ezorigin--2020-03-30--Pandemic dilemma: Emergency surveillance won’t be easy to unplug

Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin , a United Nations special rapporteur for human rights , says emergency powers , once enacted , are rarely rolled back .
“ Even if they are created on the basis of being temporary aberrations , they essentially become permanent additions to the legal architecture of the state , ” she warns .
“ There are interests and obviously appetites for governments to take advantage of this opportunity to test out tracking and privacy-breaking technologies , ” says Alex Gladstein , chief strategy officer at the Human Rights Foundation .
Technology – including surveillance drones , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trackers – has emerged as a powerful weapon in the battle against COVID-19 .
But its rapid deployment raises important ethical questions reminiscent of those raised by the war on terror .
Governments are turning to telecommunications companies , social media platforms , and app developers for help monitoring individuals who contracted the virus and identifying at-risk clusters – with and without consent .
The coronavirus pandemic has brought into sharp focus the work of doctors , nurses , and delivery workers .
Less obvious , but equally significant , is the work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : surveillance .
As they scramble to bring the pandemic under control , governments around the world are implementing or considering the use of sophisticated , and at times intrusive , monitoring techniques .
The coronavirus pandemic has brought into sharp focus the work of doctors , nurses , and delivery workers .
Less obvious , but equally significant , is the work of those in an altogether different field : surveillance .
As they scramble to bring the pandemic under control , governments around the world are implementing or considering the use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , monitoring techniques .
Technology – including surveillance drones , facial recognition algorithms , and smartphone geolocation trackers – has emerged as a powerful weapon in the battle against COVID-19 .
But its rapid deployment raises important ethical questions reminiscent of those raised by the war on terror .
Many observers are voicing the concern that extraordinary measures implemented today will become permanent .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we ’ ve removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeing is an explosion of emergency or exceptional laws across the globe , ” says Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin , a law professor and the United Nations special rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism .
Emergency powers , once enacted , are rarely rolled back , she says .
“ Even if they are created on the basis of being temporary aberrations , they essentially become permanent additions to the legal architecture of the state , ” she warns .
International law makes provisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during a crisis , but the danger is overreach .
Professor Ní Aoláin says it worries her that many of the legislative measures being adopted around the world have a “ pre-cooked ” quality .
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán seized on the COVID-19 crisis to cement executive powers .
In the United Kingdom , there are concerns that the government ’ s emergency powers under the Coronavirus Act – a document more than 300 pages long – will relax restrictions on mass surveillance .
Israel wants its intelligence services to track those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have spread from Europe , collectively the epicenter of the pandemic , to the United States , the country with the most confirmed cases .
Governments are turning to telecommunications companies , social media platforms , and app developers for help monitoring individuals who contracted the virus and identifying at-risk clusters – with and without consent , with and without anonymizing personal data .
Human rights and privacy advocates say a cautionary tale on mass surveillance taken to the extreme can be found in China , which even before the pandemic had employed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , home to the ethnic Uyghur minority .
Wuhan , a city of 11 million people in Hubei Province and the point of origin of the coronavirus outbreak , had been placed under full lockdown , and appears to be emerging from the crisis .
But a phone app now determines whether Chinese citizens should remain in quarantine or have the right to move freely , all while sharing personal data with local authorities .
“ There are interests and obviously appetites for governments to take advantage of this opportunity to test out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alex Gladstein , chief strategy officer at the Human Rights Foundation , a global nonprofit that focuses on authoritarian regimes .
“ Even in open societies , like Taiwan and South Korea , you are unfortunately seeing very aggressive surveillance tracing of people in quarantine or who are positive.
” Health of the many The practice of surveilling and restraining those believed to be contagious is nearly as old as civilization itself .
Chapter 13 of Leviticus details which dermatological symptoms call for forcible isolation by public authorities .
Writing in the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coined the motto “ salus populi suprema lex esto ” – “ the health of the people should be the supreme law ” – a phrase that John Locke , writing nearly 1,700 years later , would characterize as a foundational principle of government .
“ There is an old-fashioned law that the health of the many outweighs the rights of the individual , ” says Howard Markel , a physician and historian of medicine at the University of Michigan .
“ We ’ re all neighbors .
We ’ re all responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of quarantine dates to 14th-century Venice , Italy , when some arriving ships would be required to sit at anchor for 40 days – quaranta giorni in Italian – in an attempt to contain the bubonic plague .
The rise of germ theory in the 19th century further cemented the ethos that broad police powers were justified in the face of infectious disease .
By 1905 , in response to a smallpox outbreak in Cambridge , Massachusetts , the U.S. Supreme Court established that the rights of the individual must be subordinate to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most famous example of overreach by public health officials is the story of Irish immigrant Mary Mallon , better known as Typhoid Mary .
A cook for wealthy families in the New York City area at the turn of the 20th century , she was an asymptomatic carrier of typhoid fever .
After several members of the families she cooked for fell ill , authorities identified her and forcibly quarantined her on North Brother Island .
Three years later , Ms. Mallon was released on the condition that she not work as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food , and was placed back in quarantine for the rest of her life – all told , nearly three decades in isolation .
Her plight represents “ the quintessential example of what happens when public health comes into conflict with civil rights , ” says medical historian Judith Walzer Leavitt , author of the 1997 book “ Typhoid Mary : Captive to the Public ’ s Health.
” Most of the stringent public health laws remained intact through the rise of the civil rights and civil liberties movements of the 1960s and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ HIV/AIDS epidemic near the end of the 20th century that the tension between privacy and public health came to the forefront .
Reflecting on the lessons learned from that epidemic , UNAIDS Deputy Executive Director Shannon Hader argues that trust , engagement , and the cooperation of communities are indispensable to truly conquer COVID-19 , as is the ready access to services for those who need them .
With trust , she adds , comes the most reliable data .
“ In the HIV response , we ’ ve seen effective surveillance systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that have strict protections and have had no breaches of confidentialities , ” says Dr. Hader .
“ Yes , there are absolutely ways – even with new technologies and artificial intelligence – to do sound and important public health surveillance that does not compromise the health and safety of individuals.
” From the World Health Organization in Geneva to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology , efforts are underway to develop apps that could help contain the pandemic .
One challenge is that privacy laws around the world have struggled to keep pace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognition , biometrics , artificial intelligence , and big-data analysis .
But Joe Cannataci , the U.N. special rapporteur on the right to privacy , says that a data-driven response to the coronavirus is possible while still adhering to ethical standards .
“ We shouldn ’ t be surprised that in exceptional circumstances exceptional measures should be taken , ” says Professor Cannataci from his home office in Malta , where he is adhering to a precautionary 14-day quarantine after extensive travel .
“ The problem is , however , do we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have the right oversight systems in place ?
” Roughly a third of countries worldwide have no privacy laws at all .
Experts consider Europe ’ s General Data Protection Regulation , which came into force in 2018 , as the closest thing to an international gold standard .
However , as Professor Cannataci points out , it does not apply to security services .
What does apply , at least in the context of the 47 states of the Council of Europe plus eight other ratifying nations , is Convention 108 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance that is necessary , proportional , and provided for by law in a democratic society .
The right safeguards , in his view , would take the form of a supervising authority that is independent and set up by law , and includes both legal and technological experts in the authorization process for surveillance operations .
“ You have to have very clearly specified data searches , very clearly specified surveillance , and very clearly specified time periods , ” says Professor Cannataci .
“ You can ’ t do this all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that you leave the system in place , and instead of saying coronavirus , instead of flagging the people with coronavirus , you flag all those people who are critical of the government , ” he adds .
“ The tools can be so misused that they would make 1984 look like kindergarten .
Big Brother would become Little Brother compared with what the state can do.
” As many countries explore surveillance options , Israel stands out for its explicit intention to repurpose technology designed to tackle suspected terrorists to instead track @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the coronavirus .
The Israeli government approved emergency powers for its internal security agency to do so , but met immediate pushback from private and civil rights advocates who find the measure too extreme .
The Supreme Court stepped in , issuing an order to bar the use of such technology until a parliamentary committee can be set up to oversee its workings .
But the parliament has not been functioning amid a power struggle between the caretaker government and the opposition following the most recent elections .
In the meantime , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the FBI , continues to use cellphone data to trace where coronavirus-positive people have been and who they would have come into contact with .
Israelis joke that if you have an extra blue check on your WhatsApp messaging app , that means Shin Bet has read the message as well .
Critics of the policy worry it will put a damper on political expression and mobilization .
“ When people know they are monitored , they regulate their behavior , ” notes Michael Bar-Sinai , a computer science and privacy researcher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ So if Big Brother is watching you , you always try to behave in a way that would not annoy Big Brother , especially when your democracy is very fragile as we see now .
It could prevent people from self-organizing in their own self-interest.
” Yohanan Plesner , president of the Israel Democracy Institute and a former lawmaker , does not buy the slippery-slope argument of critics that tracking citizens in the age of the coronavirus necessarily marks a decline in Israel ’ s democracy .
He sees it as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public health , provided it is used for a limited time and with parliamentary oversight .
“ I don ’ t think privacy is an absolute value , and public health is also an important goal .
Since every individual has a cellphone , we can make good use of this to save lives.
” Staff writer Eoin O ’ Carroll in Amherst , Massachusetts , and correspondent Dina Kraft in Tel Aviv , Israel , contributed reporting .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we ’ ve removed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s free .

Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin, a United Nations special rapporteur for human rights, says emergency powers, once enacted, are rarely rolled back. “Even if they are created on the basis of being temporary aberrations, they essentially become permanent additions to the legal architecture of the state,” she warns.
“There are interests and obviously appetites for governments to take advantage of this opportunity to test out tracking and privacy-breaking technologies,” says Alex Gladstein, chief strategy officer at the Human Rights Foundation.
In an emergency, picking health over privacy as a higher value seems like a no-brainer. But what happens when the emergency passes? That’s a complicating factor that weighs heavily for rights advocates.
Technology – including surveillance drones, facial recognition algorithms, and smartphone geolocation trackers – has emerged as a powerful weapon in the battle against COVID-19. But its rapid deployment raises important ethical questions reminiscent of those raised by the war on terror. Governments are turning to telecommunications companies, social media platforms, and app developers for help monitoring individuals who contracted the virus and identifying at-risk clusters – with and without consent.
The coronavirus pandemic has brought into sharp focus the work of doctors, nurses, and delivery workers. Less obvious, but equally significant, is the work of those in an altogether different field: surveillance. As they scramble to bring the pandemic under control, governments around the world are implementing or considering the use of sophisticated, and at times intrusive, monitoring techniques.
The coronavirus pandemic has brought into sharp focus the work of doctors, nurses, and delivery workers. Less obvious, but equally significant, is the work of those in an altogether different field: surveillance.
As they scramble to bring the pandemic under control, governments around the world are implementing or considering the use of sophisticated, and at times intrusive, monitoring techniques.
Technology – including surveillance drones, facial recognition algorithms, and smartphone geolocation trackers – has emerged as a powerful weapon in the battle against COVID-19. But its rapid deployment raises important ethical questions reminiscent of those raised by the war on terror.
Why We Wrote This In an emergency, picking health over privacy as a higher value seems like a no-brainer. But what happens when the emergency passes? That’s a complicating factor that weighs heavily for rights advocates.
Many observers are voicing the concern that extraordinary measures implemented today will become permanent.
Editor’s note: As a public service, we’ve removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.
“The single largest, immediate challenge we are seeing is an explosion of emergency or exceptional laws across the globe,” says Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin, a law professor and the United Nations special rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism.
Emergency powers, once enacted, are rarely rolled back, she says. “Even if they are created on the basis of being temporary aberrations, they essentially become permanent additions to the legal architecture of the state,” she warns.
An opportunity seized?
International law makes provisions for states to limit citizens’ rights during a crisis, but the danger is overreach. Professor Ní Aoláin says it worries her that many of the legislative measures being adopted around the world have a “pre-cooked” quality.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán seized on the COVID-19 crisis to cement executive powers. In the United Kingdom, there are concerns that the government’s emergency powers under the Coronavirus Act – a document more than 300 pages long – will relax restrictions on mass surveillance. Israel wants its intelligence services to track those who have the virus.
Emergency measures have spread from Europe, collectively the epicenter of the pandemic, to the United States, the country with the most confirmed cases. Governments are turning to telecommunications companies, social media platforms, and app developers for help monitoring individuals who contracted the virus and identifying at-risk clusters – with and without consent, with and without anonymizing personal data.
Human rights and privacy advocates say a cautionary tale on mass surveillance taken to the extreme can be found in China, which even before the pandemic had employed that measure to repress dissent in Xinjiang, home to the ethnic Uyghur minority.
Wuhan, a city of 11 million people in Hubei Province and the point of origin of the coronavirus outbreak, had been placed under full lockdown, and appears to be emerging from the crisis. But a phone app now determines whether Chinese citizens should remain in quarantine or have the right to move freely, all while sharing personal data with local authorities.
“There are interests and obviously appetites for governments to take advantage of this opportunity to test out tracking and privacy-breaking technologies,” says Alex Gladstein, chief strategy officer at the Human Rights Foundation, a global nonprofit that focuses on authoritarian regimes. “Even in open societies, like Taiwan and South Korea, you are unfortunately seeing very aggressive surveillance tracing of people in quarantine or who are positive.”
Health of the many
The practice of surveilling and restraining those believed to be contagious is nearly as old as civilization itself. Chapter 13 of Leviticus details which dermatological symptoms call for forcible isolation by public authorities. Writing in the first century B.C., the Roman statesman Cicero coined the motto “salus populi suprema lex esto” – “the health of the people should be the supreme law” – a phrase that John Locke, writing nearly 1,700 years later, would characterize as a foundational principle of government.
“There is an old-fashioned law that the health of the many outweighs the rights of the individual,” says Howard Markel, a physician and historian of medicine at the University of Michigan. “We’re all neighbors. We’re all responsible for one another.”
Our modern conception of quarantine dates to 14th-century Venice, Italy, when some arriving ships would be required to sit at anchor for 40 days – quaranta giorni in Italian – in an attempt to contain the bubonic plague. The rise of germ theory in the 19th century further cemented the ethos that broad police powers were justified in the face of infectious disease. By 1905, in response to a smallpox outbreak in Cambridge, Massachusetts, the U.S. Supreme Court established that the rights of the individual must be subordinate to reasonable public health measures.
Thomas Peter/Reuters View caption Hide caption A software engineer works on a facial recognition program that identifies people when they wear a face mask, at the development lab of the Chinese electronics manufacturer Hanwang (Hanvon) Technology in Beijing, March 6, 2020.
Perhaps the most famous example of overreach by public health officials is the story of Irish immigrant Mary Mallon, better known as Typhoid Mary. A cook for wealthy families in the New York City area at the turn of the 20th century, she was an asymptomatic carrier of typhoid fever. After several members of the families she cooked for fell ill, authorities identified her and forcibly quarantined her on North Brother Island. Three years later, Ms. Mallon was released on the condition that she not work as a cook. But she returned to preparing food, and was placed back in quarantine for the rest of her life – all told, nearly three decades in isolation.
Her plight represents “the quintessential example of what happens when public health comes into conflict with civil rights,” says medical historian Judith Walzer Leavitt, author of the 1997 book “Typhoid Mary: Captive to the Public’s Health.”
Most of the stringent public health laws remained intact through the rise of the civil rights and civil liberties movements of the 1960s and 1970s. It was only with the HIV/AIDS epidemic near the end of the 20th century that the tension between privacy and public health came to the forefront.
Reflecting on the lessons learned from that epidemic, UNAIDS Deputy Executive Director Shannon Hader argues that trust, engagement, and the cooperation of communities are indispensable to truly conquer COVID-19, as is the ready access to services for those who need them.
With trust, she adds, comes the most reliable data.
“In the HIV response, we’ve seen effective surveillance systems with extremely private information put into place that have strict protections and have had no breaches of confidentialities,” says Dr. Hader. “Yes, there are absolutely ways – even with new technologies and artificial intelligence – to do sound and important public health surveillance that does not compromise the health and safety of individuals.”
Need for oversight
From the World Health Organization in Geneva to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, efforts are underway to develop apps that could help contain the pandemic. One challenge is that privacy laws around the world have struggled to keep pace with technological advances that have delivered facial recognition, biometrics, artificial intelligence, and big-data analysis.
Recommended Why Georgia indictment could pose unique peril for Trump
But Joe Cannataci, the U.N. special rapporteur on the right to privacy, says that a data-driven response to the coronavirus is possible while still adhering to ethical standards.
“We shouldn’t be surprised that in exceptional circumstances exceptional measures should be taken,” says Professor Cannataci from his home office in Malta, where he is adhering to a precautionary 14-day quarantine after extensive travel. “The problem is, however, do we have the right safeguards in place? Do we have the right oversight systems in place?”
Roughly a third of countries worldwide have no privacy laws at all. Experts consider Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation, which came into force in 2018, as the closest thing to an international gold standard. However, as Professor Cannataci points out, it does not apply to security services.
What does apply, at least in the context of the 47 states of the Council of Europe plus eight other ratifying nations, is Convention 108. This imposes the obligation to introduce surveillance that is necessary, proportional, and provided for by law in a democratic society.
The right safeguards, in his view, would take the form of a supervising authority that is independent and set up by law, and includes both legal and technological experts in the authorization process for surveillance operations. “You have to have very clearly specified data searches, very clearly specified surveillance, and very clearly specified time periods,” says Professor Cannataci. “You can’t do this all the time.”
“The risks are that you leave the system in place, and instead of saying coronavirus, instead of flagging the people with coronavirus, you flag all those people who are critical of the government,” he adds. “The tools can be so misused that they would make 1984 look like kindergarten. Big Brother would become Little Brother compared with what the state can do.”
Self-censorship
As many countries explore surveillance options, Israel stands out for its explicit intention to repurpose technology designed to tackle suspected terrorists to instead track down information that is useful in fighting the coronavirus.
The Israeli government approved emergency powers for its internal security agency to do so, but met immediate pushback from private and civil rights advocates who find the measure too extreme. The Supreme Court stepped in, issuing an order to bar the use of such technology until a parliamentary committee can be set up to oversee its workings.
But the parliament has not been functioning amid a power struggle between the caretaker government and the opposition following the most recent elections. In the meantime, the Shin Bet, Israel’s version of the FBI, continues to use cellphone data to trace where coronavirus-positive people have been and who they would have come into contact with. Israelis joke that if you have an extra blue check on your WhatsApp messaging app, that means Shin Bet has read the message as well.
Critics of the policy worry it will put a damper on political expression and mobilization.
“When people know they are monitored, they regulate their behavior,” notes Michael Bar-Sinai, a computer science and privacy researcher at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. “So if Big Brother is watching you, you always try to behave in a way that would not annoy Big Brother, especially when your democracy is very fragile as we see now. It could prevent people from self-organizing in their own self-interest.”
Yohanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute and a former lawmaker, does not buy the slippery-slope argument of critics that tracking citizens in the age of the coronavirus necessarily marks a decline in Israel’s democracy.
He sees it as an innovative and possibly effective tool for safeguarding public health, provided it is used for a limited time and with parliamentary oversight.
“I don’t think privacy is an absolute value, and public health is also an important goal. Since every individual has a cellphone, we can make good use of this to save lives.”
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Staff writer Eoin O’Carroll in Amherst, Massachusetts, and correspondent Dina Kraft in Tel Aviv, Israel, contributed reporting.
Editor’s note: As a public service, we’ve removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


ezorigin--2020-03-12--Virus creates global experiment in lower carbon-emission habits

As coronavirus sweeps the Seattle area , the University of Washington this week closed its classrooms in a bid to contain the spread of the disease .
But lecturer Ian Schnee 's philosophy class for 300 students took place as scheduled on Monday – just online .
Eighty tuned in live , with more expected to watch the recording later .
Mr. Schnee 's other lessons also happened virtually , with 20 students joining a video-streaming chatroom to share answers to logic problems and ask questions before upcoming exams .
`` I could share my desktop and other students could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the office whiteboard , he said .
`` Doing it virtually was a pretty rich experiment . ''
Recently , some of the university 's 40,000 students and professors have been exploring options to curb planet-warming emissions , in part through greater use of video-conferencing technology .
But restrictions triggered by coronavirus have swiftly turned some of those ideas into a large-scale , real-time trial .
`` It 's become de facto a massive experiment in education , '' Mr. Schnee told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by telephone .
`` It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
As a growing coronavirus pandemic shuts down conferences , transport , schools , and sporting events worldwide , it is also nudging people toward new behaviors and technologies that may have lasting influence on the emissions driving climate change .
Not all the shifts are positive .
The threat of contracting the virus , for instance , is pushing some public transport users into taxis to avoid crowds - though others are taking to bicycles and other green means of getting around .
And a global slowdown in air travel , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , could bounce back with a delayed surge in demand for flights if the virus tails off , climate experts warn .
But as organizers of conferences , political negotiations , and classes scramble to switch to digital events – and even doctors consult online to try to avoid spreading the virus – huge amounts of fossil-fuel emissions from travel , in particular , are being avoided , creating a knock-on effect that could persist .
Japan is one example of a country getting its first real taste of working from home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adopted that option .
`` Japan does n't have a 'working at home ' policy .
People go to work whether they are sick or not , '' said Niklas Höhne of the German-based NewClimate Institute , which supports action to address climate change .
`` But now with coronavirus , they ca n't do that , so they are learning to work at home – and they might continue doing it .
It might lead to a consistent change in behavioral patterns and lower emissions , '' said the emissions reductions expert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as Amazon , Microsoft , Facebook , and Google all have urged or allowed staff to work remotely .
`` There 's definitely a tele-commuting movement going on , not just at the university but all around Seattle , '' Mr. Schnee said .
When classrooms shut for at least two weeks starting on Monday at the University of Washington , `` it was so sudden a lot of students felt at sea and a lot of faculty were scrambling , '' he said .
But three days on , `` there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , and an acceptance that even though it 's not their normal experience they can pull it off , '' the lecturer said .
They might even acquire the skills to be comfortable continuing with it , he predicted .
Kelly Levin , an emissions specialist with the Washington-based World Resources Institute ( WRI ) , said the coronavirus experience could spur a rethink about whether big international meetings are worth the huge environmental and financial costs .
`` This is giving us some space to pause and re-evaluate , '' she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ benefit some groups , from disabled participants to those who ca n't travel for family or other reasons .
Colin Marshall , who organizes seminars for the University of Washington 's philosophy department , said a pre-virus commitment to begin having 15 % `` virtual '' speakers had allowed them to land an April guest they had otherwise failed for years to attract .
Technology offers the possibility `` to make academia more equitable and just better , '' he said .
`` More people will be in a position to be involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' But virtual conferencing is not well suited to everyone , warned Anna Schulz , who works on climate policy with some of the world 's least-developed countries for the London-based International Institute for Environment and Development .
Where internet is patchy or unreliable – a problem in many poorer parts of the world – holding negotiations or conferences online would `` further marginalize vulnerable voices , '' she said .
As she and colleagues prepare for November 's United Nations climate summit in Glasgow , `` we 're in the process of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the face of an inability to meet with people , '' she said .
As the pandemic stretches around the globe , there may be time for new habits to take hold , some of them lower-carbon .
`` Behavioral sciences suggest a disruption is one of the few things that can disturb habits , '' WRI 's Ms. Levin said .
But how much the coronavirus will cut emissions – or reduce in a lasting way high-carbon activities such as flying – remains unclear , analysts said .
`` There are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Ms. Levin said .
This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation .

As coronavirus sweeps the Seattle area, the University of Washington this week closed its classrooms in a bid to contain the spread of the disease.
But lecturer Ian Schnee's philosophy class for 300 students took place as scheduled on Monday – just online. Eighty tuned in live, with more expected to watch the recording later.
Mr. Schnee's other lessons also happened virtually, with 20 students joining a video-streaming chatroom to share answers to logic problems and ask questions before upcoming exams.
"I could share my desktop and other students could share theirs," the same as with the office whiteboard, he said. "Doing it virtually was a pretty rich experiment."
Recently, some of the university's 40,000 students and professors have been exploring options to curb planet-warming emissions, in part through greater use of video-conferencing technology.
But restrictions triggered by coronavirus have swiftly turned some of those ideas into a large-scale, real-time trial.
"It's become de facto a massive experiment in education," Mr. Schnee told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by telephone. "It's like a crash course in new technology."
As a growing coronavirus pandemic shuts down conferences, transport, schools, and sporting events worldwide, it is also nudging people toward new behaviors and technologies that may have lasting influence on the emissions driving climate change.
Not all the shifts are positive. The threat of contracting the virus, for instance, is pushing some public transport users into taxis to avoid crowds - though others are taking to bicycles and other green means of getting around.
And a global slowdown in air travel, which has curbed emissions so far this year, could bounce back with a delayed surge in demand for flights if the virus tails off, climate experts warn.
But as organizers of conferences, political negotiations, and classes scramble to switch to digital events – and even doctors consult online to try to avoid spreading the virus – huge amounts of fossil-fuel emissions from travel, in particular, are being avoided, creating a knock-on effect that could persist.
Japan is one example of a country getting its first real taste of working from home, in a culture that has never adopted that option.
"Japan doesn't have a 'working at home' policy. People go to work whether they are sick or not," said Niklas Höhne of the German-based NewClimate Institute, which supports action to address climate change.
"But now with coronavirus, they can't do that, so they are learning to work at home – and they might continue doing it. It might lead to a consistent change in behavioral patterns and lower emissions," said the emissions reductions expert.
In virus-hit Seattle, big employers such as Amazon, Microsoft, Facebook, and Google all have urged or allowed staff to work remotely.
"There's definitely a tele-commuting movement going on, not just at the university but all around Seattle," Mr. Schnee said.
When classrooms shut for at least two weeks starting on Monday at the University of Washington, "it was so sudden a lot of students felt at sea and a lot of faculty were scrambling," he said.
But three days on, "there's much less skepticism [among professors], and an acceptance that even though it's not their normal experience they can pull it off," the lecturer said.
They might even acquire the skills to be comfortable continuing with it, he predicted.
Kelly Levin, an emissions specialist with the Washington-based World Resources Institute (WRI), said the coronavirus experience could spur a rethink about whether big international meetings are worth the huge environmental and financial costs.
"This is giving us some space to pause and re-evaluate," she said, noting virtual meetings also can benefit some groups, from disabled participants to those who can't travel for family or other reasons.
Colin Marshall, who organizes seminars for the University of Washington's philosophy department, said a pre-virus commitment to begin having 15% "virtual" speakers had allowed them to land an April guest they had otherwise failed for years to attract.
Recommended Why Georgia indictment could pose unique peril for Trump
Technology offers the possibility "to make academia more equitable and just better," he said. "More people will be in a position to be involved in things that weren't before."
But virtual conferencing is not well suited to everyone, warned Anna Schulz, who works on climate policy with some of the world's least-developed countries for the London-based International Institute for Environment and Development.
Where internet is patchy or unreliable – a problem in many poorer parts of the world – holding negotiations or conferences online would "further marginalize vulnerable voices," she said.
As she and colleagues prepare for November's United Nations climate summit in Glasgow, "we're in the process of trying to rethink what diplomacy looks like in the face of an inability to meet with people," she said.
As the pandemic stretches around the globe, there may be time for new habits to take hold, some of them lower-carbon.
"Behavioral sciences suggest a disruption is one of the few things that can disturb habits," WRI's Ms. Levin said.
But how much the coronavirus will cut emissions – or reduce in a lasting way high-carbon activities such as flying – remains unclear, analysts said.
"There are a lot of unknowns right now," Ms. Levin said.
This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation.


ezorigin--2020-05-01--Why coronavirus looks different to black America

Now , Mr. Johnson ’ s approach is starting to win converts in Savannah .
And more broadly , the need is for treatment that goes beyond medical care to building relationships , says Lisa Price Stevens , chief medical officer of a Virginia facility .
“ Those relationships do everything when you talk about health.
” Figures in Georgia and beyond show these trends playing out .
Black leaders note , anecdotally , that some community members didn ’ t take the virus seriously early on .
But the problems now center around a lack of access to health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Savannah is 54 % black , and he ’ s seen too much evidence – recently and over the years – that black health outcomes in America are worse than for other groups .
COVID-19 “ exploited what we already knew : If you were poor , if you were darker , if you were less educated , if you did not have a home , you were going to be disproportionately affected by this , ” he says .
Mayor Van Johnson made a lot of unpopular decisions in aggressively shutting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the spread of coronavirus .
And he ’ s not about to apologize .
Back in early March , shortly after Mardi Gras had raged in New Orleans and Florida welcomed spring breakers , Savannah Mayor Van Johnson made an unpopular decision .
He canceled the second largest St. Patrick ’ s Day parade in the country .
It fit with the Democratic mayor ’ s early response to the COVID-19 pandemic , which was as aggressive as that of any civic leader in the South at the time .
He issued his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19 – more than two weeks before the statewide order in early April .
He closed non-essential businesses , including barber shops and beauty salons , cracking down on 30 businesses that refused to close .
He ordered police drones to disperse street parties .
And he even broke up a fight at a local Walmart , which he said had become a version of “ the club ” – a replacement for the loss of evening revelries .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bristled at the early shutdown , calling the mayor a tyrant and sending him about 2,000 mostly critical messages .
But Mr. Johnson had a different perspective .
Back when he first issued his stay-at-home order , startling racial disparities in the country ’ s coronavirus cases were just gaining attention .
Now , they are in stark relief .
Black residents make up less than a third of Georgia ’ s population but account for more than half its COVID-19 fatalities – a trend seen nationwide .
Some causes are seen as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of black leaders noting , anecdotally , that members of the community weren ’ t taking the virus seriously early on .
But the deeper problems are chronic , with the coronavirus merely amplifying long-standing inequities , from a lack of access to care to the related dearth of trust in the health system .
“ What this [ virus ] did was it exploited every weakness we ’ ve had in our socioeconomic system , every single one , ” says Mr. Johnson .
“ It exploited what we already knew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you were darker , if you were less educated , if you did not have a home , you were going to be disproportionately affected by this .
The national figures bear that out.
” That was why he acted the way he did .
“ A lot of people are just , like , ‘ Why we got to talk about race ?
’ ” he adds .
“ We have to talk about race .
The problem is that we haven ’ t been talking about race .
All of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us.
” Indeed , at least part of Mayor Johnson ’ s actions sprang from the experience of his own family .
His father , sister , and brother-in-law , who live in New York City , had each contracted the virus .
A deacon at his church had died .
Now , Mr. Johnson ’ s approach is coming into conflict with his governor ’ s .
Georgia Gov .
Brian Kemp , a Republican , announced the state – among the last to issue a stay-at-home order – would begin to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , bowling alleys , tattoo parlors , as well as hair salons and barbershops , were allowed to reopen on April 24 with strict social-distancing rules – a move the Savannah mayor called “ reckless , premature , and dangerous.
” Savannah , which is 54 % black , has seen its cases stabilize .
Its numbers have also been more evenly distributed across racial groups .
That has helped change the attitudes of many of Savannah ’ s black residents .
Early resistance has shifted to solid support – and kinder messages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus ain ’ t racist , ” says Bobby Lewis , pitmaster at Randy ’ s BBQ , a popular local haunt that has stayed open for delivery and pickup .
“ No one is immune .
Everybody has to step up.
” As a community , “ we ’ re trying to get from where we ’ ve been to where we need to be , ” he adds .
“ Van Johnson ’ s attitude has been a big part of that .
Not everybody likes it .
But I do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” That blunt message was needed , some say .
“ When COVID first came out , there really was a sense that this is not a black people ’ s disease because it started in China and went to Europe , ” says Sandra Elizabeth Ford , head of the DeKalb and Fulton County health departments in Georgia .
That perception has changed .
Since March , a number of national polls have indicated that black and Hispanic Americans have been more concerned about the virus than white Americans .
The Pew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hispanics and 31 % of black adults said they were very concerned about contracting COVID-19 , compared with 18 % of white adults .
“ There are so many dimensions that matter for African Americans with this pandemic , ” says Alford Young , a sociologist at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor .
“ Every social and health-related and structural factor in their lives exacerbates their exposure to the virus.
” “ African Americans live in smaller spaces and in more densely populated communities , ” Dr. Young continues .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family for the black community is about as intimate as the immediate family for a lot of other Americans .
When African Americans check in on their family , they ’ re thinking cousins , uncles , my aunts , grandparents – not just siblings and parents at home.
” The racial disparities seen in the COVID-19 pandemic are nothing new and stem from structural inequities woven into American society for decades , if not centuries , scholars say .
For example , the deliberate “ redlining ” of black neighborhoods to exclude @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has chronically depressed black wealth .
With education funding based on local property taxes , that has contributed to underresourced schools .
These economic stresses have made it hard for hospitals and health clinics to survive , too .
Few residents have health insurance , and Medicare and Medicaid simply can ’ t pay the bills .
All these factors contribute to the greater vulnerability of minority populations in general , and during a pandemic in particular .
“ We have an economy where you ’ re going to see people of color @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are essential workers , but they may not be getting the right protective equipment , ” says Andra Gillespie , a political scientist at Emory University in Atlanta .
“ But then there is , ‘ OK , if you ’ re going to ignore congregation bans and go to a party – that ’ s not race-specific , but just individual dumb behavior.
’ ” “ What can we empower people to do , to be their own best advocate and their own defense against contracting this disease against so many systemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer is to help build trust in the health care system among black Americans .
“ There ’ s a level of distrust that ’ s rooted in history and in lived experiences that makes it more difficult for life-saving messages to get through to these communities , ” says Jamila Michener , professor of government at Cornell University in Ithaca , New York .
That is a big reason why Lisa Price Stevens became a doctor in the first place .
She ’ s wanted to be a doctor ever since , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mother save another family member with the Heimlich maneuver .
“ As physicians , we are innately concerned about the health care disparities and racial disparities we ’ re seeing , and particularly as an African American physician , this is a passion of mine , ” says Dr. Stevens , chief medical officer at JenCare Senior Medical Center in Norfolk , Virginia .
Her patients are among those most vulnerable : lower-income , Medicare-eligible seniors , over half of whom are people of color .
So treatment includes more than just medical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teams where we address the social determinants of our patient ’ s health , with social workers and case managers so that we not only address the holistic caring of the mind , body , and soul , we ’ re looking at , Where do you live ?
Housing is health .
How do you obtain your nutrition ?
So I can manage your diabetes , ” Dr. Stevens says .
“ Those relationships do everything when you talk about health , ” she adds .
It ’ s one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Savannah .
“ I don ’ t live in a spirit of fear .
I ’ m not going to be intimidated , ” he continues .
“ The vast majority of people recognize that these are extraordinary times that require extraordinary measures , and we have extraordinary tools to keep our citizens safe.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

Now, Mr. Johnson’s approach is starting to win converts in Savannah. And more broadly, the need is for treatment that goes beyond medical care to building relationships, says Lisa Price Stevens, chief medical officer of a Virginia facility. “Those relationships do everything when you talk about health.”
Figures in Georgia and beyond show these trends playing out. Black leaders note, anecdotally, that some community members didn’t take the virus seriously early on. But the problems now center around a lack of access to health care and historic distrust of the system.
The coronavirus has hit black communities disproportionately hard. Understanding why can help improve health care for minorities going forward.
Savannah is 54% black, and he’s seen too much evidence – recently and over the years – that black health outcomes in America are worse than for other groups. COVID-19 “exploited what we already knew: If you were poor, if you were darker, if you were less educated, if you did not have a home, you were going to be disproportionately affected by this,” he says.
Mayor Van Johnson made a lot of unpopular decisions in aggressively shutting down Savannah, Georgia, to blunt the spread of coronavirus. And he’s not about to apologize.
Back in early March, shortly after Mardi Gras had raged in New Orleans and Florida welcomed spring breakers, Savannah Mayor Van Johnson made an unpopular decision. He canceled the second largest St. Patrick’s Day parade in the country.
It fit with the Democratic mayor’s early response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which was as aggressive as that of any civic leader in the South at the time.
He issued his city’s stay-at-home order on March 19 – more than two weeks before the statewide order in early April. He closed non-essential businesses, including barber shops and beauty salons, cracking down on 30 businesses that refused to close. He ordered police drones to disperse street parties. And he even broke up a fight at a local Walmart, which he said had become a version of “the club” – a replacement for the loss of evening revelries.
Why We Wrote This The coronavirus has hit black communities disproportionately hard. Understanding why can help improve health care for minorities going forward.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Residents bristled at the early shutdown, calling the mayor a tyrant and sending him about 2,000 mostly critical messages.
But Mr. Johnson had a different perspective. Back when he first issued his stay-at-home order, startling racial disparities in the country’s coronavirus cases were just gaining attention. Now, they are in stark relief. Black residents make up less than a third of Georgia’s population but account for more than half its COVID-19 fatalities – a trend seen nationwide.
Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Mayor Van Johnson of Savannah, seen here on April 20 in his office at Savannah City Hall, has been a relentless enforcer of social distancing rules in Savannah, Georgia, after after three members of his own family in New York contracted the virus. "We keep the faith and follow the science," he says.
Some causes are seen as particular to this pandemic, with a number of black leaders noting, anecdotally, that members of the community weren’t taking the virus seriously early on. But the deeper problems are chronic, with the coronavirus merely amplifying long-standing inequities, from a lack of access to care to the related dearth of trust in the health system.
“What this [virus] did was it exploited every weakness we’ve had in our socioeconomic system, every single one,” says Mr. Johnson. “It exploited what we already knew: If you were poor, if you were darker, if you were less educated, if you did not have a home, you were going to be disproportionately affected by this. The national figures bear that out.”
That was why he acted the way he did.
“A lot of people are just, like, ‘Why we got to talk about race?’” he adds. “We have to talk about race. The problem is that we haven’t been talking about race. All of those things become very, very real to us.”
Indeed, at least part of Mayor Johnson’s actions sprang from the experience of his own family. His father, sister, and brother-in-law, who live in New York City, had each contracted the virus. A deacon at his church had died.
The view from Savannah
Now, Mr. Johnson’s approach is coming into conflict with his governor’s. Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican, announced the state – among the last to issue a stay-at-home order – would begin to restart its economy last week. Gyms, bowling alleys, tattoo parlors, as well as hair salons and barbershops, were allowed to reopen on April 24 with strict social-distancing rules – a move the Savannah mayor called “reckless, premature, and dangerous.”
Savannah, which is 54% black, has seen its cases stabilize. Its numbers have also been more evenly distributed across racial groups. That has helped change the attitudes of many of Savannah’s black residents. Early resistance has shifted to solid support – and kinder messages, the mayor says.
“This virus ain’t racist,” says Bobby Lewis, pitmaster at Randy’s BBQ, a popular local haunt that has stayed open for delivery and pickup. “No one is immune. Everybody has to step up.”
As a community, “we’re trying to get from where we’ve been to where we need to be,” he adds. “Van Johnson’s attitude has been a big part of that. Not everybody likes it. But I do. I think it’s working.”
That blunt message was needed, some say.
“When COVID first came out, there really was a sense that this is not a black people’s disease because it started in China and went to Europe,” says Sandra Elizabeth Ford, head of the DeKalb and Fulton County health departments in Georgia.
That perception has changed. Since March, a number of national polls have indicated that black and Hispanic Americans have been more concerned about the virus than white Americans. The Pew Research Center found that 43% of Hispanics and 31% of black adults said they were very concerned about contracting COVID-19, compared with 18% of white adults.
“There are so many dimensions that matter for African Americans with this pandemic,” says Alford Young, a sociologist at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. “Every social and health-related and structural factor in their lives exacerbates their exposure to the virus.”
“African Americans live in smaller spaces and in more densely populated communities,” Dr. Young continues. What’s more, “the extended family for the black community is about as intimate as the immediate family for a lot of other Americans. When African Americans check in on their family, they’re thinking cousins, uncles, my aunts, grandparents – not just siblings and parents at home.”
The deeper challenges
The racial disparities seen in the COVID-19 pandemic are nothing new and stem from structural inequities woven into American society for decades, if not centuries, scholars say.
For example, the deliberate “redlining” of black neighborhoods to exclude them from federal programs to purchase homes has chronically depressed black wealth. With education funding based on local property taxes, that has contributed to underresourced schools.
These economic stresses have made it hard for hospitals and health clinics to survive, too. Few residents have health insurance, and Medicare and Medicaid simply can’t pay the bills.
All these factors contribute to the greater vulnerability of minority populations in general, and during a pandemic in particular.
“We have an economy where you’re going to see people of color disproportionately working low-paying service jobs where they are essential workers, but they may not be getting the right protective equipment,” says Andra Gillespie, a political scientist at Emory University in Atlanta. “But then there is, ‘OK, if you’re going to ignore congregation bans and go to a party – that’s not race-specific, but just individual dumb behavior.’”
“What can we empower people to do, to be their own best advocate and their own defense against contracting this disease against so many systemic odds?” she asks.
One answer is to help build trust in the health care system among black Americans.
“There’s a level of distrust that’s rooted in history and in lived experiences that makes it more difficult for life-saving messages to get through to these communities,” says Jamila Michener, professor of government at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York.
Giving care, building relationships
That is a big reason why Lisa Price Stevens became a doctor in the first place. She’s wanted to be a doctor ever since, at age 7, she saw her mother save another family member with the Heimlich maneuver.
Recommended Why Georgia indictment could pose unique peril for Trump
“As physicians, we are innately concerned about the health care disparities and racial disparities we’re seeing, and particularly as an African American physician, this is a passion of mine,” says Dr. Stevens, chief medical officer at JenCare Senior Medical Center in Norfolk, Virginia.
Her patients are among those most vulnerable: lower-income, Medicare-eligible seniors, over half of whom are people of color. So treatment includes more than just medical care.
“We work in care teams where we address the social determinants of our patient’s health, with social workers and case managers so that we not only address the holistic caring of the mind, body, and soul, we’re looking at, Where do you live? Housing is health. How do you obtain your nutrition? So I can manage your diabetes,” Dr. Stevens says.
“Those relationships do everything when you talk about health,” she adds.
It’s one of the reasons Mayor Johnson has turned things around in Savannah.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“I don’t live in a spirit of fear. I’m not going to be intimidated,” he continues. “The vast majority of people recognize that these are extraordinary times that require extraordinary measures, and we have extraordinary tools to keep our citizens safe.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


ezorigin--2020-05-27--Twitter vs. Trump? President's tweets get fact-check warnings.

For the first time , Twitter has flagged some of President Donald Trump 's tweets with a fact-check warning .
On Tuesday , Twitter added a warning phrase to two Trump tweets that called mail-in ballots `` fraudulent '' and predicted that `` mail boxes will be robbed , '' among other things .
Under the tweets , there is now a link reading `` Get the facts about mail-in ballots '' that guides users to a Twitter `` moments '' page with fact checks and news stories about Mr. Trump 's unsubstantiated claims .
Until now , the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attempts to enforce rules intended to promote civility and `` healthy '' conversation on its most prominent user .
Mr. Trump frequently amplifies misinformation , spreads abuse , and uses his pulpit to personally attack private citizens and public figures alike – all forbidden under Twitter 's official rules .
In a statement , Twitter said Mr. Trump 's vote-by-mail tweets `` contain potentially misleading information about voting processes and have been labeled to provide additional context around mail-in ballots . ''
Mr. Trump has never previously faced Twitter sanctions on his account @ @ @ @ @ @ @ died by accident two decades ago in an office of then-GOP Rep. Joe Scarborough recently demanded that Twitter remove the president 's baseless tweets suggesting that Mr. Scarborough , now a fierce Trump critic , killed her .
Twitter issued a statement expressing its regret to the husband but so far has taken no action on those tweets .
Over the weekend , the president issued several tweets calling into question the legality of mail-in-ballots .
The storm of tweets followed Facebook and Twitter posts from Mr. Trump last week that wrongly claimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 7.7 million registered voters .
Mr. Trump later deleted the tweet and posted an edited version that still threatened to hold up federal funds .
Twitter policy forbids sharing `` false or misleading information intended to intimidate or dissuade people from participating in an election or other civic process . ''
While it has previously flagged tweets conveying misinformation about the COVID-19 pandemic , it has never before put warnings on tweets for any other reason .
Mr. Trump replied on Twitter , accusing the platform of `` interfering in the 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as president , I will not allow this to happen . ''
His 2020 campaign manager Brad Parscale said Twitter 's `` clear political bias '' had led the campaign to pull `` all our advertising from Twitter months ago . ''
Twitter has banned all political advertising since last November .
Mr. Trump 's Scarborough tweets offer another example of the president using Twitter to spread misinformation – in this case , about an accidental death that Mr. Trump persists in linking to the co-host of MSNBC 's `` Morning Joe '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Please delete these tweets , '' Timothy J. Klausutis wrote to Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey last week .
The body of Lori Kaye Klausutis was found in Mr. Scarborough 's Fort Walton Beach , Florida , congressional office on July 20 , 2001 .
Mr. Trump has repeatedly tried to implicate Mr. Scarborough in the death even though Mr. Scarborough was in Washington , not Florida , at the time .
There is no mystery to the death of Lori Klausutis .
Medical officials ruled that the aide , who had a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she was n't feeling well , had fainted and hit her head .
Foul play was not suspected .
Mr. Klausutis wrote in his letter that he has struggled to move on with his life due to the ongoing `` bile and misinformation '' spread about his wife on the platform , most recently by Mr. Trump .
His wife continues to be the subject of conspiracy theories 20 years after her death .
Mr. Klausutis called his wife 's death `` the single most painful thing that I have ever had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feels a marital obligation to protect her memory amid `` a constant barrage of falsehoods , half-truths , innuendo , and conspiracy theories since the day she died . ''
Mr. Trump 's tweets violate Twitter 's community rules and terms of service , he said .
`` An ordinary user like me would be banished , '' he wrote .
At Tuesday 's White House briefing , press secretary Kayleigh McEnany repeatedly refused to say why Mr. Trump was pressing the unfounded allegations or whether he would stop tweeting about them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Scarborough made about the case that she said were inappropriate and flippant .
Mr. Dorsey did not reply directly to Mr. Klausutis ' letter and has not taken any action on the president 's tweets .
In a statement , Twitter said it was `` deeply sorry about the pain these statements , and the attention they are drawing , are causing the family . ''
Mr. Scarborough has urged the president to stop his baseless attacks .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP Technology Writer Mae Anderson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

For the first time, Twitter has flagged some of President Donald Trump's tweets with a fact-check warning.
On Tuesday, Twitter added a warning phrase to two Trump tweets that called mail-in ballots "fraudulent" and predicted that "mail boxes will be robbed," among other things. Under the tweets, there is now a link reading "Get the facts about mail-in ballots" that guides users to a Twitter "moments" page with fact checks and news stories about Mr. Trump's unsubstantiated claims.
Until now, the president has simply blown past Twitter's half-hearted attempts to enforce rules intended to promote civility and "healthy" conversation on its most prominent user. Mr. Trump frequently amplifies misinformation, spreads abuse, and uses his pulpit to personally attack private citizens and public figures alike – all forbidden under Twitter's official rules.
In a statement, Twitter said Mr. Trump's vote-by-mail tweets "contain potentially misleading information about voting processes and have been labeled to provide additional context around mail-in ballots."
Mr. Trump has never previously faced Twitter sanctions on his account. The husband of a woman who died by accident two decades ago in an office of then-GOP Rep. Joe Scarborough recently demanded that Twitter remove the president's baseless tweets suggesting that Mr. Scarborough, now a fierce Trump critic, killed her. Twitter issued a statement expressing its regret to the husband but so far has taken no action on those tweets.
Over the weekend, the president issued several tweets calling into question the legality of mail-in-ballots. The storm of tweets followed Facebook and Twitter posts from Mr. Trump last week that wrongly claimed Michigan's secretary of state mailed ballots to 7.7 million registered voters. Mr. Trump later deleted the tweet and posted an edited version that still threatened to hold up federal funds.
Twitter policy forbids sharing "false or misleading information intended to intimidate or dissuade people from participating in an election or other civic process." While it has previously flagged tweets conveying misinformation about the COVID-19 pandemic, it has never before put warnings on tweets for any other reason.
Mr. Trump replied on Twitter, accusing the platform of "interfering in the 2020 Presidential Election" and insisting that "as president, I will not allow this to happen." His 2020 campaign manager Brad Parscale said Twitter's "clear political bias" had led the campaign to pull "all our advertising from Twitter months ago." Twitter has banned all political advertising since last November.
Mr. Trump's Scarborough tweets offer another example of the president using Twitter to spread misinformation – in this case, about an accidental death that Mr. Trump persists in linking to the co-host of MSNBC's "Morning Joe" show.
"My request is simple: Please delete these tweets," Timothy J. Klausutis wrote to Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey last week.
The body of Lori Kaye Klausutis was found in Mr. Scarborough's Fort Walton Beach, Florida, congressional office on July 20, 2001.
Mr. Trump has repeatedly tried to implicate Mr. Scarborough in the death even though Mr. Scarborough was in Washington, not Florida, at the time.
There is no mystery to the death of Lori Klausutis. Medical officials ruled that the aide, who had a heart condition and told friends hours earlier that she wasn't feeling well, had fainted and hit her head. Foul play was not suspected.
Mr. Klausutis wrote in his letter that he has struggled to move on with his life due to the ongoing "bile and misinformation" spread about his wife on the platform, most recently by Mr. Trump. His wife continues to be the subject of conspiracy theories 20 years after her death.
Mr. Klausutis called his wife's death "the single most painful thing that I have ever had to deal with" and said he feels a marital obligation to protect her memory amid "a constant barrage of falsehoods, half-truths, innuendo, and conspiracy theories since the day she died."
Mr. Trump's tweets violate Twitter's community rules and terms of service, he said. "An ordinary user like me would be banished," he wrote.
At Tuesday's White House briefing, press secretary Kayleigh McEnany repeatedly refused to say why Mr. Trump was pressing the unfounded allegations or whether he would stop tweeting about them. Instead, she focused on remarks that Mr. Scarborough made about the case that she said were inappropriate and flippant.
Mr. Dorsey did not reply directly to Mr. Klausutis' letter and has not taken any action on the president's tweets. In a statement, Twitter said it was "deeply sorry about the pain these statements, and the attention they are drawing, are causing the family."
Mr. Scarborough has urged the president to stop his baseless attacks.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP Technology Writer Mae Anderson contributed to this story from New York.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


ezorigin--2020-05-26--As virus halts fashion calendar, designers seek a slower rhythm

Gucci and Saint Laurent are two of the highest profile luxury fashion houses to announce they will leave the fashion calendar behind , with its relentless four-times-a-year rhythm , shuttling cadres of fashionistas between global capitals where they squeeze shoulder-to-shoulder around runways for 15 breathless minutes .
The coronavirus lockdown , which has hit luxury fashion houses on their bottom lines , has also given pause to rethink the pace of fashion , offering the possibility to return to less hectic , more considered periods of creativity and production – and perhaps consumption .
Gucci creative director Alessandro Michele imagines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall and one in the spring – to present co-ed collections , getting away from the hyped-up calendar which has come to require pre-season collections before the major women ’ s and men ’ s runway shows and a one-off cruise collection , increasingly in exotic locations .
“ Two appointments a year are more than enough to give time to form a creative thought , and to give more time to this system , ” Mr. Michele said in a video conference Monday , expanding on an idea he launched over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from his own lockdown diaries .
The virus-imposed shutdown – while stopping production and consumption that feed the fashion cycle – also recharged creativity among those who found new time for reflection .
`` It is a great gift that our planet gave us , a great gift that can not be discarded , ’ ’ Mr. Michele said .
Mr. Michele said he hopes that a new calendar and new rhythms would be decided within the fashion system and in cooperation with other designers .
It has been clear for the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been suffering under the current pace : More luxury houses have been combining men ’ s and women ’ s shows as genderless and even seasonless dressing becomes a global theme ; it has n't been unheard-of for major brands to skip a season or to venture away from their fashion cities to expand their audience .
Saint Laurent hasn ’ t articulated its intentions , but said in a statement last month that it would “ take control ” of the fashion schedule “ conscious of the current circumstances and its waves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the first industries to suffer from coronavirus , first with the China shutdown that closed boutiques and blocked travelers already in January from a region responsible for a third of global luxury .
And the pandemic appeared in Europe just as Fall-Winter 2020-21 shows were underway in Milan and then Paris .
Illustrating just how vulnerable the show system is in the face of a fast-spreading global virus , Giorgio Armani showed his collection in a closed theater on Feb. 23 – just two days after Italy became the first Western @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armani also has called for a major rethink of changes in luxury fashion during his 45 years as a stalwart of Milan fashion .
In a letter to Women ’ s Wear Daily last month , Armani said he found it “ immoral ” for luxury fashion to adopt the pace of fast fashion – the drive to deliver more in pursuit of profits “ yet forgetting that luxury takes time , to be achieved and to be appreciated.
” That has included moves toward see-now , buy-now capsule collections by some brands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notions of “ timeless elegance.
” “ It makes no sense for one of my jackets or suits to live in the shop for three weeks before becoming obsolete , replaced by new goods that are not too different , ” Mr. Armani said .
Mr. Armani , who opened his Milan boutiques last week as the Italian economy slowly reopens , said he would keep summer collections in stores until September – running counter to recent practice that put linen dresses in stores in winter and Alpaca coats in the summer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Fashion Designers of America also have endorsed resetting “ the way in which we work and show our collections.
” They encouraged brands “ to slow down , ” and reconsider how much merchandise they produce .
The Italian Fashion Chamber is promoting three days of online presentation of men ’ s and women ’ s collections in July to substitute the regular June calendar .
Gucci will participate with a collection called “ Epilogue , ” to represent the end of an era .
When the fashion communication rebirth that Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen .
He said September is too soon , while Saint Laurent only said it would n't participate in any previously scheduled events this year .
Fashion chamber president Carlo Capasa can ’ t say when live shows might return to the agenda – but he says they are irreplaceable .
“ I believe that the digital experience is important , but it should be tied with a physical experience , ” Mr. Capasa told AP .
“ Whoever has been to a fashion show knows the importance of the setting and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Associated Press .
Thomas Adamson reported from Leeds , England .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Gucci and Saint Laurent are two of the highest profile luxury fashion houses to announce they will leave the fashion calendar behind, with its relentless four-times-a-year rhythm, shuttling cadres of fashionistas between global capitals where they squeeze shoulder-to-shoulder around runways for 15 breathless minutes.
The coronavirus lockdown, which has hit luxury fashion houses on their bottom lines, has also given pause to rethink the pace of fashion, offering the possibility to return to less hectic, more considered periods of creativity and production – and perhaps consumption.
Gucci creative director Alessandro Michele imagines two yearly appointments – one in the fall and one in the spring – to present co-ed collections, getting away from the hyped-up calendar which has come to require pre-season collections before the major women’s and men’s runway shows and a one-off cruise collection, increasingly in exotic locations.
“Two appointments a year are more than enough to give time to form a creative thought, and to give more time to this system,” Mr. Michele said in a video conference Monday, expanding on an idea he launched over the weekend in a series of Instagram posts from his own lockdown diaries.
The virus-imposed shutdown – while stopping production and consumption that feed the fashion cycle – also recharged creativity among those who found new time for reflection. "It is a great gift that our planet gave us, a great gift that cannot be discarded,’’ Mr. Michele said.
Mr. Michele said he hopes that a new calendar and new rhythms would be decided within the fashion system and in cooperation with other designers.
It has been clear for the last few years that the fashion world has been suffering under the current pace: More luxury houses have been combining men’s and women’s shows as genderless and even seasonless dressing becomes a global theme; it hasn't been unheard-of for major brands to skip a season or to venture away from their fashion cities to expand their audience.
Saint Laurent hasn’t articulated its intentions, but said in a statement last month that it would “take control” of the fashion schedule “conscious of the current circumstances and its waves of radical change.”
Luxury fashion was one of the first industries to suffer from coronavirus, first with the China shutdown that closed boutiques and blocked travelers already in January from a region responsible for a third of global luxury. And the pandemic appeared in Europe just as Fall-Winter 2020-21 shows were underway in Milan and then Paris.
Illustrating just how vulnerable the show system is in the face of a fast-spreading global virus, Giorgio Armani showed his collection in a closed theater on Feb. 23 – just two days after Italy became the first Western country with a coronavirus outbreak.
Mr. Armani also has called for a major rethink of changes in luxury fashion during his 45 years as a stalwart of Milan fashion.
In a letter to Women’s Wear Daily last month, Armani said he found it “immoral” for luxury fashion to adopt the pace of fast fashion – the drive to deliver more in pursuit of profits “yet forgetting that luxury takes time, to be achieved and to be appreciated.” That has included moves toward see-now, buy-now capsule collections by some brands, running in direct opposition to his notions of “timeless elegance.”
“It makes no sense for one of my jackets or suits to live in the shop for three weeks before becoming obsolete, replaced by new goods that are not too different,” Mr. Armani said.
Mr. Armani, who opened his Milan boutiques last week as the Italian economy slowly reopens, said he would keep summer collections in stores until September – running counter to recent practice that put linen dresses in stores in winter and Alpaca coats in the summer.
The British Fashion Council and the Council of Fashion Designers of America also have endorsed resetting “the way in which we work and show our collections.” They encouraged brands “to slow down,” and reconsider how much merchandise they produce.
The Italian Fashion Chamber is promoting three days of online presentation of men’s and women’s collections in July to substitute the regular June calendar. Gucci will participate with a collection called “Epilogue,” to represent the end of an era.
When the fashion communication rebirth that Mr. Michele envisions will happen remains to be seen. He said September is too soon, while Saint Laurent only said it wouldn't participate in any previously scheduled events this year.
Fashion chamber president Carlo Capasa can’t say when live shows might return to the agenda – but he says they are irreplaceable.
“I believe that the digital experience is important, but it should be tied with a physical experience,” Mr. Capasa told AP. “Whoever has been to a fashion show knows the importance of the setting and the emotions.”
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Thomas Adamson reported from Leeds, England.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


ezorigin--2020-05-07--Free movement or privacy? Pandemic forces new trade-offs.

“ If you do n't fight to protect the liberties , freedoms , and privileges afforded by the Constitution , ” says Margaret Hu , a law professor at Washington and Lee University , “ it ’ s very hard to claw them back once those rights are ceded to the government.
” Honed by previous epidemics , the high-tech responses to COVID-19 taken by South Korea and Taiwan , which combine mobile location services with surveillance cameras and cashless payment tracking , allow for freedom of movement , but only at the cost of some privacy regarding your whereabouts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocates , should give us pause .
“ We are making a hard choice between two undemocratic options , ” he says , referring to the seeming trade-offs between free movement and privacy .
In Seoul , Professor Sonn can enjoy crowded restaurants and cafes , but only if he brings his smartphone , which regularly alerts him about potential virus carriers in the area and shares his location data with two government agencies .
Jung Won Sonn , a professor who has lived in both London and Seoul during the coronavirus pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the crisis .
In London , citizens are allowed to go out once per day , and police will readily disperse public gatherings .
When Jung Won Sonn flew from London to Seoul over Easter , he traded one freedom for another .
“ In the U.K. , you are allowed to go out just once a day , and if you go to the park and gather in a group of four or five people , police will approach you and disperse the crowd , ” says Professor Sonn , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Planning , University College London .
“ That ’ s not democracy.
” Now in Seoul , Professor Sonn enjoys freedom of movement , but he had to download a pair of smartphone apps that would keep the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Ministry of the Interior and Safety informed of his whereabouts .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
South Korea ’ s pandemic response has been honed through past exposure to SARS and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testing is widespread , fast , and convenient .
Public health authorities have also marshaled the country ’ s sophisticated tech infrastructure – widespread GPS-enabled mobile phones , cashless payments , and closed-circuit video cameras – to monitor the population .
Along with Taiwan , which takes a similar approach , South Korea has drawn praise for containing the virus while avoiding strict lockdowns .
This system has also likely spared lives : South Korea , whose population is about 50 million , has reported about 240 deaths .
By contrast , Great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen more than 26,000 deaths .
But this model comes with its own costs .
In Korea , those suspected of carrying the virus are expected to have their phones on them at all times so that authorities can locate them and inform anyone who may have been infected , a method called “ contact tracing.
” ( Authorities may also call at random during waking hours . )
And the locally broadcast text messages that share the age , gender , and location data of those who have tested positive for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking to relax their lockdowns by emulating South Korea ’ s approach face a delicate balance between freedom of movement and freedom of privacy .
On one hand , stay-at-home orders inhibit citizens ’ rights to assemble and engage in commerce .
On the other , to lift those restrictions while monitoring the spread of the virus would require newly invasive forms of state surveillance .
“ We are making a hard choice between two undemocratic options , ” Professor Sonn says .
In the United States , much of the burden for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and local governments , working under guidelines provided by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other agencies .
Since the novel coronavirus pandemic has placed about 65 % of the U.S. population under lockdown , some states have organized armies of “ disease detectives.
” But the disparities between states remain vast , as the Monitor ’ s Simon Montlake reported last month .
Silicon Valley hopes to narrow that gap .
Apple and Google announced in an April 10 joint statement that “ in the coming months , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Bluetooth-based contact tracing platform.
” Germany and France initially rejected this system , seeking a more centralized approach called Pan-European Privacy-Preserving Proximity Tracing .
Germany and Italy eventually came around to Google and Apple ’ s approach , while France , Great Britain , and Spain are pursuing their own apps .
Advocates of centralizing data cite the scientific value of large datasets .
Critics worry that governments will use the data for other purposes .
“ Google and Apple got it right this time , ” notes Jovan Kurbalija , head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Swiss initiative .
“ For the tech industry , COVID-19 also poses a unique opportunity to get out of the ‘ tech-lashing ’ phase of avoiding taxes and not dealing properly with users ’ data.
” He expects that Apple and Google ’ s approach , which protects data by leaving it on users ’ devices , will prevail because they already have billions of users worldwide .
What remains to be resolved , he says , is the extent to which the contact-tracing apps being developed in Europe and beyond will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected to be native to Android and iOS devices .
Contact tracing long predates the mobile phone .
The concept emerged in early modern Europe in an attempt to limit the spread of syphilis among sex workers .
Before the coronavirus pandemic , contact investigators have sought to limit STDs , tuberculosis , Ebola , and other perceived threats to public health .
Modern technology opens up new avenues for authorities to track and limit the spread of a disease , but it still faces challenges .
Contact tracing apps require usage by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the population before they are useful .
This raises the question whether the voluntary approach favored in Europe will yield the same results as compulsory methods in Asia .
What ’ s more , Bluetooth technology is not flawless .
For example , the virus does not penetrate walls .
Bluetooth signals do , which may lead to a false positive .
Connectivity problems – familiar to anyone who uses a Bluetooth speaker – could return a false negative .
“ Beware of the false reassurance that an app can provide , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oxford ’ s Digital Ethics Lab .
“ No bad news is just that .
...
It doesn ’ t mean everything is OK. Of all the weapons we have , this is probably the smallest and least important .
The app , if it is useful , is only useful within a much bigger strategy that is medical and social .
Concentrate on the wider strategy.
” Professor Floridi worries that governments could make the mistake of linking incentives – such as the right to socialize or work – to ensure enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he says , risks dividing the population into those who can afford a smartphone and have the digital skills to manage the app and those who don ’ t .
“ That would be a disaster , ” he says .
“ The privacy problem could be solved if we do the right thing .
It is the social justice that worries me.
” Digital contact tracing is no substitute for human health care workers and medical testing , cautions Margaret Hu , an associate professor at Washington and Lee University School of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have widespread testing , and if you don ’ t have accurate testing , ” she says , “ are you , through this warning system , going to have a very large rate of false warnings or under-warnings ?
” And , Professor Hu notes , state powers enacted during extraordinary times have a way of being repurposed once the crisis passes .
“ Emergency state powers lend themselves to normalizing surveillance in day-to-day governance , ” she says .
“ If you don ’ t fight to protect the liberties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Constitution , it ’ s very hard to claw them back once those rights are ceded to the government.
” If done right , digital contact tracing could be compatible with privacy rights , argues E. Glen Weyl , founder and chairman of the RadicalxChange Foundation , a nonprofit focused on improving democratic systems and market economies .
“ There are ways to implement that sort of thing that are not major problems for civil liberties , ” he says .
He describes a decentralized contact-tracing system similar to the one used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s location history is ever stored anywhere other than on their own private device .
This is not rocket science.
” Such a system would share only certain location data , which would be compiled into heat maps that could be used to locate potential outbreaks .
“ There is not a fundamental impediment here to doing it in a way that is consistent with American values , ” says Mr. Weyl .
Professor Sonn says that on the balance he thinks South Korea ’ s test-and-surveil approach is best , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Most journalists are using this dichotomous framework of ‘ surveillance versus democracy ’ because it ’ s familiar , ” he says .
“ Once you get a framework , you tend to use it in new situations.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

Ann Scott Tyson,Dominique Soguel,Eoin O'Carroll

“If you don't fight to protect the liberties, freedoms, and privileges afforded by the Constitution,” says Margaret Hu, a law professor at Washington and Lee University, “it’s very hard to claw them back once those rights are ceded to the government.”
Honed by previous epidemics, the high-tech responses to COVID-19 taken by South Korea and Taiwan, which combine mobile location services with surveillance cameras and cashless payment tracking, allow for freedom of movement, but only at the cost of some privacy regarding your whereabouts. That cost, say some privacy advocates, should give us pause.
“We are making a hard choice between two undemocratic options,” he says, referring to the seeming trade-offs between free movement and privacy.
In times of crisis, protecting human rights often involves a delicate balancing act. In a pandemic, it can mean exchanging some of our privacy for freedom of movement.
In Seoul, Professor Sonn can enjoy crowded restaurants and cafes, but only if he brings his smartphone, which regularly alerts him about potential virus carriers in the area and shares his location data with two government agencies.
Jung Won Sonn, a professor who has lived in both London and Seoul during the coronavirus pandemic, contrasts the responses of each city to the crisis. In London, citizens are allowed to go out once per day, and police will readily disperse public gatherings.
When Jung Won Sonn flew from London to Seoul over Easter, he traded one freedom for another.
“In the U.K., you are allowed to go out just once a day, and if you go to the park and gather in a group of four or five people, police will approach you and disperse the crowd,” says Professor Sonn, an associate professor at the Bartlett School of Planning, University College London. “That’s not democracy.”
Now in Seoul, Professor Sonn enjoys freedom of movement, but he had to download a pair of smartphone apps that would keep the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Ministry of the Interior and Safety informed of his whereabouts.
Why We Wrote This In times of crisis, protecting human rights often involves a delicate balancing act. In a pandemic, it can mean exchanging some of our privacy for freedom of movement.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
South Korea’s pandemic response has been honed through past exposure to SARS and MERS outbreaks. For one thing, testing is widespread, fast, and convenient. Public health authorities have also marshaled the country’s sophisticated tech infrastructure – widespread GPS-enabled mobile phones, cashless payments, and closed-circuit video cameras – to monitor the population.
Along with Taiwan, which takes a similar approach, South Korea has drawn praise for containing the virus while avoiding strict lockdowns. This system has also likely spared lives: South Korea, whose population is about 50 million, has reported about 240 deaths. By contrast, Great Britain, population 65 million, has seen more than 26,000 deaths.
But this model comes with its own costs. In Korea, those suspected of carrying the virus are expected to have their phones on them at all times so that authorities can locate them and inform anyone who may have been infected, a method called “contact tracing.” (Authorities may also call at random during waking hours.) And the locally broadcast text messages that share the age, gender, and location data of those who have tested positive for the virus are fueling public shaming.
Countries seeking to relax their lockdowns by emulating South Korea’s approach face a delicate balance between freedom of movement and freedom of privacy. On one hand, stay-at-home orders inhibit citizens’ rights to assemble and engage in commerce. On the other, to lift those restrictions while monitoring the spread of the virus would require newly invasive forms of state surveillance.
“We are making a hard choice between two undemocratic options,” Professor Sonn says.
Who is mobilizing “disease detectives”?
In the United States, much of the burden for contact tracing has been carried by state and local governments, working under guidelines provided by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other agencies. Since the novel coronavirus pandemic has placed about 65% of the U.S. population under lockdown, some states have organized armies of “disease detectives.” But the disparities between states remain vast, as the Monitor’s Simon Montlake reported last month.
Lindsay Whitehurst/AP View caption Hide caption A smartphone app built for the state of Utah displays coronavirus test sites April 28, 2020. The app tracks symptoms and shares location data for contact tracing, the process of determining who might have been exposed to the virus. The app is “a tool to help jog the memory of the person who is positive so we can more readily identify where they’ve been, who they’ve been in contact with, if they choose to allow that,” said Angela Dunn, Utah’s state epidemiologist.
Silicon Valley hopes to narrow that gap. Apple and Google announced in an April 10 joint statement that “in the coming months,” the companies would be developing an opt-in “Bluetooth-based contact tracing platform.”
Germany and France initially rejected this system, seeking a more centralized approach called Pan-European Privacy-Preserving Proximity Tracing. Germany and Italy eventually came around to Google and Apple’s approach, while France, Great Britain, and Spain are pursuing their own apps.
Advocates of centralizing data cite the scientific value of large datasets. Critics worry that governments will use the data for other purposes.
“Google and Apple got it right this time,” notes Jovan Kurbalija, head of the Geneva Internet Platform, a Swiss initiative. “For the tech industry, COVID-19 also poses a unique opportunity to get out of the ‘tech-lashing’ phase of avoiding taxes and not dealing properly with users’ data.”
He expects that Apple and Google’s approach, which protects data by leaving it on users’ devices, will prevail because they already have billions of users worldwide. What remains to be resolved, he says, is the extent to which the contact-tracing apps being developed in Europe and beyond will be compatible with the contact-tracing systems that are expected to be native to Android and iOS devices.
Does it work?
Contact tracing long predates the mobile phone. The concept emerged in early modern Europe in an attempt to limit the spread of syphilis among sex workers. Before the coronavirus pandemic, contact investigators have sought to limit STDs, tuberculosis, Ebola, and other perceived threats to public health.
Modern technology opens up new avenues for authorities to track and limit the spread of a disease, but it still faces challenges.
Contact tracing apps require usage by at least 40% to 60% of the population before they are useful. This raises the question whether the voluntary approach favored in Europe will yield the same results as compulsory methods in Asia.
MINDEF SINGAPORE/Reuters View caption Hide caption Singapore Armed Forces personnel conduct contact tracing in efforts to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, COVID-19, in Singapore, January 28, 2020.
What’s more, Bluetooth technology is not flawless. For example, the virus does not penetrate walls. Bluetooth signals do, which may lead to a false positive. Connectivity problems – familiar to anyone who uses a Bluetooth speaker – could return a false negative.
“Beware of the false reassurance that an app can provide,” says Luciano Floridi, director of Oxford’s Digital Ethics Lab. “No bad news is just that. ... It doesn’t mean everything is OK. Of all the weapons we have, this is probably the smallest and least important. The app, if it is useful, is only useful within a much bigger strategy that is medical and social. Concentrate on the wider strategy.”
Professor Floridi worries that governments could make the mistake of linking incentives – such as the right to socialize or work – to ensure enough people download the apps. This, he says, risks dividing the population into those who can afford a smartphone and have the digital skills to manage the app and those who don’t.
“That would be a disaster,” he says. “The privacy problem could be solved if we do the right thing. It is the social justice that worries me.”
An invasion of privacy?
Digital contact tracing is no substitute for human health care workers and medical testing, cautions Margaret Hu, an associate professor at Washington and Lee University School of Law. “If you don’t have widespread testing, and if you don’t have accurate testing,” she says, “are you, through this warning system, going to have a very large rate of false warnings or under-warnings?”
And, Professor Hu notes, state powers enacted during extraordinary times have a way of being repurposed once the crisis passes. “Emergency state powers lend themselves to normalizing surveillance in day-to-day governance,” she says. “If you don’t fight to protect the liberties, freedoms, and privileges afforded by the Constitution, it’s very hard to claw them back once those rights are ceded to the government.”
If done right, digital contact tracing could be compatible with privacy rights, argues E. Glen Weyl, founder and chairman of the RadicalxChange Foundation, a nonprofit focused on improving democratic systems and market economies.
“There are ways to implement that sort of thing that are not major problems for civil liberties,” he says. He describes a decentralized contact-tracing system similar to the one used in Taiwan. “No individual person’s location history is ever stored anywhere other than on their own private device. This is not rocket science.”
Such a system would share only certain location data, which would be compiled into heat maps that could be used to locate potential outbreaks. “There is not a fundamental impediment here to doing it in a way that is consistent with American values,” says Mr. Weyl.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Professor Sonn says that on the balance he thinks South Korea’s test-and-surveil approach is best, but he cautions against binary thinking. “Most journalists are using this dichotomous framework of ‘surveillance versus democracy’ because it’s familiar,” he says. “Once you get a framework, you tend to use it in new situations.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.