theamericanconservative--2020-11-25--A Spiderman For Populists

A Spiderman For Populists

It ’ s hardly a secret that the entertainment industry leans left .
Your average Hollywood zip code resembles the cast and crew of a Democratic Party fundraiser .
From cinema to pop music , there is little room for people with traditional values .
That isn ’ t to say there ’ s not a cottage industry of entertainment targeting social conservatives .
But the conservative Christian film industry , for example , regularly produces content that fetes only a tiny audience and is poorly received elsewhere .
If you want to watch B-movies about atheist college professors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ re a conservative who wants to see your views represented in high-caliber entertainment that addresses contemporary hot-button topics—like policing and the rise of anti-corporate populism—you ’ re mostly out of luck .
But if people on the right are looking for safe harbor in the ocean of liberal-leaning entertainment , they should check out Spider-Man : Miles Morales , a recently released video game you can play on the Playstation 4 and Playstation 5 consoles .
A follow-up to 2018 ’ s PS4 game Spider-Man , this title takes us out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Parker and instead tasks us to play as Miles Morales , a friend of Parker ’ s who resides with his mother in Harlem .
His life story is in many ways the embodiment of traditional values .
The son of a Puerto Rican mother and an African-American father , Miles is dedicated to his family and his Uptown community .
While bashing the police as an institution of “ white supremacy ” has become vogue among cultural progressives , Miles is the son of a police officer who gave his life in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a criminal gang .
This tragic death leaves us without the presence of Miles ’ s father in this title , but his presence looms large over his son ’ s motivations .
After Parker , the first Spider-Man , decides to abscond for several weeks to Europe with his girlfriend Mary Jane , it ’ s up to Miles to protect his city from all manner of crooks and criminals .
And protect he does .
With his own signature Spider-Man suit , Miles aggressively takes down gangsters , foiling weapons deals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Although he works outside the law as a vigilante , he does so with healthy respect for the NYPD , who he allows to arrest the bad guys he dispatches of with non-lethal violence .
Alongside the usual crime-fighting , Miles also has to deal with a pair of new threats to the city .
First , he must investigate the mysterious Roxxon Energy corporation , a firm that has an ever-expanding presence in the game ’ s New York City .
Roxxon is led by Simon Krieger whose dressed-down attire and cocky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Silicon Valley ’ s entrepreneurs .
Although Roxxon comes from long-time Marvel lore , the way it is presented in the game could easily remind players of Amazon or other mega corporations who move into our nation ’ s metropolises and dangle the promise of jobs and social benefits to manipulate their politics .
If Krieger shaved his spiky hair , he could probably pull off a pretty good Jeff Bezos .
It quickly becomes clear that Krieger is building products that endanger the general public ; Miles ’ s mother , Rio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council on a platform of holding Roxxon accountable .
The elder Morales ’ s politics are that of a quintessential hyperlocal populist – she doesn ’ t want a massive , unaccountable corporation reshaping her historic community for its own profit .
But not everyone in the community is satisfied with addressing Roxxon ’ s behavior with the tools the system offers them .
Therein lies the other threat : the Underground .
This techno-futuristic gang takes up arms and tries to violently uproot Roxxon ’ s operations .
Miles , who like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sets out to stop them from committing acts of terrorism .
In what one could read as a subtle dig at Antifa and other nihilistic groups that use vandalism and violence for political ends , he sternly lectures one Underground member that what they ’ re doing isn ’ t just throwing a rock through a window .
As Miles pushes himself to his limits trying to stop Roxxon ’ s monopoly from controlling the city and the Underground ’ s terrorism from blowing it apart , we ’ re greeted with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the honor in defending one ’ s home against the leviathan of corporate America and the chaos and disorder of criminals and terrorists .
It is unlikely that the technical wizards at Insomniac Games set out to develop a title that appeals to the populist right—they probably just wanted to make a darn good video game with a compelling story , a task in which they succeeded .
But what they ’ ve crafted here is a tale that encourages us to respect the bedrock values of our civilization while defending it against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ couldn ’ t ask for a better story to represent their arguments .
Zaid Jilani is a freelance journalist who in the past has worked for UC Berkeley ’ s Greater Good Science Center , The Intercept , and the Center for American Progress .

(The following contains mild spoilers for the 2020 video game Spiderman: Miles Morales)
It’s hardly a secret that the entertainment industry leans left. Your average Hollywood zip code resembles the cast and crew of a Democratic Party fundraiser. From cinema to pop music, there is little room for people with traditional values.
That isn’t to say there’s not a cottage industry of entertainment targeting social conservatives. But the conservative Christian film industry, for example, regularly produces content that fetes only a tiny audience and is poorly received elsewhere. If you want to watch B-movies about atheist college professors, you’re set. But if you’re a conservative who wants to see your views represented in high-caliber entertainment that addresses contemporary hot-button topics—like policing and the rise of anti-corporate populism—you’re mostly out of luck.
But if people on the right are looking for safe harbor in the ocean of liberal-leaning entertainment, they should check out Spider-Man: Miles Morales, a recently released video game you can play on the Playstation 4 and Playstation 5 consoles.
A follow-up to 2018’s PS4 game Spider-Man, this title takes us out of the shoes of series protagonist Peter Parker and instead tasks us to play as Miles Morales, a friend of Parker’s who resides with his mother in Harlem.
His life story is in many ways the embodiment of traditional values. The son of a Puerto Rican mother and an African-American father, Miles is dedicated to his family and his Uptown community. While bashing the police as an institution of “white supremacy” has become vogue among cultural progressives, Miles is the son of a police officer who gave his life in the first game protecting innocent civilians from a criminal gang.
This tragic death leaves us without the presence of Miles’s father in this title, but his presence looms large over his son’s motivations. After Parker, the first Spider-Man, decides to abscond for several weeks to Europe with his girlfriend Mary Jane, it’s up to Miles to protect his city from all manner of crooks and criminals.
And protect he does. With his own signature Spider-Man suit, Miles aggressively takes down gangsters, foiling weapons deals and helping imprison notorious drug dealers. Although he works outside the law as a vigilante, he does so with healthy respect for the NYPD, who he allows to arrest the bad guys he dispatches of with non-lethal violence.
Alongside the usual crime-fighting, Miles also has to deal with a pair of new threats to the city. First, he must investigate the mysterious Roxxon Energy corporation, a firm that has an ever-expanding presence in the game’s New York City. Roxxon is led by Simon Krieger whose dressed-down attire and cocky attitude is reminiscent of any number of Silicon Valley’s entrepreneurs.
Although Roxxon comes from long-time Marvel lore, the way it is presented in the game could easily remind players of Amazon or other mega corporations who move into our nation’s metropolises and dangle the promise of jobs and social benefits to manipulate their politics. If Krieger shaved his spiky hair, he could probably pull off a pretty good Jeff Bezos.
It quickly becomes clear that Krieger is building products that endanger the general public; Miles’s mother, Rio Morales, decides to run for city council on a platform of holding Roxxon accountable. The elder Morales’s politics are that of a quintessential hyperlocal populist – she doesn’t want a massive, unaccountable corporation reshaping her historic community for its own profit.
But not everyone in the community is satisfied with addressing Roxxon’s behavior with the tools the system offers them. Therein lies the other threat: the Underground. This techno-futuristic gang takes up arms and tries to violently uproot Roxxon’s operations. Miles, who like Peter is opposed to lethal violence, sets out to stop them from committing acts of terrorism. In what one could read as a subtle dig at Antifa and other nihilistic groups that use vandalism and violence for political ends, he sternly lectures one Underground member that what they’re doing isn’t just throwing a rock through a window.
As Miles pushes himself to his limits trying to stop Roxxon’s monopoly from controlling the city and the Underground’s terrorism from blowing it apart, we’re greeted with a story that, ultimately, is about the honor in defending one’s home against the leviathan of corporate America and the chaos and disorder of criminals and terrorists.
It is unlikely that the technical wizards at Insomniac Games set out to develop a title that appeals to the populist right—they probably just wanted to make a darn good video game with a compelling story, a task in which they succeeded. But what they’ve crafted here is a tale that encourages us to respect the bedrock values of our civilization while defending it against those who would undermine them. Conservatives couldn’t ask for a better story to represent their arguments.
Zaid Jilani is a freelance journalist who in the past has worked for UC Berkeley’s Greater Good Science Center, The Intercept, and the Center for American Progress.


theamericanconservative--2020-11-25--America’s Window of Hope

America’s Window of Hope

There are many parallels between the personalities of Donald Trump and the second president of the United States , John Adams .
Both Adams and Trump had sizable egos and demonstrated streaks of nearly unmatched vanity .
John Adams was instrumental in getting George Washington appointed to lead the colonial army , and yet quickly became jealous of him and even tried to get him fired .
Although a politically patient man , John Adams would verbally lash out anytime he felt under attack .
Adam ’ s personality was off-putting to many—even those who agreed with his politics .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ merely because he had irritated them so badly in the past .
Although not without mistakes , Adams was also an extremely successful president—especially when it came to trade and foreign policy .
As we now look back at Trump ’ s term at the helm , other parallels of their presidencies are also strikingly similar .
This perspective should lead to some despondency on the side of conservatives .
When John Adams lost his re-election bid , the result was that the country suffered tremendously for the decades that followed .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us to find hope—even if Trump ’ s legal challenges end in defeat .
Although a very important founding father , Adams was not an irreplaceable one .
He wasn ’ t a Washington or a Hamilton .
However , even in his election defeat , Adams provided the country with a gift—an individual who saved America for decades to come , during possibly the darkest phase of our country ’ s history .
This period was the presidency of Thomas Jefferson .
John Adam ’ s gift was an 11th-hour appointment of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court .
Justice Marshall was confirmed well after John Adams had lost—only a month before Thomas Jefferson took office .
The 1800 presidential election that Adams lost to Jefferson was heavily contested .
The Never Trumpers of their day had conspired to make sure that Adams was not re-elected .
This is what gave Jefferson a chance to win .
Even then , Jefferson ended in an electoral vote tie with a third candidate .
The selection process came down to the House of Representatives having to vote to select the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it took 36 different votes by the House for a deadlock to finally break with Jefferson prevailing .
During the prior 35 votes , Jefferson and his followers had threatened everything from armed-insurrection , mob-violence , and even disbanding the country if Jefferson wasn ’ t made president .
Sound familiar ?
Back on November 2nd , the day before our election , we had many major cities boarding up their buildings to deal with the feared anger of mob violence if Trump had been reelected that evening .
That same day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ under no scenario will Donald Trump be declared a victor on election night.
” Former government officials have demanded that Biden/Harris not concede under any circumstances .
Militant arms of the Democratic Party have been on full display for months—leaving destruction and murder in their wake .
Jefferson was a duplicitous person .
No one had railed against European tyranny more than he had .
No one wanted total power more than he did either .
Jefferson liked strife and discord .
Years prior , during the ratification process of the Constitution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ratify the document while simultaneously attempting to have 4 states vote against it .
I would contend that Thomas Jefferson was the most corrupt president in our history .
When he took office , his party also had control of the Senate and the House .
It was the exact scenario that could easily occur after the upcoming U.S. Senate races in Georgia .
However , the one area that Jefferson ’ s party was not in control of was the judiciary .
This is where he immediately focused his efforts in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has spoken about possible maneuvers to take away the perceived conservative majority on the Supreme Court .
He has discussed ‘ packing ’ the court .
He has also talked about cycling SCOTUS justices off to other courts .
Thomas Jefferson did both .
Jefferson more or less even effectively disbanded the Supreme Court for a year and a half .
When it returned , he installed people fiercely loyal to his ideals , and yet something odd happened .
Justice John Marshall within short order would seemingly change their mindset and turn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frustrated Jefferson to no end .
As John Marshall was patient and stood up to him , Jefferson decided to start the process of impeaching justices whose politics he did not like .
Marshall was able to organize the defense of these sham impeachments and get just enough of Jefferson ’ s loyal base of senators to defect in order to thwart the removals .
At the start of this year , we witnessed the impeachment of a president for the ‘ crime ’ of being too politically popular and too successful with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His impeachment was spearheaded by the very people who were running against him .
This includes several senators who are now actively seeking cabinet positions in Biden ’ s outfit—not to mention the soon to be vice-president who could in short order be the president herself .
If the Georgia Senate races go to the far-left , it will assure them nearly complete power .
We know they will do whatever possible to ‘ legally ’ nullify the Constitution and target the judiciary .
They have told us as much with their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place , we must hope that the appointments of Gorsuch , Kavanaugh , and Barrett will stem the tide and keep America from progressing down the Marxist road they openly wish to take us .
Jefferson would have turned America into something far different—something incredibly dark .
There was one person who slowed him , and that person was Justice Marshall .
Marshall was the only one who could successfully counter the genius of Jefferson and out-strategize him .
Marshall was the only person capable of turning a Jefferson ally into an American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that I believe John Marshall to be every bit as important to our history as any other founding father .
Marshall countered Jefferson ’ s eight years in office .
He provided the reason and logic that helped slowly turn the following 16 years of Jefferson proteges ( Madison and Monroe ) , into presidents that didn ’ t expect to exercise their will over the Constitution .
It was the ever-polite Marshall , and his three and a half decades on the Supreme Court , that gave the country enough time to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lincoln .
I say all this as there still could be a sliver of hope in a Georgia defeat .
However , I am wary of banking on a modern-day replica of John Marshall to single-handedly save us for decades to come .
I am not here to claim that Trump is one of the best presidents ever .
I certainly am not here to say his personality always made him friends—much in the model of a John Adams it often did the opposite .
I can say , however , that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he brought the Republican party in 2020 , he has provided us a chance to keep our country in the game .
He has bought us time to keep things alive until a hero emerges in the future .
If the Senate races in Georgia are lost , though , this window of hope may be gone for good .
This is where some other optimism can be gleaned .
Thomas Jefferson was a genius .
He was a terrible person with a dangerous thirst for power—but he was brilliant .
Today , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who wrote the Declaration of Independence and who for decades centralized all Democrat party thought .
Although we may be up against lies , fraud , duplicity , and big tech—strategy is not coming from one single source like it did with Jefferson .
Although I don ’ t wish to tempt fate and see if Justice Barrett ends up being this century ’ s version of John Marshall , I am hopeful we won ’ t have to .
Georgia must be won .
Even to a moderate Biden voter , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must give some concern .
National lockdowns , wealth confiscation , censoring of opinion , and the stated goal of specifically not working in a bi-partisan way is what they have heralded mere weeks after the election .
The Georgia election gives our country with an opportunity to deny a single ideology the complete law-making and executive control they are so hungry for .
Regardless of one ’ s party affiliation or political leaning , preventing this central and complete control gives America a better chance of being recognizable a few years from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s small window of hope may be slammed shut .
Anthony Schwartz is a technology entrepreneur from California .
He has an undergraduate degree from Harvard and an MBA from Santa Clara .
An expert in early U.S. history , his focus is in finding the relationships between the complex formative years of the country and the political situations of today .

There are many parallels between the personalities of Donald Trump and the second president of the United States, John Adams. Both Adams and Trump had sizable egos and demonstrated streaks of nearly unmatched vanity. John Adams was instrumental in getting George Washington appointed to lead the colonial army, and yet quickly became jealous of him and even tried to get him fired.
Although a politically patient man, John Adams would verbally lash out anytime he felt under attack. Adam’s personality was off-putting to many—even those who agreed with his politics. Many would oppose Adams on items, merely because he had irritated them so badly in the past. Although not without mistakes, Adams was also an extremely successful president—especially when it came to trade and foreign policy.
As we now look back at Trump’s term at the helm, other parallels of their presidencies are also strikingly similar. This perspective should lead to some despondency on the side of conservatives. When John Adams lost his re-election bid, the result was that the country suffered tremendously for the decades that followed.
The Adam’s example, also allows us to find hope—even if Trump’s legal challenges end in defeat. Although a very important founding father, Adams was not an irreplaceable one. He wasn’t a Washington or a Hamilton. However, even in his election defeat, Adams provided the country with a gift—an individual who saved America for decades to come, during possibly the darkest phase of our country’s history. This period was the presidency of Thomas Jefferson.
John Adam’s gift was an 11th-hour appointment of John Marshall to Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Justice Marshall was confirmed well after John Adams had lost—only a month before Thomas Jefferson took office.
The 1800 presidential election that Adams lost to Jefferson was heavily contested. The Never Trumpers of their day had conspired to make sure that Adams was not re-elected. This is what gave Jefferson a chance to win. Even then, Jefferson ended in an electoral vote tie with a third candidate. The selection process came down to the House of Representatives having to vote to select the president. Even this was contested, as it took 36 different votes by the House for a deadlock to finally break with Jefferson prevailing.
During the prior 35 votes, Jefferson and his followers had threatened everything from armed-insurrection, mob-violence, and even disbanding the country if Jefferson wasn’t made president. Sound familiar?
Back on November 2nd, the day before our election, we had many major cities boarding up their buildings to deal with the feared anger of mob violence if Trump had been reelected that evening. That same day, Biden’s campaign manager insisted, “under no scenario will Donald Trump be declared a victor on election night.” Former government officials have demanded that Biden/Harris not concede under any circumstances. Militant arms of the Democratic Party have been on full display for months—leaving destruction and murder in their wake.
Jefferson was a duplicitous person. No one had railed against European tyranny more than he had. No one wanted total power more than he did either. Jefferson liked strife and discord. Years prior, during the ratification process of the Constitution, Jefferson attempted to have 9 states to ratify the document while simultaneously attempting to have 4 states vote against it.
I would contend that Thomas Jefferson was the most corrupt president in our history. When he took office, his party also had control of the Senate and the House. It was the exact scenario that could easily occur after the upcoming U.S. Senate races in Georgia. However, the one area that Jefferson’s party was not in control of was the judiciary. This is where he immediately focused his efforts in order to destroy any opposition.
Biden has spoken about possible maneuvers to take away the perceived conservative majority on the Supreme Court. He has discussed ‘packing’ the court. He has also talked about cycling SCOTUS justices off to other courts. Thomas Jefferson did both. Jefferson more or less even effectively disbanded the Supreme Court for a year and a half. When it returned, he installed people fiercely loyal to his ideals, and yet something odd happened. Justice John Marshall within short order would seemingly change their mindset and turn them into constitutionalists.
This angered and frustrated Jefferson to no end. As John Marshall was patient and stood up to him, Jefferson decided to start the process of impeaching justices whose politics he did not like. Marshall was able to organize the defense of these sham impeachments and get just enough of Jefferson’s loyal base of senators to defect in order to thwart the removals.
At the start of this year, we witnessed the impeachment of a president for the ‘crime’ of being too politically popular and too successful with the economy to beat in an election. His impeachment was spearheaded by the very people who were running against him. This includes several senators who are now actively seeking cabinet positions in Biden’s outfit—not to mention the soon to be vice-president who could in short order be the president herself.
If the Georgia Senate races go to the far-left, it will assure them nearly complete power. We know they will do whatever possible to ‘legally’ nullify the Constitution and target the judiciary. They have told us as much with their own words. If that scenario takes place, we must hope that the appointments of Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett will stem the tide and keep America from progressing down the Marxist road they openly wish to take us.
Jefferson would have turned America into something far different—something incredibly dark. There was one person who slowed him, and that person was Justice Marshall. Marshall was the only one who could successfully counter the genius of Jefferson and out-strategize him. Marshall was the only person capable of turning a Jefferson ally into an American patriot.
It is for this reason that I believe John Marshall to be every bit as important to our history as any other founding father. Marshall countered Jefferson’s eight years in office. He provided the reason and logic that helped slowly turn the following 16 years of Jefferson proteges (Madison and Monroe), into presidents that didn’t expect to exercise their will over the Constitution. It was the ever-polite Marshall, and his three and a half decades on the Supreme Court, that gave the country enough time to be saved again years later by Abraham Lincoln.
I say all this as there still could be a sliver of hope in a Georgia defeat. However, I am wary of banking on a modern-day replica of John Marshall to single-handedly save us for decades to come.
I am not here to claim that Trump is one of the best presidents ever. I certainly am not here to say his personality always made him friends—much in the model of a John Adams it often did the opposite. I can say, however, that the movement Trump created and the down-ticket success he brought the Republican party in 2020, he has provided us a chance to keep our country in the game. He has bought us time to keep things alive until a hero emerges in the future. If the Senate races in Georgia are lost, though, this window of hope may be gone for good.
This is where some other optimism can be gleaned. Thomas Jefferson was a genius. He was a terrible person with a dangerous thirst for power—but he was brilliant. Today, we are not up against the person who wrote the Declaration of Independence and who for decades centralized all Democrat party thought. Although we may be up against lies, fraud, duplicity, and big tech—strategy is not coming from one single source like it did with Jefferson. Although I don’t wish to tempt fate and see if Justice Barrett ends up being this century’s version of John Marshall, I am hopeful we won’t have to. Georgia must be won.
Even to a moderate Biden voter, the far-left’s rhetoric since election day must give some concern. National lockdowns, wealth confiscation, censoring of opinion, and the stated goal of specifically not working in a bi-partisan way is what they have heralded mere weeks after the election.
The Georgia election gives our country with an opportunity to deny a single ideology the complete law-making and executive control they are so hungry for. Regardless of one’s party affiliation or political leaning, preventing this central and complete control gives America a better chance of being recognizable a few years from now.
If not, our country’s small window of hope may be slammed shut.
Anthony Schwartz is a technology entrepreneur from California. He has an undergraduate degree from Harvard and an MBA from Santa Clara. An expert in early U.S. history, his focus is in finding the relationships between the complex formative years of the country and the political situations of today.


theamericanconservative--2020-11-30--The Immigration Stakes in Georgia

The Immigration Stakes in Georgia

If Georgia flips fully blue , immigration activists will deserve much of the credit — and they 're ready to claim the spoils of victory .
If the Democrats win a majority in the Senate , the pressure on a Biden administration to push leftward in tandem with the party will be immense .
That makes the stakes in the upcoming Georgia runoffs high on every front , but one that gets little attention in news cycles lately is the trademark issue of Trump ’ s successful 2016 campaign : immigration .
The immigration question is especially important because activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Democratic candidates in Georgia , mobilizing critical votes and thereby shaping the electorate .
A press release from one group gives an impression of the extent and organization of the network on the ground : These activists ’ agenda includes hot-button issues like legislating DACA and excusing sanctuary cities , but also things like lower application fees for immigrants , along with increased or new benefits for immigrants , both legal and illegal .
The National Partnership for New Americans ( NPNA ) has published a New American Dreams Platform for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims : The platform includes workforce training and English language classes for immigrants .
Furthermore , since NPNA views health care as a human right , the group also believes all immigrants should receive free health care : This immigration platform will also play out in many areas which receive very little attention .
For instance , President Trump ended the process of rubber stamping Temporary Protected Status ( TPS ) .
TPS was designed so that in case of a natural disaster , war , or other emergency , people from a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legally but temporarily would receive a reprieve while the situation in their home country played out .
TPS was supposed to last two years for citizens of a given country , but starting in the Bush administration and continuing in the Obama administration , the TPS status would get reauthorized as a rubber stamp and a temporary program became permanent .
But President Trump ended all that , something immigration integration plans like NPNA ’ s seek to reverse : NPNA declined to answer my list of questions but did invite me to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 2020 .
At the conference , NPNA representatives made the case that new American voters made the difference in key states like Georgia , Arizona , and Pennsylvania .
One in ten voters in Arizona , they noted , were naturalized citizens .
While announcing a commitment to working with a potential Biden administration , NPNA Executive Director Nicole Melaku accused the Trump administration of engaging in “ unprecedented attacks ” on immigrants .
( That said , she did remark that 2 million people , an admittedly significant number , have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NPNA laid out its policy goals for a Biden presidency in a press release : NPNA and other immigrant rights advocates are calling on the incoming Biden/Harris administration to further commit to promptly enacting other key changes that will not only reverse the damage done over the past four years , but create a more just and welcoming nation for all .
While some of these policies would require congressional action , many can be done simply through administrative changes .
For immigrant communities , expanding access to citizenship is one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new President-elect .
First steps to achieving this include rescinding Trump administration policies that cut off low-income immigrants from naturalization via fee increases and reduced eligibility for fee waivers , and new barriers to passing the civic test for immigrants with limited English proficiency .
Other NPNA recommendations for the incoming Biden/Harris administration include the adoption of a comprehensive national immigrant integration strategy in collaboration with federal agencies , state and city govenments , and community-based organizations .
In addition to NPNA , the most active group in this network is one many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , called La Raza prior to 2017 .
This group is a collection of local community organizations , allowing it to reach people on a grassroots level—a key to any succesful campaign .
The money behind the movement , though , comes from another group few are familar with : The Emerson Collective .
Its power is owed to one word : Jobs—as in Lauren Powell Jobs , the widow of Steve Jobs .
The Emerson Collective has assets of more than $ 1.8 billion , and gives grants in numerous liberal wish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change , and immigration causes .
One beneficiary of Emerson funds is The Immigration HUB .
It ’ s filled with former Capitol Hill staffers who previously worked for Kamala Harris , Jerry Nadler , Robert Menendez and others .
These were often key staffers like Kerri Talbot , who was Chief Counsel for Robert Menendez .
Joe Biden has been in DC for nearly fifty years ; he ’ s a swamp creature .
Who better to influence him than other creatures of the swamp ?
Other groups like Alianza Americas will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receive support from several local community organizations pushing left wing immigration policy in certain localities , including the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights ( ICIRR ) , Florida Immigration Council , and COPAL MN .
These grassroots efforts will be buoyed by several dozen lawmakers , primarily from two caucuses : the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the New Americans Caucus .
The CHC , for its part , remains well known but has lost some of its influence on immigration issues since Luis Gutierrez—longtime Illinois congressman and constant presence on cable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Caucus is small—six members—but it includes some of the most prominent open borders hardliners , such as Jesus Garcia , who has been in Congress since 2016 .
Before that , he was a Cook County Commissioner .
In 2012 , he spearheaded a controversial local ordinance which forbade the Cook County Sheriff from cooperating with Immigration and Customs Enforcement ( ICE ) on detainers .
( A detainer is a hold of up to forty eight hours that ICE places on prison inmates it wants to pick up so they aren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ line vote , Democrats passed the law .
A few months later , Saul Chavez was released after he made bail .
Chavez was drunk when he crashed into Denny McCann , who was crossing a Chicago street .
Chavez dragged McCann about two hundred feet and killed him .
Chavez failed to make his next court appearance and remains a fugitive to this day .
Others released under this ordinance include gang bangers and other violent criminals .
Another immigration issue to watch is deportations .
While it received scant media coverage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the number of people deported .
Even Trump couldn ’ t keep up .
Suffice it to say that record deportations would not align with the plans of any of these activist organizations .
I asked the folks at NPNA about this at their press conference .
Nicole Melaku said that it was important to develop a program of “ reform for all eleven million to bring relief , ” but that a comprehensive plan would be unnecessary .
Gary Segura , a senior partner at Latino Decisions who was also on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be watching very closely , ” referring to all Biden campaign promises .
Segura , however , also called my question misleading on the grounds that all Obama-era deportations were statutory and lawful .
But there would be no conversation on the subject if immigration activists ’ concern was really just that deportations be conducted properly according to existing law .
It is hardly up for debate that any broad deportation campaign is contrary to their goals .
And it just so happens that Obama deported over 2.7 million people—more than any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 ABC story .
He and George W. Bush—who deported another 2 million himself—deported more people than all presidents in the 20th century combined .
This may be a policy many readers favor , but it is certainly anathema to NPNA and others putting in the hard work for Democratic victory .
It remains to be seen how such groups respond if a President Biden follows President Obama ’ s lead .
Michael Volpehas worked as a freelance journalist since 2009 , after spending more than a decade in finance .
He is @ @ @ @

If the Democrats win a majority in the Senate, the pressure on a Biden administration to push leftward in tandem with the party will be immense. That makes the stakes in the upcoming Georgia runoffs high on every front, but one that gets little attention in news cycles lately is the trademark issue of Trump’s successful 2016 campaign: immigration.
The immigration question is especially important because activists for the cause are out in force for the Democratic candidates in Georgia, mobilizing critical votes and thereby shaping the electorate. A press release from one group gives an impression of the extent and organization of the network on the ground:
All of Poder Latinx’s Georgia staff are residents of Gwinnett, Cobb, and Fulton counties. The team led a phone banking operation staffed by 24 bilingual phone bankers calling Latinx voters throughout Georgia, and 18 bilingual canvassers knocking on doors in Gwinnett, Cobb, and Fulton counties. Canvassers were given extensive training on safety protocols before talking to voters, not only to protect themselves, but also their own Latinx community, which has been hit hard by the pandemic.
These activists’ agenda includes hot-button issues like legislating DACA and excusing sanctuary cities, but also things like lower application fees for immigrants, along with increased or new benefits for immigrants, both legal and illegal. The National Partnership for New Americans (NPNA) has published a New American Dreams Platform for immigration policy. It begins with sweeping claims:
We believe that we cannot have a true democracy without a system that includes all people. Congress must pass comprehensive immigration reform that provides an attainable road to citizenship for undocumented people and protects existing immigration pathways through family migration and diversity visas. Congress should also foster “active citizenship” for New Americans by funding civic leadership, reducing barriers to voting, and promoting greater civic participation. In addition, we must eliminate unfair barriers to naturalization—such as exorbitant application fees and linguistic requirements—while reducing the application backlog. In all this work, we must remember that U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) is a customer service agency with a separate and distinct mission from agencies geared towards immigration enforcement.
The platform includes workforce training and English language classes for immigrants. Furthermore, since NPNA views health care as a human right, the group also believes all immigrants should receive free health care:
We must affirm that affordable health care is a basic human right, regardless of immigration status. There are a number of steps we can take to ensure that everyone has access to affordable health care, such as enacting policies to make employer-based health coverage more affordable, strengthening safety-net programs, and removing barriers for legal immigrants to access federally funded health care programs. We must also work to ensure that public health programs and health care providers are culturally and linguistically competent, with a workforce that reflects the diversity of the communities they serve.
This immigration platform will also play out in many areas which receive very little attention.
For instance, President Trump ended the process of rubber stamping Temporary Protected Status (TPS). TPS was designed so that in case of a natural disaster, war, or other emergency, people from a certain country who are in the U.S. legally but temporarily would receive a reprieve while the situation in their home country played out.
TPS was supposed to last two years for citizens of a given country, but starting in the Bush administration and continuing in the Obama administration, the TPS status would get reauthorized as a rubber stamp and a temporary program became permanent.
But President Trump ended all that, something immigration integration plans like NPNA’s seek to reverse:
Our country has a proud history as a beacon of freedom and safety. We need to honor that history by ensuring that people seeking refuge from violence and exploitation have adequate pathways to lawful immigration, regardless of their country of origin, race, religion, or sexual orientation. Congress should also amend the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) program to allow for a path to permanent residence for those with TPS if they have established lives in the U.S. We must ensure that all people can meaningfully seek asylum in the U.S. and end travel, immigration, and refugee resettlement bans. Finally, we should hold Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to the highest standards of civil policing conduct and reject actions and rhetoric that treat civil immigration enforcement as a military issue.
NPNA declined to answer my list of questions but did invite me to a press conference held on November 19, 2020. At the conference, NPNA representatives made the case that new American voters made the difference in key states like Georgia, Arizona, and Pennsylvania. One in ten voters in Arizona, they noted, were naturalized citizens.
While announcing a commitment to working with a potential Biden administration, NPNA Executive Director Nicole Melaku accused the Trump administration of engaging in “unprecedented attacks” on immigrants. (That said, she did remark that 2 million people, an admittedly significant number, have been naturalized during his administration.)
NPNA laid out its policy goals for a Biden presidency in a press release:
NPNA and other immigrant rights advocates are calling on the incoming Biden/Harris administration to further commit to promptly enacting other key changes that will not only reverse the damage done over the past four years, but create a more just and welcoming nation for all. While some of these policies would require congressional action, many can be done simply through administrative changes. For immigrant communities, expanding access to citizenship is one of the priority issues on the docket for the new President-elect. First steps to achieving this include rescinding Trump administration policies that cut off low-income immigrants from naturalization via fee increases and reduced eligibility for fee waivers, and new barriers to passing the civic test for immigrants with limited English proficiency. Other NPNA recommendations for the incoming Biden/Harris administration include the adoption of a comprehensive national immigrant integration strategy in collaboration with federal agencies, state and city govenments, and community-based organizations.
In addition to NPNA, the most active group in this network is one many won’t know: Unidos US, called La Raza prior to 2017. This group is a collection of local community organizations, allowing it to reach people on a grassroots level—a key to any succesful campaign.
The money behind the movement, though, comes from another group few are familar with: The Emerson Collective. Its power is owed to one word: Jobs—as in Lauren Powell Jobs, the widow of Steve Jobs. The Emerson Collective has assets of more than $1.8 billion, and gives grants in numerous liberal wish list categories like social justice, climate change, and immigration causes.
One beneficiary of Emerson funds is The Immigration HUB. It’s filled with former Capitol Hill staffers who previously worked for Kamala Harris, Jerry Nadler, Robert Menendez and others. These were often key staffers like Kerri Talbot, who was Chief Counsel for Robert Menendez.
Joe Biden has been in DC for nearly fifty years; he’s a swamp creature. Who better to influence him than other creatures of the swamp?
Other groups like Alianza Americas will also contribute. This network will also receive support from several local community organizations pushing left wing immigration policy in certain localities, including the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights (ICIRR), Florida Immigration Council, and COPAL MN.
These grassroots efforts will be buoyed by several dozen lawmakers, primarily from two caucuses: the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the New Americans Caucus. The CHC, for its part, remains well known but has lost some of its influence on immigration issues since Luis Gutierrez—longtime Illinois congressman and constant presence on cable news—retired in 2018.
The New Americans Caucus is small—six members—but it includes some of the most prominent open borders hardliners, such as Jesus Garcia, who has been in Congress since 2016. Before that, he was a Cook County Commissioner. In 2012, he spearheaded a controversial local ordinance which forbade the Cook County Sheriff from cooperating with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on detainers. (A detainer is a hold of up to forty eight hours that ICE places on prison inmates it wants to pick up so they aren’t released.) In a party line vote, Democrats passed the law.
A few months later, Saul Chavez was released after he made bail. Chavez was drunk when he crashed into Denny McCann, who was crossing a Chicago street. Chavez dragged McCann about two hundred feet and killed him. Chavez failed to make his next court appearance and remains a fugitive to this day. Others released under this ordinance include gang bangers and other violent criminals.
Another immigration issue to watch is deportations. While it received scant media coverage, the Obama administration set records for the number of people deported. Even Trump couldn’t keep up.
Rep. Gutierrez made numerous criticisms of Obama admin practices:
Nobody can say with a straight face that President Obama is not enforcing our immigration laws vigorously, but that is still the main talking point on the right wing every day and twice on Sunday’s talk shows. The fact that we are deporting so many people, even when illegal immigration has slowed to a trickle, is a symptom of our decades-long neglect in fixing the immigration system.
Suffice it to say that record deportations would not align with the plans of any of these activist organizations. I asked the folks at NPNA about this at their press conference. Nicole Melaku said that it was important to develop a program of “reform for all eleven million to bring relief,” but that a comprehensive plan would be unnecessary.
Gary Segura, a senior partner at Latino Decisions who was also on the press conference, said, “We will be watching very closely,” referring to all Biden campaign promises. Segura, however, also called my question misleading on the grounds that all Obama-era deportations were statutory and lawful.
But there would be no conversation on the subject if immigration activists’ concern was really just that deportations be conducted properly according to existing law. It is hardly up for debate that any broad deportation campaign is contrary to their goals. And it just so happens that Obama deported over 2.7 million people—more than any president in history, according to a 2016 ABC story. He and George W. Bush—who deported another 2 million himself—deported more people than all presidents in the 20th century combined.
This may be a policy many readers favor, but it is certainly anathema to NPNA and others putting in the hard work for Democratic victory. It remains to be seen how such groups respond if a President Biden follows President Obama’s lead.
Michael Volpe has worked as a freelance journalist since 2009, after spending more than a decade in finance. He is based in Chicago.


theamericanconservative--2020-11-30--Will Trump be Prosecuted?

Will Trump be Prosecuted?

The left is excited about revenge once the president leaves office .
But their chances of success are slim , to say the least .
The talk in Washington is about revenge against Trump .
It is not pretty .
AOC said “ Trump sycophants ” should be held accountable for their “ complicity in the future ” and wants their Tweets archived as evidence .
There ’ s a Trump Accountability Project .
A WaPo columnist wrote that the people helping Trump now should “ never serve in office , join a corporate board , find a faculty position @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have a list.
” Some suggest truth-and-reconciliation commissions .
But the real blood people want spilled would occur in the judicial system .
Release the DOJ hounds .
Nuremberg Trials .
The goal is vengeance : in the minds of the werewolves , Trump and his extended family belong in jail—for something—and then they should be driven into poverty .
Keeping in mind that Trump was not responsible for the Holocaust , gulags , secret police disappearances , genocide , apartheid , a torture regime , offshore penal colonies or gassing his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bit extreme .
But in many ways we live in extreme times , so what are the chances President Biden would release the full force of the American system against his former rival ?
The simplest explanation is that persecuting , humiliating or prosecuting political opponents after they lose is third world stuff .
Biden won .
There is no political value in dancing on Trump ’ s grave or in the criminalization of policy differences .
Nobody tried it with Nixon .
Bush I pardoned , not prosecuted , six Reagan White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iran-contra affair .
Bush II didn ’ t prosecute Lyin ’ Bill Clinton , and Obama didn ’ t do it with George “ The Torturer ” Bush .
Despite leading frequent chants of “ lock her up , ” Trump did nothing when he had the power to try .
The last thing Biden wants is for a prosecution to ensure all wounds are kept open .
Nope , Joe isn ’ t throwing Baby Political Advantage out with the Trump bathwater .
Biden also knows he can ’ t unring the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predecessor , he ’ s next when the sides inevitably switch again .
Mindful of the failures of Russiagate and impeachment , Biden also doesn ’ t want to start with a non-win .
Any prosecution of Trump will be endlessly tied up in questions of privileged conversations , sealed records , and evidence fights , followed by loyalist hearings into Hunter and His Most Excellent China Deal .
You think Biden and his DOJ want to have that stink on their shoes heading into the 2022 midterms ?
( And yes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So the real dreams for revenge rest with the Southern District of New York ( SDNY ; led by Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance but ultimately controlled by Biden ’ s Department of Justice ) and failing that , New York State Attorney General Letitia James .
The former already failed in 2012 to indict Trump ’ s children after they were accused of misleading investors , and faced judicial rebukes in the past for sloppy work and political motivations .
The latter is beloved by progressives as an angry woman of color @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both offices have been compiling nasty stuff against Trump , held back only by quaint custom which prevents them from indicting him as long as he ’ s president .
As of January 20 he is open game .
In addition , if they can press New York state-level charges , those are exempt from any federal pardon Trump might get from himself or from Mike Pence through some president-for-a-day 25th Amendment witchcraft .
Leaving aside the untested law surrounding self-pardons , as well as double jeopardy concerns ( NY ’ s laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country ; SDNY already failed in its prosecution of Paul Manafort based on double jeopardy ) related to anything to do with impeachment or something under IRS audit , and the questions of jurisdiction and extradition ( Trump is a Florida citizen ) the forces of vengeance have got to have something they can actually prosecute Trump for .
Like an actual crime .
Being an evil president or making mean decisions on immigration do not count in actual courts ( and good luck finding an impartial jury ) .
The biggest problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same thing that failed Russiagate ; it is based on an assumption Trump must have done something wrong .
The creation of a “ crime ” such as what drove the impeachment only worked because of a partisan House willing to play along .
The New York state system is no such kangaroo court , and affords defendants far more protections than federal courts .
There are strict rules governing evidence presented to a grand jury , and even minor procedural errors can result in indictments being thrown out .
“ If you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d rather be in New York State court than in federal court any day of the week , ” said SDNY ’ s former top deputy .
That said , a politically minded prosecutor can always find some way to file charges for the show value , even while knowing the case will disappear on motions after the headlines fade ( as with Manafort ) .
But the hope is that beyond a media event like that , somewhere in the complex finances of the Trump Organization lies a smoking gun .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ related : one must remember the IRS and the New York Department of Revenue have had Trump ’ s taxes for decades .
Whatever the SDNY hopes they show , the IRS , Treasury , FBI , NY state , NJ Gaming Commission and who knows who else already has seen them , or could have if they had suspicions , and for decades have not found cause to prosecute Trump .
The current IRS audit of Trump has been ongoing since 2010 and there is nothing to indicate it will finish anytime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conclude cases by asking for money , as fraud is very difficult to prove .
In tax-fraud cases , prosecutors are required to prove misconduct was intentional , a high bar .
A jury might wonder if Trump ’ s daughter ’ s consulting services were worth $ 740,000 , but if Trump argued he valued them at that level , that could constitute a viable defense against fraud even if the deduction was ultimately disallowed .
Trump ’ s teams of accountants also gives him personal cover for many potentially fraudulent claims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not indict Trump on Russiagate-era obstruction was because it was not possible to determine that Trump had showed the legally required corrupt intent .
Another idea is that Trump misvalued some New York real estate to obtain loans , a civil offense at worst usually settled with new assessments or a fine .
The city of New York assigns a value to each property for tax purposes .
Nearly every property owner in NYC believes his assessed value is too high and pushes back , to the point where this is not even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax commission grievance process .
Owners want a lower value to pay less tax , except when they approach a bank for the equivalent of a refi loan , when they want their property to seem more expensive to secure a bigger loan .
It is the bank who then decides what a property is worth to them as collateral , via their own due diligence .
It is as much art as science ; beyond the usual valuation factors of location , location , location , some buildings in New York are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name ( cough , cough , Trump Tower ) , what history they represent , etc .
Some just have nicer views , or are stuck with subway construction outside their doors for the next five years .
Sometimes the bank is generous in valuation because in return for the loan they ’ ll secure some other business of value to them .
Overvaluing/undervaluing real estate in New York City may be sport , but as a crime it is not going to send anyone to jail .
Imagine the yawns as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s tiered exemptions , and how their value is subtracted from the DOF assessed figure to calculate a taxable value which is then multiplied by the current tax rate for the specific assigned property class .
And tomorrow we ’ ll talk about complex easements going back to 1979 !
Anything left of the Emoluments Clause cases is too weak to care about .
Nobody seriously thinks there is any air left in the obstruction claims in the Mueller report .
That leaves Stormy .
At his 2019 televised Congressional hearing Michael @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Trump to him , which was supposedly part of $ 130k paid to Stormy Daniels ( there is also at least one other woman , Karen McDougal ) under a nondisclosure agreement ( NDA ) to keep quiet about her affair with Trump .
Cohen says it was illegal hush money .
A case built around some events predating the Trump presidency dependent on the testimony of a gold-digging porn star violating her NDA for profit and a disbarred felon trying to sing his way out of jail ?
As they say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough that it deserves its own article , next week .
Peter Van Buren is the author of We Meant Well : How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People , Hooper ’ s War : A Novel of WWII Japan , and Ghosts of Tom Joad : A Story of the 99 Percent .

The talk in Washington is about revenge against Trump. It is not pretty.
AOC said “Trump sycophants” should be held accountable for their “complicity in the future” and wants their Tweets archived as evidence. There’s a Trump Accountability Project. A WaPo columnist wrote that the people helping Trump now should “never serve in office, join a corporate board, find a faculty position or be accepted into polite society. We have a list.” Some suggest truth-and-reconciliation commissions.
But the real blood people want spilled would occur in the judicial system. Release the DOJ hounds. Nuremberg Trials. The goal is vengeance: in the minds of the werewolves, Trump and his extended family belong in jail—for something—and then they should be driven into poverty.
Keeping in mind that Trump was not responsible for the Holocaust, gulags, secret police disappearances, genocide, apartheid, a torture regime, offshore penal colonies or gassing his own people, the calls seem a bit extreme. But in many ways we live in extreme times, so what are the chances President Biden would release the full force of the American system against his former rival?
Zero.
The simplest explanation is that persecuting, humiliating or prosecuting political opponents after they lose is third world stuff. Biden won. There is no political value in dancing on Trump’s grave or in the criminalization of policy differences.
Nobody tried it with Nixon. Bush I pardoned, not prosecuted, six Reagan White House officials who were involved in the Iran-contra affair. Bush II didn’t prosecute Lyin’ Bill Clinton, and Obama didn’t do it with George “The Torturer” Bush. Despite leading frequent chants of “lock her up,” Trump did nothing when he had the power to try. The last thing Biden wants is for a prosecution to ensure all wounds are kept open. Nope, Joe isn’t throwing Baby Political Advantage out with the Trump bathwater.
Biden also knows he can’t unring the bell. If he goes after his predecessor, he’s next when the sides inevitably switch again. Mindful of the failures of Russiagate and impeachment, Biden also doesn’t want to start with a non-win. Any prosecution of Trump will be endlessly tied up in questions of privileged conversations, sealed records, and evidence fights, followed by loyalist hearings into Hunter and His Most Excellent China Deal. You think Biden and his DOJ want to have that stink on their shoes heading into the 2022 midterms? (And yes, they are already thinking ahead.)
So the real dreams for revenge rest with the Southern District of New York (SDNY; led by Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance but ultimately controlled by Biden’s Department of Justice) and failing that, New York State Attorney General Letitia James. The former already failed in 2012 to indict Trump’s children after they were accused of misleading investors, and faced judicial rebukes in the past for sloppy work and political motivations. The latter is beloved by progressives as an angry woman of color.
The narrative runs like this: both offices have been compiling nasty stuff against Trump, held back only by quaint custom which prevents them from indicting him as long as he’s president. As of January 20 he is open game. In addition, if they can press New York state-level charges, those are exempt from any federal pardon Trump might get from himself or from Mike Pence through some president-for-a-day 25th Amendment witchcraft.
Leaving aside the untested law surrounding self-pardons, as well as double jeopardy concerns (NY’s laws there are among the strictest in the country; SDNY already failed in its prosecution of Paul Manafort based on double jeopardy) related to anything to do with impeachment or something under IRS audit, and the questions of jurisdiction and extradition (Trump is a Florida citizen) the forces of vengeance have got to have something they can actually prosecute Trump for.
Like an actual crime. Being an evil president or making mean decisions on immigration do not count in actual courts (and good luck finding an impartial jury). The biggest problem with all this desired vengeance is the same thing that failed Russiagate; it is based on an assumption Trump must have done something wrong. The creation of a “crime” such as what drove the impeachment only worked because of a partisan House willing to play along.
The New York state system is no such kangaroo court, and affords defendants far more protections than federal courts. There are strict rules governing evidence presented to a grand jury, and even minor procedural errors can result in indictments being thrown out. “If you’re a white-collar defendant, you’d rather be in New York State court than in federal court any day of the week,” said SDNY’s former top deputy.
That said, a politically minded prosecutor can always find some way to file charges for the show value, even while knowing the case will disappear on motions after the headlines fade (as with Manafort). But the hope is that beyond a media event like that, somewhere in the complex finances of the Trump Organization lies a smoking gun. The problem with that for anything tax/finance related: one must remember the IRS and the New York Department of Revenue have had Trump’s taxes for decades. Whatever the SDNY hopes they show, the IRS, Treasury, FBI, NY state, NJ Gaming Commission and who knows who else already has seen them, or could have if they had suspicions, and for decades have not found cause to prosecute Trump.
The current IRS audit of Trump has been ongoing since 2010 and there is nothing to indicate it will finish anytime soon. The IRS also tends to conclude cases by asking for money, as fraud is very difficult to prove. In tax-fraud cases, prosecutors are required to prove misconduct was intentional, a high bar. A jury might wonder if Trump’s daughter’s consulting services were worth $740,000, but if Trump argued he valued them at that level, that could constitute a viable defense against fraud even if the deduction was ultimately disallowed. Trump’s teams of accountants also gives him personal cover for many potentially fraudulent claims. One of the reasons Mueller could not indict Trump on Russiagate-era obstruction was because it was not possible to determine that Trump had showed the legally required corrupt intent.
Another idea is that Trump misvalued some New York real estate to obtain loans, a civil offense at worst usually settled with new assessments or a fine. The city of New York assigns a value to each property for tax purposes. Nearly every property owner in NYC believes his assessed value is too high and pushes back, to the point where this is not even handled by a court but through a tax commission grievance process.
Owners want a lower value to pay less tax, except when they approach a bank for the equivalent of a refi loan, when they want their property to seem more expensive to secure a bigger loan. It is the bank who then decides what a property is worth to them as collateral, via their own due diligence. It is as much art as science; beyond the usual valuation factors of location, location, location, some buildings in New York are iconic, or famous for their brand name (cough, cough, Trump Tower), what history they represent, etc. Some just have nicer views, or are stuck with subway construction outside their doors for the next five years. Sometimes the bank is generous in valuation because in return for the loan they’ll secure some other business of value to them.
Overvaluing/undervaluing real estate in New York City may be sport, but as a crime it is not going to send anyone to jail. Imagine the yawns as a grand jury listens to accountants explain Trump’s tiered exemptions, and how their value is subtracted from the DOF assessed figure to calculate a taxable value which is then multiplied by the current tax rate for the specific assigned property class. And tomorrow we’ll talk about complex easements going back to 1979!
Anything left of the Emoluments Clause cases is too weak to care about. Nobody seriously thinks there is any air left in the obstruction claims in the Mueller report.
That leaves Stormy. At his 2019 televised Congressional hearing Michael Cohen displayed a check for $35,000 from Trump to him, which was supposedly part of $130k paid to Stormy Daniels (there is also at least one other woman, Karen McDougal) under a nondisclosure agreement (NDA) to keep quiet about her affair with Trump. Cohen says it was illegal hush money.
A case built around some events predating the Trump presidency dependent on the testimony of a gold-digging porn star violating her NDA for profit and a disbarred felon trying to sing his way out of jail? As they say, it’s complicated. Complicated enough that it deserves its own article, next week.
Peter Van Buren is the author of We Meant Well: How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People, Hooper’s War: A Novel of WWII Japan, and Ghosts of Tom Joad: A Story of the 99 Percent.


theamericanconservative--2020-12-01--Who Funds the Statue-Topplers?

Who Funds the Statue-Topplers?

In the general chaos of the summer of 2020 , it was a typical moment .
At the Minnesota State Capitol in St. Paul , a band of activists—primarily from indigenous-rights groups—had slung ropes around the neck of a statue of Christopher Columbus and pulled it down by force .
The moment meant different things to different people .
For the woke left , it was another culture war victory in the age of 1619 and BLM—a small and long-delayed comeuppance for the colonial oppressors .
For the right , it was the latest advance in the onslaught of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ falling down , it seemed that little would survive the spontaneous rage inspired by the death of George Floyd in that same city just two weeks before .
But it was hardly spontaneous , and it had little ( if anything ) to do with the death of Mr. Floyd .
The destruction of the Columbus statue on the Capitol grounds—installed by Italian immigrants in 1931 as a pushback against discrimination—had long been an explicit goal of the region ’ s American Indian activists .
The eruption of riots in the early summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reigned , Twin Cities native activists decided to join in , taking the opportunity to follow through on something they had wanted to do for decades .
It ’ s actually fairly representative of what happened in major cities across the country this summer : local activists had an axe to grind , and the superimposition of a national narrative gave them all the cover they could ever need .
( Any outburst of disorder that happens to have occurred after late May is qualified in the media as a “ protest following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carefully crafted non-descriptor . )
It ’ s representative , too , of the interplay among the unholy trinity of the modern activist left : grassroots radicals , big-money donors , and the big money itself—concentrated in funds where the donor foundations invest their dollars .
The St. Paul statue-toppling was organized by a man named Mike Forcia , a member of the Bad River Band of the Lake Superior Tribe of Chippewa Indians .
Forcia is also the chairman of the Twin Cities branch of the American Indian Movement ( AIM ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most prominent network of indigenous activists in the country—is commonly billed as a grassroots organization .
In some ways this is true .
AIM was founded in Minneapolis more than half a century ago , as the Indian Relocation Act of 1956 and other federal policies geared toward assimilation created sizable urban communities of Indians drawn away from reservations .
Over the years , much of AIM ’ s public profile has been shaped by scattered bands of activists engaging in highly visible stunts , such as the occupation of Alcatraz from 1969 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national network remains fairly decentralized—sometimes ostentatiously so .
After Forcia ’ s arrest , AIM ’ s national president Frank Paro “ was adamant that the rally was not sanctioned by A.I.M .
or associated with the organization , ” according to court documents .
Paro even went so far as to assert “ that Mr. Forcia is not affiliated with the National AIM organization ” —an interesting claim , given Forcia ’ s identification as chairman of AIM of the Twin Cities .
It ’ s certainly possible , though—AIM ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claimants , and even the recognized national organization underwent a schism in 1993 .
Whether or not Forcia is associated with Paro ’ s national AIM organization—and regardless of who has the strongest claim to the trigram—it is certain that he is extensively connected in the activist movement of the Twin Cities .
The Facebook page he runs for the region under the AIM banner has over 12,000 followers .
As of 2010 he was vice chair of the Minneapolis American Indian Center , one of the city ’ s most important hubs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
He revived and sustains AIM Patrol—a sort of neighborhood watch on steroids , founded to limit police presence in the urban Indian community—which had been dormant for decades .
And at the very least , he commanded enough influence in the community to organize and execute a protest which drew no small crowd and successfully destroyed a public monument that had been standing for nearly a century .
Mike Forcia is no mere unlovable rogue ; he is a key player in a network that remains as lively and robust as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Indian radicals began to organize three generations past .
But it would be a mistake to think that the Twin Cities ’ indigenous activism remains “ grassroots ” in any meaningful sense .
In fact , the cause is supported by some of the region ’ s biggest philanthropic organizations , which in turn support themselves by extensive activities in finance capitalism .
The most notable of these is the Bush Foundation , founded in 1953 by Archibald Bush , a childless executive at 3M .
At his death in 1966 , Archibald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toward good works , with no political caveats .
Over the intervening decades , the Bush Foundation has shifted ever leftward in tandem with the philanthropic establishment at large ; under current president Jennifer Ford Reedy , the foundation has gone fully woke .
Institutional connections have been made with the flagship establishments of far-left big money , such as Borealis Philanthropy and the mother of all wokeries , the Tides Foundation .
But the Bush Foundation is especially known for its contributions to indigenous causes—totaling just under $ 100 million from 1982-2019 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the last few years as the foundation amped up its focus on the cause .
This includes over $ 1 million to the Minneapolis American Indian Center , where Mike Forcia was vice chair .
Another of Bush ’ s biggest beneficiaries is the Minneapolis Foundation , a sizable organization whose scope is limited to the local community , and the recipient of over 40 Bush Foundation grants .
Interestingly , the Minneapolis Foundation ’ s Director of Impact Strategy , Economic Vitality—as well as director of grant-making and special projects , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the name of Jo-Anne Stately who is active in indigenous affairs herself , including a six-year stint as vice president of development at the Indian Land Tenure Foundation .
( The ILTF is another recipient of over $ 1 million in Bush Foundation funds . )
In 2013 , the Bush Foundation provided a grant of $ 100,000 to the Minneapolis Foundation to support the Northside Funders Group , a third impact investment organization where Stately happens to serve as co-chair .
( Whether Ms .
Stately is any relation either to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and namesake of its Peacemaker Center in Minneapolis , or Angel Stately , associate of Mike Forcia and prominent witness to the death of George Floyd , remains unclear . )
What is clear is that the indigenous activist network of the Twin Cities ( and likely elsewhere ) has moved far beyond the ragtag band of urban Indian change-makers in the first decades after relocation .
Of course , like big philanthropy in general , these organizations aren ’ t drawing their funds from static coffers .
Archibald Bush left the foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a number dwarfed by current assets of more than three times as much .
The Bush Foundation , and the Minneapolis Foundation , and Tides and countless others , all rely on investment to sustain and grow their resources .
The Bush Foundation ’ s 990 disclosures show just how extensive that reliance is , including substantial investments in Sequoia , one of the nation ’ s leading venture capital firms .
Such relationships are sure to raise questions about the dependence not just of progressive groups on capital , but of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could firms like Sequoia survive without groups like the Bush Foundation underwriting them ?
That ’ s a question that must be asked , and the exact same question should be directed at the radical groups that this relationship enables , like those who took down Columbus in St. Paul .
The lesson here is not that there ’ s some massive , shady conspiracy behind the people who destroy our cities .
It ’ s that no conspiracy is necessary .
All that ’ s required is a seemingly innocent , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the wrong hands : the hands of the woke , or even the merely progressive .
Sustained by the kind of mega-scale investment that now defines our economy , that money allows so-called community organizations to function without any real dependence on the community , and thus without accountability to it .
The connection to such national networks also seems to muddy the mission of such organizations , folding them into a broad and ever accelerating progressive agenda .
And when the cultural green light goes live—this time George Floyd flipped the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the radicalism it sustains is unleashed .
Then down come the statues , and heaven knows what else .

In the general chaos of the summer of 2020, it was a typical moment. At the Minnesota State Capitol in St. Paul, a band of activists—primarily from indigenous-rights groups—had slung ropes around the neck of a statue of Christopher Columbus and pulled it down by force.
The moment meant different things to different people. For the woke left, it was another culture war victory in the age of 1619 and BLM—a small and long-delayed comeuppance for the colonial oppressors. For the right, it was the latest advance in the onslaught of the cultural arsonists—as cities were burning and statues falling down, it seemed that little would survive the spontaneous rage inspired by the death of George Floyd in that same city just two weeks before.
But it was hardly spontaneous, and it had little (if anything) to do with the death of Mr. Floyd. The destruction of the Columbus statue on the Capitol grounds—installed by Italian immigrants in 1931 as a pushback against discrimination—had long been an explicit goal of the region’s American Indian activists. The eruption of riots in the early summer simply provided an excuse. As destruction reigned, Twin Cities native activists decided to join in, taking the opportunity to follow through on something they had wanted to do for decades.
It’s actually fairly representative of what happened in major cities across the country this summer: local activists had an axe to grind, and the superimposition of a national narrative gave them all the cover they could ever need. (Any outburst of disorder that happens to have occurred after late May is qualified in the media as a “protest following the death of George Floyd”—a carefully crafted non-descriptor.) It’s representative, too, of the interplay among the unholy trinity of the modern activist left: grassroots radicals, big-money donors, and the big money itself—concentrated in funds where the donor foundations invest their dollars.
The St. Paul statue-toppling was organized by a man named Mike Forcia, a member of the Bad River Band of the Lake Superior Tribe of Chippewa Indians. Forcia is also the chairman of the Twin Cities branch of the American Indian Movement (AIM), and of AIM Patrol.
AIM—the most prominent network of indigenous activists in the country—is commonly billed as a grassroots organization. In some ways this is true. AIM was founded in Minneapolis more than half a century ago, as the Indian Relocation Act of 1956 and other federal policies geared toward assimilation created sizable urban communities of Indians drawn away from reservations. Over the years, much of AIM’s public profile has been shaped by scattered bands of activists engaging in highly visible stunts, such as the occupation of Alcatraz from 1969 to 1971.
Even today, the national network remains fairly decentralized—sometimes ostentatiously so. After Forcia’s arrest, AIM’s national president Frank Paro “was adamant that the rally was not sanctioned by A.I.M. or associated with the organization,” according to court documents. Paro even went so far as to assert “that Mr. Forcia is not affiliated with the National AIM organization”—an interesting claim, given Forcia’s identification as chairman of AIM of the Twin Cities.
It’s certainly possible, though—AIM’s decentralization leaves a door open for false claimants, and even the recognized national organization underwent a schism in 1993. Whether or not Forcia is associated with Paro’s national AIM organization—and regardless of who has the strongest claim to the trigram—it is certain that he is extensively connected in the activist movement of the Twin Cities. The Facebook page he runs for the region under the AIM banner has over 12,000 followers. As of 2010 he was vice chair of the Minneapolis American Indian Center, one of the city’s most important hubs of native activity (political and otherwise). He revived and sustains AIM Patrol—a sort of neighborhood watch on steroids, founded to limit police presence in the urban Indian community—which had been dormant for decades. And at the very least, he commanded enough influence in the community to organize and execute a protest which drew no small crowd and successfully destroyed a public monument that had been standing for nearly a century. Mike Forcia is no mere unlovable rogue; he is a key player in a network that remains as lively and robust as it was when Minnesota’s first Indian radicals began to organize three generations past.
But it would be a mistake to think that the Twin Cities’ indigenous activism remains “grassroots” in any meaningful sense. In fact, the cause is supported by some of the region’s biggest philanthropic organizations, which in turn support themselves by extensive activities in finance capitalism.
The most notable of these is the Bush Foundation, founded in 1953 by Archibald Bush, a childless executive at 3M. At his death in 1966, Archibald Bush left his fortune to be put toward good works, with no political caveats. Over the intervening decades, the Bush Foundation has shifted ever leftward in tandem with the philanthropic establishment at large; under current president Jennifer Ford Reedy, the foundation has gone fully woke. Institutional connections have been made with the flagship establishments of far-left big money, such as Borealis Philanthropy and the mother of all wokeries, the Tides Foundation. But the Bush Foundation is especially known for its contributions to indigenous causes—totaling just under $100 million from 1982-2019, with most of that total concentrated in the last few years as the foundation amped up its focus on the cause. This includes over $1 million to the Minneapolis American Indian Center, where Mike Forcia was vice chair.
Another of Bush’s biggest beneficiaries is the Minneapolis Foundation, a sizable organization whose scope is limited to the local community, and the recipient of over 40 Bush Foundation grants. Interestingly, the Minneapolis Foundation’s Director of Impact Strategy, Economic Vitality—as well as director of grant-making and special projects, according to her LinkedIn—is a woman by the name of Jo-Anne Stately who is active in indigenous affairs herself, including a six-year stint as vice president of development at the Indian Land Tenure Foundation. (The ILTF is another recipient of over $1 million in Bush Foundation funds.) In 2013, the Bush Foundation provided a grant of $100,000 to the Minneapolis Foundation to support the Northside Funders Group, a third impact investment organization where Stately happens to serve as co-chair. (Whether Ms. Stately is any relation either to the late Elaine Stately, co-founder of AIM and namesake of its Peacemaker Center in Minneapolis, or Angel Stately, associate of Mike Forcia and prominent witness to the death of George Floyd, remains unclear.) What is clear is that the indigenous activist network of the Twin Cities (and likely elsewhere) has moved far beyond the ragtag band of urban Indian change-makers in the first decades after relocation.
Of course, like big philanthropy in general, these organizations aren’t drawing their funds from static coffers. Archibald Bush left the foundation endowed with just about $300 million, a number dwarfed by current assets of more than three times as much. The Bush Foundation, and the Minneapolis Foundation, and Tides and countless others, all rely on investment to sustain and grow their resources. The Bush Foundation’s 990 disclosures show just how extensive that reliance is, including substantial investments in Sequoia, one of the nation’s leading venture capital firms. Such relationships are sure to raise questions about the dependence not just of progressive groups on capital, but of capital on progressive groups. How long could firms like Sequoia survive without groups like the Bush Foundation underwriting them? That’s a question that must be asked, and the exact same question should be directed at the radical groups that this relationship enables, like those who took down Columbus in St. Paul.
The lesson here is not that there’s some massive, shady conspiracy behind the people who destroy our cities. It’s that no conspiracy is necessary. All that’s required is a seemingly innocent, and entirely unguided, process. Money falls into the wrong hands: the hands of the woke, or even the merely progressive. Sustained by the kind of mega-scale investment that now defines our economy, that money allows so-called community organizations to function without any real dependence on the community, and thus without accountability to it. The connection to such national networks also seems to muddy the mission of such organizations, folding them into a broad and ever accelerating progressive agenda.
And when the cultural green light goes live—this time George Floyd flipped the switch—the combined power of big money and the radicalism it sustains is unleashed. Then down come the statues, and heaven knows what else.