight Harris’ “record as a prosecutor”—for which she has drawn criticism from supporters of criminal justice reform—while at the same accusing her of being soft on crime. Which one is it? Is Harris too tough on crime, or is she antifa?
The messaging dissonance on what purports to be the campaign’s signature issue—”law and order”—pervades Trumpworld. Andrew Clark, Trump’s rapid response director, took the enemy-of-reform approach when he tweeted on Tuesday that Harris had “fought to keep non-violent inmates locked up” and would be a “great match with ‘architect of mass incarceration’ Joe Biden.” And for months, the pro-Trump site The Federalist has been selling a T-shirt with a badge that says simply “Kamala is a cop.” “If you think bragging about increased arrests, unfurling criminalization, and extending sentencing is the sign of an authoritarian policeman, then we have a shirt for you,” the site boasts. “Show the world Kamala’s true colors with our subtle, screen-printed, soft white tee.”
The Federalist doing their part to assuage fears about a Biden/Harris ticket among swing voters concerned about the Democrats leftward lurch on law and order/looting/statues. pic.twitter.com/6dfvR5wn9O — Tim Miller (@Timodc) August 11, 2020
If you want to call Harris a cop, there’s a smart way to do it. But it’s hard to convince people you’re seriously concerned about her record when you’re simultaneously tweeting out mugshots and wanted posters and accusing the Democratic ticket of aiming to defund law enforcement. The Trump campaign’s position on Harris at this point is essentially: She’s a cop, but also she hates cops.
In a statement released by the campaign, RNC Chair Ronna McDaniel chided Harris for “comparing law enforcement officials to the KKK.” Elsewhere, Trump’s campaign stated that, with the appointment of Harris, Biden was “surrendering control of our nation to the radical mob.” A fundraising email sent out under Vice President Mike Pence’s name calls her “weak on crime.”
Harris’ criminal justice record isn’t the only place where Trump and his allies can’t get their stories straight. The reporter David Bernstein noticed these two attacks from Trumpworld—that Harris is beholden to big banks and also, she’s a socialist. Which one is it?
Back-to-back in my Trumpland message-setters feed this morning: Biden-Harris is the choice of Wall Street, and of radical socialists and anarchists. pic.twitter.com/BSJ20aJpxc — David S. Bernstein (@dbernstein) August 12, 2020
In its incoherent response to Harris, the Trump campaign is merely echoing its incoherent response thus far to Biden. The campaign has spent much of the summer running ads attacking the former vice president for being soft on crime. Biden, they charge, will surrender American cities to radical mobs and defund the police. “You won’t be safe in Joe Biden’s America,” the ads say. The scary images that flashed on the screen, of course, depicted Trump’s America, which the rest of the world considers so scary US citizens are currently banned from Canada. Except…the Trump campaign is also running ads highlighting Biden’s role in drafting the 1994 crime bill. The law “destroyed millions of Black lives,” Trump’s ads say.
Taken separately, Trump’s criminal justice–themed messaging has a certain logic. His campaign wants to win back white independents and moderate Republicans who over the past four years have been abandoning the party, particularly in suburbs. And, because in the president’s mind, it is always New York City in the 1980s, he’s convinced that the way to do it is through racist appeals about crime. But his campaign also wants to depress turnout among Black voters and young activists and believes that one way to accomplish that is to sow doubts about Biden’s commitment to reform—something it tried against Hillary Clinton in 2016. But running these messages at the same time, and even in the same sentence, simply telegraphs the unseriousness of the effort: After three-and-a-half years in office, with 82 days until the election, the only strategy Trump can truly commit to is not having one.


motherjones--2020-08-12--Trump Ramps Up the Racism and Sexism After Harris Makes History

One day after Joe Biden announced his decision to name Sen. Kamala Harris as his running mate , a history-making choice that saw the first Black woman and the first South Asian American woman to be nominated on a major party ’ s presidential ticket , President Trump is sticking to familiar terrain : Let ’ s unpack this one .
Right off the bat , Trump ramped up his use of outdated , sexist labels in order to make a blatant appeal to white suburban women—who by the way , overwhelmingly disapprove of the president these days .
Continuing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America ’ s suburbs will be destroyed by a Biden presidency , he then suggested that Cory ( note the spelling ) Booker , the Black senator from New Jersey , would lead an effort to restore an Obama-era fair-housing policy that the Trump administration ended last month .
( As my colleague Aaron Wiener explained when Trump first brought the issue to the forefront last month , Biden has embraced much of Booker ’ s housing plan for his own platform . )
All this , Trump claimed , laid the groundwork @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tweet is a generous serving of the racism and sexism we ’ ve long seen from this president .
On the heels of the groundbreaking Harris news , it ’ s all the more glaring .

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One day after Joe Biden announced his decision to name Sen. Kamala Harris as his running mate, a history-making choice that saw the first Black woman and the first South Asian American woman to be nominated on a major party’s presidential ticket, President Trump is sticking to familiar terrain:
The “suburban housewife” will be voting for me. They want safety & are thrilled that I ended the long running program where low income housing would invade their neighborhood. Biden would reinstall it, in a bigger form, with Corey Booker in charge! @foxandfriends @MariaBartiromo — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 12, 2020
Let’s unpack this one. Right off the bat, Trump ramped up his use of outdated, sexist labels in order to make a blatant appeal to white suburban women—who by the way, overwhelmingly disapprove of the president these days. Continuing to stoke false and racist fears that America’s suburbs will be destroyed by a Biden presidency, he then suggested that Cory (note the spelling) Booker, the Black senator from New Jersey, would lead an effort to restore an Obama-era fair-housing policy that the Trump administration ended last month. (As my colleague Aaron Wiener explained when Trump first brought the issue to the forefront last month, Biden has embraced much of Booker’s housing plan for his own platform.) All this, Trump claimed, laid the groundwork for a suburban “invasion.”
The tweet is a generous serving of the racism and sexism we’ve long seen from this president. On the heels of the groundbreaking Harris news, it’s all the more glaring.


motherjones--2020-08-13--As Biden Promises to Rein In Private Prisons, They’re Throwing Money At Republicans

The election is nearly three months away , and the private prison industry has already shelled out more on the campaign than in any other year .
Private prison PACs , employees , and their families have given more than $ 1.9 million to candidates and parties so far , according to the Center for Responsive Politics—14 percent more than they spent in 2016 .
About 92 percent of those donations went to Republicans , also a record .
This prodigious election spending makes a lot of sense .
Private prison companies have enjoyed a cozy relationship with the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for-profit prisons to hold immigration detainees .
Last year , the two largest prison companies , the GEO Group and CoreCivic , counted on federal dollars for more than half of their revenue , according to their annual reports .
And now , Immigration and Customs Enforcement is inking long-term contracts with prison companies to detain thousands of immigrants beyond the end of Trump ’ s presidency .
In an earnings call last week , CoreCivic CEO Damon Hininger suggested that prison executives and the federal officials they work with are already anticipating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington , DC .
“ We ’ ve had some conversations with folks in leadership and they ’ re always obviously preparing potentially what happens in the coming days , weeks and months—with not only the pandemic but also going into 2021 and maybe some outcomes in Congress and the White House , ” Hininger told investors .
“ So they ’ re preparing .
And with that , working with us to prepare.
” Part of that preparation is in response to Joe Biden ’ s criminal justice platform , which is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ line .
The Democratic presidential candidate has promised to revive an Obama-era policy of phasing out the use of private prisons to hold people convicted of federal crimes .
( The policy barely took effect before it was reversed by Attorney General Jeff Sessions in early 2017 . )
Biden ’ s platform stops short of calling for an end to private immigration detention but says he will “ make clear that the federal government should not use private facilities for any detention , including detention of undocumented immigrants , ” as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 .
And Biden promises to create a new federal grant program that will only give money to states if they do not contract with private prisons .
GEO—which has experienced three years of growth under Trump—is responsible for the bulk of prison companies ’ recent political spending .
Its corporate PAC has been giving $ 20,000 in regular installments to the Trump Victory committee since April 2019 .
But the industry , which also includes smaller prison companies is also shelling out lots of cash to Republican lawmakers .
The recipients include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GEO and CoreCivic run networks of halfway houses and GEO is fighting a class-action lawsuit over allegations that it forced immigration detainees to work for little or no pay ; Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky ; and Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia , the chair of the appropriations committee homeland security subcommittee .
One of the few Democrats is , again , Rep. Henry Cuellar , a conservative Texas Democrat and vocal defender of private prisons whose district includes both GEO and CoreCivic lockups .
It ’ s not just the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequences of the 2020 election .
So are ICE and the US Marshals Service , Hininger said on the earnings call .
According to Hininger , federal officials have been signing new detention center contracts even as the number of immigrants they detain has dropped precipitously during the pandemic .
Over the last two weeks , he said , ICE has finalized 10-year contracts with CoreCivic ’ s 512-person T. Don Hutto Residential Center and GEO ’ s 1,840-bed South Texas Detention Complex .
He added that CoreCivic expected to receive another 10-year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center in “ a day or two.
” “ ICE really wants to maintain the capacity they ’ ve got nationally for their detention system , ” he said .
Elected officials and local advocates have been fighting the contracts for these two Texas detention centers for months .
In January , two months after ICE began soliciting bids for immigration detention beds in the state , Rep. Joaquin Castro and nine other Democratic representatives from Texas sent a letter to officials at the Department of Homeland Security and Office of Acquisition Management @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deals being handed to CoreCivic and GEO without a competitive bidding process .
“ All three facilities ICE is targeting with this solicitation are notorious for a wide range of mistreatment , including various sexual assault cases and the deaths of individuals in custody , ” they wrote .
“ If ICE is able to secure these contracts in Texas , it will mean extending the harm of this administration far beyond Trump ’ s term in office , ” Bethany Carson , an organizer at the anti-private prison advocacy group Grassroots Leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pulled a similar move late last year in California , locking in long-term deals for private immigrant detention centers days before the state enacted a ban on private prisons and detention centers .
A weej before the new law went into effect , ICE granted GEO 15-year contracts for nearly 4,500 beds across 5 facilities , including the notorious Adelanto Detention Center outside Los Angeles .

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The election is nearly three months away, and the private prison industry has already shelled out more on the campaign than in any other year. Private prison PACs, employees, and their families have given more than $1.9 million to candidates and parties so far, according to the Center for Responsive Politics—14 percent more than they spent in 2016. About 92 percent of those donations went to Republicans, also a record.
This prodigious election spending makes a lot of sense. Private prison companies have enjoyed a cozy relationship with the Trump administration as it has increasingly relied on for-profit prisons to hold immigration detainees. Last year, the two largest prison companies, the GEO Group and CoreCivic, counted on federal dollars for more than half of their revenue, according to their annual reports. And now, Immigration and Customs Enforcement is inking long-term contracts with prison companies to detain thousands of immigrants beyond the end of Trump’s presidency.
In an earnings call last week, CoreCivic CEO Damon Hininger suggested that prison executives and the federal officials they work with are already anticipating various election scenarios including Democratic gains in Washington, DC. “We’ve had some conversations with folks in leadership and they’re always obviously preparing potentially what happens in the coming days, weeks and months—with not only the pandemic but also going into 2021 and maybe some outcomes in Congress and the White House,” Hininger told investors. “So they’re preparing. And with that, working with us to prepare.”
Part of that preparation is in response to Joe Biden’s criminal justice platform, which is openly hostile to prison companies’ bottom line. The Democratic presidential candidate has promised to revive an Obama-era policy of phasing out the use of private prisons to hold people convicted of federal crimes. (The policy barely took effect before it was reversed by Attorney General Jeff Sessions in early 2017.) Biden’s platform stops short of calling for an end to private immigration detention but says he will “make clear that the federal government should not use private facilities for any detention, including detention of undocumented immigrants,” as the Homeland Security Advisory Council did in late 2016. And Biden promises to create a new federal grant program that will only give money to states if they do not contract with private prisons.
GEO—which has experienced three years of growth under Trump—is responsible for the bulk of prison companies’ recent political spending. Its corporate PAC has been giving $20,000 in regular installments to the Trump Victory committee since April 2019. But the industry, which also includes smaller prison companies is also shelling out lots of cash to Republican lawmakers. The recipients include Sen. Corey Gardner of Colorado, where GEO and CoreCivic run networks of halfway houses and GEO is fighting a class-action lawsuit over allegations that it forced immigration detainees to work for little or no pay; Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky; and Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, the chair of the appropriations committee homeland security subcommittee. One of the few Democrats is, again, Rep. Henry Cuellar, a conservative Texas Democrat and vocal defender of private prisons whose district includes both GEO and CoreCivic lockups.
It’s not just the prison executives who are focused on the consequences of the 2020 election. So are ICE and the US Marshals Service, Hininger said on the earnings call. According to Hininger, federal officials have been signing new detention center contracts even as the number of immigrants they detain has dropped precipitously during the pandemic. Over the last two weeks, he said, ICE has finalized 10-year contracts with CoreCivic’s 512-person T. Don Hutto Residential Center and GEO’s 1,840-bed South Texas Detention Complex. He added that CoreCivic expected to receive another 10-year contract with for its 1,000-bed Houston Processing Center in “a day or two.” “ICE really wants to maintain the capacity they’ve got nationally for their detention system,” he said.
Elected officials and local advocates have been fighting the contracts for these two Texas detention centers for months. In January, two months after ICE began soliciting bids for immigration detention beds in the state, Rep. Joaquin Castro and nine other Democratic representatives from Texas sent a letter to officials at the Department of Homeland Security and Office of Acquisition Management raising alarms about the prospect of 10-year deals being handed to CoreCivic and GEO without a competitive bidding process. “All three facilities ICE is targeting with this solicitation are notorious for a wide range of mistreatment, including various sexual assault cases and the deaths of individuals in custody,” they wrote. “If ICE is able to secure these contracts in Texas, it will mean extending the harm of this administration far beyond Trump’s term in office,” Bethany Carson, an organizer at the anti-private prison advocacy group Grassroots Leadership, said at the time.
ICE pulled a similar move late last year in California, locking in long-term deals for private immigrant detention centers days before the state enacted a ban on private prisons and detention centers. A weej before the new law went into effect, ICE granted GEO 15-year contracts for nearly 4,500 beds across 5 facilities, including the notorious Adelanto Detention Center outside Los Angeles.


motherjones--2020-08-13--We Need a President Who Doesn’t Entertain Racist Conspiracy Theories. Trump Is Not That President.

President Trump is back on his birtherism bullshit .
At his Thursday afternoon press conference , a reporter asked if he thought Sen. Kamala Harris met the legal requirements to run for vice president .
“ I heard today that she doesn ’ t meet the requirements , ” Trump responded , adding that he ’ d look into it .
Before we get into this , let ’ s be clear : Harris was born in Oakland , California .
But an opinion article in Newsweek written by the law professor John Eastman spurred the social media frenzy leading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Eastman uses discredited theories to suggest that Harris would be ineligible for the vice presidency because her parents were not naturalized citizens at the time of her birth .
Trump could have simply shot this down .
Keep in mind that in 2008 , when a woman at a campaign event called Barack Obama an “ Arab ” —a notion Trump helped spread— John McCain snatched the microphone from the woman ’ s hand and said , “ No ma ’ am .
He ’ s a decent family man , citizen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disagreements with on fundamental issues , and that ’ s what this campaign is all about.
” But , Trump being Trump , the president opted to fan the conspiratorial flames .
“ The lawyer that wrote that piece is a very highly qualified , very talented lawyer , ” he began , never confirming the theory explicitly but not discounting it , either .
Eastman is not , in fact , the man Trump describes .
As my colleague Pema Levy wrote in 2018 , he is a member of a group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ 14th amendment ] states , ‘ All persons born or naturalized in the United States , and subject to the jurisdiction thereof , are citizens of the United States.
” The condition “ subject to the jurisdiction thereof ” is widely understood as a narrow carve-out for the children of foreign diplomats , enemy combatants on US soil , and American Indian tribes .
But according to Eastman , “ subject to the jurisdiction thereof ” actually means that in addition to being born in the United States , a child must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allegiance to the US government by being a permanent legal resident… Scholars on both sides of the aisle have pushed back against this idea .
Garrett Epps , a liberal constitutional scholar , wrote in The Atlantic in July , “ Erler ’ s work is , at best , scholarly malpractice .
Anton ’ s reliance on this work is the constitutional equivalent of flat-earthism.
” The congressional record , Epps argues , clearly shows that the members of Congress who wrote the 14th Amendment intended for it to include anyone born @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrow exceptions including the children of diplomats .
In Eastman ’ s hands , a faux nitpicking of legal theory provides a decoy for racism .
The man who jumpstarted his political career by claiming President Obama was not born in the United States couldn ’ t resist .
“ You ’ re saying that she doesn ’ t qualify because she wasn ’ t born in this country ?
” Trump said .
“ She was born in this country , ” the reporter clarified , “ but the claims say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residence at that time.
” “ I don ’ t know about it , ” Trump said .
“ I just heard about it .
I ’ ll take a look.
” It ’ s not that hard to simply not engage in conspiracy theories—for anyone other than Trump .

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President Trump is back on his birtherism bullshit.
At his Thursday afternoon press conference, a reporter asked if he thought Sen. Kamala Harris met the legal requirements to run for vice president. “I heard today that she doesn’t meet the requirements,” Trump responded, adding that he’d look into it.
Holy shit. Trump pushes a baseless, birther-style theory about Kamala Harris that holds she's not a citizen because birthright citizenship isn't a thing. "I just heard it today that she doesn't meet the requirements … I have no idea if that's right." pic.twitter.com/ZIXYrleuVf — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) August 13, 2020
Before we get into this, let’s be clear: Harris was born in Oakland, California.
But an opinion article in Newsweek written by the law professor John Eastman spurred the social media frenzy leading to this moment. In the article, Eastman uses discredited theories to suggest that Harris would be ineligible for the vice presidency because her parents were not naturalized citizens at the time of her birth.
Trump could have simply shot this down. Keep in mind that in 2008, when a woman at a campaign event called Barack Obama an “Arab”—a notion Trump helped spread— John McCain snatched the microphone from the woman’s hand and said, “No ma’am. He’s a decent family man, citizen, that I just happen to have disagreements with on fundamental issues, and that’s what this campaign is all about.”
But, Trump being Trump, the president opted to fan the conspiratorial flames.
“The lawyer that wrote that piece is a very highly qualified, very talented lawyer,” he began, never confirming the theory explicitly but not discounting it, either.
Eastman is not, in fact, the man Trump describes. As my colleague Pema Levy wrote in 2018, he is a member of a group of extreme theorists about citizenship:
The [14th amendment] states, ‘All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” The condition “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” is widely understood as a narrow carve-out for the children of foreign diplomats, enemy combatants on US soil, and American Indian tribes. But according to Eastman, “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” actually means that in addition to being born in the United States, a child must have at least one parent who owes allegiance to the US government by being a permanent legal resident… Scholars on both sides of the aisle have pushed back against this idea. Garrett Epps, a liberal constitutional scholar, wrote in The Atlantic in July, “Erler’s work is, at best, scholarly malpractice. Anton’s reliance on this work is the constitutional equivalent of flat-earthism.” The congressional record, Epps argues, clearly shows that the members of Congress who wrote the 14th Amendment intended for it to include anyone born in the United States, with only narrow exceptions including the children of diplomats.
In Eastman’s hands, a faux nitpicking of legal theory provides a decoy for racism.
White supremacy is a belief system based on the idea that ppl of color, esp Black ppl, are fundamentally illegitimate as equal citizens or human beings. Calling into question the citizenship of elected officials of color, esp when the answer is obvious, is one way it manifests. — Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (@AOC) August 13, 2020
The man who jumpstarted his political career by claiming President Obama was not born in the United States couldn’t resist. “You’re saying that she doesn’t qualify because she wasn’t born in this country?” Trump said.
“She was born in this country,” the reporter clarified, “but the claims say that her parents did not receive their permanent residence at that time.”
“I don’t know about it,” Trump said. “I just heard about it. I’ll take a look.”
It’s not that hard to simply not engage in conspiracy theories—for anyone other than Trump.