ezorigin--2020-04-14--Once the epicenter of the virus, China strives to keep it out

China is facing a new coronavirus flare-up along its remote northern border with Russia , far from the epicenter of Wuhan , where it has all but declared victory in the battle against the pandemic .
The frontier has been sealed and emergency medical units rushed to the area to prevent travelers from bringing the virus back from overseas .
The virus originated in China , which is now striving to keep it out while the United States and other countries struggle to bring their own epidemics under control .
The long , porous border of sprawling Heilongjiang province and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than major cities like Beijing and Shanghai .
But it is a popular alternative route into the country .
Many Chinese live and work in Russia , where China has major investments encouraged by warm ties between Beijing and Moscow .
By Monday night , a field hospital was operating in the city of Suifenhe along the Russian border , equipped with a negative pressure lab to diagnose new cases .
Staffed by 22 experts from the National Institute for Viral Disease Control and Prevention under the Chinese Center for Disease Control and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tests and other forms of research to aid in virus control and prevention , allowing the city to test up to 1,000 cases per day , according to the CDC .
Suifenhe , a city of just under 70,000 that is frozen-in for much of the year , has at least 243 imported COVID-19 cases out of nearly 1,000 confirmed and suspected cases .
More than 100 people in the area have tested positive for the virus but showed no symptoms .
Recent arrivals from Russia account for nearly half of China 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a truly grave situation in the northeast as represented by Suifenhe , '' National Health Commission expert Wang Bin said Monday at a news conference .
`` Up to now our medical resources in the area have just not been sufficient . ''
The CDC said the field hospital has been supplied with negative pressure tents , nucleic acid extractors , virus detection kits , throat swab sampling tubes , and thermal cyclers used to enhance segments of DNA via the polymerase chain reaction .
Roughly 800 miles northeast of Beijing , Suifenhe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and daily items usually do a thriving business with Russian visitors starved for choice on their side of the border .
That trade has gone quiet in recent weeks , dimming prospects for a sparsely populated region whose residents have been migrating to major cities seeking jobs and better living standards .
Russia requires 14-day quarantines for all travelers arriving in Primorsky Krai and its regional capital Pogranichny , across the border .
It has closed hotels to visitors and is requiring travelers to have a pass showing they are not carrying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border to travelers from China in January .
On the Chinese side , quarantines have been extended to a full month for people arriving by air in Suifenhe and in Heilongjiang 's capital , Harbin .
All land border crossings were halted last week .
`` The Chinese consulate again strongly reminds Chinese citizens not to summarily make trips to the border region , '' the Chinese consulate in the nearby Russian city of Vladivostok said in a notice posted Monday .
As Wuhan and other regions get back to business , Chinese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a second wave of infections , particularly from those arriving from outside the country .
New cases of local infection in China have fallen to near zero after more than two months of strict travel bans and social distancing measures .
Of 89 cases reported on Tuesday , all but three were detected in people arriving from abroad .
It was n't immediately clear if any came from Russia .
No new deaths were reported in the country on Tuesday , suggesting the outbreak is running its course .
Last week , authorities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the virus was first detected late last year , an indication that the worst may have passed .
China had recorded 82,249 cases and 3,341 deaths as of Tuesday , while 1,077 people suspected of having the virus or testing positive without showing symptoms were under isolation and monitoring .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

China is facing a new coronavirus flare-up along its remote northern border with Russia, far from the epicenter of Wuhan, where it has all but declared victory in the battle against the pandemic.
The frontier has been sealed and emergency medical units rushed to the area to prevent travelers from bringing the virus back from overseas. The virus originated in China, which is now striving to keep it out while the United States and other countries struggle to bring their own epidemics under control.
The long, porous border of sprawling Heilongjiang province and neighboring Inner Mongolia has much less travel than major cities like Beijing and Shanghai. But it is a popular alternative route into the country. Many Chinese live and work in Russia, where China has major investments encouraged by warm ties between Beijing and Moscow.
By Monday night, a field hospital was operating in the city of Suifenhe along the Russian border, equipped with a negative pressure lab to diagnose new cases. Staffed by 22 experts from the National Institute for Viral Disease Control and Prevention under the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention, it will conduct nucleic acid tests and other forms of research to aid in virus control and prevention, allowing the city to test up to 1,000 cases per day, according to the CDC.
Suifenhe, a city of just under 70,000 that is frozen-in for much of the year, has at least 243 imported COVID-19 cases out of nearly 1,000 confirmed and suspected cases. More than 100 people in the area have tested positive for the virus but showed no symptoms. Recent arrivals from Russia account for nearly half of China's imported cases.
"We are facing a truly grave situation in the northeast as represented by Suifenhe," National Health Commission expert Wang Bin said Monday at a news conference. "Up to now our medical resources in the area have just not been sufficient."
The CDC said the field hospital has been supplied with negative pressure tents, nucleic acid extractors, virus detection kits, throat swab sampling tubes, and thermal cyclers used to enhance segments of DNA via the polymerase chain reaction.
Roughly 800 miles northeast of Beijing, Suifenhe's markets selling warm clothing, cellphones, and daily items usually do a thriving business with Russian visitors starved for choice on their side of the border. That trade has gone quiet in recent weeks, dimming prospects for a sparsely populated region whose residents have been migrating to major cities seeking jobs and better living standards.
Russia requires 14-day quarantines for all travelers arriving in Primorsky Krai and its regional capital Pogranichny, across the border. It has closed hotels to visitors and is requiring travelers to have a pass showing they are not carrying the virus. Russia closed its land border to travelers from China in January.
On the Chinese side, quarantines have been extended to a full month for people arriving by air in Suifenhe and in Heilongjiang's capital, Harbin. All land border crossings were halted last week.
"The Chinese consulate again strongly reminds Chinese citizens not to summarily make trips to the border region," the Chinese consulate in the nearby Russian city of Vladivostok said in a notice posted Monday.
As Wuhan and other regions get back to business, Chinese authorities say they will remain vigilant against a second wave of infections, particularly from those arriving from outside the country.
New cases of local infection in China have fallen to near zero after more than two months of strict travel bans and social distancing measures. Of 89 cases reported on Tuesday, all but three were detected in people arriving from abroad. It wasn't immediately clear if any came from Russia.
No new deaths were reported in the country on Tuesday, suggesting the outbreak is running its course. Last week, authorities lifted a 76-day quarantine in Wuhan, where the virus was first detected late last year, an indication that the worst may have passed.
China had recorded 82,249 cases and 3,341 deaths as of Tuesday, while 1,077 people suspected of having the virus or testing positive without showing symptoms were under isolation and monitoring.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


ezorigin--2020-04-10--Coronavirus gives some protesters new mission: Preserving life

In Senegal , the group Y ’ en a Marre has switched its message from demanding transparent democracy to the more pressing need of promoting good social-distancing practices .
“ The time for protest and mass demonstrations will return , ” says Fadel Barro , one of the group ’ s founders and leaders .
“ But for now our aim has to be to preserve life.
” “ The activists who organized these movements aren ’ t going away , and their underlying grievances aren ’ t going away .
So there ’ s little reason to think that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won ’ t survive the coronavirus pandemic , ” says Jonathan Pinckney at the United States Institute of Peace .
Not only have few of the protesters ’ demands been addressed , experts say , but in many places the pandemic has only underscored some of their grievances , including indifferent government and the growing divide between haves and have-nots .
From Senegal to Santiago , from Hong Kong to New Delhi , streets that over the past year brimmed with protests have gone mostly silent amid the coronavirus pandemic .
But activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mean the movements have died out .
Rather the mass protests are likely to come back once conditions allow .
Just over a month ago , Senegal ’ s social action group Y ’ en a Marre – “ Fed Up ” in French – was spearheading mass street demonstrations to protest everything from unresponsive government and public-sector corruption to high electricity bills .
These days taking it to the streets is no longer feasible , as governments around the globe ban large public gatherings in response to the coronavirus pandemic .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rappers , journalists , and other activists comprising Y ’ en a Marre have gone silent .
Now the group known for its protest songs and for rallying Senegalese youth to action is adapting to address what Y ’ en a Marre ’ s leaders say is the West African nation ’ s biggest immediate threat .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
“ Right now there is a lot of denial in Senegal .
People aren ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have decided to switch gears to get vital information out there and be of public utility , ” says Fadel Barro , one of Y ’ en a Marre ’ s founders and leaders .
A song list that before demanded a transparent democracy now promotes good social-distancing practices and implores Senegalese youth to stay home and meet with friends online .
Y ’ en a Marre organizes car caravans from which musicians , one per car , perform the new songs as they cruise from one neighborhood to another .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return , ” adds Mr. Barro , “ but for now our aim has to be to preserve life.
” From Senegal to Santiago , from Hong Kong to New Delhi , streets that over the past year brimmed with an unprecedented wave of protests and discontent have gone mostly silent .
But activists in many of these hotbeds of public dissatisfaction , as well as experts studying the global phenomenon , say the quiet does not mean the movements have died out .
Less like annuals that last but one season and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ established and will grow again , they say , the mass protests are likely to come back once conditions allow .
Not only have few of the demands that sparked the protests been addressed , experts say , but in many places the pandemic has only underscored some of the key motivating factors behind the discontent – from indifferent government and failing public services to growing divides between the haves and have-nots .
“ The activists who organized these movements aren ’ t going away , and their underlying grievances aren ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little reason to think that the global discontent was a blip that won ’ t survive the coronavirus pandemic , ” says Jonathan Pinckney , chief researcher at the Program on Nonviolent Action at the United States Institute of Peace in Washington .
“ If anything , ” he adds , “ we are seeing the movements in many countries adapt and shift to using the coronavirus crisis to highlight issues like government incompetence and negligence that were already among the major rallying cries of protesters before the pandemic.
” As one example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pro-democracy movement over recent weeks has shifted to digital forms of expression to highlight what activists judge has been an already dismissive government ’ s inadequate response to the pandemic .
At the same time , some networks within Hong Kong ’ s movement have moved beyond criticizing the government to taking matters into their own hands – for example by organizing to import more than 100,000 medical masks to distribute in poorly served communities .
One result , Mr. Pinckney says , is that a movement that in some respects was losing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its public backing reinforced .
He notes that a recent poll measuring public perceptions of responses to the pandemic showed higher marks for the pro-democracy movement and falling support for the Hong Kong government .
In Chile , where a subway fare hike in October touched off months of protests over widening economic divides , activists have quickly moved much of their expression of discontent indoors , while shifting their focus to the pandemic – and to the inequalities in access to health care and other services they say it highlights .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 18 was all about economic inequality , the inadequacy of public services like health , education , and transportation , and the daily struggles of the many in a country where wealth is concentrated in the hands of so few , ” says Andrés Velasquez , an administrator for a small Santiago construction company who regularly participated in the protests .
“ It ’ s true that we can no longer gather in huge numbers in Plaza de Italia , ” Santiago ’ s ground zero for the protest movement , he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reinforced people ’ s thinking about the weaknesses and unfairness in our economic and governance systems.
” Chile ’ s activists have lost little time in adapting their action to the new constraints of the coronavirus .
One innovation is an online “ guide ” to protesting from home .
Among the expressions of discontent are regular caserolazos – the banging of pots and pans from windows and balconies at an appointed hour , often announced on Facebook – that have been a staple of protest in Latin America since the grim days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ 80s .
Mr. Velasquez says he has made his own adjustments to his protest routine .
Until the pandemic ended the mass marches , he joined other volunteers in providing food – which they dubbed “ Hooded Gourmet ” – to the often-hooded protesters making up the front line separating the mass of demonstrators from the police .
Now the protest-food cooks have shifted to providing meals to Santiago ’ s ramshackle camps of day laborers and the swelling ranks of people left unemployed as a result of the crisis .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so we ’ re all looking for ways to maintain that solidarity and help us all get beyond this virus together , ” Mr. Velasquez says .
“ But certainly all these actions are to some degree about maintaining our momentum.
” Mr. Pinckney of the United States Institute of Peace says he expects the pandemic to affect various national protest movements in distinct ways , with some weakened and others reinforced .
“ In some countries we ’ re already seeing a rallying around the flag that could work against any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries they ’ re adapting in ways that are likely to leave [ the movement ] stronger , ” he says .
He also notes that the rough police treatment accorded some people displaced by the pandemic – as occurred in India – could turn into heightened repression once mass demonstrations return .
But Mr. Pinckney has a hunch that in some places the pandemic , because of how it represents a threat to all social strata , will tend to increase a sense of empathy with the most vulnerable .
And that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up public support for protest movements .
Mr. Farro in Senegal is not so sure .
A journalist by training , he remains skeptical that the pandemic will necessarily mean a stronger protest movement ahead .
“ For sure it will change the way people interact with each other , but experience tells us that societies don ’ t change so easily , even after crises , ” he says .
He also worries that the state will use the pandemic as a “ pretext ” for extending limits on personal freedoms .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s movement will come out of the coronavirus challenge stronger – and he cites one experience in particular that has left him confident of that .
At home in his 16th-floor apartment one recent evening , he opened his windows to hear Freddie Mercury ’ s rendition of “ Day-O ” spontaneously shouted from balconies across his neighborhood , the words and responding cheers wafting across the city like a message of unity and hope .
After that communal experience and others like it , he says , “ I ’ m certain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will come back with even greater force.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

In Senegal, the group Y’en a Marre has switched its message from demanding transparent democracy to the more pressing need of promoting good social-distancing practices. “The time for protest and mass demonstrations will return,” says Fadel Barro, one of the group’s founders and leaders. “But for now our aim has to be to preserve life.”
“The activists who organized these movements aren’t going away, and their underlying grievances aren’t going away. So there’s little reason to think that the global discontent was a blip that won’t survive the coronavirus pandemic,” says Jonathan Pinckney at the United States Institute of Peace.
This particular season of discontent is not conducive to conventional mass protests. But social action groups dedicated to the common good are finding the means, and new directions, to refocus their energies – temporarily.
Not only have few of the protesters’ demands been addressed, experts say, but in many places the pandemic has only underscored some of their grievances, including indifferent government and the growing divide between haves and have-nots.
From Senegal to Santiago, from Hong Kong to New Delhi, streets that over the past year brimmed with protests have gone mostly silent amid the coronavirus pandemic. But activists and experts say the quiet does not mean the movements have died out. Rather the mass protests are likely to come back once conditions allow.
Just over a month ago, Senegal’s social action group Y’en a Marre – “Fed Up” in French – was spearheading mass street demonstrations to protest everything from unresponsive government and public-sector corruption to high electricity bills.
These days taking it to the streets is no longer feasible, as governments around the globe ban large public gatherings in response to the coronavirus pandemic. But that does not mean the musicians, rappers, journalists, and other activists comprising Y’en a Marre have gone silent.
Au contraire.
Why We Wrote This This particular season of discontent is not conducive to conventional mass protests. But social action groups dedicated to the common good are finding the means, and new directions, to refocus their energies – temporarily.
Now the group known for its protest songs and for rallying Senegalese youth to action is adapting to address what Y’en a Marre’s leaders say is the West African nation’s biggest immediate threat.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
“Right now there is a lot of denial in Senegal. People aren’t taking the epidemic seriously. So we have decided to switch gears to get vital information out there and be of public utility,” says Fadel Barro, one of Y’en a Marre’s founders and leaders.
A song list that before demanded a transparent democracy now promotes good social-distancing practices and implores Senegalese youth to stay home and meet with friends online. Y’en a Marre organizes car caravans from which musicians, one per car, perform the new songs as they cruise from one neighborhood to another.
“The time for protest and mass demonstrations will return,” adds Mr. Barro, “but for now our aim has to be to preserve life.”
From Senegal to Santiago, from Hong Kong to New Delhi, streets that over the past year brimmed with an unprecedented wave of protests and discontent have gone mostly silent. But activists in many of these hotbeds of public dissatisfaction, as well as experts studying the global phenomenon, say the quiet does not mean the movements have died out.
Less like annuals that last but one season and more like perennials whose roots have been established and will grow again, they say, the mass protests are likely to come back once conditions allow.
Not only have few of the demands that sparked the protests been addressed, experts say, but in many places the pandemic has only underscored some of the key motivating factors behind the discontent – from indifferent government and failing public services to growing divides between the haves and have-nots.
“The activists who organized these movements aren’t going away, and their underlying grievances aren’t going away, so there’s little reason to think that the global discontent was a blip that won’t survive the coronavirus pandemic,” says Jonathan Pinckney, chief researcher at the Program on Nonviolent Action at the United States Institute of Peace in Washington.
“If anything,” he adds, “we are seeing the movements in many countries adapt and shift to using the coronavirus crisis to highlight issues like government incompetence and negligence that were already among the major rallying cries of protesters before the pandemic.”
As one example, he cites how the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement over recent weeks has shifted to digital forms of expression to highlight what activists judge has been an already dismissive government’s inadequate response to the pandemic.
At the same time, some networks within Hong Kong’s movement have moved beyond criticizing the government to taking matters into their own hands – for example by organizing to import more than 100,000 medical masks to distribute in poorly served communities.
Jessie Pang/Reuters View caption Hide caption Pro-democracy veteran Leung Kwok-hung speaks to reporters in Hong Kong before a Court of Appeal ruling on the controversial anti-mask law that the government had a right to invoke colonial-era emergency legislation, April 9, 2020.
One result, Mr. Pinckney says, is that a movement that in some respects was losing steam has found new purpose, with its public backing reinforced. He notes that a recent poll measuring public perceptions of responses to the pandemic showed higher marks for the pro-democracy movement and falling support for the Hong Kong government.
In Chile, where a subway fare hike in October touched off months of protests over widening economic divides, activists have quickly moved much of their expression of discontent indoors, while shifting their focus to the pandemic – and to the inequalities in access to health care and other services they say it highlights.
“The movement that got started on October 18 was all about economic inequality, the inadequacy of public services like health, education, and transportation, and the daily struggles of the many in a country where wealth is concentrated in the hands of so few,” says Andrés Velasquez, an administrator for a small Santiago construction company who regularly participated in the protests.
“It’s true that we can no longer gather in huge numbers in Plaza de Italia,” Santiago’s ground zero for the protest movement, he says. “But the epidemic has only reinforced people’s thinking about the weaknesses and unfairness in our economic and governance systems.”
Chile’s activists have lost little time in adapting their action to the new constraints of the coronavirus. One innovation is an online “guide” to protesting from home. Among the expressions of discontent are regular caserolazos – the banging of pots and pans from windows and balconies at an appointed hour, often announced on Facebook – that have been a staple of protest in Latin America since the grim days of dictatorships in the ’70s and ’80s.
Mr. Velasquez says he has made his own adjustments to his protest routine. Until the pandemic ended the mass marches, he joined other volunteers in providing food – which they dubbed “Hooded Gourmet” – to the often-hooded protesters making up the front line separating the mass of demonstrators from the police.
Now the protest-food cooks have shifted to providing meals to Santiago’s ramshackle camps of day laborers and the swelling ranks of people left unemployed as a result of the crisis.
“This movement has always been about solidarity, so we’re all looking for ways to maintain that solidarity and help us all get beyond this virus together,” Mr. Velasquez says. “But certainly all these actions are to some degree about maintaining our momentum.”
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Mr. Pinckney of the United States Institute of Peace says he expects the pandemic to affect various national protest movements in distinct ways, with some weakened and others reinforced.
“In some countries we’re already seeing a rallying around the flag that could work against any expression of opposition, but in other countries they’re adapting in ways that are likely to leave [the movement] stronger,” he says. He also notes that the rough police treatment accorded some people displaced by the pandemic – as occurred in India – could turn into heightened repression once mass demonstrations return.
But Mr. Pinckney has a hunch that in some places the pandemic, because of how it represents a threat to all social strata, will tend to increase a sense of empathy with the most vulnerable. And that, he adds, could mean stepped up public support for protest movements.
Mr. Farro in Senegal is not so sure. A journalist by training, he remains skeptical that the pandemic will necessarily mean a stronger protest movement ahead.
“For sure it will change the way people interact with each other, but experience tells us that societies don’t change so easily, even after crises,” he says. He also worries that the state will use the pandemic as a “pretext” for extending limits on personal freedoms.
Mr. Velasquez in Santiago believes Chile’s movement will come out of the coronavirus challenge stronger – and he cites one experience in particular that has left him confident of that.
At home in his 16th-floor apartment one recent evening, he opened his windows to hear Freddie Mercury’s rendition of “Day-O” spontaneously shouted from balconies across his neighborhood, the words and responding cheers wafting across the city like a message of unity and hope.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
After that communal experience and others like it, he says, “I’m certain this movement will come back, and will come back with even greater force.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


ezorigin--2020-03-13--Why coronavirus crisis may keep Putin in office until 2036

“ Putin is seen as a rock of stability , ” says Mikhail Chernysh of the Institute of Sociology in Moscow .
“ He has legitimacy and trust in the eyes of the public , who see him as the guarantor of social peace and stability .
It seems likely that he has succumbed to demands from the elite that he create this option that he might stay beyond 2024.
” Analysts say the amendment that would allow Mr. Putin to potentially remain president until 2036 might have been brought on by the coronavirus panic , crashing oil prices , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But for Russia ’ s ruling political class , legitimacy is a perpetual sore point .
The first months of 2020 have been scary , and threaten greater turmoil in the near future .
As a huge package of amendments that will completely overhaul Russia ’ s constitution worked its way through parliament this week , authorities unveiled a last-minute change that would allow Vladimir Putin to run again for president after what was meant to be his final term in that role .
But Russian experts say that the sudden change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power grab , but rather Russian elites ’ desire for a steady hand in increasingly uncertain times .
When Vladimir Putin first announced sweeping constitutional reforms two months ago to rebalance relations between Russia ’ s presidency and its parliament , it looked like he was paving the way to leave the presidency in 2024 .
That almost certainly would include taking up another authoritative role , but one within a more collective leadership .
But that goal appears to have been overtaken by a more ambitious ideological project – and , perhaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As the huge package of amendments that will completely overhaul Russia ’ s constitution worked its way through parliament this week , authorities unveiled a last-minute change that will allow Mr. Putin to run again for president after what was supposed to have been his final term .
Russian experts say that the sudden change in plan may not have been a power grab – since the presidency will still be weakened under the reforms – but rather Russian elites ’ desire for a steady hand in increasingly uncertain times .
“ Putin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Mikhail Chernysh , an expert with the official Institute of Sociology in Moscow .
“ If you look at sociological data , it is clear that few institutions enjoy much public trust .
But Putin has become an institution in his own right .
He has legitimacy and trust in the eyes of the public , who see him as the guarantor of social peace and stability .
It seems likely that he has succumbed to demands from the elite that he create this option that he might stay beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the constitution ” It ’ s hard to overstate the significance of this constitutional remake , which has now been passed through both houses of parliament and been approved by all 85 regions of the country , and will now be voted on in a public referendum on April 22 .
The 68-page constitutional reform package , including almost 400 amendments , will now aim to alter the ideological nature of the state by overlaying the liberal character of the 1993 constitution authored by Boris Yeltsin with the social conservatism that has marked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family values , heterosexual marriage , faith in God , and a ban on questioning the defense of the “ Fatherland , ” such as the country ’ s role in World War II .
It will also enshrine economic rights , such as indexation of pensions and a guaranteed minimum income pegged to the official subsistence level .
Aside from some minor tweaks , Mr. Putin has avoided major constitutional changes for almost two decades .
But for Russia , which has had five different constitutions in a little more than a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a reversion to the unfortunate tradition in which each new leader redefines the nature of the state through the prism of his own beliefs and goals – which is pretty much the reverse of how a constitution functions in most Western countries .
“ This is Putin putting his personal imprint on the constitution ” much as Nicholas II , Lenin , Stalin , Brezhnev , and Yeltsin did in the past , says Yevgeny Gontmakher , an economic sociologist and member of the liberal Committee of Civil Initiatives .
“ Of course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitution .
It becomes just a piece of paper , subject to change whenever power shifts.
” Analysts say the last-moment amendment that would reset the constitutional clock and allow Mr. Putin to run again in 2024 , potentially remaining president until 2036 , was probably not part of the original plan and might have been brought on by the coronavirus panic – which is just starting to hit Russia – crashing oil prices and adding to the general sense of impending chaos .
“ This new amendment is actually in contradiction to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Sergei Markov , a former Kremlin adviser .
“ Putin wanted to create a transitional system , to reduce the country ’ s traditional dependence on a single strong leader while himself remaining in an influential post .
Why would he want to return to the presidency with diminished powers ?
” But for Russia ’ s ruling political class , which can not claim to have been elected in free and fair democratic polls , legitimacy is a perpetual sore point .
Analysts say that the first months of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greater turmoil in the near future .
“ In fact , Putin would probably like to leave , if he could find a way to go and enjoy his old age , ” Mr. Chernysh says .
“ But he is a hostage to the elites .
He is the only institution that can provide cohesion , and ensure that open conflict won ’ t break out if he goes .
It is by no means certain that he will run again , but he apparently needs to provide this symbolic reassurance at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experts think the ideological additions to the constitution are little more than an effort to bring out the vote on April 22 , since many ordinary Russians are indifferent to changes in the power structure but might be attracted by slogans that espouse traditional values and promises of economic security .
“ I don ’ t take seriously the amendments about traditional marriage , faith , or history , ” says Viktor Sheinis , one of the authors of Russia ’ s 1993 constitution .
“ They are just included because there are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by these ideas.
” But Mr. Markov , the former Putin adviser , says these amendments were added during the process of public consultations over the past two months , and that the authorities felt they had to be included .
“ Traditional values like God , nation , and family run very deep in the Russian popular consciousness , ” he says .
“ These are dangerous times for Russia , especially the conflict with the West .
People want to define who we are , what we stand for , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amendments.
” Opinion polls suggest that younger Russians are more modern-minded and tolerant than their elders , so cementing a ban on same-sex marriage in the constitution , and other traditional values , could conceivably present an impediment to social evolution in the future , some experts say .
“ Perhaps we are not at the same stage as Western societies , but young Russians are different , more worldly than older ones , ” says Mr. Chernysh .
“ However , since constitutions don ’ t play the same role in shaping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they do in , say , the U.S. , it ’ s probably not the obstacle to progress that it might appear to be .
I am sure that if social mores change , we ’ ll find a way to change the laws too .
”

In January, Vladimir Putin seemed to be laying out a future for Russia where the country would no longer revolve around the presidency. But this week he unexpectedly shifted gears. Why?
“Putin is seen as a rock of stability,” says Mikhail Chernysh of the Institute of Sociology in Moscow. “He has legitimacy and trust in the eyes of the public, who see him as the guarantor of social peace and stability. It seems likely that he has succumbed to demands from the elite that he create this option that he might stay beyond 2024.”
Analysts say the amendment that would allow Mr. Putin to potentially remain president until 2036 might have been brought on by the coronavirus panic, crashing oil prices, and the general sense of impending chaos. But for Russia’s ruling political class, legitimacy is a perpetual sore point. The first months of 2020 have been scary, and threaten greater turmoil in the near future.
As a huge package of amendments that will completely overhaul Russia’s constitution worked its way through parliament this week, authorities unveiled a last-minute change that would allow Vladimir Putin to run again for president after what was meant to be his final term in that role. But Russian experts say that the sudden change in plan may not have been a power grab, but rather Russian elites’ desire for a steady hand in increasingly uncertain times.
When Vladimir Putin first announced sweeping constitutional reforms two months ago to rebalance relations between Russia’s presidency and its parliament, it looked like he was paving the way to leave the presidency in 2024. That almost certainly would include taking up another authoritative role, but one within a more collective leadership.
But that goal appears to have been overtaken by a more ambitious ideological project – and, perhaps, a touch of coronavirus panic.
As the huge package of amendments that will completely overhaul Russia’s constitution worked its way through parliament this week, authorities unveiled a last-minute change that will allow Mr. Putin to run again for president after what was supposed to have been his final term. Russian experts say that the sudden change in plan may not have been a power grab – since the presidency will still be weakened under the reforms – but rather Russian elites’ desire for a steady hand in increasingly uncertain times.
Why We Wrote This In January, Vladimir Putin seemed to be laying out a future for Russia where the country would no longer revolve around the presidency. But this week he unexpectedly shifted gears. Why?
“Putin is seen as a rock of stability,” says Mikhail Chernysh, an expert with the official Institute of Sociology in Moscow. “If you look at sociological data, it is clear that few institutions enjoy much public trust. But Putin has become an institution in his own right. He has legitimacy and trust in the eyes of the public, who see him as the guarantor of social peace and stability. It seems likely that he has succumbed to demands from the elite that he create this option that he might stay beyond 2024.”
“Putting his imprint on the constitution”
It’s hard to overstate the significance of this constitutional remake, which has now been passed through both houses of parliament and been approved by all 85 regions of the country, and will now be voted on in a public referendum on April 22.
The 68-page constitutional reform package, including almost 400 amendments, will now aim to alter the ideological nature of the state by overlaying the liberal character of the 1993 constitution authored by Boris Yeltsin with the social conservatism that has marked the Putin era. That includes traditional family values, heterosexual marriage, faith in God, and a ban on questioning the defense of the “Fatherland,” such as the country’s role in World War II. It will also enshrine economic rights, such as indexation of pensions and a guaranteed minimum income pegged to the official subsistence level.
Aside from some minor tweaks, Mr. Putin has avoided major constitutional changes for almost two decades. But for Russia, which has had five different constitutions in a little more than a century, this massive new project represents a reversion to the unfortunate tradition in which each new leader redefines the nature of the state through the prism of his own beliefs and goals – which is pretty much the reverse of how a constitution functions in most Western countries.
“This is Putin putting his personal imprint on the constitution” much as Nicholas II, Lenin, Stalin, Brezhnev, and Yeltsin did in the past, says Yevgeny Gontmakher, an economic sociologist and member of the liberal Committee of Civil Initiatives. “Of course this devalues the whole idea of a constitution. It becomes just a piece of paper, subject to change whenever power shifts.”
Dmitri Lovetsky/AP View caption Hide caption Street art sculptor Alexander Pravdin stands near his work, a 3-ton stone with a crown named "The Monument to Russian President Vladimir Putin," in Siversky settlement, 37 miles south of St. Petersburg, Russia, on March 11, 2020.
Analysts say the last-moment amendment that would reset the constitutional clock and allow Mr. Putin to run again in 2024, potentially remaining president until 2036, was probably not part of the original plan and might have been brought on by the coronavirus panic – which is just starting to hit Russia – crashing oil prices and adding to the general sense of impending chaos.
“This new amendment is actually in contradiction to the main thrust of the reform package,” says Sergei Markov, a former Kremlin adviser. “Putin wanted to create a transitional system, to reduce the country’s traditional dependence on a single strong leader while himself remaining in an influential post. Why would he want to return to the presidency with diminished powers?”
But for Russia’s ruling political class, which cannot claim to have been elected in free and fair democratic polls, legitimacy is a perpetual sore point. Analysts say that the first months of 2020 have been scary, and threaten greater turmoil in the near future.
“In fact, Putin would probably like to leave, if he could find a way to go and enjoy his old age,” Mr. Chernysh says. “But he is a hostage to the elites. He is the only institution that can provide cohesion, and ensure that open conflict won’t break out if he goes. It is by no means certain that he will run again, but he apparently needs to provide this symbolic reassurance at this very tumultuous time.”
Winning over the public?
Many Russian experts think the ideological additions to the constitution are little more than an effort to bring out the vote on April 22, since many ordinary Russians are indifferent to changes in the power structure but might be attracted by slogans that espouse traditional values and promises of economic security.
“I don’t take seriously the amendments about traditional marriage, faith, or history,” says Viktor Sheinis, one of the authors of Russia’s 1993 constitution. “They are just included because there are groups of the population who are attracted by these ideas.”
But Mr. Markov, the former Putin adviser, says these amendments were added during the process of public consultations over the past two months, and that the authorities felt they had to be included.
“Traditional values like God, nation, and family run very deep in the Russian popular consciousness,” he says. “These are dangerous times for Russia, especially the conflict with the West. People want to define who we are, what we stand for, and so we have to have these ideological amendments.”
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Opinion polls suggest that younger Russians are more modern-minded and tolerant than their elders, so cementing a ban on same-sex marriage in the constitution, and other traditional values, could conceivably present an impediment to social evolution in the future, some experts say.
“Perhaps we are not at the same stage as Western societies, but young Russians are different, more worldly than older ones,” says Mr. Chernysh. “However, since constitutions don’t play the same role in shaping people’s lives in Russia as they do in, say, the U.S., it’s probably not the obstacle to progress that it might appear to be. I am sure that if social mores change, we’ll find a way to change the laws too.”


ezorigin--2020-04-02--'We can do this': US engineers fix piles of broken ventilators

It was late when engineer Joe Tavi 's boss called with an odd question : Could their company , which makes fuel cells , learn how to fix a ventilator ?
California had a bunch of broken ones , and the governor had asked if San Jose-based Bloom Energy could repair them so coronavirus patients could breathe .
Mr. Tavi , an engineer who grew up taking apart the family vacuum cleaner to see if he could put it back together , said he would sleep on it .
But he did n't sleep .
Instead , he downloaded the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1200 , the type of ventilator state officials said they needed repaired .
At 4:45 a.m. the next day , his boss called again .
`` We can do this , '' Mr. Tavi told her .
`` We wo n't be able to do it if we do n't try . ''
Since then , a company that knew nothing about ventilators has fixed more than 500 of them .
It 's a transformation akin to World War II , when manufacturing behemoths used their assembly line expertise to make airplanes and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tapping their storehouses of brainpower to do the same thing with medical equipment .
The Society of Critical Care Medicine estimates about 960,000 COVID-19 patients in the United States might need a ventilator .
But there are only about 200,000 machines available .
In California , the nation 's most populous state with nearly 40 million people , Gov .
Gavin Newsom is on the hunt for at least 10,000 ventilators .
So far , he 's found just over 4,000 of them – including 170 from the federal government 's national stockpile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuel cells , which combine air and hydrogen to create electricity through a chemical reaction .
To get the air and the hydrogen in the right quantities , the fuel cell uses hoses and valves and fans – similar functions to a ventilator .
Chief Operations Officer Susan Brennan says the company is n't profiting from the repairs ; they hope to eventually recoup some of their expenses from the state .
Once he knew he could do it , Mr. Tavi gathered with other company engineers to come up with a plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on ventilator settings and calibrations .
The company 's head of supply chain ordered the parts .
There were some anxious moments , especially during testing .
As a kid , Mr. Tavi said , when he would take apart his family vacuum cleaner , sometimes he could n't get it back together correctly .
A ventilator is n't something you want to put together and find a few screws left over .
But once the team got the ventilators hooked up to balloons , hearing the soft `` woosh '' of air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tavi said it went from being a machine to something much more personal .
`` I would think about my mom or my uncle or a family member of a friend or a co-worker needing one of those machines , '' he said .
`` We do n't view it as a number of units we are turning over .
We view it as the maximum number of people we could potentially positively impact by having an extra ventilator that works .
Even if it 's just one person . ''
This story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

It was late when engineer Joe Tavi's boss called with an odd question: Could their company, which makes fuel cells, learn how to fix a ventilator?
California had a bunch of broken ones, and the governor had asked if San Jose-based Bloom Energy could repair them so coronavirus patients could breathe.
Mr. Tavi, an engineer who grew up taking apart the family vacuum cleaner to see if he could put it back together, said he would sleep on it.
But he didn't sleep. Instead, he downloaded the more than 300-page manual for the LTD 1200, the type of ventilator state officials said they needed repaired.
At 4:45 a.m. the next day, his boss called again.
"We can do this," Mr. Tavi told her. "We won't be able to do it if we don't try."
Since then, a company that knew nothing about ventilators has fixed more than 500 of them. It's a transformation akin to World War II, when manufacturing behemoths used their assembly line expertise to make airplanes and tanks. Now, some companies are tapping their storehouses of brainpower to do the same thing with medical equipment.
The Society of Critical Care Medicine estimates about 960,000 COVID-19 patients in the United States might need a ventilator. But there are only about 200,000 machines available.
In California, the nation's most populous state with nearly 40 million people, Gov. Gavin Newsom is on the hunt for at least 10,000 ventilators. So far, he's found just over 4,000 of them – including 170 from the federal government's national stockpile that needed repairs.
Bloom Energy makes fuel cells, which combine air and hydrogen to create electricity through a chemical reaction. To get the air and the hydrogen in the right quantities, the fuel cell uses hoses and valves and fans – similar functions to a ventilator. Chief Operations Officer Susan Brennan says the company isn't profiting from the repairs; they hope to eventually recoup some of their expenses from the state.
Once he knew he could do it, Mr. Tavi gathered with other company engineers to come up with a plan, guided by lots of YouTube videos on ventilator settings and calibrations. The company's head of supply chain ordered the parts.
There were some anxious moments, especially during testing. As a kid, Mr. Tavi said, when he would take apart his family vacuum cleaner, sometimes he couldn't get it back together correctly. A ventilator isn't something you want to put together and find a few screws left over.
But once the team got the ventilators hooked up to balloons, hearing the soft "woosh" of air as they expanded and contracted, Mr. Tavi said it went from being a machine to something much more personal.
"I would think about my mom or my uncle or a family member of a friend or a co-worker needing one of those machines," he said. "We don't view it as a number of units we are turning over. We view it as the maximum number of people we could potentially positively impact by having an extra ventilator that works. Even if it's just one person."
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


ezorigin--2020-04-07--‘No longer a luxury’: As life moves online, the offline fall behind

“ It ’ s encouraging to see ISPs rising to the occasion , ” says Tyler Cooper , editor-in-chief of BroadbandNow , a company that helps people find and compare internet service providers .
“ The internet is no longer a luxury .
It ’ s really a prerequisite for participating in modern life.
” The result is a sharp divide along racial and class lines over who has broadband ; one that , like many economic divides , is becoming starker as the pandemic wears on .
As the lockdown continues , a number of internet service providers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some it is simply a matter of access , as broadband isn ’ t as ubiquitous in rural areas as it may seem in cities and suburbs .
But having the option of purchasing high-speed internet is only part of the puzzle .
You also need to be able to afford it .
As the coronavirus pandemic forces Americans out of their workplaces , classrooms , and social spaces , and into their homes , the internet has become , for many , the only link to society .
But 42 million Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ internet .
When Amy Olsen wants to have a video chat with her family , she has to drive four miles to the parking lot of the Lowell , Vermont , town clerk to use the free Wi-Fi .
None of Lowell ’ s 879 or so residents have access to direct broadband service , according to BroadbandNow , a company that helps people find and compare internet service providers .
The closest anyone there can get is “ fixed wireless , ” which uses outdoor directional antennas to broadcast radio signals to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you need to live close enough to an antenna .
Ms. Olsen doesn ’ t .
Instead she uses a sluggish satellite connection , which is fine for sending email and downloading web pages , but not for much else .
Video , she says , is “ slow and bouncy.
” Ms. Olsen is far from alone .
As endless social media feeds and YouTube videos emphasize that “ We ’ re all in this together , ” a huge swath of the population is finding itself digitally erased from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a quarter of all rural residents , lack access to broadband , according to a February 2020 report from BroadbandNow .
Even among those who live in places where broadband is offered , for many , it remains out of reach : Just 41 % of households with incomes below $ 20,000 have broadband at home .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
As the coronavirus pandemic forces Americans out of their workplaces , classrooms , and social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the internet has become , for many , the only link to society .
Amid a steady stream of news stories about teleconferencing , remote learning , and Netflix binging , those without reliable online access are finding themselves shut out .
“ When you ’ re online and most of your people are online , it feels like we ’ re all online , ” says Jessamyn West , a Vermont librarian who teaches people how to use computers .
“ But the whole world is bigger than what ’ s on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bipartisan quartet of lawmakers urged Congress to include dedicated broadband funding for students and low-income families in the fourth coronavirus response package .
In a letter to congressional leaders , two Republicans , Sen. Kevin Cramer of North Dakota and Rep. Roger Marshall of Kansas , and two Democrats , Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota and Rep. Peter Welch of Vermont , wrote that , absent legislation , “ small providers may be unable to continue to help ensure that the communities they serve can access distance learning and telehealth services.
” Several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broadband access and economic prosperity .
An analysis conducted by Microsoft published last April found that U.S. counties with the highest unemployment also had the lowest broadband usage .
“ Low-income areas tend to be more rural , ” says Tyler Cooper , BroadbandNow ’ s editor-in-chief .
“ That creates sort of a vicious cycle.
” Municipal broadband initiatives , however , can help turn this vicious cycle into a virtuous one .
Mr. Cooper cites Chattanooga , Tennessee , where , in 2010 , the city ’ s Electric Power Board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Today , the city boasts download speeds of 1 gigabit per second , about 40 times the national average .
“ Ten years ago , that town was kind of a ghost town , ” says Mr. Cooper .
“ When this network came into play , all of a sudden you had these really attractive prospects for companies.
” Within five years , Chattanooga , whose population stands at about 180,000 , had generated between 2,800 and 5,200 new jobs , according to a study by the utility , and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new nickname : “ Gig City.
” Of course , having the option of purchasing high-speed internet is only part of the puzzle .
You also need to be able to afford it .
A recent study by the U.K. internet comparison site Cable found that prices in the United States , the country that created the internet , ranked 119th out of 195 nations , with an average internet package costing $ 67.69 a month .
The same package in Mexico , by comparison , costs $ 33.15 , and in Canada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a sharp divide along racial and class lines over who has broadband ; one that , like all such divides , is becoming starker as the pandemic lockdown wears on .
According to a 2015 Pew report , just 54 % of black Americans and 50 % of Hispanic residents have broadband at home , compared with 72 % of their white counterparts .
According to the report , more Americans are relying on their smartphones to get online , which works fine for consuming content , but is difficult for , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We ’ re all participating in this mass experiment .
We ’ re shifting large amounts of our economy into this online world , ” says Mr. Cooper .
“ Without a doubt this crisis will show us pretty definitively the importance of broadband in the home.
” America ’ s digital divide is not just about access to technology , says Ms. West , but what she calls “ digital readiness , ” which she defines as “ the combination of skills , but also trust plus willingness ” to use technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , can you click a button ?
” she says .
“ It ’ s , do you understand how the systems work so that you can use the tools ?
” “ The skills are one set of things you teach people , ” says Ms. West .
“ But even if somebody told you how to do copy and paste , if you don ’ t know how to evaluate a website , or you don ’ t know how to go through all the hurdles of putting your credit card @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not-as-ready position to do the things you need to do.
” For students , the sudden shift to online learning can widen this gap .
Now , some students are having their education streamed to them on home computers in their parents ’ home offices , while others are making do with their phones in crowded apartments .
“ Education was in some ways the great leveler for a universal basic level of study , ” says Ms. West .
“ Everyone gets a clean bathroom and a meal they can afford and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less toward everybody.
” For Ms. Olsen , a librarian at the Lanpher Memorial Library in Hyde Park , Vermont , and the president of the Vermont Library Association , her lack of reliable internet access forced her family to make a wrenching choice : Her two children , students at the University of Vermont in Burlington , are spending the lockdown not back at home , but with friends who have broadband .
“ It was a hard decision , ” she says .
“ I can call , but I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lockdown drags on , a number of internet service providers are attempting to ensure access .
Comcast , for instance , has agreed not to disconnect anyone ’ s service or charge late fees .
Along with Charter Communications , the company has agreed to open free Wi-Fi hotspots across the country .
Comcast , Charter , and Spectrum are also offering free trial periods of 60 or 90 days to low-income households .
And , around the country , many school districts are repurposing their buses as mobile Wi-Fi hotspots , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connected .
“ It ’ s encouraging to see ISPs rising to the occasion , ” says Mr. Cooper .
“ The internet is no longer a luxury .
It ’ s really a prerequisite for participating in modern life.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“It’s encouraging to see ISPs rising to the occasion,” says Tyler Cooper, editor-in-chief of BroadbandNow, a company that helps people find and compare internet service providers. “The internet is no longer a luxury. It’s really a prerequisite for participating in modern life.”
The result is a sharp divide along racial and class lines over who has broadband; one that, like many economic divides, is becoming starker as the pandemic wears on. As the lockdown continues, a number of internet service providers are taking steps to ensure access.
Turmoil has a way of underscoring the divide between the haves and have-nots. With much of the country staying home, many Americans have been able to shift their lives online – but some 42 million people cannot.
For some it is simply a matter of access, as broadband isn’t as ubiquitous in rural areas as it may seem in cities and suburbs. But having the option of purchasing high-speed internet is only part of the puzzle. You also need to be able to afford it.
As the coronavirus pandemic forces Americans out of their workplaces, classrooms, and social spaces, and into their homes, the internet has become, for many, the only link to society. But 42 million Americans don’t have access to high-speed internet.
When Amy Olsen wants to have a video chat with her family, she has to drive four miles to the parking lot of the Lowell, Vermont, town clerk to use the free Wi-Fi.
None of Lowell’s 879 or so residents have access to direct broadband service, according to BroadbandNow, a company that helps people find and compare internet service providers. The closest anyone there can get is “fixed wireless,” which uses outdoor directional antennas to broadcast radio signals to residential Wi-Fi gateways. But for that, you need to live close enough to an antenna. Ms. Olsen doesn’t.
Instead she uses a sluggish satellite connection, which is fine for sending email and downloading web pages, but not for much else. Video, she says, is “slow and bouncy.”
Why We Wrote This Turmoil has a way of underscoring the divide between the haves and have-nots. With much of the country staying home, many Americans have been able to shift their lives online – but some 42 million people cannot.
Ms. Olsen is far from alone. As endless social media feeds and YouTube videos emphasize that “We’re all in this together,” a huge swath of the population is finding itself digitally erased from the conversation. Some 42 million Americans, and a quarter of all rural residents, lack access to broadband, according to a February 2020 report from BroadbandNow. Even among those who live in places where broadband is offered, for many, it remains out of reach: Just 41% of households with incomes below $20,000 have broadband at home.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
As the coronavirus pandemic forces Americans out of their workplaces, classrooms, and social spaces, and into their homes, the internet has become, for many, the only link to society. Amid a steady stream of news stories about teleconferencing, remote learning, and Netflix binging, those without reliable online access are finding themselves shut out.
“When you’re online and most of your people are online, it feels like we’re all online,” says Jessamyn West, a Vermont librarian who teaches people how to use computers. “But the whole world is bigger than what’s on the internet.”
On Monday, a bipartisan quartet of lawmakers urged Congress to include dedicated broadband funding for students and low-income families in the fourth coronavirus response package. In a letter to congressional leaders, two Republicans, Sen. Kevin Cramer of North Dakota and Rep. Roger Marshall of Kansas, and two Democrats, Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota and Rep. Peter Welch of Vermont, wrote that, absent legislation, “small providers may be unable to continue to help ensure that the communities they serve can access distance learning and telehealth services.”
A vicious cycle
Several studies have demonstrated a strong link between broadband access and economic prosperity. An analysis conducted by Microsoft published last April found that U.S. counties with the highest unemployment also had the lowest broadband usage.
“Low-income areas tend to be more rural,” says Tyler Cooper, BroadbandNow’s editor-in-chief. “That creates sort of a vicious cycle.”
Keith Srakocic/AP View caption Hide caption Workers install fiber-optic high-speed internet cable, March 28, 2020, in East Palestine, Ohio. The workers said the installation is a continuation of scheduled work that started before the current COVID-19 outbreak.
Municipal broadband initiatives, however, can help turn this vicious cycle into a virtuous one. Mr. Cooper cites Chattanooga, Tennessee, where, in 2010, the city’s Electric Power Board began offering fiber-optic connections to all residents. Today, the city boasts download speeds of 1 gigabit per second, about 40 times the national average.
“Ten years ago, that town was kind of a ghost town,” says Mr. Cooper. “When this network came into play, all of a sudden you had these really attractive prospects for companies.”
Within five years, Chattanooga, whose population stands at about 180,000, had generated between 2,800 and 5,200 new jobs, according to a study by the utility, and its lightning-fast broadband speeds had earned it a new nickname: “Gig City.”
Of course, having the option of purchasing high-speed internet is only part of the puzzle. You also need to be able to afford it. A recent study by the U.K. internet comparison site Cable found that prices in the United States, the country that created the internet, ranked 119th out of 195 nations, with an average internet package costing $67.69 a month. The same package in Mexico, by comparison, costs $33.15, and in Canada it costs $34.86.
The result is a sharp divide along racial and class lines over who has broadband; one that, like all such divides, is becoming starker as the pandemic lockdown wears on. According to a 2015 Pew report, just 54% of black Americans and 50% of Hispanic residents have broadband at home, compared with 72% of their white counterparts. According to the report, more Americans are relying on their smartphones to get online, which works fine for consuming content, but is difficult for, say, composing a résumé.
“We’re all participating in this mass experiment. We’re shifting large amounts of our economy into this online world,” says Mr. Cooper. “Without a doubt this crisis will show us pretty definitively the importance of broadband in the home.”
Meg Kinnard/AP View caption Hide caption Wi-Fi-enabled school buses – like this one seen at an apartment complex in Winnsboro, South Carolina, on March 27, 2020 – are being sent to rural and lower-income areas around South Carolina to help homebound students with distance learning.
Prerequisite for modern life?
America’s digital divide is not just about access to technology, says Ms. West, but what she calls “digital readiness,” which she defines as “the combination of skills, but also trust plus willingness” to use technology.
“It’s not just, can you click a button?” she says. “It’s, do you understand how the systems work so that you can use the tools?”
“The skills are one set of things you teach people,” says Ms. West. “But even if somebody told you how to do copy and paste, if you don’t know how to evaluate a website, or you don’t know how to go through all the hurdles of putting your credit card online, you’re in a not-as-ready position to do the things you need to do.”
For students, the sudden shift to online learning can widen this gap. Now, some students are having their education streamed to them on home computers in their parents’ home offices, while others are making do with their phones in crowded apartments.
“Education was in some ways the great leveler for a universal basic level of study,” says Ms. West. “Everyone gets a clean bathroom and a meal they can afford and an education that is geared more or less toward everybody.”
For Ms. Olsen, a librarian at the Lanpher Memorial Library in Hyde Park, Vermont, and the president of the Vermont Library Association, her lack of reliable internet access forced her family to make a wrenching choice: Her two children, students at the University of Vermont in Burlington, are spending the lockdown not back at home, but with friends who have broadband.
“It was a hard decision,” she says. “I can call, but I can’t see their faces.”
As the lockdown drags on, a number of internet service providers are attempting to ensure access. Comcast, for instance, has agreed not to disconnect anyone’s service or charge late fees. Along with Charter Communications, the company has agreed to open free Wi-Fi hotspots across the country. Comcast, Charter, and Spectrum are also offering free trial periods of 60 or 90 days to low-income households. And, around the country, many school districts are repurposing their buses as mobile Wi-Fi hotspots, to help ensure that their students stay connected.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“It’s encouraging to see ISPs rising to the occasion,” says Mr. Cooper. “The internet is no longer a luxury. It’s really a prerequisite for participating in modern life.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


ezorigin--2020-03-18--Why Israeli settlements keep growing with Trump support

Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank surged ahead in 2019 , a watchdog group said in a report Tuesday , maintaining a rapid pace that has drawn strength from the friendly policies of the Trump administration .
Peace Now , a monitoring group that opposes the settlements , said that Israel 's average annual construction rate has risen 25 % since President Donald Trump took office in 2017 .
Perhaps more significantly , Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu 's government last year approved plans to build thousands of new homes , laying the groundwork for a sharp spike in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ included an explosion in plans for new settlement projects approved early this year .
`` In my opinion , they 're trying to take advantage of the window of opportunity that they have under the Trump administration , knowing that it might change in a few months , '' said Hagit Ofran , a researcher for the group .
`` There was no such supportive administration for the settlements previously , ever . ''
Most of the world considers the West Bank , captured by Israel in the 1967 Mideast war , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obstacles to peace .
In a break from his Republican and Democratic predecessors , Mr. Trump has taken a much softer line toward the settlements .
Surrounded by a group of advisers with close ties to the settlement movement , Trump 's administration declared last year that it did not consider the settlements to be illegal under international law .
Then , in January , he unveiled a Mideast plan that envisions placing large parts of the West Bank , including all of the settlements , under permanent Israeli control .
The Palestinians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all of the West Bank and east Jerusalem , also captured in 1967 , as parts of a future independent state .
With nearly 500,000 settlers now living in the West Bank , and over 220,000 more in east Jerusalem , the Palestinians say the chances of establishing a state in those territories are quickly dwindling .
They have rejected the Trump Mideast plan , saying it would extinguish any remaining hopes of independence .
According to the Peace Now figures , Israel began construction on 1,917 new homes in the West Bank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dip from 2,100 construction started in 2018 .
But overall , Israel has begun construction on an average of 2,267 homes per year since Mr. Trump took office , compared to an annual average of 1,807 units during the Obama administration .
The construction was scattered throughout the West Bank , including small settlements deep inside the territory .
That new annual construction could house roughly an additional 9,000 people per year in settlements , based on Peace Now 's estimate of four people per a household .
Under Israeli law , settlements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ planning before construction begins .
According to Peace Now , Israel last year advanced plans to build nearly 8,457 new homes , putting them on track to potentially be built in the coming years – up from 5,618 units last year and 6,742 in 2017 .
By comparison , Israel advanced plans for a total 4,611 new homes during the final two years of the Obama administration , when ties with the U.S. were strained .
Peace Now gathers its data from official Israeli sources and by conducting aerial photography of settlements .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of measures , have also reported rapid growth in the settler population during the Trump era .
Oded Revivi , mayor of the settlement of Efrat and the chief foreign envoy of the Yesha settler council , said it was `` no secret '' that the Trump administration has been more tolerant of construction .
Whether the thousands of units in the pipeline are built , he said , will depend on who leads Israel 's next government and who wins the U.S. presidential election in November .
`` If we still have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I predict the figures you will see in 2020 , or more accurately 2021 , will actually be higher than 2019 , '' he said .
Mr. Netanyahu , fighting for his political life , took a number of pro-settlement steps while campaigning for re-election early this year .
Immediately after Mr. Trump unveiled his Mideast plan , Mr. Netanyahu vowed to begin annexing the settlements .
When the White House balked , he pushed forward a flurry of new settlement plans as he tried to cater to his hard-line base .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , Israel pushed ahead plans for an additional 7,500 homes – nearly half of them in the sensitive `` E1 '' area , according to Peace Now .
Developing that area , jutting deep into the West Bank east of Jerusalem , would hinder Palestinian hopes of creating a contiguous state .
Israel has previously refrained from building in E1 due to opposition by prior U.S. administrations .
Israel also moved ahead with plans to build over 1,500 units in a contentious area of east Jerusalem .
Despite these steps , Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 election ended in deadlock .
Mr. Netanyahu 's rival , Benny Gantz , is now trying to form the country 's next government but also appears to face long odds of success .
If neither man can cobble together a governing coalition , the country could plunge into a fourth consecutive election , placing Mr. Netanyahu 's future into question as he prepares to go on trial for corruption charges .
Mr. Trump 's future , meanwhile , also is suddenly in question following widespread criticism of the slow U.S. response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also play a role in the growth of the settlements in the coming months .
An economic slowdown , for instance , could potentially slow demand in the Israeli housing market , including in settlements .
In the West Bank , there are also risks from Israelis and Palestinians – who are covered by two different health systems and governments – coming together .
Mr. Revivi 's settlement , for example , is next to the Palestinian city of Bethlehem , and residents often come into contact with one other .
Thousands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the settlements .
`` With all the potential of catching the virus , all these things become a much more relevant issue that needs to be discussed , determined , decided upon , and definitely acted upon , '' Mr. Revivi said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank surged ahead in 2019, a watchdog group said in a report Tuesday, maintaining a rapid pace that has drawn strength from the friendly policies of the Trump administration.
Peace Now, a monitoring group that opposes the settlements, said that Israel's average annual construction rate has risen 25% since President Donald Trump took office in 2017.
Perhaps more significantly, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government last year approved plans to build thousands of new homes, laying the groundwork for a sharp spike in construction in the coming years. That included an explosion in plans for new settlement projects approved early this year.
"In my opinion, they're trying to take advantage of the window of opportunity that they have under the Trump administration, knowing that it might change in a few months," said Hagit Ofran, a researcher for the group. "There was no such supportive administration for the settlements previously, ever."
Most of the world considers the West Bank, captured by Israel in the 1967 Mideast war, to be occupied territory and Israeli settlements illegal obstacles to peace.
In a break from his Republican and Democratic predecessors, Mr. Trump has taken a much softer line toward the settlements.
Surrounded by a group of advisers with close ties to the settlement movement, Trump's administration declared last year that it did not consider the settlements to be illegal under international law. Then, in January, he unveiled a Mideast plan that envisions placing large parts of the West Bank, including all of the settlements, under permanent Israeli control.
The Palestinians, with wide international backing, seek all of the West Bank and east Jerusalem, also captured in 1967, as parts of a future independent state.
With nearly 500,000 settlers now living in the West Bank, and over 220,000 more in east Jerusalem, the Palestinians say the chances of establishing a state in those territories are quickly dwindling. They have rejected the Trump Mideast plan, saying it would extinguish any remaining hopes of independence.
According to the Peace Now figures, Israel began construction on 1,917 new homes in the West Bank last year. That marked a slight dip from 2,100 construction started in 2018. But overall, Israel has begun construction on an average of 2,267 homes per year since Mr. Trump took office, compared to an annual average of 1,807 units during the Obama administration. The construction was scattered throughout the West Bank, including small settlements deep inside the territory.
That new annual construction could house roughly an additional 9,000 people per year in settlements, based on Peace Now's estimate of four people per a household.
Under Israeli law, settlements must go through several stages of bureaucratic planning before construction begins.
According to Peace Now, Israel last year advanced plans to build nearly 8,457 new homes, putting them on track to potentially be built in the coming years – up from 5,618 units last year and 6,742 in 2017.
By comparison, Israel advanced plans for a total 4,611 new homes during the final two years of the Obama administration, when ties with the U.S. were strained.
Peace Now gathers its data from official Israeli sources and by conducting aerial photography of settlements. Israeli settlement groups, using different sets of measures, have also reported rapid growth in the settler population during the Trump era.
Oded Revivi, mayor of the settlement of Efrat and the chief foreign envoy of the Yesha settler council, said it was "no secret" that the Trump administration has been more tolerant of construction.
Whether the thousands of units in the pipeline are built, he said, will depend on who leads Israel's next government and who wins the U.S. presidential election in November.
"If we still have the same players, Netanyahu and Trump, I predict the figures you will see in 2020, or more accurately 2021, will actually be higher than 2019," he said.
Mr. Netanyahu, fighting for his political life, took a number of pro-settlement steps while campaigning for re-election early this year.
Immediately after Mr. Trump unveiled his Mideast plan, Mr. Netanyahu vowed to begin annexing the settlements. When the White House balked, he pushed forward a flurry of new settlement plans as he tried to cater to his hard-line base.
During the first two months of this year, Israel pushed ahead plans for an additional 7,500 homes – nearly half of them in the sensitive "E1" area, according to Peace Now.
Developing that area, jutting deep into the West Bank east of Jerusalem, would hinder Palestinian hopes of creating a contiguous state. Israel has previously refrained from building in E1 due to opposition by prior U.S. administrations. Israel also moved ahead with plans to build over 1,500 units in a contentious area of east Jerusalem.
Despite these steps, Mr. Netanyahu came up short as the March 2 election ended in deadlock. Mr. Netanyahu's rival, Benny Gantz, is now trying to form the country's next government but also appears to face long odds of success. If neither man can cobble together a governing coalition, the country could plunge into a fourth consecutive election, placing Mr. Netanyahu's future into question as he prepares to go on trial for corruption charges.
Mr. Trump's future, meanwhile, also is suddenly in question following widespread criticism of the slow U.S. response to the coronavirus crisis.
The virus could also play a role in the growth of the settlements in the coming months. An economic slowdown, for instance, could potentially slow demand in the Israeli housing market, including in settlements.
In the West Bank, there are also risks from Israelis and Palestinians – who are covered by two different health systems and governments – coming together. Mr. Revivi's settlement, for example, is next to the Palestinian city of Bethlehem, and residents often come into contact with one other. Thousands of Palestinians, including construction workers, work in the settlements.
"With all the potential of catching the virus, all these things become a much more relevant issue that needs to be discussed, determined, decided upon, and definitely acted upon," Mr. Revivi said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


ezorigin--2020-04-30--Economics of hope: How EU keeps workers' jobs during lockdown

Christian Etchebest 's Parisian bistro is a shadow of its usual bustling self .
Five lunch specials sit in neat paper bags on the bar awaiting takeout customers – a tiny fraction of his normal midday business before the coronavirus .
A skeleton staff rotates in daily at La Cantine du Troquet near the banks of the Seine River , just blocks from the Eiffel Tower .
One day they packaged a streamlined version of his Basque menu : sausages with a celery and beetroot remoulade , mashed potatoes , and a dessert of strawberries with lemon sauce .
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not yet anyway – thanks to a French government program that lets him put staff on reduced hours and makes up most of their lost salary , on the condition they are not fired .
That is giving him a chance to keep his team together , awaiting the day when restrictions are lifted and sit-down meals are again allowed at this restaurant and his six others across Paris .
Similar programs are keeping hard-hit businesses across Europe afloat , preventing millions of workers from losing their jobs and income for now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trained staff scatter .
Some 11.3 million workers in France are getting up to 84 % of net salary .
The government estimates the cost at 24 billion euros ( $ 26 billion ) , with half of all private sector employees expected to take part .
In Germany , some 3 million workers are being supported , with the government paying up to 60 % of their net salary if they are temporarily put on shorter or zero hours .
Those with children get 67 % , and many companies such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic and the cushioning provided by such short-work programs were underlined in reports released Thursday that showed the unemployment rate in the 19-country eurozone edged up only by a tenth of a point to 7.4 % in March despite a record economic contraction .
GDP tanked 3.8 % quarter-on-quarter in the first three months of the year and is forecast to slide even more in the second quarter .
The work support programs are different from jobless benefits .
They are only for temporary shutdowns that are no fault of the business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Such programs ca n't save jobs that disappear due to long-term slowdowns in customer demand or to technological changes .
But it gives workers and bosses breathing space and hope , preventing the unnecessary destruction of viable businesses .
`` I will roll up my sleeves up and I will fight for all my restaurants , '' Mr. Etchebest said .
`` For the majority of my staff to remain with me and so on .
What else can I say ?
I ca n't contemplate the contrary ...
I will fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ His chef , Thierry Lararralde , was weathering the crisis financially thanks to the support .
`` I ca n't say I 'm struggling ; my net salary is around 3,000 euros ( $ 3,222 a month ) , I am making 700 euros ( $ 750 ) less . ''
He is making ends meet by spending less on gas and cooking at home : `` It 's cheaper , we adapt . ''
The takeout crew pushed aside their masks to eat together , Mr. Etchebest slicing a rare roast beef @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Etchebest realizes the road ahead could be tough after they re-open with fewer tables due to social distancing requirements .
`` I am fully aware we will have 40 % , 50 % less of business , '' he said , adding that some employees with health risks may not return .
`` I think everyone needs to adapt their business model – financially and operationally . ''
Economist Holger Schaefer at the German Economic Institute in Cologne said short-work support gives employers more options than the stark choice of keeping people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , 'You come 70 % of the hours , or 50 % or 30 % . '
One does n't have to say either all or nothing , '' he said .
`` When the crisis is past and the demand for labor rises , then the business owner has exactly the right staff available right away and does n't have to find new people . ''
The support also bolsters the entire economy .
`` When someone is afraid that their job will be lost in the near future , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't buy a new car and spend less money , and that has in turn an effect on the macro-economy , '' Mr. Schaefer said .
Short-work schemes proved their value during the Great Recession in Germany , where 1.4 million workers took part .
The unemployment rate only edged up , from 7.3 % in January 2009 to 7.5 % in December that year , even as the economy shrank a painful 5 % .
Growth then quickly rebounded .
It 's the flip side of a European labor market , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hiring in good times and where income taxes are higher to pay for the safety nets .
It took seven years for unemployment to drop from a peak of over 12 % in 2013 in euro-currency countries to 7.3 % in February .
Femke Zimmermann , manager of Brasserie Berlage in The Hague in the Netherlands , has her eye on re-opening even as she spends most days at home looking after her 1-year-old and 5-year-old sons while the restaurant 's owners pay her with government help .
For now , she is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She stays in contact with her team and asked them to come in to give the restaurant a two-day spring clean .
`` They hate sitting at home .
They want to do something for the business , '' she said .
Athens waiter George Sakkas is getting by on a Greek government program that lets businesses suspend workers ' contracts and replaces their pay with a flat stipend of 800 euros ( $ 870 ) .
Businesses that take the help can not fire staff .
`` The stipend definitely helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amount was roughly what he would make anyway .
`` In the beginning we did n't know about the stipend , so [ the closing ] hit us very badly , '' he said .
`` When the stipend arrived it gave us some breathing space . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Mr. McHugh reported from Frankfurt , Germany .
AP writers Mike Corder in The Hague , Netherlands ; Angela Charlton in Paris ; and Theodora Tongas in Athens contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Christian Etchebest's Parisian bistro is a shadow of its usual bustling self. Five lunch specials sit in neat paper bags on the bar awaiting takeout customers – a tiny fraction of his normal midday business before the coronavirus.
A skeleton staff rotates in daily at La Cantine du Troquet near the banks of the Seine River, just blocks from the Eiffel Tower. One day they packaged a streamlined version of his Basque menu: sausages with a celery and beetroot remoulade, mashed potatoes, and a dessert of strawberries with lemon sauce.
Yet Mr. Etchebest isn't facing bankruptcy – not yet anyway – thanks to a French government program that lets him put staff on reduced hours and makes up most of their lost salary, on the condition they are not fired. That is giving him a chance to keep his team together, awaiting the day when restrictions are lifted and sit-down meals are again allowed at this restaurant and his six others across Paris.
Similar programs are keeping hard-hit businesses across Europe afloat, preventing millions of workers from losing their jobs and income for now, and thousands of bosses from seeing their trained staff scatter. Some 11.3 million workers in France are getting up to 84% of net salary. The government estimates the cost at 24 billion euros ($26 billion), with half of all private sector employees expected to take part.
In Germany, some 3 million workers are being supported, with the government paying up to 60% of their net salary if they are temporarily put on shorter or zero hours. Those with children get 67%, and many companies such as Volkswagen add more.
The impact of the pandemic and the cushioning provided by such short-work programs were underlined in reports released Thursday that showed the unemployment rate in the 19-country eurozone edged up only by a tenth of a point to 7.4% in March despite a record economic contraction. GDP tanked 3.8% quarter-on-quarter in the first three months of the year and is forecast to slide even more in the second quarter.
The work support programs are different from jobless benefits. They are only for temporary shutdowns that are no fault of the business itself. And they are no panacea. Such programs can't save jobs that disappear due to long-term slowdowns in customer demand or to technological changes. But it gives workers and bosses breathing space and hope, preventing the unnecessary destruction of viable businesses.
"I will roll up my sleeves up and I will fight for all my restaurants," Mr. Etchebest said. "For the majority of my staff to remain with me and so on. What else can I say? I can't contemplate the contrary ... I will fight for it until the end."
His chef, Thierry Lararralde, was weathering the crisis financially thanks to the support. "I can't say I'm struggling; my net salary is around 3,000 euros ($3,222 a month), I am making 700 euros ($750) less." He is making ends meet by spending less on gas and cooking at home: "It's cheaper, we adapt."
The takeout crew pushed aside their masks to eat together, Mr. Etchebest slicing a rare roast beef on a wooden board for them.
Mr. Etchebest realizes the road ahead could be tough after they re-open with fewer tables due to social distancing requirements.
"I am fully aware we will have 40%, 50% less of business," he said, adding that some employees with health risks may not return. "I think everyone needs to adapt their business model – financially and operationally."
Economist Holger Schaefer at the German Economic Institute in Cologne said short-work support gives employers more options than the stark choice of keeping people or firing them.
"I can say, 'You come 70% of the hours, or 50% or 30%.' One doesn't have to say either all or nothing," he said. "When the crisis is past and the demand for labor rises, then the business owner has exactly the right staff available right away and doesn't have to find new people."
The support also bolsters the entire economy. "When someone is afraid that their job will be lost in the near future, that person limits their consumption, they don't buy a new car and spend less money, and that has in turn an effect on the macro-economy," Mr. Schaefer said.
Short-work schemes proved their value during the Great Recession in Germany, where 1.4 million workers took part. The unemployment rate only edged up, from 7.3% in January 2009 to 7.5% in December that year, even as the economy shrank a painful 5%. Growth then quickly rebounded.
It's the flip side of a European labor market, where worker protections are often blamed for deterring hiring in good times and where income taxes are higher to pay for the safety nets. It took seven years for unemployment to drop from a peak of over 12% in 2013 in euro-currency countries to 7.3% in February.
Femke Zimmermann, manager of Brasserie Berlage in The Hague in the Netherlands, has her eye on re-opening even as she spends most days at home looking after her 1-year-old and 5-year-old sons while the restaurant's owners pay her with government help.
For now, she is not overly worried about losing her job. She stays in contact with her team and asked them to come in to give the restaurant a two-day spring clean.
"They hate sitting at home. They want to do something for the business," she said.
Athens waiter George Sakkas is getting by on a Greek government program that lets businesses suspend workers' contracts and replaces their pay with a flat stipend of 800 euros ($870). Businesses that take the help cannot fire staff.
"The stipend definitely helped," he said, noting the amount was roughly what he would make anyway.
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"In the beginning we didn't know about the stipend, so [the closing] hit us very badly," he said. "When the stipend arrived it gave us some breathing space."
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mr. McHugh reported from Frankfurt, Germany. AP writers Mike Corder in The Hague, Netherlands; Angela Charlton in Paris; and Theodora Tongas in Athens contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.