theamericanconservative--2020-08-19--Could Trump Actually Win This Thing?

Could Trump Actually Win This Thing?

After some of the most harrowing months ever to befall an incumbent , a little sunlight is peaking over the Oval .
“ We are in a fight for the survival of our nation and civilization itself , ” President Donald Trump said in Wisconsin Monday night .
“ 2016 .
That wasn ’ t crazy people we were dealing with .
They were on the edge .
Crooked Hillary was on the edge—on the verge .
She became crazy—later on.
” Like most everyone , I have watched Donald Trump the politician for five years .
His gladiatorial talent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He tormented Jeb Bush , made mincemeat of Marco Rubio , overshadowed Chris Christie , dunked on Ted Cruz and , of course , deprived Hillary Clinton of further power .
As once-capo Steve Bannon noted : Trump is “ probably the greatest public speaker in those large arenas since William Jennings Bryan , ” the liberal populist who was not able to leverage that ability to the White House ( losing four times ) .
But that mastery of spectacle in the arena has revealed weaknesses in other venues .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s a liability that ’ s been exposed by the COVID-19 crisis , most emblematically in a terrible Oval Office address at the U.S. dawn of a virus he once downplayed .
The gesticulative , opera-bouffe Trump giving prepared remarks can look like a man delivering a message from a straight-jacket .
It ’ s not his thing .
This disadvantage has compounded as the crisis has dragged on ( and on ) .
Trump ’ s opponent , presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden , was once notoriously logorrheic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a quieter man .
However , since March , what would have been Biden ’ s major liabilities in a general election campaign—for instance , relatively paltry rallies ( compared to Trump ) , as well as more consistent gaffing in a freewheeling format—have simply disappeared .
This is no doubt a maddening development for Trump who had been misled for months by Republican apparatchiks confident the former vice president was a weak candidate .
He is no such thing , especially when the biggest guns in Trump ’ s arsenal — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — are now missing in action .
Trump is now waging , and must wage , a more complex campaign than he did last time .
Joe Biden is not Hillary Clinton , a parody of an unpopular status quo .
To win , he must convincingly make the case that Biden represents an uncritical reversion on some fronts—on say , China , as well as busybody regulation—while a menacing threat on new fronts .
The pure political play for Trump is to convince voters , especially Trump-weary ones , that the true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In other words , Trump must convince enough voters that Biden means more lockdowns , and further racialized politics : a methed-up version of the last five months .
Though he is the sitting president , it ’ s clear Trump disapproves of the last five months in a way that Biden doesn ’ t .
We can ’ t know the future , but we know that Biden would favor ratcheted-up measures on COVID-19 , even as swing voting Americans potentially tire of the restrictions .
And to watch the convention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal government led by Biden would have a supreme focus on the new “ anti-racism.
” It has been unclear whether Trump , frankly , had the discipline or interest to run a campaign that wasn ’ t all about him , and instead made a multifaceted case for retention of power .
It appeared , perhaps , that he ’ d rather replay the hits of “ Crooked Hillary ” with the likes of Fox ’ s Sean Hannity—and go out in a blaze of vainglory .
It has been unclear , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether he has “ what it takes , ” as famed campaign chronicler Richard Ben Cramer wrote of winners of the Oval .
It got a little more clear Monday .
In the crucible swing state of Wisconsin , no less , Trump gave a COVID-era address ( read : no enormous crowd ) in a style I have never seen him try on before .
Let ’ s call it “ Trumporaneous.
” Though he ’ s banished Clinton , it was , for him—a third way .
He clearly spoke from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by them .
Trump flapped his limbs toward a non-existent stadium crowd—maybe a thousand , the Milwaukee Journal Sentinelreported—but seemed at ease .
With local crowd restrictions , the president showed no visible anxiety about the enormity of the gathering , unlike the June debacle in Tulsa .
More than anything , he seemed to have swallowed his pride , making the superior argument that Biden is a potential “ trojan horse ” for an off-the-rails remaking of the country .
For Trump , that ’ s a safer bet than a national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a deeply sympathetic , middle-class story .
“ These are people who are seriously radical Left , ” Trump said .
“ Joe Biden is nothing but their puppet .
He has no clue.
” And there was the good humor that bedevils his opponents .
Speaking of his own political following : “ We ’ ll call it a peaceful protest , so we can do whatever we want.
” On hand was Scott Walker , the former Wisconsin governor and Trump ’ s onetime rival who lost power in 2018 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ next time you run , don ’ t put marijuana on the ballot .
It brought out like a million people nobody knew.
” Does any of this matter ?
Few watched it amid media saturation over the Democratic convention .
Trump may yet revert to bad political habits by this time next week , when he accepts the Republican nomination for president from the White House , or after .
He has still failed to govern in a fashion worthy of his outsider promise .
His most substantial domestic legacy thus far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy , it is a dangerous escalation with Iran .
The country is in double-digit unemployment , wars with itself , and has perhaps only now seen the apex of the pandemic .
That all matters .
But there is every reason to believe that Biden has peaked .
A CNN poll—which Trump referenced—has him within five points of Biden , the closest national survey in months .
The NASDAQ just hit a new summit .
If you squint hard enough , you can make out an aperture , deserved or not , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , one could argue a necessary condition for a person like Donald Trump ever winning a major election is now back in play : No one thinks he is going to win .
Trump has begun taking out fairly-clever ad signs around the country : “ Where ’ s Joe ?
” The answer to where he should be , I think , is clear : holding on for dear life .

“We are in a fight for the survival of our nation and civilization itself,” President Donald Trump said in Wisconsin Monday night. “2016. That wasn’t crazy people we were dealing with. They were on the edge. Crooked Hillary was on the edge—on the verge. She became crazy—later on.”
Like most everyone, I have watched Donald Trump the politician for five years. His gladiatorial talent in the presidential colosseum quickly became apparent. He tormented Jeb Bush, made mincemeat of Marco Rubio, overshadowed Chris Christie, dunked on Ted Cruz and, of course, deprived Hillary Clinton of further power. As once-capo Steve Bannon noted: Trump is “probably the greatest public speaker in those large arenas since William Jennings Bryan,” the liberal populist who was not able to leverage that ability to the White House (losing thrice).
But that mastery of spectacle in the arena has revealed weaknesses in other venues. Trump is just not a good prepared speaker. It’s a liability that’s been exposed by the COVID-19 crisis, most emblematically in a terrible Oval Office address at the U.S. dawn of a virus he once downplayed. The gesticulative, opera-bouffe Trump giving prepared remarks can look like a man delivering a message from a straight-jacket. It’s not his thing.
This disadvantage has compounded as the crisis has dragged on (and on).
Trump’s opponent, presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden, was once notoriously logorrheic. But the Biden running for president is a quieter man. However, since March, what would have been Biden’s major liabilities in a general election campaign—for instance, relatively paltry rallies (compared to Trump), as well as more consistent gaffing in a freewheeling format—have simply disappeared.
This is no doubt a maddening development for Trump who had been misled for months by Republican apparatchiks confident the former vice president was a weak candidate. He is no such thing, especially when the biggest guns in Trump’s arsenal — a full employment economy and large stadium events — are now missing in action.
Trump is now waging, and must wage, a more complex campaign than he did last time. Joe Biden is not Hillary Clinton, a parody of an unpopular status quo. To win, he must convincingly make the case that Biden represents an uncritical reversion on some fronts—on say, China, as well as busybody regulation—while a menacing threat on new fronts. The pure political play for Trump is to convince voters, especially Trump-weary ones, that the true danger is a belligerent cadre underneath Biden.
In other words, Trump must convince enough voters that Biden means more lockdowns, and further racialized politics: a methed-up version of the last five months. Though he is the sitting president, it’s clear Trump disapproves of the last five months in a way that Biden doesn’t. We can’t know the future, but we know that Biden would favor ratcheted-up measures on COVID-19, even as swing voting Americans potentially tire of the restrictions. And to watch the convention this week, we know that a federal government led by Biden would have a supreme focus on the new “anti-racism.”
It has been unclear whether Trump, frankly, had the discipline or interest to run a campaign that wasn’t all about him, and instead made a multifaceted case for retention of power. It appeared, perhaps, that he’d rather replay the hits of “Crooked Hillary” with the likes of Fox’s Sean Hannity—and go out in a blaze of vainglory. It has been unclear, even though he is the president, whether he has “what it takes,” as famed campaign chronicler Richard Ben Cramer wrote of winners of the Oval.
It got a little more clear Monday. In the crucible swing state of Wisconsin, no less, Trump gave a COVID-era address (read: no enormous crowd) in a style I have never seen him try on before. Let’s call it “Trumporaneous.” Though he’s banished Clinton, it was, for him—a third way. He clearly spoke from notes, but wasn’t jailed by them.
Trump flapped his limbs toward a non-existent stadium crowd—maybe a thousand, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported—but seemed at ease. With local crowd restrictions, the president showed no visible anxiety over attendance, unlike the June debacle in Tulsa. More than anything, he seemed to have swallowed his pride, making the superior argument that Biden is a potential “trojan horse” for an off-the-rails remaking of the country. For Trump, that’s a safer bet than a national popularity contest against an elderly figure with a deeply sympathetic, middle-class story. “These are people who are seriously radical Left,” Trump said. “Joe Biden is nothing but their puppet. He has no clue.”
And there was the good humor that bedevils his opponents. Speaking of his own political following: “We’ll call it a peaceful protest, so we can do whatever we want.” On hand was Scott Walker, the former Wisconsin governor and Trump’s onetime rival who lost power in 2018. He said to Walker: “The next time you run, don’t put marijuana on the ballot. It brought out like a million people nobody knew.”
Does any of this matter? Few watched it amid media saturation over the Democratic convention. Trump may yet revert to bad political habits by this time next week, when he accepts the Republican nomination for president from the White House, or after. He has still failed to govern in a fashion worthy of his outsider promise. His most substantial domestic legacy thus far is a tax cut; on foreign policy, it is a dangerous escalation with Iran. The country is in double-digit unemployment, wars with itself, and has perhaps only now seen the apex of the pandemic. That all matters.
But there is every reason to believe that Biden has peaked. A CNN poll—which Trump referenced—has him within five points of Biden, the closest national survey in months. The NASDAQ just hit a new summit. If you squint hard enough, you can make out an aperture, deserved or not, for another stunning Trump victory. Also, one could argue a necessary condition for a person like Donald Trump ever winning a major election is now back in play: No one thinks he is going to win.
Trump has begun taking out fairly-clever ad signs around the country: “Where’s Joe?” The answer to where he should be, I think, is clear: holding on for dear life.


theamericanconservative--2020-08-20--Woke Name Changes Are Just Bad Ethics

Woke Name Changes Are Just Bad Ethics

Washington-Lee High School in Arlington , VA. , has since changed its name to Washington-Liberty .
The aim was to remove the name Lee , named for confederate general Robert E. Lee .
( Photo by Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post via Getty Images ) A Virginia school board on 23 July changed its name from Lee High School ( honoring Robert E. Lee ) to instead honor recently deceased civil rights leader and Georgia politician John R. Lewis .
Many schools are undergoing similar rebrandings , discarding names that honored presidents Woodrow Wilson and John Tyler , Revolutionary war heroes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and poet Sidney Lanier , among others .
There ’ s even a movement to rename birds named after John James Audubon and other ornithologists .
In every case , activists say changes are necessary because these persons were responsible for slavery or racism .
Discussing this development in a 20 July Washington Post op-ed , Kate Cohen argues : “ If we must name our streets , schools and towns after people—a famously flawed and complicated bunch—we should be ready to rename them based on new information or new ethical standards .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The old name will always be part of our history .
The new name is for now.
” Such decisions reflect a desire to “ take history seriously , ” argues Cohen .
Yet this woke historical revisionism isn ’ t really fundamentally about history .
It ’ s about , as Cohen herself hints at , ethics and philosophy .
And bad ethics and philosophy , at that .
Cohen calls these name changes representative of “ an intellectual principle.
” But what is that principle ?
The language of woke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historical person associated with slavery or racism is not worthy of public memorialization .
Pundits have noted that the reductio ad absurdum of this principle results in excising not only Confederates but George Washington , Thomas Jefferson , James Madison , and James Monroe from public honor .
Moreover , as Jordan Peterson uncomfortably reminds us , we are kidding ourselves if we think that if we had lived in an earlier time when racism was du jour , we would have bucked the trend .
The deeper dilemma with the “ principle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now the vilest of sins—is that , as Cohen herself acknowledges , social ethical norms are relative and fungible .
Americans obsess about racism right now .
Three years ago , we obsessed over women ’ s rights ( # MeToo ) .
Given the volatile , distracted nature of our culture we will soon shift our gaze elsewhere .
Then school boards and town councils will begin the process again , eliminating public memorialization of those deemed guilty of sexism , bigotry , economic exploitation , animal cruelty or really , anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ someone else—a former innocent—must take his place , ” says Georgetown professor Joshua Mitchell in American Awakening , Identity Politics and Other Afflictions of Our Time .
In After Virtue , philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre argues that the dominant ethical theories of the secular West are inherently emotivist and subjective .
He explains : “ whatever criteria or principles or evaluative allegiances the emotivist self may profess , they are to be construed as expressions of attitudes , preferences and choices which are themselves not governed by criterion , principle , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assertive , rather than descriptive of reality .
Calling racism the worst , unforgivable sin is an emotive , unverifiable ethical assertion , not an objective principle .
The “ worst sin ” can easily be altered by the unstable winds of public sentiment to something else : sexism , bigotry , exploitation , animal cruelty , whatever .
This is compounded by an unacknowledged , unverified philosophy that decrees contemporary society , simply by virtue of being contemporary , is the most ethical in history .
Like emotivist ethics , this premise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is simply and haughtily asserted .
This is the fallacy of presentism , or what C.S .
Lewis called “ chronological snobbery.
” On what basis are we presumed superior to all of our forefathers ?
Simply because we are in the present .
Yet if we examine a criterion like family stability , we ’ re actually doing quite worse than previous generations , deeply damaging not only our children , but widening societal inequality .
Cohen claims we should be “ proud ” to participate in this damnatio memoriae process .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the back for honoring only those that reflect the zeitgeist , rather than any objective , eternal principle .
This is akin to a sports fan dispensing with his team merchandise for another team that just won the championship , and congratulating himself for wearing paraphernalia of the winning team .
Such a fan honors the latest winners , who are for the moment enjoying the most public commendation .
But what ’ s praiseworthy about that ?
If anything , it ’ s emblematic of being fickle and unprincipled .
Moreover , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history teacher , Cohen ’ s claims that this renaming trend is happening now because of new historical data is absurd .
When did we not know Woodrow Wilson was a racist , or that John Tyler , Edward Hand , and Philip J. Schuyler owned slaves ?
This has been public , widely-discussed knowledge , both by historians and public school social studies curricula for decades .
Rather , we are making revised ethical assertions about the relative worth of these people ’ s historical influence in light of volatile popular mores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ objective method for determining who we honor in history .
One approach with ancient roots in Aristotle is to honor those whose lives in some ( albeit imperfect ) sense reflected a universal , objective good , like the cardinal virtues of courage , justice , prudence , and temperance .
Another , commended by historian Wilfred M. McClay in his magisterial American history textbook Land of Hope : An Invitation to the Great American Story , is to honor those who patriotically sought , however imperfectly , to make this nation a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traits—virtue and patriotism—are recognized as eternally worthy of emulation .
They ’ re also intended to instruct descendants inherently inclined to forget them .
If schools or public art must only and always reflect the ever-shifting emotions and opinions of the zeitgeist , they serve only a self-congratulatory function .
We self-righteously laud ourselves for our woke , inclusivist sensibilities , seemingly ignorant that the fickle , increasingly ignorant mob will one day come for us for our own misdeeds .
This is narcissistic , self-destructive , and inimical to societal preservation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ must do better .
Thankfully , our forefathers provided an alternative method , if we ’ re still capable of hearing them .
Casey Chalk covers religion and other issues for The American Conservative and is a senior writer for Crisis Magazine .
He has degrees in history and teaching from the University of Virginia , and a masters in theology from Christendom College .

A Virginia school board on 23 July changed its name from Lee High School (honoring Robert E. Lee) to instead honor recently deceased civil rights leader and Georgia politician John R. Lewis. Many schools are undergoing similar rebrandings, discarding names that honored presidents Woodrow Wilson and John Tyler, Revolutionary war heroes Edward Hand and Philip J. Schuyler, and poet Sidney Lanier, among others. There’s even a movement to rename birds named after John James Audubon and other ornithologists. In every case, activists say changes are necessary because these persons were responsible for slavery or racism.
Discussing this development in a 20 July Washington Post op-ed, Kate Cohen argues: “If we must name our streets, schools and towns after people—a famously flawed and complicated bunch—we should be ready to rename them based on new information or new ethical standards. We should be proud of renaming them. The old name will always be part of our history. The new name is for now.” Such decisions reflect a desire to “take history seriously,” argues Cohen. Yet this woke historical revisionism isn’t really fundamentally about history. It’s about, as Cohen herself hints at, ethics and philosophy. And bad ethics and philosophy, at that.
Cohen calls these name changes representative of “an intellectual principle.” But what is that principle? The language of woke activism suggests it is this: any historical person associated with slavery or racism is not worthy of public memorialization. Pundits have noted that the reductio ad absurdum of this principle results in excising not only Confederates but George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe from public honor. Moreover, as Jordan Peterson uncomfortably reminds us, we are kidding ourselves if we think that if we had lived in an earlier time when racism was du jour, we would have bucked the trend.
The deeper dilemma with the “principle” of censuring anyone associated with racism—labeled now the vilest of sins—is that, as Cohen herself acknowledges, social ethical norms are relative and fungible. Americans obsess about racism right now. Three years ago, we obsessed over women’s rights (#MeToo). Given the volatile, distracted nature of our culture we will soon shift our gaze elsewhere. Then school boards and town councils will begin the process again, eliminating public memorialization of those deemed guilty of sexism, bigotry, economic exploitation, animal cruelty or really, anything. Once one scapegoat has been purged, “someone else—a former innocent—must take his place,” says Georgetown professor Joshua Mitchell in American Awakening, Identity Politics and Other Afflictions of Our Time.
In After Virtue, philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre argues that the dominant ethical theories of the secular West are inherently emotivist and subjective. He explains: “whatever criteria or principles or evaluative allegiances the emotivist self may profess, they are to be construed as expressions of attitudes, preferences and choices which are themselves not governed by criterion, principle, or value.” Our ethical appeals are essentially assertive, rather than descriptive of reality. Calling racism the worst, unforgivable sin is an emotive, unverifiable ethical assertion, not an objective principle. The “worst sin” can easily be altered by the unstable winds of public sentiment to something else: sexism, bigotry, exploitation, animal cruelty, whatever.
This is compounded by an unacknowledged, unverified philosophy that decrees contemporary society, simply by virtue of being contemporary, is the most ethical in history. Like emotivist ethics, this premise relies on no objective criteria, but is simply and haughtily asserted. This is the fallacy of presentism, or what C.S. Lewis called “chronological snobbery.” On what basis are we presumed superior to all of our forefathers? Simply because we are in the present. Yet if we examine a criterion like family stability, we’re actually doing quite worse than previous generations, deeply damaging not only our children, but widening societal inequality.
Cohen claims we should be “proud” to participate in this damnatio memoriae process. But this amounts to patting ourselves on the back for honoring only those that reflect the zeitgeist, rather than any objective, eternal principle. This is akin to a sports fan dispensing with his team merchandise for another team that just won the championship, and congratulating himself for wearing paraphernalia of the winning team. Such a fan honors the latest winners, who are for the moment enjoying the most public commendation. But what’s praiseworthy about that? If anything, it’s emblematic of being fickle and unprincipled.
Moreover, and writing as a former public high-school history teacher, Cohen’s claims that this renaming trend is happening now because of new historical data is absurd. When did we not know Woodrow Wilson was a racist, or that John Tyler, Edward Hand, and Philip J. Schuyler owned slaves? This has been public, widely-discussed knowledge, both by historians and public school social studies curricula for decades. Rather, we are making revised ethical assertions about the relative worth of these people’s historical influence in light of volatile popular mores.
We need a more rational and objective method for determining who we honor in history. One approach with ancient roots in Aristotle is to honor those whose lives in some (albeit imperfect) sense reflected a universal, objective good, like the cardinal virtues of courage, justice, prudence, and temperance. Another, commended by historian Wilfred M. McClay in his magisterial American history textbook Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story, is to honor those who patriotically sought, however imperfectly, to make this nation a better place for its citizens. Such traits—virtue and patriotism—are recognized as eternally worthy of emulation. They’re also intended to instruct descendants inherently inclined to forget them.
If schools or public art must only and always reflect the ever-shifting emotions and opinions of the zeitgeist, they serve only a self-congratulatory function. We self-righteously laud ourselves for our woke, inclusivist sensibilities, seemingly ignorant that the fickle, increasingly ignorant mob will one day come for us for our own misdeeds. This is narcissistic, self-destructive, and inimical to societal preservation. For future generations, America can and must do better. Thankfully, our forefathers provided an alternative method, if we’re still capable of hearing them.
Casey Chalk covers religion and other issues for The American Conservative and is a senior writer for Crisis Magazine. He has degrees in history and teaching from the University of Virginia, and a masters in theology from Christendom College.


theamericanconservative--2020-08-21--Donald Trump Should Pardon Edward Snowden

Computer security consultant Edward Snowden in connection from Russia during the Wired Next Fest 2019 at the Giardini Indro Montanelli on May 26 , 2019 in Milan , Italy .
( Photo by Rosdiana Ciaravolo/Getty Images ) Last weekend , President Donald Trump raised the prospect of a pardon for whistleblower Edward Snowden .
He should follow through and reward him for exposing the deep state ’ s overreach into the private affairs of all Americans .
Thus far , liberty-minded voters have loved the president ’ s ending of the longest war in our nation ’ s history , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of regulations .
But granting a pardon to Snowden would make him a hero to this core voting bloc , which would translate into higher voter turnout in his favor this fall .
The D.C. establishment despises the idea of a pardon for Snowden .
Just look at former director of national intelligence and frequent Trump critic James Clapper as a case study in the establishment view .
In March 2013 , Clapper testified before the Senate Intelligence Committee .
Senator Ron Wyden asked him , “ Does the NSA collect any type @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or hundreds of millions of Americans ?
” Clapper responded , “ No sir , not wittingly.
” As attorney Jonathan Turley later noted in USA Today , “ that was a lie and Clapper knew it when he said it.
” Three months after that testimony , The Guardian and the Washington Post released a series of stories about how the National Security Agency ( NSA ) had collected Americans ’ phone and internet data under a different program .
They ’ d received this tip because of information provided by Edward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Snowden revelations led to a national debate over privacy versus security .
Before that , there hadn ’ t been much pushback from politicians over the breadth of the federal government ’ s expanded powers .
Yet these revelations caused the nation to look inward on the issue of privacy and ask how much power citizens should allow to the federal government in the name of preventing terrorism .
The disclosures raise the question : if Snowden hadn ’ t told us about these programs , who would have ?
Snowden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet the people who set up the program have faced no consequences .
They should be the ones subjected to scrutiny .
Patriotism means different things to different people .
I consider young men and women who volunteer to go to Afghanistan and Iraq to be heroes , because they know the dangers and willingly put themselves in harm ’ s way to protect America .
I also believe it is patriotic for somebody who works inside the government to upend their whole life to expose violations of the Constitution and Bill of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ following whistleblower laws is absurd—had he done so , we would never have known about these massive infringements on American privacy .
On Snowden , I , a conservative Republican , am in agreement with liberal ACLU executive director Anthony Romero .
In 2013 , Romero wrote of Snowden , “ as a whistleblower of illegal government activity that was sanctioned and kept secret by the legislative , executive , and judicial branches of government for years , he undertook great personal risk for the public good.
” Snowden singlehandedly spurred a global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There is a growing consensus on the right and the left that Snowden is a patriot and should be pardoned , from liberty-supporting Republican Congressman Thomas Massie to liberal firebrand Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard .
The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution recognizes Americans ’ right to privacy .
It states , “ The right of the people to be secure in their persons , houses , papers , and effects , against unreasonable searches and seizures , shall not be violated , and no Warrants shall issue , but upon probable cause , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particularly describing the place to be searched , and the persons or things to be seized.
” That was violated by the federal government when the Bush administration initiated warrantless wiretapping and the internet monitoring program that sucked up the information of American citizens without a warrant based on probable cause .
My firm , Liberty Government Affairs , released a poll in September 2018 that found strong support for a Snowden pardon .
A pardon would show that President Trump is fighting tooth and nail against the D.C. swamp and not afraid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Darling is former counsel and senior communications director for Senator Rand Paul .

Last weekend, President Donald Trump raised the prospect of a pardon for whistleblower Edward Snowden. He should follow through and reward him for exposing the deep state’s overreach into the private affairs of all Americans.
Thus far, liberty-minded voters have loved the president’s ending of the longest war in our nation’s history, his tax cutting, and his slashing of regulations. But granting a pardon to Snowden would make him a hero to this core voting bloc, which would translate into higher voter turnout in his favor this fall.
The D.C. establishment despises the idea of a pardon for Snowden. Just look at former director of national intelligence and frequent Trump critic James Clapper as a case study in the establishment view. In March 2013, Clapper testified before the Senate Intelligence Committee. Senator Ron Wyden asked him, “Does the NSA collect any type of data at all on millions, or hundreds of millions of Americans?” Clapper responded, “No sir, not wittingly.” As attorney Jonathan Turley later noted in USA Today, “that was a lie and Clapper knew it when he said it.”
Three months after that testimony, The Guardian and the Washington Post released a series of stories about how the National Security Agency (NSA) had collected Americans’ phone and internet data under a different program. They’d received this tip because of information provided by Edward Snowden, who exposed the Clapper lie.
The Snowden revelations led to a national debate over privacy versus security. Before that, there hadn’t been much pushback from politicians over the breadth of the federal government’s expanded powers. Yet these revelations caused the nation to look inward on the issue of privacy and ask how much power citizens should allow to the federal government in the name of preventing terrorism. The disclosures raise the question: if Snowden hadn’t told us about these programs, who would have? Snowden has since been accused of treason, yet the people who set up the program have faced no consequences. They should be the ones subjected to scrutiny.
Patriotism means different things to different people. I consider young men and women who volunteer to go to Afghanistan and Iraq to be heroes, because they know the dangers and willingly put themselves in harm’s way to protect America. I also believe it is patriotic for somebody who works inside the government to upend their whole life to expose violations of the Constitution and Bill of Rights. To denigrate Snowden for not following whistleblower laws is absurd—had he done so, we would never have known about these massive infringements on American privacy.
On Snowden, I, a conservative Republican, am in agreement with liberal ACLU executive director Anthony Romero. In 2013, Romero wrote of Snowden, “as a whistleblower of illegal government activity that was sanctioned and kept secret by the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government for years, he undertook great personal risk for the public good.” Snowden singlehandedly spurred a global debate on privacy and the surveillance state. There is a growing consensus on the right and the left that Snowden is a patriot and should be pardoned, from liberty-supporting Republican Congressman Thomas Massie to liberal firebrand Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard.
The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution recognizes Americans’ right to privacy. It states, “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.” That was violated by the federal government when the Bush administration initiated warrantless wiretapping and the internet monitoring program that sucked up the information of American citizens without a warrant based on probable cause.
My firm, Liberty Government Affairs, released a poll in September 2018 that found strong support for a Snowden pardon. A pardon would show that President Trump is fighting tooth and nail against the D.C. swamp and not afraid to buck the inside-the-Beltway consensus.
Brian Darling is former counsel and senior communications director for Senator Rand Paul.


theamericanconservative--2020-08-22--The Democrats Want to Be the Americanist Party

Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden appears oh stage with his wife Dr. Jill Biden after delivering his acceptance speech on the fourth night of the Democratic National Convention from the Chase Center on August 20 , 2020 in Wilmington , Delaware .
( Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images ) I don ’ t care what people think , I love political conventions .
In an age of deconstructive irony and post-political wonks who think they can graph their way to a better tomorrow , the DNC and RNC are some of our last remaining throwbacks to good , old-fashioned , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ true even as they ’ ve become more scripted , and especially true if you attend in person and venture outside the convention halls , where the activists set up shop .
It ’ s a spectacle that cries out for the gonzo treatment : gulp down a bunch of Quaaludes and sally forth with your steno pad .
Alas , the coronavirus intervened , leaving us all stranded on the couch in front of the TV .
So it went with the Democratic National Convention this week .
The proceedings ostensibly took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throwing to Democrats all over the country , sometimes to schizophrenic effect : Andrew Yang tossing to Julia Louis-Dreyfus tossing to a calamari supremacist from Rhode Island tossing to Maggie Rogers stranded on the Maine coastline tossing to a man in a Kansas field .
It was all very , dare we say , unconventional , which led many on Twitter to disapprove , accusing the Democrats of putting on a glorified infomercial-cum-Jerry Lewis telethon .
Not to defend the party of abortion , but that seems unfair .
The Democrats , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ precedent for anything like this .
They ’ ve been forced to start from scratch , and ultimately what the Democrats came up with ended up seeming almost healthy .
Despite their perpetual warnings that democracy will die if Donald Trump is democratically reelected , the Zoom-meeting aesthetic of the convention was refreshing .
It undermined the hysteria , contextualizing the event as something less important than it otherwise would have been .
The election was no longer a clash of the titans before roaring crowds ; it was just another browser tab @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a subdued and rather bureaucratic affair .
If you believe , as I do , that the nationalization and glamorization of our politics is ruining the country , then this was justice of a kind .
Even the Democratic A-listers felt like a B-roll .
First up was Andrew Cuomo , who compared racism and xenophobia to the coronavirus he ’ d failed to contain and our government to an immune system .
Bernie Sanders , who ’ d once praised Fidel Castro and the Soviet Union , warned that Donald Trump is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authoritarianism.
” Michelle Obama encouraged empathy , a major theme of the convention .
Bill Clinton appeared live from Chappaqua , not the Lolita Express , as many were expecting , after photographs published that same day showed him receiving a massage from one of Jeffrey Epstein ’ s victims .
Dr. Jill Biden strolled into an empty classroom and proved herself one of her husband ’ s best decisions .
Kamala Harris gave a rather banal speech ( “ there is no vaccine for racism ” ) from what appeared to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And then it was over to Ol ’ Joe .
It seems like a stupid thing to say , but Biden was without a doubt the biggest winner of this year ’ s DNC .
That isn ’ t always the case with presidential nominees : Barack Obama outshone John Kerry in 2004 and Bill Clinton arguably eclipsed Obama in 2012 .
With left-wing activists muttering under their breath and Uncle Bernie still rattling around the party attic , there was no guarantee that something similar wouldn ’ t happen this year .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ near as personalist as the Republican one is likely to be , while it focused on issues and party history as well as the candidate , I thought the narrative they crafted around Biden was a winsome one .
For four nights , the man was all hands-on-your-shoulders empathy , personal grief , hardscrabble Scranton origins , Amtrak trips .
It was a rejoinder to snarky pundits like me , who like to reduce Biden to his supposed senility .
Yet the former veep is much more than that .
What he lacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s always made up for in social IQ , an essential trait for a politician , perhaps even more essential than attention to detail .
That personal connectivity was on full display during his speech on Thursday .
It was a success , I think , in that it was almost jarring in its normalcy , a reminder of the way politics used to be .
This was an utterly conventional Democratic address with all the utterly conventional kitchen-table issues : jobs , unions , health care , equal pay .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it felt disarming .
The speech was more proof that Biden is , as Curt Mills has argued , the return-to-normalcy candidate , the Warren Harding of this century ’ s ’ 20s .
That isn ’ t to say , however , that the Democrats didn ’ t succumb to the feverishness of the times .
One of the major rhetorical themes of Biden ’ s speech was literally darkness versus light , with Trump embodying the former and Biden ( conveniently ) a paladin of the latter .
That made me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chronicle essay from 2008 , which declared Barack Obama to be a “ Lightworker , ” meaning “ that rare kind of attuned being…who can actually help usher in a new way of being on the planet.
” ( True enough , if you were a Yemeni civilian . )
Biden is no Obama but there was still a slightly messianic feel to his presentation .
The Democrats have apparently decided that this election is a space opera , a titanic showdown between good and evil , with themselves in charge of saving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the average left-wing door-knocker , but it ’ s also self-flattering to an unseemly degree .
I skipped over Barack Obama ’ s convention speech before , only because it was the best example of this Manichean tendency .
The former president appeared in front of a giant backdrop of the Constitution and proceeded to inform us that our very founding was under threat .
Obama ’ s understanding of the Constitution was reductive ; it said nothing about , say , secretly spying on AP journalists or launching a war in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amendment and the Tenth Amendment were not mentioned .
Instead it dwelt on a single word ( one many of the Founders happened to disdain ) : democracy .
Our founding documents , Obama said , contained the blueprint for a democracy , which Trump is now menacing .
America was portrayed as a glowing democratic arrow , pointing ever forward , demanding that opportunity and the franchise be continually expanded .
And that overall was the narrative of the convention , simplistic and incomplete , yet also familiar and firmly in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it was espoused by , of all people , Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer , who in an otherwise lackluster speech that felt like one of the lesser State of the Union responses , said , “ That ’ s the story of this great nation .
Action begets action .
Progress begets progress.
” Well , there you go .
Donald Trump sees America as one afflicted by carnage and crime , which only he can fix ( this time for real ) .
The Democrats ’ narrative , on the other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history as a sequence of collective actions , of communities working with government to set aside self-interest and better the condition of the least among us .
The 1619 garbage was ( mostly ) taken out ; incremental progress was back in .
Listening to these people , you would have never guessed that only a month ago the left was playing footsie with a cultural revolution .
The Democrats are thus making a play to be the Americanist party , conflating the United States with its democratic character and painting its president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost foreign outsider .
Trump next week will have to turn that on its head , to show that Democratic governance in fact impoverishes the marginalized and imperils democracy through chaos .
Yet that ’ s still two days away .
In the meantime , the parties have logged off and I ’ ve been left feeling jilted .
I ’ m no Democrat , but everything I grew up liking about the left—its opposition to the Iraq war , its hatred of the imperial executive , its support for civil liberties—was MIA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t invited .
Foreign policy was subordinated to the greater theme of democracy , as speaker after speaker promised that Biden would push back on overseas dictatorships .
Biden himself threatened to break a pool stick over Vladimir Putin ’ s head .
The Democratic Party has moved on from the mid-2000s .
That might be wise politically , but it will always leave some of us looking not forward but back .

I don’t care what people think, I love political conventions. In an age of deconstructive irony and post-political wonks who think they can graph their way to a better tomorrow, the DNC and RNC are some of our last remaining throwbacks to good, old-fashioned, American electoral camp. That’s true even as they’ve become more scripted, and especially true if you attend in person and venture outside the convention halls, where the activists set up shop. It’s a spectacle that cries out for the gonzo treatment: gulp down a bunch of Quaaludes and sally forth with your steno pad. Alas, the coronavirus intervened, leaving us all stranded on the couch in front of the TV.
So it went with the Democratic National Convention this week. The proceedings ostensibly took place in Milwaukee, though they kept throwing to Democrats all over the country, sometimes to schizophrenic effect: Andrew Yang tossing to Julia Louis-Dreyfus tossing to a calamari supremacist from Rhode Island tossing to Maggie Rogers stranded on the Maine coastline tossing to a man in a Kansas field. It was all very, dare we say, unconventional, which led many on Twitter to disapprove, accusing the Democrats of putting on a glorified infomercial-cum-Jerry Lewis telethon.
Not to defend the party of abortion, but that seems unfair. The Democrats, and the Republicans next week, have no precedent for anything like this. They’ve been forced to start from scratch, and ultimately what the Democrats came up with ended up seeming almost healthy. Despite their perpetual warnings that democracy will die if Donald Trump is democratically reelected, the Zoom-meeting aesthetic of the convention was refreshing. It undermined the hysteria, contextualizing the event as something less important than it otherwise would have been. The election was no longer a clash of the titans before roaring crowds; it was just another browser tab at the top of the screen, a subdued and rather bureaucratic affair. If you believe, as I do, that the nationalization and glamorization of our politics is ruining the country, then this was justice of a kind. Even the Democratic A-listers felt like a B-roll.
First up was Andrew Cuomo, who compared racism and xenophobia to the coronavirus he’d failed to contain and our government to an immune system. Bernie Sanders, who’d once praised Fidel Castro and the Soviet Union, warned that Donald Trump is “leading us down the path of authoritarianism.” Michelle Obama encouraged empathy, a major theme of the convention. Bill Clinton appeared live from Chappaqua, not the Lolita Express, as many were expecting, after photographs published that same day showed him receiving a massage from one of Jeffrey Epstein’s victims. Dr. Jill Biden strolled into an empty classroom and proved herself one of her husband’s best decisions. Kamala Harris gave a rather banal speech (“there is no vaccine for racism”) from what appeared to be the headquarters of some intergalactic command.
And then it was over to Ol’ Joe. It seems like a stupid thing to say, but Biden was without a doubt the biggest winner of this year’s DNC. That isn’t always the case with presidential nominees: Barack Obama outshone John Kerry in 2004 and Bill Clinton arguably eclipsed Obama in 2012. With left-wing activists muttering under their breath and Uncle Bernie still rattling around the party attic, there was no guarantee that something similar wouldn’t happen this year. Yet while the Democratic convention was nowhere near as personalist as the Republican one is likely to be, while it focused on issues and party history as well as the candidate, I thought the narrative they crafted around Biden was a winsome one. For four nights, the man was all hands-on-your-shoulders empathy, personal grief, hardscrabble Scranton origins, Amtrak trips.
It was a rejoinder to snarky pundits like me, who like to reduce Biden to his supposed senility. Yet the former veep is much more than that. What he lacks in policy detail and verbal continence, he’s always made up for in social IQ, an essential trait for a politician, perhaps even more essential than attention to detail. That personal connectivity was on full display during his speech on Thursday. It was a success, I think, in that it was almost jarring in its normalcy, a reminder of the way politics used to be. This was an utterly conventional Democratic address with all the utterly conventional kitchen-table issues: jobs, unions, health care, equal pay. Amid a radical and surreal year, it felt disarming. The speech was more proof that Biden is, as Curt Mills has argued, the return-to-normalcy candidate, the Warren Harding of this century’s ’20s.
That isn’t to say, however, that the Democrats didn’t succumb to the feverishness of the times. One of the major rhetorical themes of Biden’s speech was literally darkness versus light, with Trump embodying the former and Biden (conveniently) a paladin of the latter. That made me flash back to a nutty San Francisco Chronicle essay from 2008, which declared Barack Obama to be a “Lightworker,” meaning “that rare kind of attuned being…who can actually help usher in a new way of being on the planet.” (True enough, if you were a Yemeni civilian.) Biden is no Obama but there was still a slightly messianic feel to his presentation. The Democrats have apparently decided that this election is a space opera, a titanic showdown between good and evil, with themselves in charge of saving their country. That might ring true to the average left-wing door-knocker, but it’s also self-flattering to an unseemly degree.
I skipped over Barack Obama’s convention speech before, only because it was the best example of this Manichean tendency. The former president appeared in front of a giant backdrop of the Constitution and proceeded to inform us that our very founding was under threat. Obama’s understanding of the Constitution was reductive; it said nothing about, say, secretly spying on AP journalists or launching a war in Libya without congressional approval. The Fourth Amendment and the Tenth Amendment were not mentioned. Instead it dwelt on a single word (one many of the Founders happened to disdain): democracy. Our founding documents, Obama said, contained the blueprint for a democracy, which Trump is now menacing. America was portrayed as a glowing democratic arrow, pointing ever forward, demanding that opportunity and the franchise be continually expanded.
And that overall was the narrative of the convention, simplistic and incomplete, yet also familiar and firmly in the American tradition. In addition to Obama, it was espoused by, of all people, Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, who in an otherwise lackluster speech that felt like one of the lesser State of the Union responses, said, “That’s the story of this great nation. Action begets action. Progress begets progress.” Well, there you go. Donald Trump sees America as one afflicted by carnage and crime, which only he can fix (this time for real). The Democrats’ narrative, on the other hand, is one that affirms our history as a sequence of collective actions, of communities working with government to set aside self-interest and better the condition of the least among us. The 1619 garbage was (mostly) taken out; incremental progress was back in. Listening to these people, you would have never guessed that only a month ago the left was playing footsie with a cultural revolution.
The Democrats are thus making a play to be the Americanist party, conflating the United States with its democratic character and painting its president as a sinister and (ironically) almost foreign outsider. Trump next week will have to turn that on its head, to show that Democratic governance in fact impoverishes the marginalized and imperils democracy through chaos. Yet that’s still two days away. In the meantime, the parties have logged off and I’ve been left feeling jilted. I’m no Democrat, but everything I grew up liking about the left—its opposition to the Iraq war, its hatred of the imperial executive, its support for civil liberties—was MIA this week. Tulsi Gabbard wasn’t invited. Foreign policy was subordinated to the greater theme of democracy, as speaker after speaker promised that Biden would push back on overseas dictatorships. Biden himself threatened to break a pool stick over Vladimir Putin’s head.
The Democratic Party has moved on from the mid-2000s. That might be wise politically, but it will always leave some of us looking not forward but back.


theamericanconservative--2020-08-24--A Dewey-Beats-Truman Moment in the Offing?

The United States would normally be entering the most heated three months of the presidential campaign season right now .
Lingering fear of the coronavirus , however , combined with overwrought safety precautions , have people debating whether or not there will even be in-person voting on election day .
The political landscape is devoid of rallies , handshakes , and bus tours , while this year introduced America to its first all-digital nominating convention .
Even though the procedurals of this election may be abnormal , that doesn ’ t mean American political history isn ’ t filled with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Earlier this year , TAC Senior Reporter Curt Mills compared 2020 to its centurial precedent , arguing that like Warren G. Harding , Joe Biden could ride a wave of nostalgia for “ normalcy ” into the White House .
But what if the opposite is true ?
What if the electorate decides that it prefers a dynamic , shoot-from-the-hip incumbent over a safe and staid challenger ?
That ’ s exactly what happened in 1948 , the extraordinary upset that saw President Harry Truman win reelection against New York Governor Thomas Dewey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the start of the year .
“ Truman is not FDR , ” explains historian David Pietrusza , author of 1948 : Harry Truman ’ s Improbable Victory and the Year that Transformed America .
“ Truman lacks a certain gravitas .
The saying at the time is ‘ To err is Truman.
’ So he makes a lot of gaffs early on.
” Things began to turn around when the haberdasher from Missouri turned on the fighting spirit that earned him the “ Give ‘ em Hell , Harry ” moniker .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , [ he ] becomes sort of Trump-esque , ” Pietrusza told TAC , elaborating on how Truman abandoned prepared speeches in favor of informal talks , similar to how Trump goes off on spontaneous riffs in front of crowded stadiums .
And just as Truman called an emergency session of Congress with demands to pass his legislative agenda , earlier this month Trump issued new executive orders to bypass a divided congress and provide economic relief during the coronavirus pandemic .
“ I think people like action , ” observes Pietrusza , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ separate presidential campaigns .
“ Conservatism is good , but politically people like someone who seems to be doing something for you.
” Likewise , the similarities between Joe Biden and Thomas Dewey are more than superficial .
For starters , Dewey was also on his third attempt at the presidency , although he successfully captured his party ’ s nomination while still over thirty years Biden ’ s junior .
And both men decided to select as a running mate a California progressive with a penchant for imprisoning minorities .
Where they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mustachioed Dewey was pompous with a notoriously cold demeanor , “ Uncle Joe ” is all smiles , tight hugs , and affectionate backslaps .
But in a campaign where human contact is verboten , Biden is at a loss .
Without the opportunity to practice the old-style politics that he built his fifty-year career upon , the former Vice President is left with emotionally distant Zoom calls .
It has become apparent that Biden ’ s political program does not go far beyond his personal claim to decency , and his endlessly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a battle for the soul of this nation.
” He stands as a candidate without cause .
It is their lack of substance where Biden and Dewey are the most compatible .
“ Dewey ’ s speeches are very canned , ” said Pietrusza .
“ Dewey was really giving a very bland , not saying much of anything , no great fire or emotion type of speech.
” So notorious was Dewey for his empty words and hollow platitudes that after his defeat , the Louisville Courier-Journal wrote , “ No presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inept that four of his major speeches can be boiled down to these historic four sentences : Agriculture is important .
Our rivers are full of fish .
You can not have freedom without liberty .
Our future lies ahead.
” “ Dewey is not physically hiding , but in terms of program and reasons to vote for him , he ’ s hiding during that campaign , ” concluded Pietrusza .
Joe Biden , provided with the excuse of public health hysteria , is one-upping his 1940s predecessor and is actually hiding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the candidate been dodging major media interviews and the Sunday show circuit , but there are already whispers that he could skip the fall presidential debates .
During the Democratic primary , Biden promised to beat Donald Trump “ like a drum.
” If he ducks his only opportunity to do so in person , he ’ ll fall into yet another Dewey parallel .
In the days before the election , Harry Truman accused his opponent of being a “ tool of fascists.
” The only response Dewey could muster was to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and prejudice.
” How easy is it to imagine a similar exchange this October ?
It must be said that despite his disadvantageous start , Truman had the externals on his side .
A majority of the country remained New Deal Democrats , and the economy was beginning its post-war boom .
Trump , on the other hand , has never been able to cobble together a majority coalition , and the economy has been significantly damaged by state lockdowns .
But in a competition between aggression and complacency , the comeback power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discounted .
Perhaps the American people will wake up on November 4th with Donald Trump ironically retweeting the CNN headline , “ BIDEN DEFEATS TRUMP.
” Hunter DeRensis is Assistant Editor at the Libertarian Institute and a regular contributor to The American Conservative .
You can follow him on Twitter @ HunterDeRensis .

The United States would normally be entering the most heated three months of the presidential campaign season right now. Lingering fear of the coronavirus, however, combined with overwrought safety precautions, have people debating whether or not there will even be in-person voting on election day. The political landscape is devoid of rallies, handshakes, and bus tours, while this year introduced America to its first all-digital nominating convention.
Even though the procedurals of this election may be abnormal, that doesn’t mean American political history isn’t filled with apt comparisons to our current moment. Earlier this year, TAC Senior Reporter Curt Mills compared 2020 to its centurial precedent, arguing that like Warren G. Harding, Joe Biden could ride a wave of nostalgia for “normalcy” into the White House.
But what if the opposite is true? What if the electorate decides that it prefers a dynamic, shoot-from-the-hip incumbent over a safe and staid challenger?
That’s exactly what happened in 1948, the extraordinary upset that saw President Harry Truman win reelection against New York Governor Thomas Dewey.
Few observers predicted that result at the start of the year. “Truman is not FDR,” explains historian David Pietrusza, author of 1948: Harry Truman’s Improbable Victory and the Year that Transformed America. “Truman lacks a certain gravitas. The saying at the time is ‘To err is Truman.’ So he makes a lot of gaffs early on.”
Sound familiar?
Things began to turn around when the haberdasher from Missouri turned on the fighting spirit that earned him the “Give ‘em Hell, Harry” moniker. “And what really happens with Truman, [he] becomes sort of Trump-esque,” Pietrusza told TAC, elaborating on how Truman abandoned prepared speeches in favor of informal talks, similar to how Trump goes off on spontaneous riffs in front of crowded stadiums.
And just as Truman called an emergency session of Congress with demands to pass his legislative agenda, earlier this month Trump issued new executive orders to bypass a divided congress and provide economic relief during the coronavirus pandemic. “I think people like action,” observes Pietrusza, who has authored authoritative books on four separate presidential campaigns. “Conservatism is good, but politically people like someone who seems to be doing something for you.”
Likewise, the similarities between Joe Biden and Thomas Dewey are more than superficial. For starters, Dewey was also on his third attempt at the presidency, although he successfully captured his party’s nomination while still over thirty years Biden’s junior. And both men decided to select as a running mate a California progressive with a penchant for imprisoning minorities.
Where they diverge is in personality. While the mustachioed Dewey was pompous with a notoriously cold demeanor, “Uncle Joe” is all smiles, tight hugs, and affectionate backslaps. But in a campaign where human contact is verboten, Biden is at a loss. Without the opportunity to practice the old-style politics that he built his fifty-year career upon, the former Vice President is left with emotionally distant Zoom calls.
It has become apparent that Biden’s political program does not go far beyond his personal claim to decency, and his endlessly repeated cliché that we are in “a battle for the soul of this nation.” He stands as a candidate without cause.
It is their lack of substance where Biden and Dewey are the most compatible. “Dewey’s speeches are very canned,” said Pietrusza. “Dewey was really giving a very bland, not saying much of anything, no great fire or emotion type of speech.”
So notorious was Dewey for his empty words and hollow platitudes that after his defeat, the Louisville Courier-Journal wrote, “No presidential candidate in the future will be so inept that four of his major speeches can be boiled down to these historic four sentences: Agriculture is important. Our rivers are full of fish. You cannot have freedom without liberty. Our future lies ahead.”
“Dewey is not physically hiding, but in terms of program and reasons to vote for him, he’s hiding during that campaign,” concluded Pietrusza.
Joe Biden, provided with the excuse of public health hysteria, is one-upping his 1940s predecessor and is actually hiding from public appearances. Not only has the candidate been dodging major media interviews and the Sunday show circuit, but there are already whispers that he could skip the fall presidential debates.
During the Democratic primary, Biden promised to beat Donald Trump “like a drum.” If he ducks his only opportunity to do so in person, he’ll fall into yet another Dewey parallel. In the days before the election, Harry Truman accused his opponent of being a “tool of fascists.” The only response Dewey could muster was to chastise the president for promoting “antagonism and prejudice.” How easy is it to imagine a similar exchange this October?
It must be said that despite his disadvantageous start, Truman had the externals on his side. A majority of the country remained New Deal Democrats, and the economy was beginning its post-war boom. Trump, on the other hand, has never been able to cobble together a majority coalition, and the economy has been significantly damaged by state lockdowns.
But in a competition between aggression and complacency, the comeback power of the forty-sixth president cannot be discounted. Perhaps the American people will wake up on November 4th with Donald Trump ironically retweeting the CNN headline, “BIDEN DEFEATS TRUMP.”
Hunter DeRensis is Assistant Editor at the Libertarian Institute and a regular contributor to The American Conservative. You can follow him on Twitter @HunterDeRensis.


The COVID Pretext

Politicians are using the pandemic to push through policies that have nothing to do with public health A lot of people invite their in-laws to stay with them when they have a new baby .
That ’ s what my husband and I planned to do this fall .
We never expected my mother-in-law would be prevented from getting on a plane by the Australian government .
Since late March , Australia has banned its citizens from leaving the country without a special government permit , in order to limit the country ’ s exposure to the coronavirus .
More @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are denied , including ours .
Prime Minister Scott Morrison says he does not anticipate the ban will be lifted before the end of the year .
This ban is in addition to the mandatory quarantine for in-bound travelers , where guards escort you from the airport to a designated hotel where you are put under watch for 14 days with a TV and a pamphlet for Uber Eats .
At least the quarantine makes superficial sense , however much of an overreaction it is in a country with the population of Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the District of Columbia ’ s .
But the ban on outbound travel makes no sense .
If they ’ re willing to be quarantined on their return , at their own expense , why prevent people from leaving ?
Maybe the reason is that tourism , a massive chunk of Australia ’ s economy , has suddenly vaporized , and the prime minister is worried about people taking overseas holidays and wants those tourism dollars to stay at home .
That ’ s the stage of the pandemic we have reached : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There is good reason to do so .
It ’ s hard not to notice how many people are clearly using the pandemic as a pretext to do what they have long wanted to do anyway , or to get in a blow at their political opponents while they ’ re vulnerable , or to score some short-term personal advantage under a thin medical excuse .
The Mexican state of Oaxaca just banned the sale of soda and junk food to children .
The bill ’ s sponsor introduced the same ban last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she was able to draw a tenuous link between calories , obesity , and coronavirus risk .
Spain effectively banned outdoor smoking at the behest of public health experts , even though smokers have been shown to be at lower risk from COVID than non-smokers .
South Africa went further than any other country , enacting a total ban on alcohol and tobacco sales in March .
Prohibition was lifted only last week , when it became clear that the main beneficiaries were the country ’ s smuggling gangs .
Here in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are pressing the FDA for a “ temporary ” ban on e-cigarettes , suspending all vaping sales “ for the duration of the coronavirus crisis.
” They cite a single study showing increased COVID risk for young users .
But that study was an online survey based on self-reporting , with fewer than 5,000 self-selected respondents , and asked not about current e-cigarette use but if users had ever vaped .
Its findings contradict literally hundreds of other studies , in journals as prestigious as the Lancet , showing that nicotine products do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who organized the push is simply a longtime opponent of e-cigarettes taking advantage of the pandemic to push his agenda .
No issue has been more transparently politicized than school reopenings .
According to the New York Times , a mid-June survey of the American Federation of Teachers found that three-quarters of members were willing to return to the classroom , with precautions .
Then , on July 6 , President Trump tweeted : “ SCHOOLS MUST OPEN IN THE FALL !
!
!
” White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany urged districts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our schools.
” Suddenly the AFT got a lot more skeptical .
In Chicago , the percentage of teachers who said they would feel “ extremely uncomfortable ” returning in person jumped 30 points in the weeks after the president ’ s tweet .
This surge in concern was clearly a matter of political polarization , not science .
A Brookings study of school districts across the nation found no relationship between reopening policies and coronavirus cases per capita .
Instead , the districts most likely to choose in-person learning were those in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Remote learning was most popular not in the hardest hit counties , but in Democratic ones .
Right now the strictest lockdown in the free world is in the Australian state of Victoria .
Melbourne residents are not allowed to leave home between 8pm and 5am , unless they are essential workers , and during the day can exercise for only one hour within 5km of their address .
Households can send one member on one shopping visit per day .
Drones have been deployed , not just to patrol the closed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforce curfew compliance and mask-wearing .
Police have knocked on tens of thousands of doors to check if residents are home , and those who aren ’ t face thousands of dollars in fines .
Among the hundreds of violators Victoria police have punished under the new rules : • Two parents who took their children to a lake 14km from their house , outside the allowed 5km radius .
• Four young people , three males and a female , whose car was stopped at a road checkpoint and were found to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men in their forties who started a Facebook group to organize a protest march against the lockdown .
They were arrested and charged with incitement , their computers and phones seized .
Police warned the public that anyone who showed up to the protest would be fined $ 1,652 .
What could possibly explain this overreach in a state with fewer than 500 coronavirus deaths , the vast majority in nursing homes ?
( For comparison , Massachusetts with a comparable population has had 8,900 deaths . )
It could be that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance methods while it has the opportunity , in case it ever wants to use them in the future .
Maybe Premier Dan Andrews saw what lockdowns did for Andrew Cuomo ’ s approval ratings and wanted a similar boost for himself .
That would explain why he has personally conducted the state ’ s press briefings for fifty days straight without a break .
Whatever the reason , it ’ s not scientific .
American politicians seeking a middle ground between skeptics and lockdowners often settle on the worst possible compromise : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down countertops doesn ’ t do much to fight a virus that spreads through air droplets , not surfaces .
If elementary schools are safe enough to open — because young children are low-risk spreaders — then they ’ re safe enough not to require kindergarteners to wear masks , which five-year-olds will just fiddle with anyway , negating any health benefit .
Photos of socially distanced lunch rooms are intended to reassure teachers and parents , not provide any benefit to students .
The original purpose of the lockdowns was to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from being overrun .
We did that .
What is their purpose now ?
When can lockdowns be lifted ?
It is difficult not to politicize that question , under the circumstances .
But the truth is that lockdowns will only reduce the long-term spread of the virus if they are used to buy time until a vaccine is found , and right now there is no guarantee one ever will be .
Politicians including the governors of Ohio , Illinois , and New Jersey and the mayors of Los Angeles and New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccine will allow a return to normal life , with gatherings of over 50 people and indoor dining at restaurants .
It is not a fringe position to say that these things must remained banned until a vaccine is found .
Just a scientifically unsupportable one .

A lot of people invite their in-laws to stay with them when they have a new baby. That’s what my husband and I planned to do this fall. We never expected my mother-in-law would be prevented from getting on a plane by the Australian government.
Since late March, Australia has banned its citizens from leaving the country without a special government permit, in order to limit the country’s exposure to the coronavirus. More than three-quarters of requests for exit permits are denied, including ours. Prime Minister Scott Morrison says he does not anticipate the ban will be lifted before the end of the year.
This ban is in addition to the mandatory quarantine for in-bound travelers, where guards escort you from the airport to a designated hotel where you are put under watch for 14 days with a TV and a pamphlet for Uber Eats.
At least the quarantine makes superficial sense, however much of an overreaction it is in a country with the population of Texas and a coronavirus death toll lower than the District of Columbia’s. But the ban on outbound travel makes no sense. If they’re willing to be quarantined on their return, at their own expense, why prevent people from leaving?
Maybe the reason is that tourism, a massive chunk of Australia’s economy, has suddenly vaporized, and the prime minister is worried about people taking overseas holidays and wants those tourism dollars to stay at home.
That’s the stage of the pandemic we have reached: questioning everyone’s ulterior motives.
There is good reason to do so. It’s hard not to notice how many people are clearly using the pandemic as a pretext to do what they have long wanted to do anyway, or to get in a blow at their political opponents while they’re vulnerable, or to score some short-term personal advantage under a thin medical excuse.
The Mexican state of Oaxaca just banned the sale of soda and junk food to children. The bill’s sponsor introduced the same ban last year, unsuccessfully, but this time she was able to draw a tenuous link between calories, obesity, and coronavirus risk. Spain effectively banned outdoor smoking at the behest of public health experts, even though smokers have been shown to be at lower risk from COVID than non-smokers.
South Africa went further than any other country, enacting a total ban on alcohol and tobacco sales in March. Prohibition was lifted only last week, when it became clear that the main beneficiaries were the country’s smuggling gangs.
Here in the United States, a group of congressmen are pressing the FDA for a “temporary” ban on e-cigarettes, suspending all vaping sales “for the duration of the coronavirus crisis.” They cite a single study showing increased COVID risk for young users. But that study was an online survey based on self-reporting, with fewer than 5,000 self-selected respondents, and asked not about current e-cigarette use but if users had ever vaped. Its findings contradict literally hundreds of other studies, in journals as prestigious as the Lancet, showing that nicotine products do not increase coronavirus risk. The congressman who organized the push is simply a longtime opponent of e-cigarettes taking advantage of the pandemic to push his agenda.
No issue has been more transparently politicized than school reopenings. According to the New York Times, a mid-June survey of the American Federation of Teachers found that three-quarters of members were willing to return to the classroom, with precautions. Then, on July 6, President Trump tweeted: “SCHOOLS MUST OPEN IN THE FALL!!!” White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany urged districts to “follow the science and open our schools.” Suddenly the AFT got a lot more skeptical. In Chicago, the percentage of teachers who said they would feel “extremely uncomfortable” returning in person jumped 30 points in the weeks after the president’s tweet.
This surge in concern was clearly a matter of political polarization, not science. A Brookings study of school districts across the nation found no relationship between reopening policies and coronavirus cases per capita. Instead, the districts most likely to choose in-person learning were those in counties that voted for Trump in 2016. Remote learning was most popular not in the hardest hit counties, but in Democratic ones.
Right now the strictest lockdown in the free world is in the Australian state of Victoria. Melbourne residents are not allowed to leave home between 8pm and 5am, unless they are essential workers, and during the day can exercise for only one hour within 5km of their address. Households can send one member on one shopping visit per day. Drones have been deployed, not just to patrol the closed border but also in downtown Melbourne to enforce curfew compliance and mask-wearing. Police have knocked on tens of thousands of doors to check if residents are home, and those who aren’t face thousands of dollars in fines.
Among the hundreds of violators Victoria police have punished under the new rules:
Two parents who took their children to a lake 14km from their house, outside the allowed 5km radius.
Four young people, three males and a female, whose car was stopped at a road checkpoint and were found to reside at different addresses.
Two men in their forties who started a Facebook group to organize a protest march against the lockdown. They were arrested and charged with incitement, their computers and phones seized. Police warned the public that anyone who showed up to the protest would be fined $1,652.
What could possibly explain this overreach in a state with fewer than 500 coronavirus deaths, the vast majority in nursing homes? (For comparison, Massachusetts with a comparable population has had 8,900 deaths.) It could be that the Victorian government wants to try out Chinese-style surveillance methods while it has the opportunity, in case it ever wants to use them in the future. Maybe Premier Dan Andrews saw what lockdowns did for Andrew Cuomo’s approval ratings and wanted a similar boost for himself. That would explain why he has personally conducted the state’s press briefings for fifty days straight without a break. Whatever the reason, it’s not scientific.
American politicians seeking a middle ground between skeptics and lockdowners often settle on the worst possible compromise: hygiene theatre. Polishing doorknobs and wiping down countertops doesn’t do much to fight a virus that spreads through air droplets, not surfaces. If elementary schools are safe enough to open — because young children are low-risk spreaders — then they’re safe enough not to require kindergarteners to wear masks, which five-year-olds will just fiddle with anyway, negating any health benefit. Photos of socially distanced lunch rooms are intended to reassure teachers and parents, not provide any benefit to students.
The original purpose of the lockdowns was to “flatten the curve” and prevent hospitals from being overrun. We did that. What is their purpose now? When can lockdowns be lifted? It is difficult not to politicize that question, under the circumstances. But the truth is that lockdowns will only reduce the long-term spread of the virus if they are used to buy time until a vaccine is found, and right now there is no guarantee one ever will be. Politicians including the governors of Ohio, Illinois, and New Jersey and the mayors of Los Angeles and New York have all suggested that only a vaccine will allow a return to normal life, with gatherings of over 50 people and indoor dining at restaurants. It is not a fringe position to say that these things must remained banned until a vaccine is found. Just a scientifically unsupportable one.


theamericanconservative--2020-08-25--The Most Cynical Campaign In History

The Most Cynical Campaign In History

Democratic presidential nominee former Vice President Joe Biden and his running mate Sen. Kamala Harris ( D-CA ) .
( Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images ) With the Democratic convention history and the Republican one lurching forward , excitement among voters ranges from lukewarm to semi-lukewarm .
Political cynicism scrapes at the nation like a sleeping man being shaved by a drunk barber .
Both conventions make one thing clear as a slug trail : the Democratic candidate is Not Trump .
Just vote for the one named “ Trump ” or the one named “ Not Trump.
” It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of Biden voters say their support is more against Trump than for Joe .
It ’ s easy to imagine most of the rest will vote Biden confused after the convention , thinking Obama is running again .
Meanwhile Trump is Trump is Trump .
Seriously , if any one is not sure what they think of the guy by now they need to be exposed to 24 hours of Twitter with their eyes pegged open like the dude in A Clockwork Orange .
If you liked the last four years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gets more complicated on the other side .
See , the Not Trump candidate is an old white man , but don ’ t pay attention to age , gender , or race even though he ’ s the same as Trump .
The Democratic vice presidential candidate is younger , blacker , and less male so in her case age , gender , and race are very important .
Kamala Harris exists as a lure to get a few depressed prog voters to bite on Ol ’ Man Not Trump .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decent women candidates illustrates the cynicism here .
For four years Trump delivered daily steaming piles of exactly what he said he would .
You got what you voted for , no better no worse , like the all-you-can-eat buffet that ’ s mostly carbs .
The base figured out early most of it was just rhetoric to inflame the libs , while the liberals took the bait every time .
Democrats on the other hand chummed the water with talk about progressive issues like free healthcare , free college , college loan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stuff .
Despite Bernie coming in second place twice in two primary campaigns his ideas are going to have as much influence on Biden as they are on Trump .
Same for all the others hyped along the way to keep everyone ’ s attention , Beto , Pete , Stacey Adams , AOC , and Warren .
Nothing new ; the sideshow acts always were used to bring the rubes into the tent and once they paid their money it didn ’ t matter if the Bearded Lady was a fraud .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lost the Primary , Too ” Kasich , the abandoned Colin “ Liar ” Powell , John “ Sell Out ” Kerry , and the ghostly Widow McCain at the convention made it clear how little the party really cares about the POC and young people it purported to groom for the last years .
They ran out of old Democrats to feature and had to resort to bringing in old Republicans .
Viewers might have expected the whole thing to shift into an infomercial for reverse mortgages at some point featuring hologrammed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you better vote Not Trump even knowing you ’ re being played for the sucker .
The Republicans on the other hand crafted raised middle finger performance art from their speakers .
You got BLM ?
We got the ultimate angry white people , Patricia and Mark McCloskey , who aimed guns at Black Lives Matter protesters in St. Louis .
As for election strategy , both campaigns seem to center on… the post office .
Dems need you to believe the greatest election conspiracy in the history of democracy is unfolding inside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office , where grandpa buys those things he calls stamps .
That place will likely end democracy because this election will have so many mail-in ballots and Democrats believe all those mail-in ballots will be for them and each requires its own blue corner mailbox .
So Trump wins because Republicans will vote by magic laser beam or something .
Diabolical plans which can be thwarted simply by voting early , or in person , are kinda weak .
Kinda like Hillary in her convention speech cynically telling people winning the Electoral College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s part .
What neither side will be talking about is President Bone Spurs .
Yep , his pug faced rich daddy got a doctor to pretend little Donny had bone spurs and so was exempt from dying in Vietnam .
Well , fuggedaboutit .
See when Uncle Joey was younger he too did not go to Vietnam .
Joey got five student draft deferments during the Vietnam War , same as Trump .
And in 1968 , when his Joe ’ s student status was wrapping up , he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ due to asthma .
Asthma can be nasty stuff or it can be a bone spur .
In his autobiography Joe described his active youth as a lifeguard and high school football player , and lied ( note to fact-checkers doing their research : Biden lies are called gaffes ) about being on the University of Delaware football team .
His vice presidential physicals mention multiple aneurysms .
Asthma , no .
# MeToo was fun for awhile too , but Biden ’ s hands-on treatment of women means it ’ s now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hill.
” Same for Tara Reade , who has been telling people since the 1990 ‘ s Biden stuck his fingers in her private place unwanted , which is the same as Trump “ grabbing them by the pussy.
” This will all get a little harder to pretend away when CNN spends the autumn replaying Kamala being fierce and nasty pounding # BelieveWomen into Americans ’ skulls and tearing into Brett Kavanaugh for being a high school kid but Dems pulled it off with Bill Clinton and can do it again .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use against Trump .
Unfortunately , after leaving the Obama White House , Joe and his wife made more than $ 15 million , mostly via sweetheart book deals .
In fact , they made nearly twice as much in 2017 as they did in the previous 19 years combined .
The University of Pennsylvania gave Joe $ 775,000 to teach , and then was nice enough to offer him indefinite leave of absence from actually teaching .
And sure , Biden charges the Secret Service $ 2,200 a month rent for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can protect him , which sounds like Trump .
And there ’ s all that business with Joe and his son in Ukraine , and Joe and his son in China .
Best to talk about Beau , the dead soldier son .
And even though it was individual state governors , mostly Democrats , who overreacted and closed your schools , threw you out of work , closed the bars , restaurants , bowling alleys , stores , beaches , gyms , and churches , and banned football , graduations , funerals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ones , fathers at their child ’ s birth , and interstate travel while allowing BLM protests , the Dems need everyone to blame Trump .
In contrast to the shoulder shrug stance of yeah , it ’ s me , suck on it , presented by Trump , the 2020 Democratic vision is the most cynical of any in American history .
It says “ we have no vision ” but you all need to square up and vote for a mediocre candidate with an AI-chosen running mate anyway .
No real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope and change , no American dream , but a threat .
As Michelle Obama said at the convention “ If you think things can not possibly get worse , trust me , they can.
” Her hubby echoed the dark theme the next evening , claiming democracy itself is imperiled .
In other words , vote for us or else .
Strange Trump is ending democracy but we can somehow just vote no on that and it ’ s over .
Whatever .
We ’ re about to really find out whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Dems dangled Bernie and Warren then delivered a candidate from when Luke married Laura in the same voice a waitress uses to say , “ Um , sorry , out of Coke .
Diet Mr. Pibb OK ?
” Joe Biden is so old he ’ s lost the race for president twice already and comes off like grandpa putting himself out there for one last fling after Grandma Obama passed away .
But think how hard this all was ; the Democrats only had four years and couldn ’ t even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Peter Van Buren , a 24-year State Department veteran , is the author of We Meant Well : How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People , Hooper ’ s War : A Novel of WWII Japan , and Ghosts of Tom Joad : A Story of the 99 Percent .

With the Democratic convention history and the Republican one lurching forward, excitement among voters ranges from lukewarm to semi-lukewarm. Political cynicism scrapes at the nation like a sleeping man being shaved by a drunk barber.
Both conventions make one thing clear as a slug trail: the Democratic candidate is Not Trump. Just vote for the one named “Trump” or the one named “Not Trump.” It’s easy. In fact 60 percent of Biden voters say their support is more against Trump than for Joe. It’s easy to imagine most of the rest will vote Biden confused after the convention, thinking Obama is running again.
Meanwhile Trump is Trump is Trump. Seriously, if any one is not sure what they think of the guy by now they need to be exposed to 24 hours of Twitter with their eyes pegged open like the dude in A Clockwork Orange. If you liked the last four years, here comes more of it.
It gets more complicated on the other side. See, the Not Trump candidate is an old white man, but don’t pay attention to age, gender, or race even though he’s the same as Trump. The Democratic vice presidential candidate is younger, blacker, and less male so in her case age, gender, and race are very important. Kamala Harris exists as a lure to get a few depressed prog voters to bite on Ol’ Man Not Trump. That primary voters rejected her and five other decent women candidates illustrates the cynicism here.
For four years Trump delivered daily steaming piles of exactly what he said he would. You got what you voted for, no better no worse, like the all-you-can-eat buffet that’s mostly carbs. The base figured out early most of it was just rhetoric to inflame the libs, while the liberals took the bait every time.
Democrats on the other hand chummed the water with talk about progressive issues like free healthcare, free college, college loan forgiveness, you know, the Bernie stuff. Despite Bernie coming in second place twice in two primary campaigns his ideas are going to have as much influence on Biden as they are on Trump. Same for all the others hyped along the way to keep everyone’s attention, Beto, Pete, Stacey Adams, AOC, and Warren. Nothing new; the sideshow acts always were used to bring the rubes into the tent and once they paid their money it didn’t matter if the Bearded Lady was a fraud.
That the Democrats featured John “I Lost the Primary, Too” Kasich, the abandoned Colin “Liar” Powell, John “Sell Out” Kerry, and the ghostly Widow McCain at the convention made it clear how little the party really cares about the POC and young people it purported to groom for the last years. They ran out of old Democrats to feature and had to resort to bringing in old Republicans. Viewers might have expected the whole thing to shift into an infomercial for reverse mortgages at some point featuring hologrammed spokesman John McCain himself. Nonetheless, you better vote Not Trump even knowing you’re being played for the sucker.
The Republicans on the other hand crafted raised middle finger performance art from their speakers. You got BLM? We got the ultimate angry white people, Patricia and Mark McCloskey, who aimed guns at Black Lives Matter protesters in St. Louis.
As for election strategy, both campaigns seem to center on… the post office. Dems need you to believe the greatest election conspiracy in the history of democracy is unfolding inside the place. Yes, that post office, where grandpa buys those things he calls stamps. That place will likely end democracy because this election will have so many mail-in ballots and Democrats believe all those mail-in ballots will be for them and each requires its own blue corner mailbox. So Trump wins because Republicans will vote by magic laser beam or something. Diabolical plans which can be thwarted simply by voting early, or in person, are kinda weak. Kinda like Hillary in her convention speech cynically telling people winning the Electoral College was some kind of sneaky trick on Trump’s part.
What neither side will be talking about is President Bone Spurs. Yep, his pug faced rich daddy got a doctor to pretend little Donny had bone spurs and so was exempt from dying in Vietnam. Well, fuggedaboutit.
See when Uncle Joey was younger he too did not go to Vietnam. Joey got five student draft deferments during the Vietnam War, same as Trump. And in 1968, when his Joe’s student status was wrapping up, he was medically reclassified as “not available” due to asthma. Asthma can be nasty stuff or it can be a bone spur. In his autobiography Joe described his active youth as a lifeguard and high school football player, and lied (note to fact-checkers doing their research: Biden lies are called gaffes) about being on the University of Delaware football team. His vice presidential physicals mention multiple aneurysms. Asthma, no.
#MeToo was fun for awhile too, but Biden’s hands-on treatment of women means it’s now a no-touch zone. Google “Anita Hill.” Same for Tara Reade, who has been telling people since the 1990‘s Biden stuck his fingers in her private place unwanted, which is the same as Trump “grabbing them by the pussy.” This will all get a little harder to pretend away when CNN spends the autumn replaying Kamala being fierce and nasty pounding #BelieveWomen into Americans’ skulls and tearing into Brett Kavanaugh for being a high school kid but Dems pulled it off with Bill Clinton and can do it again.
Corruption used to be a safe one to use against Trump. Unfortunately, after leaving the Obama White House, Joe and his wife made more than $15 million, mostly via sweetheart book deals. In fact, they made nearly twice as much in 2017 as they did in the previous 19 years combined. The University of Pennsylvania gave Joe $775,000 to teach, and then was nice enough to offer him indefinite leave of absence from actually teaching. And sure, Biden charges the Secret Service $2,200 a month rent for a cottage on his property so they can protect him, which sounds like Trump. And there’s all that business with Joe and his son in Ukraine, and Joe and his son in China. Best to talk about Beau, the dead soldier son.
And even though it was individual state governors, mostly Democrats, who overreacted and closed your schools, threw you out of work, closed the bars, restaurants, bowling alleys, stores, beaches, gyms, and churches, and banned football, graduations, funerals, last visits with terminally ill loved ones, fathers at their child’s birth, and interstate travel while allowing BLM protests, the Dems need everyone to blame Trump.
In contrast to the shoulder shrug stance of yeah, it’s me, suck on it, presented by Trump, the 2020 Democratic vision is the most cynical of any in American history. It says “we have no vision” but you all need to square up and vote for a mediocre candidate with an AI-chosen running mate anyway. No real details of betterment through policy, no hope and change, no American dream, but a threat. As Michelle Obama said at the convention “If you think things cannot possibly get worse, trust me, they can.” Her hubby echoed the dark theme the next evening, claiming democracy itself is imperiled. In other words, vote for us or else. Strange Trump is ending democracy but we can somehow just vote no on that and it’s over. Whatever.
We’re about to really find out whether anyone would be better than Trump. The Dems dangled Bernie and Warren then delivered a candidate from when Luke married Laura in the same voice a waitress uses to say, “Um, sorry, out of Coke. Diet Mr. Pibb OK?” Joe Biden is so old he’s lost the race for president twice already and comes off like grandpa putting himself out there for one last fling after Grandma Obama passed away. But think how hard this all was; the Democrats only had four years and couldn’t even get rid of Hillary in that time.
Peter Van Buren, a 24-year State Department veteran, is the author of We Meant Well: How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People, Hooper’s War: A Novel of WWII Japan, and Ghosts of Tom Joad: A Story of the 99 Percent.