rawstory--2020-01-09--Should government assistance cover pet food or potato chips? It depends whom you ask

Lawmakers in states like Arkansas and Texas want to restrict what the 36 million people who rely on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program , also known as SNAP or food stamps , can purchase with that aid .
Drawing attention to people who use government funds to pay for things like soda or candy is also a common way to justify proposed safety-net spending cuts .
Some states impose specific restrictions on the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families welfare program : for example , barring the use of those benefits for amusement park tickets .
We are a consumer psychologist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ common stereotypes about people who get government benefits paid for with tax dollars .
We find that many Americans judge what is appropriate for others to purchase based on their own idiosyncratic preferences and tastes .
This bias affects policy debates over welfare programs , even when they appear to be based in ideology and principle .
In essence , we find that when judging these purchases , people think to themselves , “ I personally don ’ t see value in this thing , thus it is wasteful for anyone else to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ value this thing so it ’ s a good use of money for you to buy it.
” In other words , not everyone agrees on what constitutes squandering .
Consider , for example , a petition more than 100,000 people signed in 2018 to allow pet food to be covered by SNAP funds .
Just for the record , these benefits cover only food for people – a fact that this petition was unable to change .
We analyzed people ’ s responses to this petition on Facebook and also looked at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that people agreed with this policy change more when they had a picture of a pet in their profile compared to when they did not – a signal that they valued having a pet in their family .
We followed this with a series of experiments finding that what psychologists call “ egocentric bias ” – erroneously using one ’ s own personal subjective experiences to understand others – plays an important role in shaping judgments about government benefits and restrictions on eligibility to get them .
For example , if someone prefers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to believe that a SNAP recipient buying candy signifies that they are wasteful and impulsive .
However , someone who prefers candy over chips thinks the same thing about SNAP recipients buying chips .
Conversely , the chip-lover and candy-lover are less judgmental of people for spending government assistance on their personal favorite junk food and support policy that covers spending on that food .
It ’ s hard to argue that chips are a more “ rational ” purchase than candy , or that going to the zoo is more useful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our research shows that in the media and state legislatures alike , people are taking their own personal sense of taste and value and using that as a basis for judging the everyday choices others make .
Unfortunately , when people ’ s subjective sense of taste leads them to judge a welfare recipient for not spending their benefits appropriately , this can “ confirm ” a prevalent stereotype that welfare recipients are impulsive , lack self-control and are bad at money management even though data shows this tends to not be the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a wasteful purchase could actually be rational given the constraints that are faced by people facing economic hardship .
These include the relatively high cost of healthy food and lack of access to nutritious choices .
Interestingly , participants in our study did not judge a middle-class person for making a purchase that was inconsistent with the participant ’ s own subjective tastes the same way that they judged a safety net user for making the exact same purchase .
This is most likely because there was no accessible stereotype that middle-class individuals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but this stereotype is very much associated with people who rely on the safety net .
We also found that correcting these biases is not as easy as one might think .
Even blatantly reminding observers of reasons why someone may like an item the observer does not like , or why someone may not like an item that the observer likes , did nothing to eliminate these judgments .
Further , we found this bias occurs across the political spectrum , across income levels and regardless of whether someone has ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans may tend to be less supportive of various safety net programs , but we observed that Democrats are also susceptible to this dynamic .
We also found that rich and poor people alike harbor these biases , regardless of their potential self-interest .
To be sure , it ’ s not a given that government benefits are being squandered in general .
Research shows that programs like SNAP are effective and have low rates of fraud .
What ’ s more , public policy scholars like Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach have argued that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hard to determine which items ought to be restricted and because of the administrative burden these bans impose on stores and other vendors .
We share those concerns .
Barring “ wasteful ” purchases is hard , our research suggests , because opinions on what ’ s worthy and what ’ s not vary widely .
That is true for those who are at the table making these decisions as it is for the people who are being told what they can or can ’ t buy .
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Steven Shepherd , Assistant Professor of Marketing and International Business , Oklahoma State University and Troy Campbell , Assistant Professor of Marketing , University of Oregon This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
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rawstory--2020-01-09--What did the Romans do in the year 0? A fake theologian explains

Over the centuries , theologians have wrestled with many knotty questions , such as : Does God exist ?
What is the purpose of life ?
And why do innocent people suffer ?
A layperson might suppose theology , the study of God , to be so serious that theologians never crack a smile .
The mention of Franz Bibfeldt , however , can melt even the iciest solemnity among not only theologians , but also clergy , students of religion and even atheists .
As one reviewer wrote , “ The world needs a little more Bibfeldt.
” It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the University of Chicago Divinity School that I first encountered the name Franz Bibfeldt , along with two widely divergent accounts of his life and career .
The first and rather dubious biography , composed by some playful scholars and marinated in mirth , holds that Bibfeldt was born in Sage-Haast bei Groszenkneten in Germany in 1897 .
It states that as a young man , Bibfeldt stumbled upon his first original insight when he began to study the early Christian church .
At the time of Christ ’ s birth , Bibfeldt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manage to shift from counting down the years – 100 B.C.
, 50 B.C.
, 10 B.C .
– to counting upward – A.D. 10 , A.D. 50 , A.D. 100 – especially since they never interposed a year 0 ?
His biographers go on to allege that Bibfeldt mined this discovery in his dissertation , “ The Problem of the Year Zero.
” Bibfeldt ’ s subsequent work was wide-ranging , his biographers explain , noting his response to the great Danish theologian Soren Kierkegaard .
In his masterpiece “ Either/Or , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to life , the pleasure-focused and the responsibility-focused .
Opting for a more inclusive approach , Bibfeldt is said to have responded with a work entitled , “ Both/And , ” in which he promoted a combination of both approaches .
When this work met with criticism , Bibfeldt , his biographers note , produced a sequel that received appropriately mixed reviews , “ Either/Or and/or Both/And.
” The name Bibfeldt has become associated with the theology of Both/And , which denies nothing to anyone .
The theologian ’ s mission , Bibfeldt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything to everything .
Some have claimed that Bibfeldt even managed to reconcile life and death .
His most groundbreaking work is said to give voice to perhaps that most oppressed of all groups – the dead .
In one paper on the topic , Bibfeldt is noted to have highlighted the “ ennui , the awful day-in-day-out life of the dead.
” He is said to have drawn attention to the high rates of depression of the dead attending their “ sedentary lifestyles ” and the fact they were denied “ any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At this point , many readers might be asking , was Bibfeldt for real ?
There is a second , better-documented account of Bibfeldt ’ s origin and inspiration .
In this version , which began unfolding in the 1940s , Bibfeldt first appeared when a student at Concordia Seminary , Robert Clausen , found himself locked out of the school library the weekend before his term paper was due .
Unable to access the texts he intended to cite , Clausen instead decided to rely on his imagination and made them up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bibfeldt .
As the story goes , Clausen and a classmate , Martin Marty , now an emeritus faculty member at the University of Chicago , spent the next three summers working as manual laborers and embellishing the Bibfeldt legend .
Marty published a 1951 review of Bibfeldt ’ s book , “ The Relieved Paradox , ” in the Concordia Seminarian .
Many professors , bookstores and publishers were soon in on the joke .
But not everyone was amused .
When some of Bibfeldt ’ s features were deemed to bear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Concordia ’ s faculty , Marty lost his fellowship to study overseas and was instead assigned to a congregation whose job requirements included graduate study at Chicago .
For this reason , to this day Marty cites Bibfeldt as “ the theologian who had the greatest influence on my work.
” He also praises Bibfeldt as a powerful reminder that “ a person need not exist in order to influence lives.
” Marty should know , because he has been one of the most important contributors to the Bibfeldt legacy .
In one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a hoax , though he is the product of no malicious intent .
And yet , in another sense , he lives on .
Today the University of Chicago is the world center for Bibfeldt studies .
It has established not an endowed chair in his name but a stool , which produces an annual stipend of US $ 29.95 for the person who delivers the annual Bibfeldt lecture – provided he or she can come up with a nickel in change .
In a Feb. 1995 issue of the University of Chicago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ images of Bibfeldt .
As the magazine states , these students depicted the theologian receiving “ an honorary degree from Twaddle Community College , catching a Sox game , and suffering delusions of grandeur.
” Some might see in Bibfeldt ’ s satirical origins a failure to take God seriously enough .
But the dozens of theologians who have spoken and written on him see another lesson – the imperative not to take ourselves too seriously .
Bibfeldt , his creators contend , stands for being everything to everyone .
His example serves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of us to become someone and to help others do the same .
His story doesn ’ t just tell us what to think ; instead it challenges each of us to think for ourselves .
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Trained in political science and the law, he has no formal education in disaster preparedness or response. And prior to his current role, he never held a full-time job dedicated to emergency management.
Instead, his main qualification was being chief of staff to then-mayor Alan Arakawa. But in that role, he told Civil Beat Tuesday, he assisted during emergency operations. And he said he participated in online FEMA trainings and workshops throughout the years.
In 2017, Andaya beat out 40 other applicants for the job, Maui Now reported at the time.
As the mayor’s administration was coming to a close, a panel of government officials – which said it was independent of the mayor – chose Andaya for the civil service role.
Civil Beat reviewed Andaya’s experience after historic Lahaina was swallowed by an inferno last week, killing scores of residents and visitors who never saw it coming.
The Maui Emergency Management Agency had the authority to issue siren warnings that might have alerted people. After Andaya’s agency decided not to sound them, many survivors reported they only became aware of the fire when they saw and smelled smoke.
Andaya said sounding the sirens wasn’t an option officials considered because they’re “mainly used for tsunamis.” That’s why they’re mostly located on the coast, he said.
But the state’s own website says the sirens are useful for many kinds of emergencies.
“The all-hazard siren system can be used for a variety of both natural and human-caused events; including tsunamis, hurricanes, dam breaches, flooding, wildfires, volcanic eruptions, terrorist threats, hazardous material incidents, and more,” the site states.
Andaya wasn’t on the island when the fires started, and he hasn’t made any appearances at press conferences since the disaster occurred.
Asked about Andaya’s resume, David Hafner, a retired telecommunications planner for the Hawaii Emergency Management Agency, questioned whether his relative inexperience affected his agency’s performance in a crisis.
“It’s a good ol’ boy network,” Hafner said. “This time it cost lives.”
Hafner said it’s “absolutely essential” for emergency management leaders to have experience in the field so they make the right decisions both before and after disasters strike.
Not having it, he said, “can lead to grave mistakes in judgment.”
Andaya’s hiring came at a time when Hawaii’s counties had just taken on increased responsibility for disaster response, according to Hafner. State emergency management officials used to be the designated authority to respond to emergencies, he said, but an update to the law in 2014 put the counties in the driver’s seat.
Asked about Andaya’s LinkedIn resume, Colin Moore, a political scientist at the University of Hawaii, said he was shocked by the emergency administrator’s lack of relevant experience. He said the public is owed an explanation.
“It’s a legitimate question to ask why the person leading the county emergency services agency has no clear background in fire, police, public health, the usual emergency services backgrounds,” he said.
“Having that on-the-ground experience, you develop the instincts and the connections to be able to perform a job like this. And if you just have general government experience, there is just no opportunity to have that kind of on-the-ground knowledge that often is really useful in a crisis.”
Andaya said as a former member of the mayor’s cabinet, he was qualified for the job.
“Whenever there was an activation in the emergency operations center, we were involved,” he said. “To say that I have no experience or no background in emergency management is not correct.”
‘Political Influence’ A Concern
Andaya, 52, is from Maui and graduated from HP Baldwin High School.
He has bachelor’s and master’s degrees in political science from the University of Hawaii Manoa. He also has a law degree from the UH Richardson School of Law, although he never became a licensed attorney, according to the Hawaii State Bar Association’s online database.
He began his career clerking for Maui Judge Artemio Baxa. He then worked for the law office of Lynn Araki-Regan, an attorney who is the wife of Arakawa’s managing director, Keith Regan.
When Andaya vacated his position as chief of staff, it was filled by Araki-Regan, who was by then the county budget director. Regan said he had no involvement in Andaya’s hiring.
From the early 2000s onward, Andaya has held leadership positions in Maui’s Department of Housing and Human Concerns and worked as the assistant to the chancellor of UH’s Maui College, according to his LinkedIn resume. He is married to Rowena Dagdag-Andaya, a former elementary school teacher who served as Maui’s public works director and now works in Maui’s Office on Aging.
Andaya was Arakawa’s chief of staff from 2011 through 2017. That year, the mayor appointed him acting administrator of MEMA, and he became permanent by the end of that year.
In contrast, Honolulu’s emergency management director, Hiro Toiya, has technical training in emergency response, worked for years as a preparedness planner for the Hawaii health department and rose up the ranks of Honolulu’s Department of Emergency Management. He worked there for more than seven years before becoming the director.
Asked how he stood out among a pool of 40 job candidates, Andaya said Maui doesn’t have a lot of emergency management professionals to begin with. He noted that he had to take an exam and based on his score was determined to be a finalist.
“You would have to question the civil service process if you can believe that politics was involved,” he said. “This is something that my predecessors have to go through as well.”
Before Andaya was hired, there were concerns in Maui’s political scene that the county was considering someone who wasn’t qualified.
“In the past, this position has sometimes been filled by individuals without the proper emergency response background.”
Former Maui County Council Chairman Mike White
In July 2017, the chair of the Maui County Council at the time, Mike White, took the unusual step of writing a Maui News column warning that the job of emergency management was too important to be “subject to political influence.”
“In the past, this position has sometimes been filled by individuals without the proper emergency response background,” White wrote.
“The administration must search for well-qualified candidates who can make a seamless transition in leading our Emergency Management Agency. The stakes are too high and our community has grown to a point where emergency coordination has become quite sophisticated in its implementation.”
In his column, White praised the outgoing emergency management chief, Anna Foust, who had previously worked for years leading the Maui branch of the Red Cross. White emphasized her expertise.
“During her tenure, she used her emergency response experience and training to help guide the county to keep citizens safe during hurricane warnings and watches, flooding events and tsunami warnings,” White wrote.
Civil Beat wasn’t able to reach White for comment.
Panel Of Specialists Chose Andaya
On Tuesday, Arakawa’s former managing director, Keith Regan, said that politics was not a factor in Andaya’s hiring. Asked why Andaya was the best candidate, Regan said he didn’t know because he wasn’t on the hiring committee. But he was adamant there was “zero” political influence in the process.
“This was a straightforward civil service process,” said Regan, who is now the state comptroller.
When Regan ran for Maui County Council in 2015, Andaya was his campaign manager. This year, Andaya wrote a letter of support of Regan’s nomination to state comptroller.
Regan noted that the hiring panel included numerous experts in the field. Maui Now identified them at the time as then-Maui Police Chief Tivoli Faaumu; then-Maui Fire Chief Jeff Murray; Elton Ushio, administrator of the Kauai Emergency Management Agency; and Vern Miyagi, then-administrator of the Hawaii State Emergency Management Agency.
At the time, Ushio was quoted by Maui Now as saying Andaya’s “proven leadership abilities, executive level experience, and impressive knowledge of emergency management” made him a great fit for the job. Murray cited Andaya’s familiarity with government processes, his “institutional knowledge of the various emergency incidents” in recent years, and his then-recent work as acting leader of the department.
“These are not people that, you know, are just political people,” Regan said. “They’re people who understand emergency management and are going to make the right choice for the community.”
In a statement, former HI-EMA director Miyagi said the public’s focus should be on working together on response and recovery.
“Herman Andaya and his staff at MEMA are really good people,” he said. “They carried Maui successfully through numerous hurricanes, floods, and other disasters.”
He said the public should wait for the attorney general’s investigation before drawing conclusions.
Civil Beat left messages with the other hiring committee members on Tuesday, but they were not returned. Former mayor Arakawa also did not respond to a request for comment.
“Herman is a very skilled, experienced, knowledgeable, professional individual,” Regan said. “I trust that is making the right decisions … There is no question in my mind that he cares about that community, and he’s going to do everything he can to keep that community safe.”


rawstory--2020-01-09--Here’s how wealthy towns keep low-income people out

On a sweltering Saturday afternoon last June , Crystal Carter took a deep breath as she walked toward the red “ for rent ” sign .
Shaded by tall oak trees , the three-story duplex looked cozy .
The first floor siding was painted yellow , with white railings leading to the front door .
The windows appeared new , the lawn freshly cut .
Although the property was in Barry Square , on the edge of a struggling area in southern Hartford , the family outside buoyed Carter ’ s spirits .
Four children giggled in a recliner in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the radio while their father packed a moving truck .
Across the street were Trinity College ’ s dignified brick pillars , the entry to the elite school ’ s 100-acre campus .
Carter tried to tamp down her excitement , but this looked like the kind of place the 48-year-old single mother so desperately wanted for her five kids : no mouse traps , no chipped paint trying to camouflage mold .
“ You own this place ?
” she asked the sweat-soaked man .
Yes , he said .
“ Are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it already been rented ?
” He put down a crate and offered her a tour of the first-floor , four-bedroom unit .
Inside , she marveled at the modern kitchen , finished hardwood floors and large closets .
“ This is a lot of space .
When are you putting this on the market ?
” she asked .
“ It ’ s ready , if you want to do the application , ” he told her .
Rent was $ 1,500 a month .
“ I ’ ll be paying with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
Officially called Housing Choice Vouchers , Section 8 rent subsidies were supposed to help low-income people find decent housing outside poor communities .
But , for the better part of a year , Carter had found the opposite .
This was easily the 50th place she had toured since her landlord sold her last apartment and evicted her .
Nearly all of them were in poor areas .
They had holes in the wall , uncovered electrical outlets , even roaches and mice .
When she hit upon something clean , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions .
She complimented the landlord , talked about her children and emphasized that she didn ’ t smoke .
None of it seemed to matter , though , once she uttered two words : Section 8 .
Now , as Carter showed herself out of the first-floor rental , she felt panic welling within .
“ There really are no doors open for people that have a voucher , ” she said afterward .
“ It makes you feel ashamed to even have one.
” Typically , vouchers come with a time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had already won three extensions .
She wasn ’ t sure she ’ d get another .
She had just 40 days left to find a place to live .
As the federal government retreated from building new public housing in the 1970s , it envisioned Section 8 vouchers as a more efficient way of subsidizing housing for the poor in the private market .
They now constitute the largest rental assistance program in the country , providing almost $ 23 billion in aid each year to 2.2 million households .
Local housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ budget from Washington and are given wide latitude on how many vouchers they hand out and how much each is worth .
The bulk of the vouchers are reserved for families who make 30 % or less of an area ’ s median income .
That is $ 30,300 or less for a family of four in Hartford .
For years , researchers and policymakers have lamented the program ’ s failure to achieve one of its key goals : giving families a chance at living in safer communities with better schools .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ use their vouchers outside of high-poverty neighborhoods .
In Connecticut , the problem is especially acute .
An analysis of federal voucher data by The Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica found that 55 % of the state ’ s nearly 35,000 voucher holders live in neighborhoods with concentrated poverty .
That ’ s higher than the national average of 49 % and the rates in 43 other states .
The segregation results , at least in part , from exclusionary zoning requirements that local officials have long used to block or limit affordable housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and ProPublica reported in November , state authorities have done little to challenge those practices , instead steering taxpayer money to build more subsidized developments in struggling communities .
Dozens of voucher holders in Connecticut say this concentration has left them with few housing options .
Local housing authorities often provide a blue booklet of Section 8-friendly properties , but many of the ones listed are complexes that have a reputation for being rundown and are in struggling communities or have long waitlists .
Many recipients call it the “ Black Book ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dark side , for real .
The apartments in that black book are nasty and disgusting , ” said Janieka Lewis , a Hartford resident whose home is infested with mice .
Josh Serrano also lives in one of the state ’ s poorest neighborhoods .
After landing a voucher in 2018 , he tried to find a place in the middle-class town of West Hartford , where his son lives part time with his mother .
He also looked in nearby Manchester and Simsbury .
At each stop , the rent was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or the landlord wouldn ’ t take a voucher .
“ There is an invisible wall surrounding Hartford for those of us who are poor and particularly have black or brown skin like myself , ” he said .
“ No community wanted me and my son.
” Nearly 80 % of the state ’ s voucher holders are black or Hispanic and half have children .
Their average income is $ 17,200 a year and the average amount they pay in rent out of pocket is $ 413 a month .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach to ensuring the Section 8 program is working as it was originally intended .
The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development typically leaves it up to each housing authority to determine how much a voucher is worth , which essentially determines the type of neighborhood a voucher holder can afford .
And when HUD assesses the work of housing authorities — to decide whether to increase federal oversight — only a tiny fraction is based on whether local officials are “ expanding housing opportunities … outside areas of poverty or minority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , nearly all housing authorities receive full credit . )
Moreover , federal law does not make it illegal for a landlord to turn down a prospective tenant if they plan to pay with a voucher , so HUD does not investigate complaints of landlords who won ’ t accept Section 8 vouchers .
Connecticut goes further .
It is one of 14 states where it ’ s illegal to deny someone housing because they plan to use a Section 8 voucher .
And the state allocated more than $ 820,000 in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 investigators to look into complaints of all types of housing discrimination and provide legal assistance .
“ There has been an effort to try to change ” housing segregation , said Seila Mosquera-Bruno , the commissioner of the Connecticut Department of Housing .
But those efforts have done little to prevent landlords from continuing to reject voucher holders .
The groups charged with investigating housing complaints say they lack the resources to be proactive and believe they are only seeing a fraction of what ’ s really going on .
“ Housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rent to who they want to rent and find ways around housing discrimination laws , ” said Erin Kemple , executive director of the Connecticut Fair Housing Center , which investigates complaints .
“ There is a lot more discrimination going on than what we are investigating.
” In 2018 , fewer than 75 complaints were made that accused the landlord or owner of refusing to accept a voucher or some other legal source of income , such as Social Security .
The Connecticut Fair Housing Center said that figure isn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because prospective tenants are fearful that complaining could hurt them and know that it will do nothing to help them with their immediate needs ; investigations can take longer than the time they have to find a house with their vouchers .
“ In order to make it a real priority and address the real effects of discrimination in society , the government should dedicate more resources to ferreting it out , ” said Greg Kirschner , the group ’ s legal director .
A Hartford native , Carter reluctantly moved back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abusive relationship .
She had delayed relocating , she said , because she worried she ’ d be taking her children from a quiet neighborhood in Florida to a “ war zone ” in Connecticut .
“ They not from the streets .
Their heart is trying to be goofy-cool , ” she said of her three sons , now 10 , 17 and 18 , and two daughters , ages 13 and 14 .
“ They don ’ t have that fight in them .
I do.
” ( Worried about her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they not be named in this story . )
She and her children moved into a homeless shelter and then an extended-stay motel .
She saw Section 8 as their path to independence , and she started calling housing authorities around the state to apply for and get on waiting lists for a voucher .
At first , Carter limited her search to Connecticut ’ s middle-class and upper-income towns , hoping to settle in a place with low crime and high-performing schools .
But with each call , she lost hope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hers was less than half the state ’ s average household income — but the waitlists had thousands of families in front of her , if they weren ’ t closed entirely .
When she found out that the Winchester Housing Authority in Northwest Connecticut had just 67 people on its waitlist , she got excited ; among the affluent region ’ s celebrity residents are Meryl Streep and Ralph Nader .
The feeling was quickly dashed .
Officials barred her from the list , saying it was open only to those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The housing authority did not return calls seeking comment .
“ That lady told me I would be better off living in Bridgeport , ” Carter recalled .
The city is one of Connecticut ’ s most impoverished .
“ She would not send me out an application for nothing in the world , no matter how many times I called .
She kept saying , ‘ Go to Bridgeport.
’ ” Blocking those who don ’ t live in town from getting a housing subsidy is against the law , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they award the vouchers to .
Both ways can effectively shut out minorities .
And the Winchester Housing Authority is not alone .
The wealthy town of Westport — where just 1 % of the residents are black and 5 % are Hispanic — until recently posted on its website that it gave substantial preference to current residents and those with ties to the town for its public housing .
After the Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica asked about the policy , officials removed the language from the site and disavowed the practice .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ mother had worked for the Hartford Housing Authority for decades , so she was familiar with housing rules .
“ I pretty much know all my rights , ” she said later .
She called the Connecticut Fair Housing Center and soon sued Winchester for housing discrimination .
The housing authority denied any wrongdoing , and the case dragged on for more than a year .
The parties settled , with Winchester pledging to open its waiting list to those outside its borders .
But instead of accepting applications from Carter and others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program altogether .
Amid the legal battle , she landed a voucher from the middle-class town of West Hartford .
She was jubilant .
Then , she started searching .
“ There were no places no matter how hard I looked , ” Carter said .
“ It ’ s not a golden ticket.
” Approaching the time limit to find housing with her voucher , she settled for Hartford , where her family ultimately moved into a quaint four-bedroom duplex on a quiet street in the South End .
Another bright spot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city ’ s struggling schools , her children had won coveted spots to attend school in the suburbs of Suffield and Simsbury , which have some of the highest-performing schools in the state .
( The education lottery stemmed from a Connecticut Supreme Court order in 1996 to correct the inequality inherent in the Hartford region ’ s segregated schools . )
The change was stark .
In Simsbury , educators taught smaller classes ; the school had a social worker and other staff who helped coordinate transportation for Carter ’ s children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Clubs focused on the stock market , horticulture , mindfulness , fly fishing .
“ We was grounded , ” Carter said , “ and didn ’ t have to worry about living.
” Carter found the notice under her door .
It was the summer of 2018 .
Her landlord of four years had sold the building , and the new owner had given her just 30 days to leave .
Carter was deflated .
It had taken so long to find this apartment , and she had no free time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ramp loader at the airport for an Amazon Prime subcontractor .
Further , the conditions of the education lottery restricted her options ; in order for her children to remain in their current schools , they had to live in either Simsbury or Hartford .
So when the deadline to move passed , Carter refused to leave .
Her landlord filed for eviction .
The legal fight lasted for months .
On a frigid morning in January 2019 , Carter saw her children off to school and then headed to Hartford Housing Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the state Capitol .
The courtroom was packed with families facing eviction and their landlords ’ attorneys , but when the bailiff yelled out her name , she still felt humiliated .
Carter pleaded her case above the squeals of a restless baby in the gallery .
She told the judge her choices were bleak : either remain in the duplex and eventually be evicted , or leave and become homeless .
“ I just can ’ t find an adequate four-bedroom .
It ’ s not like I ’ m just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want me out .
It ’ s obvious the man want me out , ” she told Judge Rupal Shah .
“ I ’ ve been looking in Hartford .
I ’ ve been looking in Simsbury .
… ” But not having anywhere to go is not a valid defense — the judge gave her 10 days to move .
Eviction rates are high in Connecticut , with 1 in 18 families in Hartford evicted each year .
While some skipped rent or damaged property , others are forced out because of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will often start the eviction process on tenants in good standing to speed up the move-out process , said Nancy Hronek , a housing attorney with Greater Hartford Legal Aid .
Regardless of the circumstances , an eviction stains a tenant ’ s rental record , making it more difficult for them to find a new place .
Some housing advocates call it the “ Scarlet E. ” On the morning of Feb. 7 , Carter heard a knock on the door .
It was a state marshal .
She hadn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marshal began hauling her belongings outside .
Within minutes , her furniture was strewn across the front lawn .
Her children helped her load everything into a moving van .
Fog hung in the air as they drove away in silence .
Her family crammed into a relative ’ s apartment in a nearby city .
The whole family slept in one room ; the three boys in one bed , Carter and her two girls in another .
Often , one of them would sleep on the couch in the family room @ @ @ @ @ @ @ single dresser .
The rest of their things moldered in storage .
The social worker at school tried to get the kids into free camps and after-school clubs , but they started to act out .
They resisted getting up for school , and their grades started to suffer .
The principal called to express concern .
“ Now we shelled in this house , ” Carter said .
“ This neighborhood , it ain ’ t really great , so my kids are just stuck in a room all day playing video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carter lost her job ; the shipping business where she worked took a hit and the company downsized .
She redoubled her housing search .
Carter woke before dawn .
Sitting at a half-moon table in the dimly lit kitchen , she opened her phone to review apartment listings on a handful of websites while her children slept .
Facebook Market , Craigslist , Trulia , Zillow , Apartments.com .
She kept checking her phone for notifications of new offerings in Simsbury and Hartford .
It had been four months since her eviction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and nothing works out , ” she said .
Most of the listings were in impoverished communities in Hartford .
Carter doesn ’ t drive , so she would line up tours and then ride the bus for an hour to the city .
Many of the units she described as “ shitholes.
” The Obama administration had tried to change this dynamic .
In 2011 , HUD piloted a program in the Dallas area that raised the value of vouchers in high-cost areas and decreased their value in impoverished communities as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The idea was that more money would provide more choice , encouraging voucher holders to seek housing in safer areas with high-performing schools .
The Obama administration changed federal rules to expand the program , but the Trump administration in 2017 suspended an expansion of the initiative to poor cities like Hartford .
Carter sued HUD in 2017 in federal district court in Washington , seeking a court order increasing the value of her voucher in the more affluent neighborhoods of Hartford .
The judge ruled in her favor .
Researchers have found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in certain neighborhoods worked to make more housing available within the voucher ’ s price range .
The share of rental units in better-off areas that voucher holders could afford jumped from 18 % to 41 % , according to New York University ’ s Furman Center for Real Estate and Urban Policy .
But now , two years later , Carter often found herself turned away from nicer places .
That summer , she saw an ad for an idyllic Cape Cod in a quiet neighborhood , so she called the management @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when she disclosed that she planned to pay with a voucher , the firm told her it was no longer available and suggested listings in poorer areas .
When Carter passed by a few weeks later , she saw a “ for rent ” sign on the front lawn .
Frustrated with her online search , Carter sometimes asked friends and family to drive her around the better-off sides of Hartford looking for unlisted apartments .
She also relied on her social network to send her tips .
She heard about the yellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son , who came across it while he was out with friends .
“ There is no place for us , ” Carter said .
“ How can I say this without being too blunt : Everybody don ’ t want us in their backyard .
It ’ s not a color thing .
It ’ s a voucher thing .
Nobody wants us.
” Around the country , the federal government has largely outsourced investigating housing discrimination complaints to watchdogs like the Connecticut Fair Housing Center and the state ’ s Commission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disability discrimination , the second most common type of complaint Connecticut ’ s watchdogs receive is that a landlord won ’ t take a voucher or another legal source of income .
But only 17 % of people who suffer discrimination actually end up filing a complaint , research shows .
Like most apartment hunters , Carter had no time to file complaints .
After the Barry Square landlord rejected her , she headed to another open house , which she had found on Craigslist .
It was a five-bedroom in the Clay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known for drug dealing .
Her oldest son had once witnessed his friend being shot in this neighborhood in a carjacking .
“ My brain is telling me don ’ t do this , ” she said .
“ My kids aren ’ t built for this life ” She pushed her hair into her black duckbill newsboy cap and walked up the stairs .
Inside , she scanned the floor and saw glue traps to catch mice .
“ It ’ s just as a precaution , ” the owner said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has severe asthma ; rodent infestations can trigger the condition .
As she made her way into the main bedroom , she looked at the doors .
A dog had scratched through the flimsy material .
The carpet was worn .
And a hallway closet had been turned into a bedroom .
The rent : $ 1,600 .
Carter couldn ’ t wait to leave .
She stepped outside , and the landlord assured her that she would have the carpets cleaned and the doors repaired .
An exterminator would come monthly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ late July , Carter ’ s relative heard from their landlord .
There were too many people in the apartment .
Carter and three of her children stayed while her two older sons moved in with her brother about 20 miles away .
Her grasp on her voucher was also tenuous .
It had been set to expire in August but , after attorneys at the Connecticut Fair Housing Center and the civil rights group Open Communities Alliance took up her case , she won a 30-day reprieve .
She ’ d turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But now she was forced to consider a different place in the same neighborhood ; it too had mouse traps .
Panicked , she started the process of finalizing a lease by sending paperwork to the Hartford Housing Authority .
Even then , she hit a snag : Housing officials approved the apartment but not the entire rent .
Carter called everyone she thought could help .
Among them was Erin Boggs , a civil rights attorney she met years ago during the waiting list lawsuit .
It was a long shot , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ network , including a Catholic deacon whose parish is in Simsbury .
The town is mostly wealthy and white , with a latticework of bike trails and a pedestrian bridge lined with flower pots .
Rental stock was sparse .
In her note , Boggs described Carter as a “ civil rights hero ” who needed a hand .
Within hours , the deacon called a member of his congregation .
Josh Livingston rented a handful of houses in town and had just purchased a four-bedroom Cape Cod set on a wooded lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The two talked about how much harder life is for people with fewer resources .
The next morning , Livingston emailed Boggs , “ I can ’ t stop thinking about the chance to help Crystal and her family live in Simsbury.
” Livingston had listed the Cape for $ 2,300 a month , plus utilities .
But Carter ’ s voucher , adjusted for the area ’ s higher income , would only cover $ 2,222 .
He agreed to the reduced price and to cover utilities .
In mid-August , Boggs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was shocked .
She had roughly two weeks left on her voucher and soon went to tour the house .
The Cape was across the street from a “ Welcome to Simsbury ” sign adorned with purple mums .
It was bigger than any place Carter had ever imagined herself living in .
Fronted by a lawn peppered with colorful leaves from the tall trees , the two-story house had a detached garage and carport .
Inside , there was an eat-in kitchen , a fireplace and a sunroom .
Later , when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the property was safe , Livingston glimpsed the prejudice that Carter experienced .
“ He said to me : ‘ Oh my gosh , it ’ s a fantastic house .
I really hope they don ’ t ruin it , ’ ” the landlord recalled .
Carter and her family moved in just before Halloween .
Someone left a welcome pumpkin and leaf wreath on her front stoop .
On a recent Saturday morning , she was busy tidying the kitchen before work ; she had found a job at the Stop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A roast defrosted on the counter , near a stack of coupon leaflets .
On the windowsill above the sink was a homemade blue and red painted welcome plaque given to her by one of her children .
Next to the dinner table , a sign reading , “ Life is better at the beach.
” “ It ’ s just so cozy , ” Carter said .
In the living room , family photos rested on built-in bookshelves , and donations from the nearby Catholic Church were slowly filling the space @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side tables .
Upstairs , the children had their own bedrooms .
Carter still marvels at the turnaround .
“ My story is different only because I had all these people who know people , ” she said .
“ If it wasn ’ t for them , I wouldn ’ t be here .
I would be in the slums.
” Her children are now able to participate in Simbury ’ s after-school clubs because they can catch the late bus home .
Her 14-year-old daughter just joined the fencing team .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ spend hours sitting next to the hearth of their fireplace , scanning the woods for the bears that her neighbors talk about .
Are you concerned about affordable housing in your community in Connecticut ?
ProPublica and The Connecticut Mirror are spending the year investigating .
Here ’ s how to get in touch .
• Here ’ s more information on ways to send us documents and other materials .
• Keep up as we go .
Sign up for the Big Story newsletter .

On a sweltering Saturday afternoon last June, Crystal Carter took a deep breath as she walked toward the red “for rent” sign.
Shaded by tall oak trees, the three-story duplex looked cozy. The first floor siding was painted yellow, with white railings leading to the front door. The windows appeared new, the lawn freshly cut.
Although the property was in Barry Square, on the edge of a struggling area in southern Hartford, the family outside buoyed Carter’s spirits. Four children giggled in a recliner in the front yard, singing along to the radio while their father packed a moving truck. Across the street were Trinity College’s dignified brick pillars, the entry to the elite school’s 100-acre campus.
Carter tried to tamp down her excitement, but this looked like the kind of place the 48-year-old single mother so desperately wanted for her five kids: no mouse traps, no chipped paint trying to camouflage mold.
“You own this place?” she asked the sweat-soaked man. Yes, he said. “Are you renting it out, or has it already been rented?”
He put down a crate and offered her a tour of the first-floor, four-bedroom unit. Inside, she marveled at the modern kitchen, finished hardwood floors and large closets.
“This is a lot of space. When are you putting this on the market?” she asked.
“It’s ready, if you want to do the application,” he told her. Rent was $1,500 a month.
Carter paused.
“I’ll be paying with a Section 8 voucher,” she said.
“Yeah,” the man shot back. “I don’t do Section 8.”
Officially called Housing Choice Vouchers, Section 8 rent subsidies were supposed to help low-income people find decent housing outside poor communities. But, for the better part of a year, Carter had found the opposite. This was easily the 50th place she had toured since her landlord sold her last apartment and evicted her. Nearly all of them were in poor areas. They had holes in the wall, uncovered electrical outlets, even roaches and mice. When she hit upon something clean, she learned not to ask too many questions. She complimented the landlord, talked about her children and emphasized that she didn’t smoke. None of it seemed to matter, though, once she uttered two words: Section 8.
Now, as Carter showed herself out of the first-floor rental, she felt panic welling within. “There really are no doors open for people that have a voucher,” she said afterward. “It makes you feel ashamed to even have one.” Typically, vouchers come with a time limit to find housing, and Carter had already won three extensions. She wasn’t sure she’d get another.
She had just 40 days left to find a place to live.
As the federal government retreated from building new public housing in the 1970s, it envisioned Section 8 vouchers as a more efficient way of subsidizing housing for the poor in the private market. They now constitute the largest rental assistance program in the country, providing almost $23 billion in aid each year to 2.2 million households. Local housing authorities administer the program with an annual budget from Washington and are given wide latitude on how many vouchers they hand out and how much each is worth. The bulk of the vouchers are reserved for families who make 30% or less of an area’s median income. That is $30,300 or less for a family of four in Hartford.
For years, researchers and policymakers have lamented the program’s failure to achieve one of its key goals: giving families a chance at living in safer communities with better schools. Low-income people across the country struggle to use their vouchers outside of high-poverty neighborhoods.
In Connecticut, the problem is especially acute. An analysis of federal voucher data by The Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica found that 55% of the state’s nearly 35,000 voucher holders live in neighborhoods with concentrated poverty. That’s higher than the national average of 49% and the rates in 43 other states.
The segregation results, at least in part, from exclusionary zoning requirements that local officials have long used to block or limit affordable housing in prosperous areas. As the Mirror and ProPublica reported in November, state authorities have done little to challenge those practices, instead steering taxpayer money to build more subsidized developments in struggling communities.
Dozens of voucher holders in Connecticut say this concentration has left them with few housing options. Local housing authorities often provide a blue booklet of Section 8-friendly properties, but many of the ones listed are complexes that have a reputation for being rundown and are in struggling communities or have long waitlists. Many recipients call it the “Black Book” because “you are going to the dark side, for real. The apartments in that black book are nasty and disgusting,” said Janieka Lewis, a Hartford resident whose home is infested with mice.
Josh Serrano also lives in one of the state’s poorest neighborhoods. After landing a voucher in 2018, he tried to find a place in the middle-class town of West Hartford, where his son lives part time with his mother. He also looked in nearby Manchester and Simsbury. At each stop, the rent was higher than his voucher’s value or the landlord wouldn’t take a voucher.
“There is an invisible wall surrounding Hartford for those of us who are poor and particularly have black or brown skin like myself,” he said. “No community wanted me and my son.”
Nearly 80% of the state’s voucher holders are black or Hispanic and half have children. Their average income is $17,200 a year and the average amount they pay in rent out of pocket is $413 a month.
The federal government has taken a mostly hands-off approach to ensuring the Section 8 program is working as it was originally intended. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development typically leaves it up to each housing authority to determine how much a voucher is worth, which essentially determines the type of neighborhood a voucher holder can afford. And when HUD assesses the work of housing authorities — to decide whether to increase federal oversight — only a tiny fraction is based on whether local officials are “expanding housing opportunities ... outside areas of poverty or minority concentration.” (And even at that, nearly all housing authorities receive full credit.)
Moreover, federal law does not make it illegal for a landlord to turn down a prospective tenant if they plan to pay with a voucher, so HUD does not investigate complaints of landlords who won’t accept Section 8 vouchers.
Connecticut goes further. It is one of 14 states where it’s illegal to deny someone housing because they plan to use a Section 8 voucher. And the state allocated more than $820,000 in the last fiscal year to help pay for 10 investigators to look into complaints of all types of housing discrimination and provide legal assistance. “There has been an effort to try to change” housing segregation, said Seila Mosquera-Bruno, the commissioner of the Connecticut Department of Housing.
But those efforts have done little to prevent landlords from continuing to reject voucher holders. The groups charged with investigating housing complaints say they lack the resources to be proactive and believe they are only seeing a fraction of what’s really going on.
“Housing providers keep coming up with ways to rent to who they want to rent and find ways around housing discrimination laws,” said Erin Kemple, executive director of the Connecticut Fair Housing Center, which investigates complaints. “There is a lot more discrimination going on than what we are investigating.”
In 2018, fewer than 75 complaints were made that accused the landlord or owner of refusing to accept a voucher or some other legal source of income, such as Social Security. The Connecticut Fair Housing Center said that figure isn’t low because discrimination is scarce but rather because prospective tenants are fearful that complaining could hurt them and know that it will do nothing to help them with their immediate needs; investigations can take longer than the time they have to find a house with their vouchers.
“In order to make it a real priority and address the real effects of discrimination in society, the government should dedicate more resources to ferreting it out,” said Greg Kirschner, the group’s legal director.
A Hartford native, Carter reluctantly moved back to her hometown in 2011 to escape an abusive relationship. She had delayed relocating, she said, because she worried she’d be taking her children from a quiet neighborhood in Florida to a “war zone” in Connecticut.
“They not from the streets. Their heart is trying to be goofy-cool,” she said of her three sons, now 10, 17 and 18, and two daughters, ages 13 and 14. “They don’t have that fight in them. I do.” (Worried about her children’s privacy, Carter asked that they not be named in this story.)
She and her children moved into a homeless shelter and then an extended-stay motel. She saw Section 8 as their path to independence, and she started calling housing authorities around the state to apply for and get on waiting lists for a voucher. At first, Carter limited her search to Connecticut’s middle-class and upper-income towns, hoping to settle in a place with low crime and high-performing schools.
But with each call, she lost hope. She met the income requirements — hers was less than half the state’s average household income — but the waitlists had thousands of families in front of her, if they weren’t closed entirely.
When she found out that the Winchester Housing Authority in Northwest Connecticut had just 67 people on its waitlist, she got excited; among the affluent region’s celebrity residents are Meryl Streep and Ralph Nader. The feeling was quickly dashed. Officials barred her from the list, saying it was open only to those who already lived in the predominantly white towns. The housing authority did not return calls seeking comment.
“That lady told me I would be better off living in Bridgeport,” Carter recalled. The city is one of Connecticut’s most impoverished. “She would not send me out an application for nothing in the world, no matter how many times I called. She kept saying, ‘Go to Bridgeport.’”
Blocking those who don’t live in town from getting a housing subsidy is against the law, but housing authorities are allowed to prioritize whom they award the vouchers to.
Both ways can effectively shut out minorities. And the Winchester Housing Authority is not alone. The wealthy town of Westport — where just 1% of the residents are black and 5% are Hispanic — until recently posted on its website that it gave substantial preference to current residents and those with ties to the town for its public housing. After the Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica asked about the policy, officials removed the language from the site and disavowed the practice.
Carter decided to fight back. Her mother had worked for the Hartford Housing Authority for decades, so she was familiar with housing rules. “I pretty much know all my rights,” she said later. She called the Connecticut Fair Housing Center and soon sued Winchester for housing discrimination.
The housing authority denied any wrongdoing, and the case dragged on for more than a year. The parties settled, with Winchester pledging to open its waiting list to those outside its borders. But instead of accepting applications from Carter and others, Winchester stopped participating in the voucher program altogether.
Amid the legal battle, she landed a voucher from the middle-class town of West Hartford. She was jubilant. Then, she started searching. “There were no places no matter how hard I looked,” Carter said. “It’s not a golden ticket.”
Approaching the time limit to find housing with her voucher, she settled for Hartford, where her family ultimately moved into a quaint four-bedroom duplex on a quiet street in the South End. Another bright spot: After a few months in the city’s struggling schools, her children had won coveted spots to attend school in the suburbs of Suffield and Simsbury, which have some of the highest-performing schools in the state. (The education lottery stemmed from a Connecticut Supreme Court order in 1996 to correct the inequality inherent in the Hartford region’s segregated schools.)
The change was stark. In Simsbury, educators taught smaller classes; the school had a social worker and other staff who helped coordinate transportation for Carter’s children and enrolled them in free extracurricular programs. Clubs focused on the stock market, horticulture, mindfulness, fly fishing.
“We was grounded,” Carter said, “and didn’t have to worry about living.”
Carter found the notice under her door. It was the summer of 2018. Her landlord of four years had sold the building, and the new owner had given her just 30 days to leave.
Carter was deflated. It had taken so long to find this apartment, and she had no free time; she worked long hours as a ramp loader at the airport for an Amazon Prime subcontractor. Further, the conditions of the education lottery restricted her options; in order for her children to remain in their current schools, they had to live in either Simsbury or Hartford. So when the deadline to move passed, Carter refused to leave. Her landlord filed for eviction. The legal fight lasted for months.
On a frigid morning in January 2019, Carter saw her children off to school and then headed to Hartford Housing Court, a brown brick building a half-block from the state Capitol.
The courtroom was packed with families facing eviction and their landlords’ attorneys, but when the bailiff yelled out her name, she still felt humiliated.
Carter pleaded her case above the squeals of a restless baby in the gallery. She told the judge her choices were bleak: either remain in the duplex and eventually be evicted, or leave and become homeless.
“I just can’t find an adequate four-bedroom. It’s not like I’m just sitting there. I know the man want me out. It’s obvious the man want me out,” she told Judge Rupal Shah. “I’ve been looking in Hartford. I’ve been looking in Simsbury. ...”
But not having anywhere to go is not a valid defense — the judge gave her 10 days to move.
Eviction rates are high in Connecticut, with 1 in 18 families in Hartford evicted each year. While some skipped rent or damaged property, others are forced out because of new ownership or rising rents. Landlords will often start the eviction process on tenants in good standing to speed up the move-out process, said Nancy Hronek, a housing attorney with Greater Hartford Legal Aid. Regardless of the circumstances, an eviction stains a tenant’s rental record, making it more difficult for them to find a new place. Some housing advocates call it the “Scarlet E.”
On the morning of Feb. 7, Carter heard a knock on the door. It was a state marshal. She hadn’t finished emptying the apartment, so the marshal began hauling her belongings outside. Within minutes, her furniture was strewn across the front lawn. Her children helped her load everything into a moving van. Fog hung in the air as they drove away in silence.
Her family crammed into a relative’s apartment in a nearby city. The whole family slept in one room; the three boys in one bed, Carter and her two girls in another. Often, one of them would sleep on the couch in the family room. Everyone stuffed their clothes into a single dresser. The rest of their things moldered in storage.
The social worker at school tried to get the kids into free camps and after-school clubs, but they started to act out. They resisted getting up for school, and their grades started to suffer. The principal called to express concern.
“Now we shelled in this house,” Carter said. “This neighborhood, it ain’t really great, so my kids are just stuck in a room all day playing video games or on YouTube.”
Then, Carter lost her job; the shipping business where she worked took a hit and the company downsized. She redoubled her housing search.
Carter woke before dawn. Sitting at a half-moon table in the dimly lit kitchen, she opened her phone to review apartment listings on a handful of websites while her children slept. Facebook Market, Craigslist, Trulia, Zillow, Apartments.com. She kept checking her phone for notifications of new offerings in Simsbury and Hartford.
It had been four months since her eviction.
“Every day, I look — and nothing works out,” she said.
Most of the listings were in impoverished communities in Hartford. Carter doesn’t drive, so she would line up tours and then ride the bus for an hour to the city. Many of the units she described as “shitholes.”
The Obama administration had tried to change this dynamic. In 2011, HUD piloted a program in the Dallas area that raised the value of vouchers in high-cost areas and decreased their value in impoverished communities as a result of a legal settlement. The idea was that more money would provide more choice, encouraging voucher holders to seek housing in safer areas with high-performing schools.
The Obama administration changed federal rules to expand the program, but the Trump administration in 2017 suspended an expansion of the initiative to poor cities like Hartford.
Carter sued HUD in 2017 in federal district court in Washington, seeking a court order increasing the value of her voucher in the more affluent neighborhoods of Hartford. The judge ruled in her favor.
Researchers have found that raising the voucher’s value in certain neighborhoods worked to make more housing available within the voucher’s price range. The share of rental units in better-off areas that voucher holders could afford jumped from 18% to 41%, according to New York University’s Furman Center for Real Estate and Urban Policy.
But now, two years later, Carter often found herself turned away from nicer places. That summer, she saw an ad for an idyllic Cape Cod in a quiet neighborhood, so she called the management company to arrange a tour. But when she disclosed that she planned to pay with a voucher, the firm told her it was no longer available and suggested listings in poorer areas. When Carter passed by a few weeks later, she saw a “for rent” sign on the front lawn.
Frustrated with her online search, Carter sometimes asked friends and family to drive her around the better-off sides of Hartford looking for unlisted apartments. She also relied on her social network to send her tips. She heard about the yellow house in Barry Square from her oldest son, who came across it while he was out with friends.
“There is no place for us,” Carter said. “How can I say this without being too blunt: Everybody don’t want us in their backyard. It’s not a color thing. It’s a voucher thing. Nobody wants us.”
Around the country, the federal government has largely outsourced investigating housing discrimination complaints to watchdogs like the Connecticut Fair Housing Center and the state’s Commission on Human Rights and Opportunities.
After disability discrimination, the second most common type of complaint Connecticut’s watchdogs receive is that a landlord won’t take a voucher or another legal source of income. But only 17% of people who suffer discrimination actually end up filing a complaint, research shows.
Like most apartment hunters, Carter had no time to file complaints. After the Barry Square landlord rejected her, she headed to another open house, which she had found on Craigslist. It was a five-bedroom in the Clay Arsenal neighborhood, a part of Hartford known for drug dealing. Her oldest son had once witnessed his friend being shot in this neighborhood in a carjacking.
“My brain is telling me don’t do this,” she said. “My kids aren’t built for this life”
She pushed her hair into her black duckbill newsboy cap and walked up the stairs. Inside, she scanned the floor and saw glue traps to catch mice. “It’s just as a precaution,” the owner said. Carter thought about her 13-year-old daughter, who has severe asthma; rodent infestations can trigger the condition.
As she made her way into the main bedroom, she looked at the doors. A dog had scratched through the flimsy material. The carpet was worn. And a hallway closet had been turned into a bedroom. The rent: $1,600.
Carter couldn’t wait to leave. She stepped outside, and the landlord assured her that she would have the carpets cleaned and the doors repaired. An exterminator would come monthly.
“Do you take vouchers?” Carter asked.
“That’s not a problem,” the owner responded.
Time was running out. In late July, Carter’s relative heard from their landlord. There were too many people in the apartment.
Carter and three of her children stayed while her two older sons moved in with her brother about 20 miles away. Her grasp on her voucher was also tenuous. It had been set to expire in August but, after attorneys at the Connecticut Fair Housing Center and the civil rights group Open Communities Alliance took up her case, she won a 30-day reprieve.
She’d turned down the apartment with mouse traps. But now she was forced to consider a different place in the same neighborhood; it too had mouse traps. Panicked, she started the process of finalizing a lease by sending paperwork to the Hartford Housing Authority.
Even then, she hit a snag: Housing officials approved the apartment but not the entire rent.
Carter called everyone she thought could help. Among them was Erin Boggs, a civil rights attorney she met years ago during the waiting list lawsuit.
It was a long shot, but Boggs sent emails to her advocacy network, including a Catholic deacon whose parish is in Simsbury. The town is mostly wealthy and white, with a latticework of bike trails and a pedestrian bridge lined with flower pots. Rental stock was sparse. In her note, Boggs described Carter as a “civil rights hero” who needed a hand. Within hours, the deacon called a member of his congregation.
Josh Livingston rented a handful of houses in town and had just purchased a four-bedroom Cape Cod set on a wooded lot, just off the main road. The two talked about how much harder life is for people with fewer resources. The next morning, Livingston emailed Boggs, “I can’t stop thinking about the chance to help Crystal and her family live in Simsbury.”
Livingston had listed the Cape for $2,300 a month, plus utilities. But Carter’s voucher, adjusted for the area’s higher income, would only cover $2,222. He agreed to the reduced price and to cover utilities.
In mid-August, Boggs called Carter with the news. Carter was shocked. She had roughly two weeks left on her voucher and soon went to tour the house. The Cape was across the street from a “Welcome to Simsbury” sign adorned with purple mums. It was bigger than any place Carter had ever imagined herself living in. Fronted by a lawn peppered with colorful leaves from the tall trees, the two-story house had a detached garage and carport. Inside, there was an eat-in kitchen, a fireplace and a sunroom.
Later, when a housing inspector came to confirm that the property was safe, Livingston glimpsed the prejudice that Carter experienced. “He said to me: ‘Oh my gosh, it’s a fantastic house. I really hope they don’t ruin it,’” the landlord recalled.
Carter and her family moved in just before Halloween. Someone left a welcome pumpkin and leaf wreath on her front stoop.
On a recent Saturday morning, she was busy tidying the kitchen before work; she had found a job at the Stop and Shop grocery store across the street. A roast defrosted on the counter, near a stack of coupon leaflets. On the windowsill above the sink was a homemade blue and red painted welcome plaque given to her by one of her children. Next to the dinner table, a sign reading, “Life is better at the beach.”
“It’s just so cozy,” Carter said.
In the living room, family photos rested on built-in bookshelves, and donations from the nearby Catholic Church were slowly filling the space: pots and pans, firewood, side tables. Upstairs, the children had their own bedrooms.
Carter still marvels at the turnaround. “My story is different only because I had all these people who know people,” she said. “If it wasn’t for them, I wouldn’t be here. I would be in the slums.”
Her children are now able to participate in Simbury’s after-school clubs because they can catch the late bus home. Her 14-year-old daughter just joined the fencing team. At night, Carter and her kids spend hours sitting next to the hearth of their fireplace, scanning the woods for the bears that her neighbors talk about.
Help Us Investigate
Are you concerned about affordable housing in your community in Connecticut? ProPublica and The Connecticut Mirror are spending the year investigating. Here’s how to get in touch.


rawstory--2020-01-09--Netflix’s gay Jesus upsetting Christians has a centuries-old history

There is a strong déjà-vu quality to the protests that have recently erupted around the Brazilian comedy troupe Porta dos Fundos ’ s presentation of Christ as a gay man .
In Netflix ’ s Christmas special The First Temptation of Christ Porta dos Fundos depict Jesus as a gay man who introduces his cross-dressing boyfriend , Orlando , to his family .
Incongruities abound when Orlando , who wears massive amounts of makeup and a blonde wig , performs ‘ Jingle Bells ’ on a digital keyboard in Judea ca .
30 A.D. , endearing himself to the holy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .1 Of course , this is merely the nth iteration of the irreverent Jesus motif , with countless gay-Jesus memes being the most obvious manifestation .
Hence , one would have assumed that irreverent comical presentations of Jesus no longer have the power to spark serious outrage .
But this is where our short cultural memory bites us .
Most people have now forgotten , but when Monty Python ’ s Life of Brian first came out in 1979 , there were protests , petitions , and even street demonstrations , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some southern states .
Ireland and Norway banned the movie altogether .
I recount this history ( and much more related to the theme of religion and humor ) , in my recent book Christianity and the Triumph of Humor , where I also trace the most frequently invoked motifs of irreverent comedy to their antecedents , some reaching all the way back to the Middle Ages .
Indeed , some comical ideas surrounding the annunciation of Gabriel , Mary ’ s immaculate conception , Christ ’ s nativity , even the crucifixion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comical treatments for centuries .
In that sense , the Porta dos Fundos comedy troupe is merely extending a comical tradition that goes back all the way to the Middle Ages .
As I document in my book , late medieval nativity plays with comical interludes were so popular , they raised the ire of religious authorities and were ultimately banned in the 16th century .
Some of these ( essentially pious ) plays would poke fun at an irate Joseph who feels cuckolded after Mary announces her unexpected pregnancy .
Others would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wrong nativity , similar to early scenes in Life of Brian .
What Porta dos Fundos are doing is simply updating Monty Python for the 21st century ; their fun at depicting Jesus as an awkward gay adolescent isn ’ t much different from Graham Chapman ’ s depiction of a bumbling savior manqué , Brian , who spouts lines from the Sermon on the Mount while on the run from the Roman police.2 More recently , Robin Williams mined Mary ’ s announcement to Joseph for his stand-up routine 20 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a birthday clown pulling rabbits out of a hat.4 After Life of Brian , it seems Western Christian culture largely resolved itself to the triumph of humor over religious sanctimony .
This is the thesis of my book , which details the steady progression of religious humor since Dante as it conquered one taboo after another until nothing sacred was left that couldn ’ t be poked fun at or mocked outright .
People may think that Porta dos Fundos represent some kind of ultimate outrage or pinnacle of irreverence , but that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One could argue that Mark Twain ’ s anti-God satire and his comical stabs against religion were more daring 120 years ago than anything Porta dos Fundos is doing today .
Or there ’ s The Book of Mormon , which contains the rousing , blasphemous anthem “ Hasa Diga Eebowai , ” 5 which to anyone who cares , translates as “ F*ck you God !
” Or David Javerbaum ’ s hilarious play , An Act of God , that has God apologize for latent psychopathic tendencies by saying “ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m an asshole.
” So , when it comes to Christian religious comedy , one can always point to some work of comedy that ’ s more searingly irreverent , or reveal an earlier use of some comical motif that even today has the power to shock .
All this goes to show that Porta dos Fundos is essentially just doing the old jokes in a new setting , and broadcasting them in a deeply religious , majority Catholic country , Brazil .
However , if we trust history , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comedy skit will be as effective ( or ineffective ) as the widespread protests against Life of Brian or the angry letter-writing campaigns against Jesus-as-loser on South Park .
They may constitute a brief inconvenience and perhaps put a dent into the profitability of the Porta dos Fundos YouTube channel , but they ’ re unlikely to put a stop to the steady march of the triumph of humor .
For reasons that are beyond the scope of this article ( but which are detailed in my book ) , Christianity has accommodated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has allowed humor to touch every conceivable religious topic , no matter how sacred .
While it may be unwise to expose certain audiences to aggressive religious comedy , if one wants to be protected from offensive jokes directed at Christian objects of reverence , one does better by simply ignoring the offensive material than by riling against it—at least if one doesn ’ t want to be seen as comically repeating history .


rawstory--2020-01-09--McConnell-led cover-up for looming Trump trial sets activist plans in motion

Voters were encouraged this week to pressure their senators to hold a fair impeachment trial following Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ’ s announcement Tuesday he had enough votes to avoid calling new witnesses , as Democrats had demanded .
The Kentucky Republican , who said last month the trial would happen in “ total coordination ” with the White House , has been accused of plotting a cover-up for President Donald Trump .
The House impeached the president Dec. 18 for abuse of power and obstruction of Congress following testimony from diplomats and other government officials on Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to announce an investigation into Hunter Biden , son of former Vice President Joe Biden , one of Trump ’ s rivals in the 2020 presidential race .
The impeachment trial can not begin until the House sends over the articles of impeachment to the upper chamber ; House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has held onto the articles in a bid to pressure the Senate to commit to a transparent process .
Demands for transparency and allowance of new witnesses increased Monday after Trump ’ s former national security advisor John Bolton announced he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a subpoena .
Greg Sargent opined at The Washington Post Tuesday that there “ is a reasonable possibility that Bolton has a level of direct knowledge of Trump ’ s thinking and motives in freezing military aid to Ukraine—one of the most corrupt acts at the core of this whole scandal—that exceeds that of any other living human being.
” Sen. Richard Blumenthal ( D-Conn. ) expressed frustration Wednesday with the Republicans ’ apparent efforts to bar potentially damning testimony .
“ The cover-up that Senator McConnell is engineering here has to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be put on record whether they are going to be part of aiding and abetting the Trump-McConnell cover-up , ” Blumenthal told reporters .
It took just a few hours for McConnell and Senate GOP leaders to clinch a final whip count in support of moving forward with a trial framework that ignores Democratic requests .
And all 53 Republicans—even moderates such as Susan Collins of Maine , Lisa Murkowski of Alaska , and Mitt Romney of Utah—have agreed to the majority leader ’ s proposal , according to senators involved in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the tentative rules package , which is the same as those used in President Bill Clinton ’ s 1999 Senate trial , the House will be allowed to present its case against Trump and then the president ’ s defense team will respond .
At that point , McConnell or any GOP senator could move to end the trial and call for a final vote on the charges against Trump .
Or Democrats could try to seek witness testimony or the introduction of new documentary evidence .
It will be up to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We have the votes , ” McConnell told reporters , “ once the impeachment trial has begun , to pass a resolution essentially the same , very similar to the 100 to nothing vote in the Clinton trial which sets up , as you may recall , what could best be described maybe as a Phase One.
” McConnell ’ s behavior has prompted critics of the president to wonder just what it is that the GOP is trying to suppress .
“ Even if Senate Republicans successfully head off witnesses and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added , “ the whole affair will be forever stained by the indelible fact that they could only exonerate Trump by refusing to permit a full reckoning—and refusing to hear the very sort of testimony they themselves claimed to want for months.
” In the wake McConnell ’ s announcement , progressive group Indivisible and high profile voices including television writer and producer Danny Zuker took to social media Wednesday to suggest voters pile pressure on lawmakers to commit to a transparent trial .
Progressive advocacy group Common Cause , in a statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that senators return any campaign funds Trump raised for them or not take part in the impeachment trial .
“ The American people deserve a fair trial from the Senate in the wake of President Trump ’ s impeachment .
That means a trial with witnesses from the administration , and it means a trial with a jury untainted from accepting campaign funds raised by the defendant , ” said Common Cause president Karen Hobert Flynn .
“ If Donald Trump ’ s Republican defenders in the Senate truly believe that the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should welcome the opportunity to hear public testimony from Trump administration officials who witnessed firsthand the events in question , ” Flynn continued .
“ History will not look kindly on any senator who continues to put party before country and denies the American people the truth .
”


rawstory--2020-01-09--US lawmakers urge action on ‘crimes against humanity’ in China

US lawmakers called Wednesday for President Donald Trump ’ s administration to impose sanctions over rights abuses in China as they released a report describing “ crimes against humanity ” towards the Uighur minority .
In a wide-ranging annual report , the Congressional-Executive Commission on China , which tracks human rights in the Asian power , voiced alarm at Beijing ’ s incarceration of more than one million Uighurs and other Muslims in the western region of Xinjiang .
“ The Commission believes Chinese authorities may be committing crimes against humanity against the Uighur people and other Turkic Muslims , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a member of the commission , pointed to Uighur witnesses who said they were targeted for their Muslim faith .
“ We are talking about crimes against humanity on a massive scale , ” Smith told a news conference .
“ We are talking , with regards to what is being done to the Uighurs , something we have not seen since World War II .
And the Chinese government , particularly ( President ) Xi Jinping , needs to be held accountable for this egregious behavior , ” he said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismissed the commission ’ s report and accused US lawmakers of making “ unwarranted accusations against China.
” “ This so-called committee is blind from its prejudices , ” said spokesman Geng Shuang at a regular press briefing in Beijing .
“ It has no credibility , ” he said .
Senator Marco Rubio , a close ally of President Donald Trump and co-chair of the commission , vowed that Congress would soon pass an act that seeks sanctions on officials over abuses and restricts exports of surveillance and other equipment seen as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic-led House of Representatives and Republican-led Senate need to reconcile similar acts they approved last year .
“ The House and Senate agree on what we ’ re trying to do .
Just the language has to be identical , ” Rubio said , without promising a date .
Lawmakers said it was crucial that the Trump administration implement the Uighur rights law — as well as a separate act on Hong Kong and an upcoming initiative on Tibet .
Congress last year nearly unanimously approved an act that ties US favorable trading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beijing has preserved the semi-autonomous status of the city , which has seen massive pro-democracy protests .
Trump signed the law after musing on how it could jeopardize his efforts to press China in an intense trade war .
Rubio said lawmakers across the partisan divide wanted to prioritize human rights but acknowledged that the administration was also concerned about trade .
“ I do think that , by and large , they are supportive of what we are saying but , again , the proof will be in the implementation ” of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jim McGovern , a Democrat who co-chairs the commission , said he appreciated the Trump administration ’ s strong statements on Xinjiang but said there needed to be action .
“ I think we need to get beyond talking the talk .
We need to actually walk the walk , ” he said .
Uighur activists and witnesses say China is forcibly seeking to integrate the ethnic group .
Beijing argues that it is offering vocational training in a bid to discourage extremism .


rawstory--2020-01-09--Justin Bieber will tell of Lyme disease diagnosis in YouTube documentary

Pop super star Justin Bieber announced Wednesday that he has Lyme disease .
In a post on Instagram , Bieber said he will address his struggle with the illness , which is contracted through a tick bite , in a YouTube documentary .
“ It ’ s been a rough couple years but getting the right treatment that will help treat this so far incurable disease and I will be back and better than ever , ” the 25 year old entertainer wrote in the post ’ s caption .
He called out critics who he says have been unfairly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looks like he is “ on meth.
” “ They failed to realize I ’ ve been recently diagnosed with Lyme disease , not only that but had a serious case of chronic mono which affected my , skin , brain function , energy , and overall health.
” The photo portion of Bieber ’ s post shows a TMZ article reporting that the YouTube documentary is set for a January 27 release .
“ You can learn all that I ’ ve been battling and OVERCOMING !
!
” he wrote on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year suffering but undiagnosed , TMZ reported , until doctors figured out what was wrong .
The post ’ s photos include pictures said to be taken in September of Bieber appearing to be hooked up to an IV drip .
In subsequent Instagram posts and on his Instagram story later in the day , Bieber thanked his fans for supporting his new song “ Yummy , ” released last week .
And the Canadian seemed to say he is doing better , posting a meme video of a little girl dancing with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is how I ’ m feelin.
” Bieber was discovered by talent scouts as a young teenager after posting videos of himself singing on YouTube and quickly shot to superstardom .
He has since won several MTV awards , Billboard Music awards and a Grammy , among others .
After an Instagram post from March indicated Bieber would be taking time off music to focus on “ my family and my health , ” Bieber married US model Hailey Baldwin in September .
Now he has a new album and tour coming soon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bieber opened up about “ massive ups and downs ” he experienced as he went from beloved teenage heartthrob to “ the most ridiculed , judged and hated person in the world.
” In a lengthy Instagram post , he reflected on how child stardom triggered depression and a lack of humility that led to drug abuse and his becoming “ resentful , disrespectful to women , and angry.
” “ I became distant to everyone who loved me , and I was hiding behind , a shell of a person that i @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lyme disease is transmitted to humans through infected ticks , according to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
Symptoms can include fever , chills , headache , fatigue , joint aches and a “ bull ’ s-eye ” rash that occurs in 70 to 80 percent of infections .
Most people who are treated with antibiotics early fully recover , according to the CDC , though the infection can become severe or prolonged in some cases .


rawstory--2020-01-09--Japan justice minister calls ex-Nissan boss Carlos Ghosn’s accusations ‘absolutely intolerable’

Carlos Ghosn ’ s accusations against Japan ’ s legal system are “ absolutely intolerable ” , Justice Minister Masako Mori said on Thursday , firing back at the auto executive-turned-fugitive shortly after his highly anticipated media appearance in Beirut .
Speaking publicly for the first time since his dramatic escape from Japan , Ghosn said on Wednesday he had been treated “ brutally ” by Tokyo prosecutors , who he said questioned him for up to eight hours a day without a lawyer present and tried to extract a confession out of him .
In a statement issued shortly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ French , Japan ’ s justice minister shot back , repeating that Ghosn ’ s escape from his trial in itself “ could constitute a crime ” .
“ Such action would not be condoned under any nation ’ s system , ” Mori said .
“ Furthermore , he has been propagating both within Japan and internationally false information on Japan ’ s legal system and its practice .
That is absolutely intolerable.
” Ghosn , the former chief of Nissan Motor Co Ltd and Renault SA , fled Japan last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of under-reporting earnings , breach of trust and misappropriation of company funds , all of which he denies .
Defending authorities ’ jailing of Ghosn , Mori said that in Japan , a suspect can only be arrested with a warrant from the court upon review by a judge unlike in some countries where detention is possible without a warrant .
The international spotlight on Japan ’ s justice system comes as Mori prepares to host in April the United Nations ’ Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice , held once every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to provide information and answer questions actively to ensure a more accurate understanding of Japan ’ s criminal justice system by people around the world , ” Mori said in the statement .
The ministry has said it will try to find a way to bring Ghosn back from Lebanon , even though it has no extradition treaty with Japan .
“ If defendant Ghosn has anything to say , it is my strong hope that he engage in all possible efforts to make his case within Japan ’ s fair criminal justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rendered by a Japanese court , ” Mori said .
Ghosn , for his part , said he escaped because he had “ zero chance ” of a fair trial , adding that he was prepared to stand trial in any of his three home countries of Lebanon , France or Brazil , none of which have extradition agreements with Japan .


rawstory--2020-01-09--Climate change threatens Afghanistan’s crumbling heritage

After bearing the brunt of jihadist dynamite and looting by thieves , the archaeological treasures of Afghanistan ’ s Bamiyan province are facing a new and possibly more daunting threat : climate change .
Nestled in the heart of the Hindu Kush mountains , the Bamiyan valley ’ s picturesque cliffs — where centuries-old Buddha statues were destroyed by the Taliban in 2001 — still contain a network of caves housing temples , monasteries , and Buddhist paintings .
The valley is also home to the silk-road era Shahr-e Gholghola fortress and the Shar-e Zohak citadel to the east .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ spells followed by heavy rain , and larger than usual spring snowmelts is putting this historic art and architecture at risk of destruction .
Afghan officials warned in a 2016 United Nations report that the structures “ may collapse and suffer from severe erosion ” due to conditions directly linked to climate change .
“ The erosion processes are much faster , the rains more devastating and the wind erosion stronger , which has an extremely harsh impact on the sites , ” Philippe Marquis , the director of the French Archaeological Delegation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — who has explored and worked in the region for decades — explains that Afghanistan “ is very fragile geologically , especially as vegetation cover has greatly diminished ” due to deforestation .
French imaging company Iconem concurred , saying Shar-e Zohak is “ very fragile ” due to erosion that has increased considerably over the last 30 years .
For Baqe Ghulami , 21 , who hails from Saikhand district in northern Bamiyan , climate change has long been a reality residents have had to confront .
“ The weather is changing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colder , ” he says , while overlooking the empty spaces where the two towering Buddha statues once stood .
Many of the artefacts pre-date the arrival of Islam to the region but despite the fact they come from another religion , the residents who spoke with AFP proudly defended the area ’ s history as their own .
From the empty caves , visitors can see the Cultural Center , which began construction in 2015 but has yet to be completed .
It aims to educate visitors about the urgent need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ There is no benefit if people just see ( the sites ) without information , ” says Ali Reza Mushfiq , 26 , director of the Department of Archeology at Bamiyan University , complaining that a dearth of funding has left many in the dark — including his own students who lack access to books .
The archaeologist readily admits that “ erosion is increasing ” , but believes the real danger comes from “ human influence at the site ” , including looters , who are rampant in Afghanistan .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are now guarded to protect against such issues .
The removal of landmines from the area has seen thousands visit in recent years , but the influx of recent visitors has done little to change the reality on the ground .
“ We must start training… ( the ) local people to teach them how not to destroy the site , ” says Mushfiq , adding that some residents continue to store feed and house livestock in the historic sites .
A stone ’ s throw from the cave of the great Buddha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his family have moved into one of the caves , building a home inside made of odds and ends with plastic sheets for windows .
He is not alone , many other poor families have sought shelter next to ancient artefacts and structures .
“ There are 18 families here… we didn ’ t have other options , ” says Ammanullah .
“ We would go if we were given a house.
” For Marquis , however , the greatest threat does not come from local residents encroaching on the site or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is dramatic , it is much less damaging than the destruction caused by erosion , ” he said .
The Global Adaptation Initiative , run by the University of Notre Dame in the US , currently ranks Afghanistan 173 out of the 181 countries it scored in terms of a nation ’ s vulnerability to climate change and its ability to adapt .


rawstory--2020-01-09--‘Something’s gonna go wrong’: Experts not so sure Trump has deterred Iran

US Defense Secretary Mark Esper said Wednesday that the US strike that killed a top Iranian general had restored credibility to the US threat to Tehran to restrain itself militarily .
“ I believe that we ’ ve restored a level of deterrence with them , ” he said .
But Washington security analysts say it is far from certain that Tehran has been deterred from further attacks on the United States and its allies , and that it might not be long before it challenges President Donald Trump again .
In the short run tensions could ease after Iran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s death last week by firing 12 ballistic missiles at two US bases in Iraq , causing damage but killing no one .
But that is “ just the beginning , ” said Kaleigh Thomas , a Middle East security analyst at the Center for a New American Security .
Soleimani ’ s death in a US drone strike last Friday “ has definitely changed the tone of tensions going forward , ” she said .
“ They ’ re going to be planning strategically , investing in ways to inflict pain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deterrence , Thomas said , the Trump administration lacks a coherent message that Tehran can make sense of — what response it can expect from the United States to what provocative actions — as well as a back channel to communicate , like previous administrations had .
She faulted Trump ’ s inconsistent responses last year after the Revolutionary Guards shot down two US drones , allegedly damaged multiple tankers in the Gulf , and allegedly launched missiles on Saudi oil installations .
In each case the US response was hesitant and minimal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of deterrence … is this idea of , there are patterns , and that way , everyone ’ s kind of on the same page , ” said Thomas .
“ If we ’ re reading two different books , something ’ s gon na go wrong.
” On the other hand , she said , the “ impulsive decision ” to kill Soleimani to re-establish deterrence appeared disproportional to Tehran ’ s most recent actions — supporting rocket strikes on US installations in Iraq and backing protestors who stormed the reception building @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tehran might now be tentative about reacting , but is “ motivated to act and to find ways to inflict pain upon the United States.
” Retired General David Petraeus , who once led US forces in the Middle East , said he was optimistic that killing Soleimani delivered a strong message that Tehran will have to heed .
It was “ a very significant effort to re-establish deterrence , which obviously had not been shored up by the relatively insignificant responses up until now , ” Petraeus told Foreign Policy magazine .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Heritage Foundation , said it was important for the Trump administration to enforce its red lines after having shied from responding for so long .
But it is hard to establish credible deterrence against a regime like Iran , where Soleimani ’ s Revolutionary Guards were “ willing to sacrifice Iran ’ s national interests in order to advance the regime ’ s more narrow revolutionary interests , ” Phillips said .
“ I think , unfortunately , also Tehran may have interpreted the Trump administration ’ s previous restraint as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Burns said it was “ far too early ” to declare success in delivering a credible threat message to Tehran .
“ Iran has a brutal history of using proxy forces to attack the US and others , ” he told AFP .
“ They could well do that in the coming weeks or months.
” More challenging is Tehran ’ s threat this week to restart its program to develop nuclear weapons by producing weapons-grade uranium .
Thomas said the US inability to deter Iran is rooted in Trump ’ s unilateral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Iran nuclear deal which froze that program , and place more sanctions on the country .
After that , she said , “ I think it was it was total confusion about what United States actually wanted from Iran.
” Andrea Stricker of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies , a conservative Washington thinktank , wrote Wednesday that Washington needs urgently to make clear to Iran that it would be willing to bomb the country if it nears such a “ nuclear breakout ” .
“ The United States should avoid additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but Washington must be willing to employ all instruments of national power against Iran if it appears to be approaching breakout , ” she wrote Wednesday .


rawstory--2020-01-09--Trump administration justifies killing Iranian commander as self-defense at the United Nations

The United States told the United Nations on Wednesday that the killing of Iranian commander Qassem Soleimani was self-defense and @ @ @ @ @ “ as necessary ” in the Middle East to protect U.S. personnel and interests .
@ @ @ @ @ U.N. Security Council , U.S .
Ambassador Kelly Craft said the United States also stands @ @ @ @ @ preconditions in serious negotiations with Iran , with the goal of preventing further endangerment of @ @ @ @ @ escalation by the Iranian regime.
” The killing of Soleimani in Baghdad on Friday was @ @ @ @ @ the U.N. Charter , wrote Craft in the letter seen by Reuters , adding “ @ @ @ @ @ to take additional actions in the region as necessary to continue to protect U.S. personnel @ @ @ @ @ 51 , countries are required to “ immediately report ” to the 15-member Security Council @ @ @ @ @ the right of self-defense .
The United States used Article 51 to justify taking action @ @ @ @ @ militants in 2014 .