theamericanconservative--2020-10-27--The Bad Year May Get a Whole Lot Worse

The Bad Year May Get a Whole Lot Worse

In November and beyond , there is as much cause for worry as there is for hope .
Whichever way it goes , we 'll be on the front lines .
As the annus horribilis of 2020 comes to a close , we find ourselves facing not a rebound after having hit rock bottom , but a turn for the even worse : the prospect of a constitutional crisis and , if the past few months are any guide , significant violence and civil unrest .
We hope that by the time you receive the next issue , the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be for the next four years , but even that seems less than a sure thing .
If President Trump leaves office in January , it will mark the end of the only brief period in the history of this magazine in which we had a president who , for all his flaws , broke from the disastrous foreign policy consensus of both parties—at least in his rhetoric .
To paraphrase a MacArthur genius , we were four years near power .
If Trump is reelected , the course forward is simple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is even more important if he never has to face the voters again .
The mistakes of the president ’ s first term must not be repeated .
But in a first term of President Biden , there is every reason to expect some rough going .
Though he himself refuses to state his position on the campaign trail , progressives are now talking openly about packing the Supreme Court , a drastic step that if taken , with no exaggeration , will impact the very stability of this country .
The media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de-Trumpification , and New York Times columnists are already proposing Orwellian tribunals like a truth and reconciliation commission .
In the eyes of our democracy ’ s self-appointed managers , something happened in 2016 that shouldn ’ t have .
They will work to make sure it doesn ’ t happen again , and change the rules if they can .
If the GOP fails to retain the Senate , the chance of finding out exactly who is responsible for the outrages of the 2016 Russiagate investigation will be close to zero .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can expect the same political skullduggery that characterized the Obama-era Justice Department and IRS .
The Republicans that remain in Congress will settle back into the familiar pattern of their party in the opposition : complaining about spending and hounding Democrats for not being eager enough to wage wars .
Meanwhile an enormous ideological campaign will be waged , or rather continued , to persuade Americans that there were no lessons to learn from 2016 , and that any distinct issues on which Trump ran and won on are now discredited .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ January , this is a reversion we intend to resist .
The wisdom of the pre-2016 consensus has been thoroughly discredited , while the predicted catastrophes of a Trump presidency have mostly failed to materialize .
A recent symposium in these pages asked what are conservatives for ?
This one asks , what are conservatives to do ?
In David Hines ’ s piece for this issue , he begins to sketch out the daunting task of what it might take to build an activist enterprise as effective as the other side ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big on November 3—or whenever the election results are deemed final—that is something they can do .
If all the foregoing sounds a little gloomy , we only mean to be realistic .
Readers may take heart knowing that , as Mark Bauerlein ’ s piece explores , there has always been something ungovernable about the American character .
And as the last four years have disenchanted Republican base voters with our forever wars and the economic tenets of Bushism , there is no reason to feel defeated .
We know what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wilderness .
But now there are millions of us .

As the annus horribilis of 2020 comes to a close, we find ourselves facing not a rebound after having hit rock bottom, but a turn for the even worse: the prospect of a constitutional crisis and, if the past few months are any guide, significant violence and civil unrest. We hope that by the time you receive the next issue, the country will know who the president is going to be for the next four years, but even that seems less than a sure thing.
If President Trump leaves office in January, it will mark the end of the only brief period in the history of this magazine in which we had a president who, for all his flaws, broke from the disastrous foreign policy consensus of both parties—at least in his rhetoric. To paraphrase a MacArthur genius, we were four years near power. If Trump is reelected, the course forward is simple: continue to push him, which is even more important if he never has to face the voters again. The mistakes of the president’s first term must not be repeated.
But in a first term of President Biden, there is every reason to expect some rough going. Though he himself refuses to state his position on the campaign trail, progressives are now talking openly about packing the Supreme Court, a drastic step that if taken, with no exaggeration, will impact the very stability of this country. The media will justify much in the name of de-Trumpification, and New York Times columnists are already proposing Orwellian tribunals like a truth and reconciliation commission. In the eyes of our democracy’s self-appointed managers, something happened in 2016 that shouldn’t have. They will work to make sure it doesn’t happen again, and change the rules if they can.
If the GOP fails to retain the Senate, the chance of finding out exactly who is responsible for the outrages of the 2016 Russiagate investigation will be close to zero. Emboldened by the lack of consequences, we can expect the same political skullduggery that characterized the Obama-era Justice Department and IRS.
The Republicans that remain in Congress will settle back into the familiar pattern of their party in the opposition: complaining about spending and hounding Democrats for not being eager enough to wage wars. Meanwhile an enormous ideological campaign will be waged, or rather continued, to persuade Americans that there were no lessons to learn from 2016, and that any distinct issues on which Trump ran and won on are now discredited. Whoever is in the White House in January, this is a reversion we intend to resist. The wisdom of the pre-2016 consensus has been thoroughly discredited, while the predicted catastrophes of a Trump presidency have mostly failed to materialize.
A recent symposium in these pages asked what are conservatives for? This one asks, what are conservatives to do? In David Hines’s piece for this issue, he begins to sketch out the daunting task of what it might take to build an activist enterprise as effective as the other side’s. If Republicans find themselves losing big on November 3—or whenever the election results are deemed final—that is something they can do.
If all the foregoing sounds a little gloomy, we only mean to be realistic. Readers may take heart knowing that, as Mark Bauerlein’s piece explores, there has always been something ungovernable about the American character. And as the last four years have disenchanted Republican base voters with our forever wars and the economic tenets of Bushism, there is no reason to feel defeated. We know what it’s like to be in the wilderness. But now there are millions of us.


theamericanconservative--2020-10-27--Fear the Coup That Isn’t Coming

Fear the Coup That Isn’t Coming

You say you want a revolution ?
Or a coup , or an overthrow , les barricades ?
Apparently so .
Journalists , politicians , and academics , none of whom have thrown a punch in anger since fifth grade , are advocating , planning , and warning us the SHTF ( look it up , but the last word is “ fan.
” ) Stuff ( not exactly the first word ) that used to be exclusive to preppers , FEMA teams , and guys with only a “ Joker was Right ” T-shirt outside in mid-February is now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There are a couple of versions .
Trump can win only by cheating , so if he wins then that is proof that he cheated and the election is unfair and he is also a witch .
Trump will lose the election ( apparently he isn ’ t good at cheating ) but refuse to cede power to Biden .
Or no one wins the election and Trump steals it using his coven of Supreme Court justices .
A final category are University of Google academics predicting civil war using the historical wrapping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or maybe Rome .
Paul Krugman of the NYT Nobel prepper team says there are “ substantial odds America as we know it will be damaged or even destroyed ” by the election .
He tells us to “ expect violence from Trump supporters , maybe lots of it , both to disrupt voting on Election Day and in the days that follow ” until Trump “ stops counting of absentee ballots , claims massive fraud , and probably tries to get the Supreme Court to overturn the result.
” Krugman ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bunker , Thomas Friedman , says America today reminds him of the Beirut at war with itself he covered as a cub reporter .
Over at The Nation , now largely serving as the antifa house journal , they skip the how-he-did-it and assume Trump simply remains in power .
The writer ’ s concern is that “ we have the moral high ground .
But we don ’ t have , frankly , the military leadership in place to direct a guerrilla campaign against an illegitimate regime .
We don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We don ’ t have international allies .
We don ’ t have an underground network of spies and saboteurs .
.
.
but we can lay our bodies down in front of the tanks.
” Any hope for the rule of law ?
Nope .
“ The Supreme Court too is , fundamentally , an antidemocratic institution run by people who are not subject to the popular will of our diverse society.
” I ’ m aware that believing you are the only sane person in the room is a sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the way things feel .
People from op-ed writers to Candidate Biden ( who believes Trump will not voluntarily leave office ) are predicting or calling for revolution , coups , looming dictatorships , right up to actual civil war .
Almost no one seems to think we are capable of just having an election .
It is the predictable end of four years of TDS , with the looming next crisis always having to top the previous false one .
First , the irony .
It was the Democrats who refused to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from self-delusion to claiming the Electoral College didn ’ t count to calling for recounts to writing the equivalent of Federalist Papers fan-fiction trying to make up some alternate scenario where Trump lost .
After all that failed , they quickly pivoted to tricks to throw Trump out running the gamut from empty Emoluments Clause lawsuits to delegitimization-via-Russiagate to demands to invoke the 25th Amendment ( for increasingly bizarre non-reasons ) to outright impeachment .
There were mini-versions of the same with Democrat Andrew Gillum in Florida and everyone ’ s sweetheart Stacey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made them losers .
Never mind Dems want to pack the Supreme Court , eliminate the Electoral College , and add new statelets in the ultimate act of gerrymandering .
Dems hate the 1A and 2A .
So in terms of not respecting the democratic process , it is the Democrats who bring the gusto .
The reality is , there is no rational basis to expect Trump to act unconstitutionally .
Sadly , people already delusional with a horrible track record of predicting events ( that war with North Korea start yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or just made things up .
One example—Trump calling for poll watchers morphed within minutes into him ordering militia groups to disrupt voting .
It is also pretty hard to steal an election .
Most dictators do so by not having them , or allowing only themselves on the ballot .
The intense presidential campaign now in its final stages is proof enough democracy is quite alive .
If Trump wanted to be dictator , why wouldn ’ t he just order his robot army into the field today to locate and burn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : elections are run on the hyper-local level , with yokels in small towns in charge and the Feds nowhere to be seen ( a reason why the Dems ’ vote absentee strategy is a dumb idea , the system never works well . )
Under a statute on the books since 1948 , anyone who places “ any [ federal ] troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held ” faces prison .
Anything Trump demands along those lines would be an unlawful order troops @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenges are a part of the system ( yet another reason the vote-absentee strategy is a dumb idea ) and there are long-standing procedures to resolve differences .
More potentially manipulable things like whether to count ballots mailed before but received after Election Day are being resolved in pre-election litigation at the state level .
Attorney General Barr can play no role and is not .
Court challenges have actually made it easier for more people to vote early and by mail than ever before .
It is childishly simple to say “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much harder to detail how tens of thousands of people across 50 states would have to break the law in concert to make it even begin to happen .
The idea of Trump refusing to leave office is silly .
Sitting in the Oval Office does not make you president .
Having people act on your orders makes you president , so just unplug his phones and he commands nothing .
Invalidating the nuclear codes in the Football would likely be enough to shut everyone up .
Any further problem could be solved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the military , the Left has signaled multiple times over the last four years that they ’ d be OK with some sort of coup , and in each instance the military explicitly stated No , thanks .
This ain ’ t Bolivia , folks .
As for people throwing themselves under tank tracks , or right-wing militias battling the Secret Service to keep Trump in office , get a grip .
All the macho talk misses one point : very few people are willing to die because of Trump .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rough with the cops into , whatever , the Russian Revolution , but Americans aren ’ t starving .
Those antifa rioters all went home to apartments with Netflix .
No secret police kicked down their door .
A night in jail where they secretly know no real harm will come to them ?
Sure , street cred .
But charge a machine gun ?
Please , these people are so worried about dying they wear masks in their Priuses on the way to buy gluten-free muffins .
The FBI was inside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Army-man cosplay is fun for the Proud Boys , but the reason they are strutting around here is that they don ’ t really want to stand a post in Afghanistan and risk getting killed .
Sure , incidents will occur .
After all , we are Americans , hateful , savage , and armed to the teeth .
But a revolution requires people desperate enough today that dying tonight seems reasonable .
Too many journalists writing this trash still have a Che T-shirt from the undergrad years .
Far too many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s it for America , and most of the unbelievers who comment here will wash up in Q-Anon reeducation camps .
I happen to know that , while the guard jobs will be outsourced to North Korea ( what do you think Trump and Kim talked about ? )
the actual camp management will be done by vetted young Americans via a revamped Teach for America program .
For each person who leaves a comment below on this article , I will personally intervene on their behalf to see they get an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Ma Pence ’ s own recipe .
So humor doesn ’ t help either ?
I tried straight talk , I ’ ve tried facts , so how about shame ?
A few months from now , when none of this has happened , perhaps the people who have been abysmally wrong for four years will feel some shame for making peoples ’ lives darker and feel more fragile than they needed to be .
Those who ruined lives , jobs , and educations with politically motivated lockdowns , maybe one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek some sort of moral or intellectual redemption .
Peter Van Buren , a 24-year State Department veteran , is the author of We Meant Well : How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People , Hooper ’ s War : A Novel of WWII Japan , and Ghosts of Tom Joad : A Story of the 99 Percent .

You say you want a revolution? Or a coup, or an overthrow, les barricades? Apparently so. Journalists, politicians, and academics, none of whom have thrown a punch in anger since fifth grade, are advocating, planning, and warning us the SHTF (look it up, but the last word is “fan.”) Stuff (not exactly the first word) that used to be exclusive to preppers, FEMA teams, and guys with only a “Joker was Right” T-shirt outside in mid-February is now openly spoken of across the country.
There are a couple of versions. Trump can win only by cheating, so if he wins then that is proof that he cheated and the election is unfair and he is also a witch. Trump will lose the election (apparently he isn’t good at cheating) but refuse to cede power to Biden. Or no one wins the election and Trump steals it using his coven of Supreme Court justices. A final category are University of Google academics predicting civil war using the historical wrapping paper of Weimar (the favorite), or maybe Rome.
Paul Krugman of the NYT Nobel prepper team says there are “substantial odds America as we know it will be damaged or even destroyed” by the election. He tells us to “expect violence from Trump supporters, maybe lots of it, both to disrupt voting on Election Day and in the days that follow” until Trump “stops counting of absentee ballots, claims massive fraud, and probably tries to get the Supreme Court to overturn the result.” Krugman’s battle buddy in the Times’ bunker, Thomas Friedman, says America today reminds him of the Beirut at war with itself he covered as a cub reporter.
Over at The Nation, now largely serving as the antifa house journal, they skip the how-he-did-it and assume Trump simply remains in power. The writer’s concern is that “we have the moral high ground. But we don’t have, frankly, the military leadership in place to direct a guerrilla campaign against an illegitimate regime. We don’t have a government-in-exile waiting to take power. We don’t have international allies. We don’t have an underground network of spies and saboteurs. . . but we can lay our bodies down in front of the tanks.” Any hope for the rule of law? Nope. “The Supreme Court too is, fundamentally, an antidemocratic institution run by people who are not subject to the popular will of our diverse society.”
America, take a deep breath.
I’m aware that believing you are the only sane person in the room is a sign of mental illness, but that is the way things feel. People from op-ed writers to Candidate Biden (who believes Trump will not voluntarily leave office) are predicting or calling for revolution, coups, looming dictatorships, right up to actual civil war. Almost no one seems to think we are capable of just having an election. It is the predictable end of four years of TDS, with the looming next crisis always having to top the previous false one.
First, the irony. It was the Democrats who refused to accept the 2016 election, trying everything from self-delusion to claiming the Electoral College didn’t count to calling for recounts to writing the equivalent of Federalist Papers fan-fiction trying to make up some alternate scenario where Trump lost. After all that failed, they quickly pivoted to tricks to throw Trump out running the gamut from empty Emoluments Clause lawsuits to delegitimization-via-Russiagate to demands to invoke the 25th Amendment (for increasingly bizarre non-reasons) to outright impeachment.
There were mini-versions of the same with Democrat Andrew Gillum in Florida and everyone’s sweetheart Stacey Abrams not accepting the election results that made them losers. Never mind Dems want to pack the Supreme Court, eliminate the Electoral College, and add new statelets in the ultimate act of gerrymandering. Dems hate the 1A and 2A. So in terms of not respecting the democratic process, it is the Democrats who bring the gusto.
The reality is, there is no rational basis to expect Trump to act unconstitutionally. Sadly, people already delusional with a horrible track record of predicting events (that war with North Korea start yet?) have misinterpreted, exaggerated, or just made things up. One example—Trump calling for poll watchers morphed within minutes into him ordering militia groups to disrupt voting.
It is also pretty hard to steal an election. Most dictators do so by not having them, or allowing only themselves on the ballot. The intense presidential campaign now in its final stages is proof enough democracy is quite alive. If Trump wanted to be dictator, why wouldn’t he just order his robot army into the field today to locate and burn down the Reichstag?
And guess what: elections are run on the hyper-local level, with yokels in small towns in charge and the Feds nowhere to be seen (a reason why the Dems’ vote absentee strategy is a dumb idea, the system never works well.) Under a statute on the books since 1948, anyone who places “any [federal] troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held” faces prison. Anything Trump demands along those lines would be an unlawful order troops would be required to refuse.
Ballot challenges are a part of the system (yet another reason the vote-absentee strategy is a dumb idea) and there are long-standing procedures to resolve differences. More potentially manipulable things like whether to count ballots mailed before but received after Election Day are being resolved in pre-election litigation at the state level. Attorney General Barr can play no role and is not. Court challenges have actually made it easier for more people to vote early and by mail than ever before. It is childishly simple to say “Trump will declare martial law,” much harder to detail how tens of thousands of people across 50 states would have to break the law in concert to make it even begin to happen.
The idea of Trump refusing to leave office is silly. Sitting in the Oval Office does not make you president. Having people act on your orders makes you president, so just unplug his phones and he commands nothing. Invalidating the nuclear codes in the Football would likely be enough to shut everyone up. Any further problem could be solved by a decent nightclub bouncer. As for the military, the Left has signaled multiple times over the last four years that they’d be OK with some sort of coup, and in each instance the military explicitly stated No, thanks. This ain’t Bolivia, folks.
As for people throwing themselves under tank tracks, or right-wing militias battling the Secret Service to keep Trump in office, get a grip. All the macho talk misses one point: very few people are willing to die because of Trump. It seems easy to extrapolate some rioters playing rough with the cops into, whatever, the Russian Revolution, but Americans aren’t starving. Those antifa rioters all went home to apartments with Netflix. No secret police kicked down their door. A night in jail where they secretly know no real harm will come to them? Sure, street cred. But charge a machine gun? Please, these people are so worried about dying they wear masks in their Priuses on the way to buy gluten-free muffins.
The FBI was inside the right-wing militia scheme in Michigan for months. Army-man cosplay is fun for the Proud Boys, but the reason they are strutting around here is that they don’t really want to stand a post in Afghanistan and risk getting killed. Sure, incidents will occur. After all, we are Americans, hateful, savage, and armed to the teeth. But a revolution requires people desperate enough today that dying tonight seems reasonable. Too many journalists writing this trash still have a Che T-shirt from the undergrad years.
Far too many believe that if Trump succeeds, that’s it for America, and most of the unbelievers who comment here will wash up in Q-Anon reeducation camps. I happen to know that, while the guard jobs will be outsourced to North Korea (what do you think Trump and Kim talked about?) the actual camp management will be done by vetted young Americans via a revamped Teach for America program. For each person who leaves a comment below on this article, I will personally intervene on their behalf to see they get an extra ration of MAGA Gruel, made with Ma Pence’s own recipe.
So humor doesn’t help either? I tried straight talk, I’ve tried facts, so how about shame? A few months from now, when none of this has happened, perhaps the people who have been abysmally wrong for four years will feel some shame for making peoples’ lives darker and feel more fragile than they needed to be. Those who ruined lives, jobs, and educations with politically motivated lockdowns, maybe one of them for a moment will reflect and seek some sort of moral or intellectual redemption.
Yeah, right.
Peter Van Buren, a 24-year State Department veteran, is the author of We Meant Well: How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People, Hooper’s War: A Novel of WWII Japan, and Ghosts of Tom Joad: A Story of the 99 Percent.


theamericanconservative--2020-10-27--The Populist Radio Host Who Really Was Trump Before Trump

Talk Radio host Bob Grant at the console for his show at WOR radio .
( Photo By : Misha Erwitt/NY Daily News via Getty Images ) Somewhere in New Jersey , on the border of Trenton and Hamilton , just a few miles from where critical battles during the Revolutionary War were fought , just a block down from a German restaurant , nestled inside a blue-collar neighborhood of police officers , firefighters , and war veterans , was a barbershop right out of central casting .
It was here that I was introduced to the strong voice of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conservative Talk Radio.
” He was the only alternative many of us had to the Star Ledger , the Trenton Times , the Philadelphia Inquirer , the New York Times , and other left-leaning media organs .
There ’ s not much left of that world , the one before the internet gave conservatives a voice , which is why the memories of that barbershop linger .
The center of attention there was “ Angelo , ” the kindly , short , stocky , sharp-witted Italian barber .
Angelo cut my father ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s father had cut my father ’ s father ’ s hair .
I never knew my grandfather who came to this country from Mayo , Ireland , in search of opportunity and found it first in New York and later at the Trenton railroad .
I would sometimes hear Angelo and Dad talk about how proud he was to be an American and lament how hard it is now for anyone to immigrate legally from Ireland to America .
When I came home from college , that was when I got to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dad would call him .
Oftentimes he had Grant ’ s program on , heard live starting at three in the afternoon on WABC-AM radio .
I realize now that I was catching the tail end of a special moment in the life of the “ Greatest Generation ” —the one that served in World War II and lived through the Great Depression .
They never expected to live to see the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union .
Desert Storm was a bookend to that period @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cause .
I remember stopping in one day and hearing Grant unload on Senator Frank Lautenberg , a Democrat , who became New Jersey ’ s longest serving U.S. senator .
“ And let ’ s be heard !
” Grant would say .
“ Good afternoon everyone , the telephone lines are open , in a program dedicated to the free and open exchange of ideas and opinions .
And what is on your mind this afternoon ?
” It was Lautenberg who was on Grant ’ s mind this particular afternoon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rallies expressing support for the troops during Desert Storm .
Yet he ’ d also voted against providing the president with the authority he needed to apply the “ use of force ” against Saddam Hussein and his army .
I ’ m just going from memory with this quote , but it ’ s close : “ I understand Lautenberg , Frank Lousenberg , doesn ’ t like me reminding the public that he voted against authorizing the use of force in Desert Storm .
Well I ’ m going to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phony.
” Grant got under Lautenberg ’ s skin .
There was only one time he was in any serious danger of losing his seat and that was in 1994 when the Republicans won both houses of Congress .
Grant helped almost pull off an upset , but the radio host ran smack dab into the perpetual enemy of the conservative movement—polite , genteel , moderate Republicans who were unwilling to fight .
Angelo ’ s shop was prime Grant territory , in that it was an Old Right shop , if you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ R. The patrons were defined by their opposition to the New Deal , their affinity for the founding period of the United States , America ’ s heroic role in history , and a fervent belief in American exceptionalism .
On a Saturday , the usual drill was for Dad and his friends to linger after their haircuts and talk horseracing , sports , and , of course , politics .
There was one particular Saturday when the focus was on the perfidy of the United Nations and the heroism of General “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Army general who led coalition forces to victory in Desert Storm .
A Trenton native , Herbert Norman Schwarzkopf , a highly decorated veteran of the Vietnam War , oversaw the extensive air campaign followed by a 100-hour ground offensive that liberated Kuwait from Iraq .
At the time , the news media was expressing skepticism over the idea of an unambiguous American military victory while U.N. officials were working feverishly to block the U.S.-led ground campaign that ultimately routed Hussein ’ s army .
There are several conversations I recall , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In his favorite seat at the back of the shop was “ Shady , ” a retired Trenton police officer , World War II veteran , and a mountain of a man who I have to say looked a lot like Schwarzkopf .
Shady related to Grant because he too was concerned about “ mass immigration ” and uncontrolled borders .
But during this visit , he was most concerned with the “ transnationalists ” at the U.N. and was suspicious that some American politicians were complicit in efforts to subordinate the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Desert Storm , but wasn ’ t sure what Bush had meant by a “ New World Order.
” Apparently , Shade knew the Schwarzkopf family in some way .
He explained to me that Schwarzkopf ’ s father was the founding superintendent of the New Jersey State Police and had taken on a prominent role in the investigation into the 1932 kidnapping of the Lindberg baby .
There ’ s a lot of history packed into a small state .
Like I said , this was an Old Right barbershop .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ returned to what I think was his central focus—the need to unwind and reverse the changes to immigration policy that Senator Edward Kennedy and President Lyndon Johnson had set into motion .
Here ’ s one segment that was typical of Grant ’ s commentary : Anytime a caller with rough , uneven English protested Grant ’ s views on immigration , he ’ d ask , “ Hey , just where are you from , pal ?
!
!
” If they continued to protest , he ’ d do an impersonation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the house in that barbershop .
We all knew what was coming next : “ Get off my phone , you fake , you fraud , you phony !
!
” Grant was tough , entertaining , insightful , articulate , knowledgeable , patriotic , and incendiary .
He could be highly effective as a foil to the left in academia and the media .
At his best , he was a fearless truth teller who defied political correctness while opening up honest discussions on race relations eschewed by the mainstream press .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ made himself the issue with overheated rhetoric that was not helpful to the conservative cause .
Grant has been somewhat lost to history since he died in 2013 , but he is highly relevant to today ’ s politics and instructive to conservatives in the Age of Trump .
We can only imagine what Grant ’ s tweets would have been like .
He might even make Trump appear moderate and restrained by comparison .
Like Trump , Grant was an effective communicator who operated deep inside enemy territory and knew it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ their preferred mediums ( Grant on radio , Trump on Twitter ) also brought some baggage .
If you want to understand Trump , his brand of populism , and how he appeals to conservatives who may not be with him on every issue , then go back to Grant .
He was not optimistic about America ’ s future and made it clear to listeners that in his view , the 1965 Immigration Act would lead to a radical transformation of the country ’ s culture and institutions .
On Grant ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Ronald Reagan ’ s “ shining city on hill.
” He described America as a “ once great country.
” Is that too bleak ?
Consider today Grant ’ s home state of New Jersey .
There , Governor Phil Murphy and other top Democrats are pushing for illegal aliens to acquire driver ’ s licenses .
Murphy has also signed off on legislation that would allow for what his administration and its allies term “ undocumented immigrants ” to qualify for financial aid .
In many instances , illegal aliens already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , giving them a leg up on legal citizens who seek higher education in states other than their own .
Let ’ s also not forget that many Democrats sound serious about providing free health care for illegals while plotting to torpedo private insurance for citizens .
Meanwhile , New Jersey Senator Cory Booker , a former Democratic presidential candidate , was last seen escorting migrants from Mexico into El Paso , Texas , where they can process asylum claims .
Standing in opposition to permissive immigration policies that do not put “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has made an issue out of illegal immigration in a way that no other recent president has .
Like Grant , Trump has demonstrated a willingness to get down in the mud and fight elitists and globalists in both parties who are unwilling to protect America ’ s borders and to prioritize American sovereignty over international agreements forged at the U.N. With Americans now attuned to Grant ’ s prescient warnings about the dangers of mass immigration without assimilation and its impact on the rule of law and the nation ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ key voting blocs in 2016 is easy to understand .
Like Trump , Grant understood that elites in both major parties were unwilling to step up enforcement of existing immigration laws while failing to press ahead with necessary reforms .
Grant was an ardent supporter of California ’ s Proposition 187 , which prevented illegal aliens from receiving taxpayer-funded benefits .
Voters approved the measure in 1994 after it was championed by then-Republican governor Pete Wilson .
Grant was sharply critical of conservative stalwarts Jack Kemp , a former congressman , and William @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for opposing the law .
Kemp and Bennett argued that the economic benefits of immigration outweighed the costs .
Grant didn ’ t agree with their math and expressed enthusiasm for Wilson as a presidential candidate to take on Bill Clinton in 1996 .
Wilson ultimately ran into trouble with social conservatives in his party who felt some of his views were too permissive .
Wilson was , for instance , pro-choice on abortion .
But then again , so was Grant .
So what did it mean to be a conservative when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fame and popularity ?
He dominated the airwaves in the New York market beginning in the late 1970s and continuing through the 1980s and 1990s .
He was not exactly a Christian conservative and went so far as to express doubts about the second coming of Jesus Christ .
Grant also had some sympathy for the use of euthanasia in certain circumstances and he seemed open to some form of gun control .
But Grant was also an enemy of the left and consistently challenged the political establishment in his home state of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He was a proponent of constitutional limited government who celebrated the ideals of America ’ s founding .
Grant also had a keen appreciation for the dangers of judicial activism , a topic he discussed at length .
Conservatism is a much bigger church today than it was when Grant first became ascendant .
There are economic conservatives , cultural conservatives , Christian conservatives , libertarians , neocons , traditionalists , and subdivisions thereof .
But even in his time , Grant understood the necessity of finding common cause with average Americans who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were united in their opposition to runaway taxes , oversized government , and unaccountable bureaucracies .
In many ways , Grant was the ultimate fusionist who brought together seemingly disparate groups to achieve larger goals beyond single-issue concerns .
His approach hit a high water mark during the 1993 gubernatorial race in New Jersey .
Christine Todd Whitman , a former Somerset County Republican freeholder , was running to unseat Jim Florio , the incumbent Democratic governor .
The 1993 Florio-Whitman contest occurred on the outer fringes of the Gingrich Revolution that was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the first time in 40 years .
The New Jersey race was widely and correctly viewed as one with national ramifications and a bellwether for what might happen the following year .
James Carville , President Bill Clinton ’ s campaign operative , nicknamed the “ The Ragin ’ Cajun , ” came in to save Florio , and Ed Rollins , the former Reagan campaign manager , intervened for Whitman .
After forcing through a $ 2.8 billion tax hike , Florio had become extremely unpopular .
A grassroots movement known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) brought together a broad cross-section of state residents who felt victimized by the high costs imposed on them .
Grant amplified the scope and reach of the movement on radio .
Think of HANJ as a prototype for the Tea Party movement that emerged in 2010 .
Bumper stickers that read “ Florio Free in ‘ 93 ” were widely dispersed throughout the state .
But by the time 1993 came around , Florio had found a way to put Whitman on the defensive , attacking her as an out-of-touch elitist who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He also , remarkably , moved to her right on issues like welfare reform .
But Whitman found her footing after making repeated appearances on the Grant program where she reminded voters how costly and damaging Florio ’ s tax hikes had been .
She also embraced a Reagan-style tax cut package co-authored by businessman Steve Forbes and economist Larry Kudlow .
After trailing by double-digits in some polls , Whitman pulled off an upset victory on the back of her proposed tax cuts .
She also received more than a little help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerful media platform .
Fred Lucas , author of The Right Frequency , details in his book what happened next : “ It was not until Bob Grant ’ s show had a clear impact on political contests that Democrats and Democratic operatives decided to smear him.
” In 1994 , Lautenberg knew he was in trouble for the first and only time in his career .
He had been losing ground to Republican Assembly Speaker Garabed “ Chuck ” Haytaian .
Like Whitman , Haytaian had gained notoriety by calling into Grant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accused Grant of racism and seized upon what Lucas describes as “ insensitive comments , ” Whitman and Haytaian quickly turned on Grant .
Whitman joined in the criticism while Haytaian headed for the tall grass .
Lautenberg was able to put his opponent on defense and shift the public ’ s attention away from his voting record , which was not friendly to taxpayers .
He ultimately won re-election .
That ’ s the short version of what went down .
The lesson for today is that if you want to win @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about your opponent ’ s defects .
In 1993 , Grant made the election about Florio .
In 1994 , Lautenberg made the election about Grant .
Today , with a pandemic raging and issues of police brutality rising to the fore , there are plenty of avenues open to the Democratic nominee to make the Trump the issue in this year ’ s election .
The president could do a lot worse than to label the Democratic Party as a giant advocacy group for illegal aliens .
In fact , now would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revisit Grant ’ s commentaries on immigration policy and other issues where the radio host was ahead of his time .
Did Trump and Grant ever meet ?
Apparently , there ’ s a photo on the walls of the Reo Diner in Woodbridge , New Jersey , that says they did .
Grant , who was a resident of Woodbridge for a time , would occasionally broadcast from the diner .
He died on New Year ’ s Eve in 2013 at the age 84 .
But as one of his final @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump before anyone in the punditry took the real estate mogul seriously .
“ There is only one potential candidate who has demonstrated he is not afraid , ” Grant wrote in a commentary published in April 2011 .
“ And if you people are looking for someone different ; if you are looking for the right man at the right time , then you don ’ t have to look any further than the man who stands beside me in a photo on the wall at the Reo Diner Restaurant…Donald Trump !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was elected .
I think Dad and I went to get one of the last haircuts .
Just three years ago , our friend “ Shady , ” the Trenton police officer , passed away .
Dad is the last one left from that group .
Recently , we drove past Angelo ’ s old neighborhood .
Many of the homes had been redesigned with new facades .
The German restaurant , my old landmark , is gone .
I couldn ’ t even tell which one was once the barbershop .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pub , one that Dad has been going to for as long as I can remember .
He asked me why it ’ s so hard now for the Irish to immigrate legally into the U.S .
I reminded him of Grant , the conversations he ’ d had with Angelo , and the 1965 Immigration Act .
The rest of the ride was subdued and quiet .
Kevin Mooney is a journalist and investigative reporter for the Commonwealth Foundation in Harrisburg , Pennsylvania , and the Heritage Foundation in Washington , D.C @

Somewhere in New Jersey, on the border of Trenton and Hamilton, just a few miles from where critical battles during the Revolutionary War were fought, just a block down from a German restaurant, nestled inside a blue-collar neighborhood of police officers, firefighters, and war veterans, was a barbershop right out of central casting.
It was here that I was introduced to the strong voice of Bob Grant, “the King of Conservative Talk Radio.” He was the only alternative many of us had to the Star Ledger, the Trenton Times, the Philadelphia Inquirer, the New York Times, and other left-leaning media organs. There’s not much left of that world, the one before the internet gave conservatives a voice, which is why the memories of that barbershop linger.
The center of attention there was “Angelo,” the kindly, short, stocky, sharp-witted Italian barber. Angelo cut my father’s hair, just as Angelo’s father had cut my father’s father’s hair. I never knew my grandfather who came to this country from Mayo, Ireland, in search of opportunity and found it first in New York and later at the Trenton railroad. I would sometimes hear Angelo and Dad talk about how proud he was to be an American and lament how hard it is now for anyone to immigrate legally from Ireland to America.
When I came home from college, that was when I got to know “old Ang,” as Dad would call him. Oftentimes he had Grant’s program on, heard live starting at three in the afternoon on WABC-AM radio. I realize now that I was catching the tail end of a special moment in the life of the “Greatest Generation”—the one that served in World War II and lived through the Great Depression. They never expected to live to see the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Desert Storm was a bookend to that period and Grant lent his voice to the cause. I remember stopping in one day and hearing Grant unload on Senator Frank Lautenberg, a Democrat, who became New Jersey’s longest serving U.S. senator.
“And let’s be heard!” Grant would say. “Good afternoon everyone, the telephone lines are open, in a program dedicated to the free and open exchange of ideas and opinions. And what is on your mind this afternoon?”
It was Lautenberg who was on Grant’s mind this particular afternoon. Lautenberg had been showing up at rallies expressing support for the troops during Desert Storm. Yet he’d also voted against providing the president with the authority he needed to apply the “use of force” against Saddam Hussein and his army.
I’m just going from memory with this quote, but it’s close: “I understand Lautenberg, Frank Lousenberg, doesn’t like me reminding the public that he voted against authorizing the use of force in Desert Storm. Well I’m going to keep on reminding them, Lousenberg, you phony.”
Grant got under Lautenberg’s skin. There was only one time he was in any serious danger of losing his seat and that was in 1994 when the Republicans won both houses of Congress. Grant helped almost pull off an upset, but the radio host ran smack dab into the perpetual enemy of the conservative movement—polite, genteel, moderate Republicans who were unwilling to fight.
♦♦♦
Angelo’s shop was prime Grant territory, in that it was an Old Right shop, if you follow me. Capital O and Capital R. The patrons were defined by their opposition to the New Deal, their affinity for the founding period of the United States, America’s heroic role in history, and a fervent belief in American exceptionalism.
On a Saturday, the usual drill was for Dad and his friends to linger after their haircuts and talk horseracing, sports, and, of course, politics. There was one particular Saturday when the focus was on the perfidy of the United Nations and the heroism of General “Stormin Norman” Schwarzkopf, the U.S. Army general who led coalition forces to victory in Desert Storm. A Trenton native, Herbert Norman Schwarzkopf, a highly decorated veteran of the Vietnam War, oversaw the extensive air campaign followed by a 100-hour ground offensive that liberated Kuwait from Iraq.
At the time, the news media was expressing skepticism over the idea of an unambiguous American military victory while U.N. officials were working feverishly to block the U.S.-led ground campaign that ultimately routed Hussein’s army. There are several conversations I recall, but I’ll just pick one.
In his favorite seat at the back of the shop was “Shady,” a retired Trenton police officer, World War II veteran, and a mountain of a man who I have to say looked a lot like Schwarzkopf. Shady related to Grant because he too was concerned about “mass immigration” and uncontrolled borders. But during this visit, he was most concerned with the “transnationalists” at the U.N. and was suspicious that some American politicians were complicit in efforts to subordinate the U.S. Constitution to U.N. charters. He supported Desert Storm, but wasn’t sure what Bush had meant by a “New World Order.”
Apparently, Shade knew the Schwarzkopf family in some way. He explained to me that Schwarzkopf’s father was the founding superintendent of the New Jersey State Police and had taken on a prominent role in the investigation into the 1932 kidnapping of the Lindberg baby. There’s a lot of history packed into a small state.
Like I said, this was an Old Right barbershop.
♦♦♦
After Desert Storm came and went, Grant returned to what I think was his central focus—the need to unwind and reverse the changes to immigration policy that Senator Edward Kennedy and President Lyndon Johnson had set into motion.
Here’s one segment that was typical of Grant’s commentary:
Do you know that the Immigration and Naturalization Reform Act of 1965, which was signed in the shadow of the Statue of Liberty by then President Lyndon Baines Johnson, our 36th president standing there with Hubert Humphry smiling, standing there with Teddy Kennedy smiling, Bobby Kennedy smiling? But I looked up at the face of the lady holding the lamp and I don’t think she was smiling. Do you know why? That Act changed America forever because it said henceforth only 15 percent of our legal immigrants will be allowed to come from Europe. The other 85 percent shall be dispersed from Asia, Africa, and South and Central America. And that’s what it is, folks. Teddy Kennedy said not to worry, this is not going to change, no pun intended, the complexion of America. I leave it to you. Did it?
Anytime a caller with rough, uneven English protested Grant’s views on immigration, he’d ask, “Hey, just where are you from, pal?!!” If they continued to protest, he’d do an impersonation of the caller that could bring down the house in that barbershop. We all knew what was coming next: “Get off my phone, you fake, you fraud, you phony!!”
Grant was tough, entertaining, insightful, articulate, knowledgeable, patriotic, and incendiary. He could be highly effective as a foil to the left in academia and the media. At his best, he was a fearless truth teller who defied political correctness while opening up honest discussions on race relations eschewed by the mainstream press. In his most undisciplined moments, he made himself the issue with overheated rhetoric that was not helpful to the conservative cause.
♦♦♦
Grant has been somewhat lost to history since he died in 2013, but he is highly relevant to today’s politics and instructive to conservatives in the Age of Trump. We can only imagine what Grant’s tweets would have been like. He might even make Trump appear moderate and restrained by comparison.
Like Trump, Grant was an effective communicator who operated deep inside enemy territory and knew it. But what made both men effective in their preferred mediums (Grant on radio, Trump on Twitter) also brought some baggage.
If you want to understand Trump, his brand of populism, and how he appeals to conservatives who may not be with him on every issue, then go back to Grant. He was not optimistic about America’s future and made it clear to listeners that in his view, the 1965 Immigration Act would lead to a radical transformation of the country’s culture and institutions. On Grant’s broadcast, there was no talk of Ronald Reagan’s “shining city on hill.” He described America as a “once great country.”
Is that too bleak? Consider today Grant’s home state of New Jersey. There, Governor Phil Murphy and other top Democrats are pushing for illegal aliens to acquire driver’s licenses. Murphy has also signed off on legislation that would allow for what his administration and its allies term “undocumented immigrants” to qualify for financial aid.
In many instances, illegal aliens already receive in-state tuition at colleges and universities, giving them a leg up on legal citizens who seek higher education in states other than their own. Let’s also not forget that many Democrats sound serious about providing free health care for illegals while plotting to torpedo private insurance for citizens.
Meanwhile, New Jersey Senator Cory Booker, a former Democratic presidential candidate, was last seen escorting migrants from Mexico into El Paso, Texas, where they can process asylum claims.
Standing in opposition to permissive immigration policies that do not put “America first” is President Donald Trump who has made an issue out of illegal immigration in a way that no other recent president has. Like Grant, Trump has demonstrated a willingness to get down in the mud and fight elitists and globalists in both parties who are unwilling to protect America’s borders and to prioritize American sovereignty over international agreements forged at the U.N.
♦♦♦
With Americans now attuned to Grant’s prescient warnings about the dangers of mass immigration without assimilation and its impact on the rule of law and the nation’s finances, Trump’s appeal to key voting blocs in 2016 is easy to understand. Like Trump, Grant understood that elites in both major parties were unwilling to step up enforcement of existing immigration laws while failing to press ahead with necessary reforms.
Grant was an ardent supporter of California’s Proposition 187, which prevented illegal aliens from receiving taxpayer-funded benefits. Voters approved the measure in 1994 after it was championed by then-Republican governor Pete Wilson. Grant was sharply critical of conservative stalwarts Jack Kemp, a former congressman, and William Bennett, a former education secretary, for opposing the law. Kemp and Bennett argued that the economic benefits of immigration outweighed the costs. Grant didn’t agree with their math and expressed enthusiasm for Wilson as a presidential candidate to take on Bill Clinton in 1996. Wilson ultimately ran into trouble with social conservatives in his party who felt some of his views were too permissive. Wilson was, for instance, pro-choice on abortion. But then again, so was Grant.
So what did it mean to be a conservative when Grant was at the peak of his fame and popularity? He dominated the airwaves in the New York market beginning in the late 1970s and continuing through the 1980s and 1990s. He was not exactly a Christian conservative and went so far as to express doubts about the second coming of Jesus Christ. Grant also had some sympathy for the use of euthanasia in certain circumstances and he seemed open to some form of gun control. But Grant was also an enemy of the left and consistently challenged the political establishment in his home state of New Jersey and in New York. He was a proponent of constitutional limited government who celebrated the ideals of America’s founding. Grant also had a keen appreciation for the dangers of judicial activism, a topic he discussed at length.
Conservatism is a much bigger church today than it was when Grant first became ascendant. There are economic conservatives, cultural conservatives, Christian conservatives, libertarians, neocons, traditionalists, and subdivisions thereof. But even in his time, Grant understood the necessity of finding common cause with average Americans who might have differed on cultural questions but were united in their opposition to runaway taxes, oversized government, and unaccountable bureaucracies. In many ways, Grant was the ultimate fusionist who brought together seemingly disparate groups to achieve larger goals beyond single-issue concerns.
His approach hit a high water mark during the 1993 gubernatorial race in New Jersey. Christine Todd Whitman, a former Somerset County Republican freeholder, was running to unseat Jim Florio, the incumbent Democratic governor. The 1993 Florio-Whitman contest occurred on the outer fringes of the Gingrich Revolution that was to deliver the House to the Republicans for the first time in 40 years. The New Jersey race was widely and correctly viewed as one with national ramifications and a bellwether for what might happen the following year. James Carville, President Bill Clinton’s campaign operative, nicknamed the “The Ragin’ Cajun,” came in to save Florio, and Ed Rollins, the former Reagan campaign manager, intervened for Whitman. After forcing through a $2.8 billion tax hike, Florio had become extremely unpopular.
A grassroots movement known as Hands Across New Jersey (HANJ) brought together a broad cross-section of state residents who felt victimized by the high costs imposed on them. Grant amplified the scope and reach of the movement on radio. Think of HANJ as a prototype for the Tea Party movement that emerged in 2010. Bumper stickers that read “Florio Free in ‘93” were widely dispersed throughout the state. But by the time 1993 came around, Florio had found a way to put Whitman on the defensive, attacking her as an out-of-touch elitist who could not relate to average people. He also, remarkably, moved to her right on issues like welfare reform.
But Whitman found her footing after making repeated appearances on the Grant program where she reminded voters how costly and damaging Florio’s tax hikes had been. She also embraced a Reagan-style tax cut package co-authored by businessman Steve Forbes and economist Larry Kudlow. After trailing by double-digits in some polls, Whitman pulled off an upset victory on the back of her proposed tax cuts. She also received more than a little help from Grant who provided her with a powerful media platform.
Fred Lucas, author of The Right Frequency, details in his book what happened next: “It was not until Bob Grant’s show had a clear impact on political contests that Democrats and Democratic operatives decided to smear him.” In 1994, Lautenberg knew he was in trouble for the first and only time in his career. He had been losing ground to Republican Assembly Speaker Garabed “Chuck” Haytaian. Like Whitman, Haytaian had gained notoriety by calling into Grant’s program. But when Lautenberg accused Grant of racism and seized upon what Lucas describes as “insensitive comments,” Whitman and Haytaian quickly turned on Grant. Whitman joined in the criticism while Haytaian headed for the tall grass.
Lautenberg was able to put his opponent on defense and shift the public’s attention away from his voting record, which was not friendly to taxpayers. He ultimately won re-election. That’s the short version of what went down. The lesson for today is that if you want to win a tough election, then make it about your opponent’s defects. In 1993, Grant made the election about Florio. In 1994, Lautenberg made the election about Grant.
♦♦♦
Today, with a pandemic raging and issues of police brutality rising to the fore, there are plenty of avenues open to the Democratic nominee to make the Trump the issue in this year’s election. The president could do a lot worse than to label the Democratic Party as a giant advocacy group for illegal aliens. In fact, now would be a great time for Trump to revisit Grant’s commentaries on immigration policy and other issues where the radio host was ahead of his time.
Did Trump and Grant ever meet?
Apparently, there’s a photo on the walls of the Reo Diner in Woodbridge, New Jersey, that says they did. Grant, who was a resident of Woodbridge for a time, would occasionally broadcast from the diner. He died on New Year’s Eve in 2013 at the age 84. But as one of his final acts, Grant anticipated an opening for Trump before anyone in the punditry took the real estate mogul seriously.
“There is only one potential candidate who has demonstrated he is not afraid,” Grant wrote in a commentary published in April 2011. “And if you people are looking for someone different; if you are looking for the right man at the right time, then you don’t have to look any further than the man who stands beside me in a photo on the wall at the Reo Diner Restaurant…Donald Trump!”
Angelo died shortly before Bill Clinton was elected. I think Dad and I went to get one of the last haircuts. Just three years ago, our friend “Shady,” the Trenton police officer, passed away. Dad is the last one left from that group. Recently, we drove past Angelo’s old neighborhood. Many of the homes had been redesigned with new facades. The German restaurant, my old landmark, is gone. I couldn’t even tell which one was once the barbershop.
We were on our way to an Irish pub, one that Dad has been going to for as long as I can remember. He asked me why it’s so hard now for the Irish to immigrate legally into the U.S. I reminded him of Grant, the conversations he’d had with Angelo, and the 1965 Immigration Act.
The rest of the ride was subdued and quiet.
Kevin Mooney is a journalist and investigative reporter for the Commonwealth Foundation in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and the Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C.


theamericanconservative--2020-10-28--Americans Can’t Get Enough Guns

Americans Can’t Get Enough Guns

Thanks to the civil unrest , chaos , and looming election that have defined 2020 , Americans are stocking up on guns at a record rate .
My local gun dealer ’ s website has a huge banner in the middle of the homepage that says , LIMITED INVENTORY—CALL AHEAD .
So , a few weeks ago , that ’ s what I did .
“ Hey , ” I said , “ Do you guys have any Remington 870s ?
” Back in March , fear that COVID-19 would bring down the American economy drove firearms sales through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) wanted to be sure that , should the United States devolve into a Mad Max-style warlord state , we could defend our canned beans and toilet paper—with lethal force , if necessary .
Riots following the death of George Floyd in May further drained the supply of pistols and rifles commonly used for self-defense .
Now , the 2020 election is just one week away , and most polls are predicting a comfortable Biden victory .
The former vice president has promised to confiscate “ assault weapons , ” which is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ semiautomatic guns .
That includes every rifle that fires more quickly than a blunderbuss and every pistol more advanced than a flintlock .
Since most Americans don ’ t fancy the idea of defending their homes with muskets , stockpiling continues to intensify .
One would assume that industry giants are on cloud nine , but not everyone is pleased .
Soaring demand has created an incredibly unstable market , and gun-makers have no idea how to respond .
A similar boom in demand during the 2016 cycle led to an immediate bust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , conservatives feared a President Hillary Clinton would enact new restrictions on firearm ownership .
Those industry giants hired a wash of new workers to meet demand but , when Donald Trump ( rather unexpectedly ) won the day , those companies were forced affect major layoffs as their stock values dropped precipitously .
So , maybe it ’ s not surprising that Winchester and Glock are wary of ramping up production .
Yet this shortage has been worsening for the better part of a year , and most pollsters predict a blowout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wave does hit on November 3rd , gun sales are only likely to increase .
So , does Sig Saur know something we don ’ t ?
Is there some internal poll circulating the offices of Big Gun that shows the President winning handily ?
Alas , probably not .
Alan Rice , a spokesman for Gun Owners of America , tells me that firearms sales have surged before every election dating back to at least 1988 .
True : the bump in 2016 election was extraordinary , even by election-year standards .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ steadily over past decades , and manufacturers were already struggling to keep up their supply in 2019 .
I also spoke about the deficit with Mark Olivia , public affairs director for the National Shooting Sports Foundation , the largest trade associations for firearms manufacturers in the country .
“ They ’ re working hard to keep up with this demand , ” Mr. Olivia assures us .
“ They ’ re adding third shifts .
And you need lead time to order raw materials .
Even if we returned to pre-COVID demand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to back stock inventory.
” Mr. Rice agrees .
“ I ’ ve been told that manufacturers are running at capacity , but raw materials are becoming difficult to source.
” As it happens , some friends and I were out hunting last weekend when we drove past the Ruger factory in Newport , New Hampshire .
I counted six huge banners along the road that said , “ We ’ re hiring !
” According to Glassdoor , that factory pays between $ 45,000 and $ 75,000 per annum .
The Ruger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life insurance and prescription drug coverage .
That ’ s nothing to spit at , especially here in the Granite State .
Like virtually every company in America , they ’ re probably having difficulty finding workers who are willing to show up on time and work hard .
Still , demand is going to keep growing .
Right now , America is living through the largest buyup of firearms in known history .
So far this year , the FBI has conducted over 15.4 million background checks on citizens looking to buy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American people are purchasing between 1.6 and 2.2 million guns every month .
For perspective , there were 15.7 million background checks in all of 2016 .
“ I ’ d bet my paycheck that we ’ re going to blow through that 2016 record , ” says Mr. Olivia .
No doubt .
I asked Mr. Olivia what ’ s causing the surge in demand ; he points to the civil unrest sparked by the death of George Floyd .
“ People became very concerned with their safety , ” he points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weren ’ t going to respond to every 9-1- 1 call because they don ’ t have the manpower.
” Mr. Rice feels the same way .
His organization , the Gun Owners of America—a smaller , more hardline version of the NRA—is seeing an explosion in membership .
“ We ’ ve seen the COVID pandemic cause police departments to say that responses to calls for service will be limited .
The riots in many cities have spurred many people who have never owned a firearm to purchase one .
People are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and more ammunition for self-defense.
” The Biden campaign certainly isn ’ t helping .
“ We have never seen a presidential candidate stand on the debate stage and threaten to confiscate weapons , ” says Mr. Oliva .
“ They ’ re not just coming after your individual rights .
They ’ re coming after the industry.
” “ I ’ ve been good for gun manufacturers , ” President Obama joked in 2016 .
His attempts to heavily restrict the ownership of firearms did indeed cause a surge in sales , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1994 .
But for gun owners , the the prospect of a Biden presidency is no laughing matter .
Gun Owners of America takes note of Mr. Biden ’ s promise to confiscate so-called assault weapons—though they don ’ t think it will be quite as easy as it sounds .
“ It ’ s doubtful that the people who are buying all these guns , magazines and ammunition are going to willingly surrender them to a Biden gun confiscation department run by Robert Frances ‘ Beto ’ O ’ Rourke , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the firearms industry , the Biden campaign ’ s rhetoric is personal .
“ They called us the enemy , ” Mr. Rice says .
“ Look , I spent 25 years in the Marines .
I served active duty in the Middle East .
And Joe Biden called me the enemy .
Our industry is full of veterans , and he called us the enemy .
We take him at his word.
” The Left might dismiss such talk as civil-warmongering , yet the fact remains that Americans love guns .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this country than there are private citizens .
Those firearms are distributed among 40 percent of American households , and that percentage is growing rapidly .
On this issue , at least , Mr. Biden is badly out of step with American voters .
According to Gallup , 56 percent of us want gun-ownership rights to be relaxed or stay the same .
That number , too , is growing .
And little wonder .
Admiral Yamamoto once said , “ You can not invade mainland United States .
There would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” He was right .
From Virginia ’ s yeoman farmers to the cowboys of Arizona , Americans have always prized self-reliance above all other virtues , and self-defense is integral to self-reliance .
Events of the last few months seem to be reawakening that spirit of “ rugged individualism ” in the hearts of our countrymen .
Not a moment too soon , either .
Guns make America great , and America makes great guns .
We just can ’ t get enough of them .

My local gun dealer’s website has a huge banner in the middle of the homepage that
says, LIMITED INVENTORY—CALL AHEAD. So, a few weeks ago, that’s what I did.
“Hey,” I said, “Do you guys have any Remington 870s?”
“Nope.”
“How about a Ruger SP101?”
“Nope.”
“Smith and Wesson M&P?”
He just laughed.
Back in March, fear that COVID-19 would bring down the American economy drove firearms sales through the roof. Our citizens (quite sensibly) wanted to be sure that, should the United States devolve into a Mad Max-style warlord state, we could defend our canned beans and toilet paper—with lethal force, if necessary. Riots following the death of George Floyd in May further drained the supply of pistols and rifles commonly used for self-defense.
Now, the 2020 election is just one week away, and most polls are predicting a comfortable Biden victory. The former vice president has promised to confiscate “assault weapons,” which is a scary-sounding name Democrats give to automatic and semiautomatic guns. That includes every rifle that fires more quickly than a blunderbuss and every pistol more advanced than a flintlock. Since most Americans don’t fancy the idea of defending their homes with muskets, stockpiling continues to intensify.
One would assume that industry giants are on cloud nine, but not everyone is pleased. Soaring demand has created an incredibly unstable market, and gun-makers have no idea how to respond. A similar boom in demand during the 2016 cycle led to an immediate bust after Election Day. Then, too, conservatives feared a President Hillary Clinton would enact new restrictions on firearm ownership. Those industry giants hired a wash of new workers to meet demand but, when Donald Trump (rather unexpectedly) won the day, those companies were forced affect major layoffs as their stock values dropped precipitously.
So, maybe it’s not surprising that Winchester and Glock are wary of ramping up production. Yet this shortage has been worsening for the better part of a year, and most pollsters predict a blowout for the Democrats. If the Blue Wave does hit on November 3rd, gun sales are only likely to increase. So, does Sig Saur know something we don’t? Is there some internal poll circulating the offices of Big Gun that shows the President winning handily?
***
Alas, probably not. Alan Rice, a spokesman for Gun Owners of America, tells me that firearms sales have surged before every election dating back to at least 1988. True: the bump in 2016 election was extraordinary, even by election-year standards. Yet demand for guns has been growing steadily over past decades, and manufacturers were already struggling to keep up their supply in 2019.
I also spoke about the deficit with Mark Olivia, public affairs director for the National Shooting Sports Foundation, the largest trade associations for firearms manufacturers in the country. “They’re working hard to keep up with this demand,” Mr. Olivia assures us. “They’re adding third shifts. And you need lead time to order raw materials. Even if we returned to pre-COVID demand tomorrow, it would take six months to back stock inventory.” Mr. Rice agrees. “I’ve been told that manufacturers are running at capacity, but raw materials are becoming difficult to source.”
As it happens, some friends and I were out hunting last weekend when we drove past the Ruger factory in Newport, New Hampshire. I counted six huge banners along the road that said, “We’re hiring!” According to Glassdoor, that factory pays between $45,000 and $75,000 per annum. The Ruger website also lists competitive benefits, including life insurance and prescription drug coverage. That’s nothing to spit at, especially here in the Granite State. Like virtually every company in America, they’re probably having difficulty finding workers who are willing to show up on time and work hard.
Still, demand is going to keep growing. Right now, America is living through the largest buyup of firearms in known history. So far this year, the FBI has conducted over 15.4 million background checks on citizens looking to buy a new gun. That means the American people are purchasing between 1.6 and 2.2 million guns every month. For perspective, there were 15.7 million background checks in all of 2016. “I’d bet my paycheck that we’re going to blow through that 2016 record,” says Mr. Olivia. No doubt.
I asked Mr. Olivia what’s causing the surge in demand; he points to the civil unrest sparked by the death of George Floyd. “People became very concerned with their safety,” he points out. “Police were saying they weren’t going to respond to every 9-1- 1 call because they don’t have the manpower.”
Mr. Rice feels the same way. His organization, the Gun Owners of America—a smaller, more hardline version of the NRA—is seeing an explosion in membership. “We’ve seen the COVID pandemic cause police departments to say that responses to calls for service will be limited. The riots in many cities have spurred many people who have never owned a firearm to purchase one. People are fearful, they are buying more guns and more ammunition for self-defense.” The Biden campaign certainly isn’t helping. “We have never seen a presidential candidate stand on the debate stage and threaten to confiscate weapons,” says Mr. Oliva. “They’re not just coming after your individual rights. They’re coming after the industry.”
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“I’ve been good for gun manufacturers,” President Obama joked in 2016. His attempts to heavily restrict the ownership of firearms did indeed cause a surge in sales, as did Bill Clinton’s in 1994.
But for gun owners, the the prospect of a Biden presidency is no laughing matter. Gun Owners of America takes note of Mr. Biden’s promise to confiscate so-called assault weapons—though they don’t think it will be quite as easy as it sounds. “It’s doubtful that the people who are buying all these guns, magazines and ammunition are going to willingly surrender them to a Biden gun confiscation department run by Robert Frances ‘Beto’ O’Rourke,” Mr. Rice notes.
For many in the firearms industry, the Biden campaign’s rhetoric is personal. “They called us the enemy,” Mr. Rice says. “Look, I spent 25 years in the Marines. I served active duty in the Middle East. And Joe Biden called me the enemy. Our industry is full of veterans, and he called us the enemy. We take him at his word.” The Left might dismiss such talk as civil-warmongering, yet the fact remains that Americans love guns. In fact, there are more privately-owned firearms in this country than there are private citizens. Those firearms are distributed among 40 percent of American households, and that percentage is growing rapidly. On this issue, at least, Mr. Biden is badly out of step with American voters. According to Gallup, 56 percent of us want gun-ownership rights to be relaxed or stay the same. That number, too, is growing.
And little wonder.
Admiral Yamamoto once said, “You cannot invade mainland United States. There would be a rifle behind each blade of grass.” He was right. From Virginia’s yeoman farmers to the cowboys of Arizona, Americans have always prized self-reliance above all other virtues, and self-defense is integral to self-reliance. Events of the last few months seem to be reawakening that spirit of “rugged individualism” in the hearts of our countrymen.
Not a moment too soon, either. Guns make America great, and America makes great guns. We just can’t get enough of them.